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ADVANCES IN SOCIOLOGY RESEARCH

ADVANCES IN SOCIOLOGY RESEARCH VOLUME 25

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ADVANCES IN SOCIOLOGY RESEARCH

ADVANCES IN SOCIOLOGY RESEARCH VOLUME 25

JARED A. JAWORSKI EDITOR


Copyright © 2018 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher. We have partnered with Copyright Clearance Center to make it easy for you to obtain permissions to reuse content from this publication. Simply navigate to this publication’s page on Nova’s website and locate the “Get Permission” button below the title description. This button is linked directly to the title’s permission page on copyright.com. Alternatively, you can visit copyright.com and search by title, ISBN, or ISSN. For further questions about using the service on copyright.com, please contact: Copyright Clearance Center Phone: +1-(978) 750-8400 Fax: +1-(978) 750-4470 E-mail: [email protected].

NOTICE TO THE READER The Publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this book, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained in this book. The Publisher shall not be liable for any special, consequential, or exemplary damages resulting, in whole or in part, from the readers’ use of, or reliance upon, this material. Any parts of this book based on government reports are so indicated and copyright is claimed for those parts to the extent applicable to compilations of such works. Independent verification should be sought for any data, advice or recommendations contained in this book. In addition, no responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property arising from any methods, products, instructions, ideas or otherwise contained in this publication. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information with regard to the subject matter covered herein. It is sold with the clear understanding that the Publisher is not engaged in rendering legal or any other professional services. If legal or any other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent person should be sought. FROM A DECLARATION OF PARTICIPANTS JOINTLY ADOPTED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND A COMMITTEE OF PUBLISHERS. Additional color graphics may be available in the e-book version of this book.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data ISBN: H%RRN ISSN: 1558-0385

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. † New York


CONTENTS Preface Chapter 1

Chapter 2

Chapter 3

Chapter 4

Chapter 5

vii Exploring the Meaning of Livestock Herding and the Resourcefulness of Social Literacy for Basotho Herders Selloane Pitikoe The Experience of Work Family Conflict: A Comparative Analysis Between Active and Supportive Parenting Stages Liat Kulik Youth Immigrants in the European Labour Markets: Facts and Figures Gönül Oğuz Insider/Outsider Status in Multicultural Qualitative Research: Two Authors’ Voices and Experiences Suzie S. Weng and Justin S. Lee African Americans, Fast Food, and the Birdcage of Oppression Jeannette M. Wade


1

43

75

105

129

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Contents

Chapter 6

Young Children in Family Therapy Ingeborg Stiefel

Chapter 7

Mobile Outpatient Clinic: Harm Reduction Strategies for Child and Adolescent Drug Users Leila de Oliveira Pinto

171

Sectors of Production in the European Union: An Empirical Estimation with a Special Focus on the Case of Greece under Crisis Kostas Rontos, Maria-Eleni Syrmali and Ioannis Vavouras

191

Chapter 8

Index

151

223


PREFACE Advances in Sociology Research. Volume 25 opens with a chapter underscoring the importance of this age-old cultural practice of herding in relation to Basotho males and its implications to the non-formal education (NFE) policy and practice. To do this, the authors present the findings of an interpretative study conducted on a snowball-sample of thirty out of an approximated population of 22 0000 Basotho herders aged between 18 and 45 years using the transect walk, interviews and photo-voice data collection techniques. Following this, a study is presented which examined differences in the work-family conflict between the active parenting stage and the supportive parenting stage. Practical suggestions for working parents and professionals are also provided. A third study explores possible trends, issues and problems that hinder the labour market integration of youth immigrants in the EU, suggesting solutions to improve the situation. The economic recession has hit immigrants hard in most EU member states, and youth immigrants are especially vulnerable to the effects of unstable economic cycles in the labour market. Later, the methodological and ethical strengths and challenges of conducting cross-cultural qualitative interviews are analyzed. The authors conducted interviews with racial and ethnic minorities in the United States; the researcher with insider status is Chinese American and conducted research with Asian community leaders, while the researcher with outsider status is European American and studied adults who


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were unaccompanied refugee minors of a variety of non-European racial backgrounds. Afterwards, the American obesity epidemic is examined, particularly the way federal and state level efforts to decrease fast food consumption have been ineffective among African Americans. This is a call for a specific sociological framework that can be used to better understand race-based disparities in obesity. The succeeding chapter presents a systemic model of working with families of preschool-age children, based on Narrative Therapy and Strategic Family Therapy. The model utilises a relaxed and playful approach which assisted with engagement of all family members. Multi-sensory communication is integrated with language-based intervention, at the appropriate developmental level for young children. The advantages of whole family work for the treatment of common childhood problems are described. Next, the authors study the consumption of drugs by homeless children and adolescents. A dysfunctional family structure and the absence of adult role models negatively impacts access to continued treatment. The book attempts to identify and evaluate the causes, effects and treatment options for youth drug users, and the efficacy of the Mobile Outpatient Clinic’s model to systematize and disseminate integrated healthcare strategies for children and adolescents. The final study aims to investigate possible shifts in economic activity due to the financial crisis that may contribute to the strengthening or weakening of productive sectors and, as a result, to the change of the economic map of Europe. The authors determine that appropriate state policies should be established, especially in countries affected by the crisis, such as Greece, in order to strengthen the competitiveness of their dynamic productive sectors. Chapter 1 - This chapter investigates the socio-cultural perception of livestock herding in Lesotho and its implications on Lesotho’s non-formal education (NFE) policy and practice. The social learning theories of Community of Practice (CoP) and Social Capital inform the analysis of the findings. A sample of 30 male adult herders aged between 18 and 45 years were snowballed out of an estimated herder population of 22 000 representing the lowlands, foothills and the highlands regions of Lesotho. Data collection employed the transect walk, interviews and photo voice techniques. It was discovered that for Basotho, herding served both the


Preface

ix

cultural and social interests of Basotho. For instance herding is firstly, a rite of passage to earn a social recognition of ‘real manhood’ and wealth. Secondly, herding is considered an alternative form of employment and a quicker way of accumulating personal livestock wealth, the perceptions which relegate education to a lower status to that of herding. Regardless of the generally lower levels of formal education among Basotho herders, there are a few herders who had graduated from high school and aspired for tertiary enrolment. The study also discovered a significant wealth of functional literacy and social skills which the herders had acquired through social literacy practices to compensate their limited schooling. Such skills included basic numeracy and literacy skills as well as animal earmarks that they used for livestock monitoring. Data suggests the need for Lesotho’s NFE policy and practice to i) establish a deeper understanding of Lesotho’s herding practice in order to deeply understand and appreciate herding lifestyle, ii) examine how and what Basotho herders learn through herding and iii) to explore the resourcefulness of social literacy practices in the development of herder directed curriculum and programs. The chapter also challenges Lesotho’s formal education to mainstream livestock management education in programmes targeting Basotho herders in order to enhance learner retention. Chapter 2 - The research examined differences in the work-family conflict (WFC) between two parenting stages: the active parenting stage (parenthood to children who are dependent on the parents and live at home, n = 306) and the supportive parenting stage (parenthood to grown children, where some or all have left home, n = 243). The WFC was tested through the relationship between determinants of the WFC as reflected in subjective and objective overload, the actual sense of the WFC and its outcomes as tested via the positive and negative affect. The research sample included 549 working parents in Israel (278 women and 271 men). The hours devoted by parents in the active parenting stage to housework are negatively related to the work interferes with family conflict (WIF), whereas the hours devoted to paid work are negatively related to the family interferes with work conflict (FIW). For parents in the supportive parenting stage, occupying more roles is related to a positive affect. The research findings indicate differences in


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the role conflict experience during the two parenting stages. Practical suggestions for working parents and for professionals are presented, based on the findings. Chapter 3 - The economic downturn has hit immigrants hard in almost immediately in most EU member states. This is of special concern for youth immigrants, who are vulnerable to the effects of unstable economic cycles in the labour market. Data from the European Commission (2009; 2011) and the OECD (2012) shows that the impact of the economic crisis on unemployment is more pronounced for migrants than for the native-born in the majority of the EU countries. Accordingly, the foreign-born unemployment rate increased by four percentage points between 2008 and 2011 compared with 2.5 points for the native-born and has only recently stabilized in some OECD countries. Immigrants tend to work in the most precarious sectors of national economies and therefore have been hardesthit by the downturn. More importantly, foreign-born persons were accounted for 9.4 per cent of the EU-27 population in 2010 and their socio-economic situation was less favourable than for native-born persons across the board. Young immigrants have also ended up in part-time and temporary employment more often than native-born youth. These recent trends have highlighted the need for sound policies to protect youth being as the most vulnerable. Helping young people to find and keep a job is even more important for low-skilled foreign-born youth, who suffer a combination of disadvantages. The purpose of this chapter is to explore possible trends, issues and problems that hinder the labour market integration of youth immigrants in the EU and to suggest some solutions about ways to improve situation. Chapter 4 - In this chapter, the authors focus on the methodological and ethical strengths and challenges of conducting cross-cultural qualitative interviews from an insider and outsider perspective. The authors conducted interviews with nondominant racial and ethnic individuals in the United States. The researcher with insider status is Chinese American and conducted research with Asian American community leaders, while the researcher with outsider status is European American and studied adults who were unaccompanied refugee minors of a variety of non-European racial and


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ethnic backgrounds. Insider status strengths include community members’ immediate trust of the researcher because she is also Asian American, willingness to participate in the research, and willingness to share with the researcher. Challenges, however, such as selection bias, assumptions about shared culture, and expectation of knowledge on the part of the Asian American community were observed. For the outsider perspective, benefits included that participants viewed the researcher as a clean slate and took care to explain their experiences as well as researchers’ distance and lack of familiarity with the participants’ experiences and subjective assumptions. Challenges from the outsider perspective included communication, both linguistic and cultural, power dynamics tied to distinct cultural values, and role confusion. The authors conclude that although both benefits and challenges exist, it is the ethical responsibility of the researcher to be aware of and to report the impact that insider/outsider status has on the process and outcomes of qualitative research. Chapter 5 - African-Americans are both the leading consumers of fastfood and the most obese race group in America. Irrespective of their socioeconomic status, African-American neighborhoods have more fast food restaurants than grocery stores. Medical sociologists are challenged to reveal the social structural mechanisms that continue to make fast food uniquely appealing to African-Americans. The author propose a sociological framework, adapted from Frye’s (1983) Birdcage of Oppression, consisting of five mechanisms that “encage” African Americans in matters of food consumption, namely: (1) Cultural Food Preference (2) Environmental Risk (3) Government Policy (4) Media Exposure and (5) Industry Practices. Because African American obesity rates are a public health concern, it is only reasonable then to understand how oppressive mechanisms work together to create and maintain health disparities. Moving forward researchers are urged to consider all five mechanisms in studies of racebased fast food consumption. Practical implications of this framework include new methods and messages to inform public health campaigns, approaches to police the industry, and health conscious ways to advertise fast food chains.


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Chapter 6 - This chapter presents a model of working with families of young pre- and primary school age children (age range 4 – 6). Techniques are based on Narrative and Strategic Family Therapy. Cognitive and language capacity, but also the child’s interest and attention span must be taken into consideration. A relaxed and playful approach assists with engagements, and multi-sensory communication (visual, action, movement, sounds, stories and externalisation techniques) are integrated with language based intervention. Questions and therapist responses need to be brief and at a concrete level. Narrative Therapy offers creative uniquely tailored strategies of engaging, assisting in capturing young children’s interest by developing themes and stories. These can be integrated with the family’s hoped-for change. Strategic Family Therapy tackles presenting problems by refining the issues that need to be addressed, focusing on one circumscribed problem. This can be extremely helpful to families who feel overwhelmed by numerous issues, unable to find a starting point out of the problem maze. Strategic Family Therapy also invites the therapist to utilize creative, spontaneous, unique and even unusual ideas, as long as they are ethically sound. In both models, the treatment approach develops as a joint venture where ideas may be suggested by the therapist, yet the family contributes actively, explores and selects what they think works best for them. Constant self-monitoring by the therapist and feedback from the family are necessary in guiding the therapist’s decision making at significant moments in the session. Family therapy as a technique and family therapy as an Art remains true when working with families where the young child is the referred family member. The chapter presents the advantages of whole family work for the treatment of common childhood problems. Chapter 7 - The consumption of drugs by homeless children and adolescents and/or subject to a range of biopsychosocial risks is a serious public health problem, considering the potential harm to which these young people are exposed. A dysfunctional family structure and the absence of adult role models, negatively impact access to continued treatment therapy. To improve this situation, a project called “Ambumóvel” proposed the creation of a Mobile Outpatient Clinic to develop preventive and therapeutic initiatives targeting people in this group and their family members. Project


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actions were carried out at four institutions, between March 2010 and January 2011, with the aim of establishing an integrated health, education and social support network by a multi-professional team. The Project also attempted to identify and evaluate the reasons, effects and treatment options for youth drug users, and the efficacy of the Mobile Outpatient Clinic’s model to systematize and disseminate integrated healthcare strategies for children and adolescents. Chapter 8 - The current study aims to investigate in a quantitative manner possible shifts in economic activity due to the financial crisis that may contribute to the strengthening or weakening of productive sectors and, as a result, to the change of the economic map of Europe. In this way, countries of Europe are analyzed that are specialized in dynamic sectors of economic activity and have a comparative advantage over the others. In addition, it emerges that financial crises may function as mechanisms of redistributing economic activities between countries and thus income and wealth. Therefore, it is proved that the importance of sectoral structure is related to the general socioeconomic conditions. Hence, the specialization of countries in dynamic sectors of economic activity that have a comparative advantage over the others is a multidimensional and dynamic process. Consequently, appropriate state policies should be shaped, especially in those countries affected by the crisis that have only a limited number of productive sectors in which they may dispose a competitive advantage, such is the case of Greece, in order to strengthen the competitiveness of their dynamic productive sectors after taking into consideration the composite character of the issues examined.



In: Advances in Sociology Research ISBN: 978-1-53613-464-3 Editor: Jared A. Jaworski © 2018 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

Chapter 1

EXPLORING THE MEANING OF LIVESTOCK HERDING AND THE RESOURCEFULNESS OF SOCIAL LITERACY FOR BASOTHO HERDERS Selloane Pitikoe*, PhD School of Education, University of Kwazulu Natal, Pinetown, South Africa

ABSTRACT This chapter investigates the socio-cultural perception of livestock herding in Lesotho and its implications on Lesotho’s non-formal education (NFE) policy and practice. The social learning theories of Community of Practice (CoP) and Social Capital inform the analysis of the findings. A sample of 30 male adult herders aged between 18 and 45 years were snowballed out of an estimated herder population of 22 000 representing the lowlands, foothills and the highlands regions of Lesotho. Data collection employed the transect walk, interviews and photo voice techniques. It was discovered that for Basotho, herding served both the cultural and social interests of Basotho. For instance herding is firstly, a *

Corresponding Author Email: [email protected].


2

Selloane Pitikoe rite of passage to earn a social recognition of ‘real manhood’ and wealth. Secondly, herding is considered an alternative form of employment and a quicker way of accumulating personal livestock wealth, the perceptions which relegate education to a lower status to that of herding. Regardless of the generally lower levels of formal education among Basotho herders, there are a few herders who had graduated from high school and aspired for tertiary enrolment. The study also discovered a significant wealth of functional literacy and social skills which the herders had acquired through social literacy practices to compensate their limited schooling. Such skills included basic numeracy and literacy skills as well as animal earmarks that they used for livestock monitoring. Data suggests the need for Lesotho’s NFE policy and practice to i) establish a deeper understanding of Lesotho’s herding practice in order to deeply understand and appreciate herding lifestyle, ii) examine how and what Basotho herders learn through herding and iii) to explore the resourcefulness of social literacy practices in the development of herder directed curriculum and programs. This chapter also challenges Lesotho’s formal education to mainstream livestock management education in programmes targeting Basotho herders in order to enhance learner retention.

Keywords: social literacy, herding, formal education, non-formal education, rite of passage

INTRODUCTION This chapter is partly informed by a larger study ta was conducted on adult male herders in Lesotho (one of the two Kingdoms of Southern Africa). Basotho (people of Lesotho) perceive herding from both the social and cultural stand. Socially, herding is as a rite of passage for Basotho males which prepares them for their future adult roles and responsibilities in order for them to fit into the wider Basotho society. Secondly, those males who have gone through herding earn themselves a social recognition as ‘tough men’ who can be entrusted with challenging social roles associated with manhood with the perception that herding has built their resilience. Those males who have not gone through herding are considered as ‘half-baked’ softies who cannot be fully entrusted with bigger and challenging social responsibilities hence labelled ‘sissyboys’. Therefore, young Basotho males


Exploring the Meaning of Livestock Herding …

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are initiated into herding from as young as three years under an informal guidance and induction by elders; at the expense of their education (Morojele, 2009, 2011a; Makoa & Zwilling, 2005). The economic perspective is that, herding is a source of livelihood that families can readily tap on when they become financially compromised. For instance, if poverty strikes in a family, a first-born male child becomes a first resort to assume his social role as a family provider regardless of age and level of education (Morojele, 2009, 2011a; Makoa & Zwilling, 2005; Pitikoe, 2016) For those male children who are not enrolled in any form of schooling, they are compelled to look for employment from wealthy livestock owners as herders (locally or in the neighbouring farms in South Africa) on a contractual basis for a minimum of twelve months. Upon a successful completion of a twelve months contract, each herder is remunerated with a live cow or twelve sheep (an equivalence of a live cow) to either convert it into cash through selling or rear to accrue personal livestock wealth. The higher the number and diversity of livestock qualifies such owner and family into an ‘elite’ social class that is able to pay for dowry slaughter animals for feasts or funerals with ease. As a result, such families are accorded an esteemed recognition on the priority list of suitors for marriage. Hence, a high influx of males into the herding fraternity, that results in alarming reports of child labour in Lesotho (The US Department of Labor, 2011; Ntho & Lesotho Council of NGOs, 2013).

Geographical Setting Lesotho is one of the two smallest Kingdoms of Southern Africa. There are four main geographical regions in Lesotho – highlands covering a bigger share of the pie (80%) of the total area; foothills, Senqu river valley and the lowlands). The highland region mainly caters for livestock rearing (Pitikoe 2016). However, the rugged highlands topography coupled with extreme weather conditions limit mobility and access to essential social services including health and education (particularly for Basotho herders). In 2005,


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Lesotho was rated among the countries with lowest urbanization level of 18.7% in Southern Africa (Maleleka, 2009). Economically, Lesotho completely depends on her sole neighbour, South Africa by virtue of Lesotho’s landlocked position. While Lesotho imports 80% of commodities from South Africa, the latter buys only a quarter of commodities produced in Lesotho. Nonetheless, Lesotho managed to forge regional partnerships which positioned the Kingdom in a better position to influence trade and monetary decisions such as the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), the Common Monetary Area (CMA) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) (GOL, 2012). Culturally, sex and masculinities inform the allocation of social roles and responsibilities based on the biological make-up of males and females. This has resulted in livestock care and ownership being a male domain in preparation for their future social roles of providers and protectors for their families (Pitikoe & Preece, 2016). These social roles and responsibilities together with the tender age at which males in Lesotho assume their herding career bear negative implications on their access to education (Morojele, 2009, 2011a; Makoa & Zwilling, 2005). As a result of this social discourse, Lesotho has higher reported statistics of female literacy than males (UNDP, 2016). This implies a need for NFE policy and practice reform in Lesotho that accommodates herders in the provision of equitable and accessible education provision.

POLICY ENVIRONMENT: GLOBAL AND NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES The international policy context has laid the foundation for the development of national policies that address the contextual needs of Basotho on poverty eradication and provision of universal and compulsory education. These are: Education For All (EFA); Millennium Development Goals (MDGs); New Partnership for Africa’s Development and the



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Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Since the inception of the EFA and MDGs which focused on poverty reduction and universal primary education by 2015, the SDGs highlight the need for an inclusive lifelong learning and sustainable livelihoods (Osborne, Cutter, & Ullah, 2015). This international context has paved way for more relevant learning provision for adults in recognition of the significant contribution of indigenous knowledge (IK) to lifelong learning. National policy documents identify a need for equal education access to all and a curriculum that extends beyond basic numeracy and literacy to promote entrepreneurial skills and environmental management, among others (GOL, 2000; Kingdom of Lesotho, 1993; Ministry of Education and Training [MOET], 2005). In 2005, Lesotho’s Education Act came into being as an enforcement mechanism that ensures that education provision was binding for all children from 2 years of age. However, the implementation process fell short due to lack of financial and material resources to support. As a result, Lesotho Education Act remains a non-functional legal document gathering dust somewhere in the Ministry’s offices which leaves a window of opportunity and flexibility for parents to choose whether or not to enroll their children to formal schooling. Additionally, there are two draft policy documents on NFE and Open and Distance Learning (MOET, 2008). However, the non-ratification of these documents limits allocation of funding from the national budget as well as political will to support Lesotho’s NFE implementation process. Therefore, NFE is relegated to a lower status than that of formal education. Lesotho’s education provision is under the directorship of the Ministry of Education and Training (MOET) whose mandate is to develop education policies and legal documents that support facilitate equal education access for all Basotho including the underserved and marginalised groups of society (MOET, 2005). In spite of being devalued, the lack of political will and limited financial support, NFE continues to be regarded a potentially suitable provision for Basotho herders and their lifestyle. This provision in Lesotho is offered through a Government sponsored agency, Lesotho Distance Teaching Centre (LDTC), and a non-governmental organisation Lesotho


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Association of Non-Formal Education (LANFE) majoring in literacy. Likewise, the herders’ curriculum covers basic literacy and numeracy and uses the same approach to that of national adult literacy programmes in Lesotho. While this provision is regarded as a potential resource that can accommodate Basotho herders’ educational ambitions and lifestyle, it is mainly donor funded, donor-driven and not contextualised to suit the local needs of Basotho herders. Additionally, the provision does not fully provides opportunities to move Basotho herders out of their marginalised position by providing them with entrepreneurial, income generation as well as small business management skills that would move them out of poverty. Also, not much is known regarding the herding lifestyle, herders’ educational ambitions and prior knowledge that could be mainstreamed within the NFE provision to address the herders’ needs. Therefore, there are reported high drop-out rates of enrolled herders because of the incompatibility of the programme and their job requirements (Makoa & Zwilling, 2005; Ratau, 1988). UNESCO (2012) identifies poverty as an impediment to education access, the notion which Lesotho is not an exception. The GOL (2012) highlights the state of poverty in Lesotho and the vulnerability of the rural communities to poverty. According to this report, those rural families that are mostly hard-hit by poverty include those headed by the elderly, widows, children, disabled adults and those with lower levels of formal schooling. In an effort to mitigate the escalation of poverty, Lesotho’s government introduced an old-age pension scheme for all citizens aged 70 years and above in 2005 (Croome & Mapetla, 2005). Despite these efforts by Lesotho’s government to eradicate poverty, the Kingdom consistently experiences a decline in the key development areas such as education, health and life expectancy as reported in the Human Development Index (HDI) statistics. For instance in 2001 Lesotho dropped from 120 out of 162 countries followed by another drop of 162 out of 187 countries in 2014. Subsequently, in 2015 another drop of 161 out of 188 countries was noted followed by the current ranking of 160 out of 188 countries in 2016 (UNDP 2014, 2015, 2016). This continued decline could be attributable to Lesotho’s continuing challenge to keep people in school since the introduction of Free



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Primary Education (FPE) in 2000 as well the political turmoil where the later controls the policies in accordance with the priorities of the ruling government’s executives (Humble & Dixon 2017). Humble and Dixon further posit that learners from impoverished families struggle to comprehend with learning, partly due to lack of parental support or limited access to resources that would facilitate access to education which later impacts on the learners’ morale and motivation. On the contrary, Dyer (2014) argues that, herders’ exclusion from education is less associated with poverty. Instead, it is a social construct that was inherited from the Colonialists who perceived herding as part of a backward and irrational culture. This notion resonates with Lesotho’s situation in that most male adults either dropped out of formal schooling or remained unschooled following their migration to South Africa’s mining industry in search of employment. In the process, they left behind female adults to take care of families. However, these females were not resilient enough to provide for their families which further escalated poverty in Lesotho. Herders are also ostracised in Basotho culture and given labels such as ‘black hip’ because of poor personal hygiene; ‘stupid and backward’ because of their low levels of schooling (Pitikoe & Preece, 2016). The chapter sets out to achieve three main objectives. Firstly, it seeks to understand the value attached to livestock in Basotho culture. Secondly, it examines the implications of herding on male education access. Thirdly, it explores the resourcefulness of social literacy approaches in teaching Basotho herders. In order to achieve these three objectives the outline of the chapter is as follows. Firstly, I present a brief background of herding from India and Africa. Secondly, I discuss the theoretical framework that guides the data analysis. This will be subsequently followed by the research design and methodology, findings and discussions and then the conclusion sections.

HERDING BACKGROUND: LITERATURE REVIEW I begin this section by defining a herdboy and a pastoralist. A herdboy refers to someone who looks after livestock in an open veld while a herder


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is responsible for looking after the animals (The Collins English Dictionary, 1994). Pastoralists on the other hand are livestock keepers living in remote and dry areas in search of pastures for their livestock (IFAD, 2008). In this chapter, I use the words herder or herders and pastoralists interchangeably. While in the past herding was generally a social responsibility for ‘boys’, lately due to an escalated unemployment in Lesotho, adult males have also ventured into herding in order to provide for their families. Additionally, there is also a significant steady rise of female herders due to the devastating effects of HIV and AIDS related deaths leaving behind orphans and widows to look after livestock. Nonetheless, there is a very thin line of demarcation regarding the roles and responsibilities of herders and pastoralists. The following section briefly reviews pastoralism in India, as outlined by Dyer (2014).

Herding Practice in India and Africa This section reviews the history of herding both in India and Africa. It focuses on the implications of herding on access to education provision in both continents. UNESCO (2010) emphasises a need for such education to empower marginalised groups (such as herders) as indicated under goal three of the Dakar Framework for Action. However, herders, nomadic herders and pastoralists continue to be marginalised from education access. In India for example, the adult pastoralists move along with their children and this migration results in the children losing access to education. When they return home, admission to schooling becomes difficult. Education is provided “through day [and] boarding schools” (Dyer, 2010:307) which raises a critical concern that the provision does not accommodate the needs and demands of the pastoralists. She further identifies the prevalence of discrimination among the Indian pastoralists that results from the general perception that labels pastoralists as being ‘backward’. Dyer also advocates for a rights-based lens to education provision that accommodates the needs



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of the marginalised groups of society such as pastoralists (herders in Lesotho’s context in order to eradicate the ‘othering’ of the herders. While herding seems to be a common practice both in India and in Africa, there is paucity on literature that document herding history. The study conducted by Dyer (2014) on herding in India identifies two groups of pastoralists - Rabaris and the Maldhari. In her writings Dyer defines pastoralists as: …livestock keepers who adopt varying patterns of mobility…. flexible and responsive to animal requirements… (2010: 267).

The implication here is that pastoralism is a long term and systematic process that follows a unique pattern of movement in search of pastures. Central to the movement is the wellbeing of livestock. According to Dyer (2010), while their lifestyle is nomadic in nature it also has some variations. For instance, some pastoralists exchange waste matter from their animals for soil improvement with crop residues for fodder with neighbouring communities (Dyer, 2014). In Africa, herding was mainly introduced for commercial reasons. The significant difference between herding in India and Africa is that the Indian pastoralists live a mobile lifestyle while African herders’ movement is temporary because in winter the herders come back home with the animals. Literature claims that in Africa, herding originated from North of Botswana through the Hottentots. There are different opinions on the first animals to be domesticated in Africa. Some scholars claim that sheep were the first livestock brought into Africa (Orton et al., 2013). Others argue that both sheep and goats were the first animals to be domesticated in Africa by populations from the East. As a result, the African and the Asian breeds went through a cross breeding process (Pleurdeau et al., 2012). Grillo (2014) links pottery closely to the arrival of livestock in Kenya because of the mobile nature of the pastoralists whereby livestock was used as transport for the raw materials for pottery as a secondary livelihood source during dry seasons. However, in countries such as Nigeria, Botswana and Lesotho, herding is semi-nomadic (Lawson et al., 2014) and a male responsibility that is learned


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informally from their elders (Ratau, 1988; Kalavar, Buzinde, Melubo, & Simon, 2014). However, in Tanzania and Kenya, families of livestock owners move as a whole from one place to another (Kalavar et al., 2014).

Herding in Africa In the African perspective, herding was introduced for commercial reasons. The significant difference between herding in India and Africa is that the Indian pastoralists live a mobile lifestyle while in Africa the movement is temporary because in winter the herders come back home with the animals. The literature on African herding explains that livestock herding originated from North of Botswana through the Hottentots. There are different opinions about how the first animals were domesticated in Africa. One opinion is that the sheep were the first livestock brought into Africa (Orton et al., 2013). Others suggest that both sheep and goats were the first animals that were domesticated in Africa by populations from the East which later led to the cross breeding of the African and the Asian breeds (Pleurdeau et al., 2012). Grillo (2014) links pottery closely to the arrival of livestock in Kenya where due to the mobile nature of the pastoralists, they used livestock to carry raw materials for pottery which served as a complimentary livelihood source for the mobile pastoralists during the dry seasons. However, in most African countries, such as Nigeria, Botswana, Tanzania, Kenya and Lesotho, the literature states that herding is semi-nomadic in search of pastures for the livestock (Lawson et al., 2014). For Africans, there are two main ways through which herding is practiced. For instance, in the cases of Kenyans, Tanzanians and Basotho, herding is the male responsibility which they are initiated into at an early age and whose practice is learned from the wisdom of the elderly (Ratau, 1988; Kalavar, Buzinde, Melubo, & Simon, 2014). In Tanzania and Kenya, the families move as a whole from one place to another (Kalavar et al., 2014), while in Botswana the practice is slightly different. The herding practices by the Nigerian nomads and the Maasai are different from that of the Batswana (Botswana citizens) and Basotho because the latter herders do



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not roam around in search of pastures. The following section presents nomadic herding in Nigeria.

Herding in Nigeria The Nigerian nomads are estimated at 9.3 million out of the total population. Their nomadic lifestyle involves moving along with their livestock in search of pastures (Aderinoye, Ojokheta, & Olojede, 2007). They also share the same sentiments with the Indian pastoralists regarding limited access to basic amenities including basic education because of their nomadic lifestyle. Literature argues that this access discourse has resulted in 0.28% literacy reports of nomads who have benefited from the formal education provision in Nigeria (Aderinoye et al., 2007). Herding in East Africa The Maasai are mainly found in Eastern African countries of Kenya and Tanzania. Some scholars established the herding challenges experienced by the Maasai (Seno & Tome, 2013; Schlee & Shongolo, 2014; Kalavar et al., 2014). One such challenge is the land tenure system that was introduced by the government which hammered on the protection of fauna and flora. The implication of this on herding was that the former pasturelands diminished extensively creating a dire need for a diverse farming approach. Another recurring challenge mentioned amongst the Maasai, in view of the remote nature of their nomadic life, is lack of access to social services such as education and health (Lawson et al., 2014). In response, Maasai converted IK into an income generation activity (IGA) which later became one of the most popular tourist attractions in Tanzania. The Tanzanian Maasai conduct their business from cultural bomas1 preserving some of the salient aspects of their personal lives, and partly sharing the non-sensitive cultural values with the tourists for IGA. Through this practice there came a paradigm shift regarding how recognition and respect was earned. While traditionally was earned based on age, the new change focused on one’s financial gains as a determinant for respect.

1

Bomas - pseudo Maasai villages simulating private dwellings for tourist attraction


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The shift indicates that in spite of their low levels of schooling, the Maasai are not intellectually bankrupt. In a study conducted by Hearn (2011) the findings revealed the Maasai’s intellect supersedes their limited education. In his study, Hearn collected data using the cameras which revealed that the Maasai accumulated a significant wealth of knowledge through interaction with their environment. Hearn taught the Maasai how to use the cameras to capture the issues that mattered most to their lives. He then uploaded the pictures onto a laptop and a communication that explained the importance of the picture to the Maasai, was added. Through this approach, he was able to better understand the importance of animals in the Maasai culture. Amazingly, the study discovered a high prevalence of deadly parasitic ticks, which the Maasai documented as harmful to their herds. When asked how they acquired the knowledge, Hearn realised that the knowledge was a generational inheritance. The Maasai also knew their herds and their ailments very well. The two important messages from this study were that, the Maasai attached more value to their cattle hence they were particular to the way they raised their herds under adverse climatic conditions; they also seemed to have adapted very well to modern circumstances and technologies (Hearn, 2011). Hearn’s methodology provided insights into my study bearing in mind the possibility of low formal education levels of Basotho herders. His findings evidenced that herding provided the Maasai with practical problem solving skills which triggered my research interest to find out the extent to which Basotho herders used similar forms of knowledge to cope with the adversity of the herding practice.

Herding in Botswana Traditionally, in Botswana the land tenure system including allocation of resources as well as land was under the authority of the chief. He compartmentalised the land based on the individual household or family needs and activities. Generally through this system, the land was divided “into three homes to accommodate the family’s activities … a village home, plough fields and the cattle post home” (Kubuitsile, 2012: 23). In 1968, the traditional system was replaced by the Tribal Land Act which placed the



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responsibility of allocating land into the hands of the Land Boards (Mosalagae & Mogotsi, 2013). Mosalagae and Mogotsi also argue on how the change impacted on livestock reproduction in that, it significantly reduced the number of off springs as compared to before 1968. These discussions highlight the value of livestock as an asset in Botswana’s context hence a need to rear livestock in large quantities. In Batswana culture, the number of livestock owned is equated to wealth, which makes it difficult for families to sell an animal even if their finances are compromised. The impact of the land tenure system on Batswana was also experienced in India, Kenya and Tanzania. The herding practices discussed above most closely relate to Lesotho with an exception of some notable differences.

Herding in Lesotho’s Context Livestock herding in Lesotho was first introduced by the Bushmen in the late Stone Age (Gill, 1993). In 1824 when King Moshoeshoe I, (founder of Basotho nation) arrived in Thaba Bosiu they discovered that the Bushmen had settled in the mountain of Qoaling, - a 5km radius from the current capital town of Lesotho (Ambrose, 1993). Ambrose further states how the King entrusted the Bushmen with some of his cattle as a strategy to reinforce stability among the Bushmen. However they migrated with his cattle to the Maloti Mountains of Lesotho without the King’s consent. Basotho men were further initiated into the herding practice by the Nguni immigrants from a very young age and the role has since been a generational inheritance from fathers to their sons. Contemporary Basotho men’s life continues to revolve around herding. Wells (1994:24) emphasises the significance of livestock for Basotho as part of a lifelong tradition: Life for men, revolved around cattle-herding ... The central place of the cattle kraal in [the village] indicates the economic and symbolic importance of cattle in [Basotho culture] …

In Lesotho, herders either commute on a daily basis from home to the veld or relocate temporarily from the village homes to the cattle posts where they may stay for some time (Makoa & Zwilling, 2005; Pitikoe, 2016). These cattle posts are divided into two categories - summer and winter cattle


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posts in order to accommodate the extreme highlands weather conditions. While the summer cattle posts are located in the mountains peaks because of fertile pastures, the winter cattle posts move closer to the villages for ease of access during heavy snowfalls. Lesotho also shares the same sentiments with the previously discussed countries on the implications of the nomadic nature of herding on male access to formal schooling (Mohasi, 2006). Alternatively, some herders have since resorted to the ‘alternate system’ as an opportunity to access basic education. Through this system, herders attend classes on alternate days in order to allocate their time and efforts to education. The system has its own challenges, such as inconsistent attendance coupled with lack of study time. The herders often perform poorly and most of them drop out of school (Ratau, 1988). The discussions on herding practices in India and Africa reveal some commonalities in terms of practice and value of livestock. One of the common overarching discourses is limited male access to education by the pastoralists/nomads/herders due to the nomadic nature of herding.

LITERACY: PEDAGOGIES AND SOCIAL PERSPECTIVES This chapter addresses literacies through a diverse focus that includes the methods of acquiring literacies, its generative and multimodality nature as well as its embeddedness to the socio-cultural contexts. What is critical is to understand the production of the literacies’ domains within the herding fraternity of Lesotho and how they benefit Basotho herders. The chapter further examines the curricula used to generate such literacies among herders. The section begins with a definition of literacy by different scholars followed by discussions on social literacy practices and the implications thereon in adult learning.

Literacy The 21st century emphasises that for one to be literate, one has to be able to consciously and creatively deploy language as well as technological



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devices in different social contexts and audiences (Molineux & Aliane, 2016). Literature defines literacy differently. For instance, UNESCO defines literacy as: a set of tangible skills — particularly the cognitive skills of reading and writing (UNESCO, 2006:149)

While OECD (2013:59) refers to literacy as: …the ability to understand, evaluate, use, and engage with written texts to participate in society, achieve one’s goals, and develop one’s knowledge and potential

The same sentiments are shared by Crowther and Tett (2011) who perceive literacy as an empowerment tool that equips learners with the necessary functional skills for interrogating the real meaning of literacy. They argue that: …literacy and numeracy are located within social, emotional and linguistic contexts (p.134).

Sѳrvik and Monk (2015) also indicate the important role played by language in literacy learning and how language becomes a vehicle for understanding written text. Therefore, effective literacy learning has to combine a variety of teaching and learning methods such as gestures, images, figures. These scholars define literacy as a tool for social interaction with a continuum of activities which use written material to develop the cognitive and functional skills using written material in different contexts. The pedagogical perspective argues that at the heart of literacy is its ability to develop functional skills that would facilitate engagement with literature and numeric. What is critical though is to establish a deeper understanding of the literacy domains that are produced through herding and the functions they play in moving Basotho the herders out their marginalised status. This notion was evidenced by the number of Basotho herders who owned cell phones as


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a means of communication and learning while herding. In the absence of social service provision, some herders learned about HIV and AIDS using their cell phone radios. In other words, literacy is extended beyond the use of written text into the multi-literacy ideologies that accommodates a combination of digital devices and text in everyday lives. In light of this, Setoi (2012) and Johnson (2016) challenge Lesotho’s NFE system to take a holistic approach towards its learners so that they can efficiently and effectively perform their social roles. Johnson further argues for a need for adult education policies and programmes that mainstream the cultural aspects and innovation within the different forms of literacies.

Literacy Practices and Social Literacy Barton and Hamilton (2010) refer to the literacy practices as a conceptual way that links reading and writing activities with the social context within which they take place. For them: …literacy practices are cultural ways of utilising written language which people draw upon in their lives [and] what people do with their literacy (p. 7).

This assertion triggers and argument that literacies are culturally bound and that in every culture, there exists different literacies that are closely associated with the available forms of domains owned by indigenous populations. The herder community also has its own social literacy practices that they engage in order to while away time while herding and in the process learning the social skills of masculinity hegemony – power and dominance (Morojele, 2009, 2011a, 2011b). In Basotho and Zulu (one of the indigenous tribes in South Africa) cultures, certain traditional institutions reinforce male dominance (Mncwango & Luvuno, 2015; Ratau, 1988). While Carton and Morrell (2012) talk about how the stick fighting for the Zulus culture forms part of social learning for males that facilitates a smooth transition into



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manhood. Similarly, Basotho males also engage in mock stick fights both as a game and a social learning practice that equips them with self-defence skills. This indicates the centrality of power and dominance which are reinforced by patriarchy in shaping social learning in Lesotho (Morojele (2011b).

Social Literacy Nirantar (2007) and Openjuru (2011) opine that formal learning is not the only way through which illiterate learners acquire literacy skills. For instance, in their literature they identify some more localised form of social practice literacy as a more relevant and useful starting point for learning formal literacy. Nirantar (2007: 19) explains the difference: …that can be explored through the observation and analysis of literacy events and practices situated in context.

Nirantar’s (2007) explanation highlights a relatively recent recognition of the need to change the literacy and numeracy teaching methods for adults in order to accommodate the uniqueness with which ‘non-literate’ learners may approach literacy and numeracy learning: This dilemma led to the development of a social-practice model of literacy. According to this model, literacy varies with social context; there are different uses and meanings associated with the activities of reading and writing, rather than [a] universal literacy (p. 20).

These different forms of numeracy and literacy are now commonly regarded as a social practice form of literacy, which is perceived as a more relevant and useful starting point for learning the more formal form of literacy. Marsh (2008) argues that central to literacy is the desire for social interaction and collaboration for cross fertilisation as well as sharing of new


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information and knowledge. The daily social interaction of the learners can form a foundation for applying and expanding their understanding of literacy and numeracy in a way that makes sense to them (Openjuru, 2011). Literature (for instance in Preece et al., 2009; Pitikoe, 2016) indicates that the Basotho herders have ambitions to move out of herding fraternity. What is lacking from these discussions is how the herders’ social learning has developed overtime through their herding experience.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The findings in this chapter were grounded in two Social Learning theories of Community of Practice (CoP) (Lave & Wenger, 1991) and social capital (Bourdieu 1985; Ferlander, 2007; Hawkins & Maurer, 2010). Arbon and Rigney (2014) highlight the significance of social relationships in adult learning. Community of Practice is defined as a social learning process which involves common interest groups who have a passion in a similar area or goal of collaboration and aspire to learn together through regular interaction (Lave & Wenger, 1991). According to Lave and Wenger, members often come together to share information, strategies, solve problems and innovations. They further opine that learning is often incidental and unintentionally and that it is often facilitated by social interaction among members. Lave and Wenger (1991) further identify three prerequisites in order for learning to take place in COP. Firstly is the domain or territory Secondly is a community or group identity with a common interest. Members engage in activities, help each other and share information through mutual relationships. Practice as a third element involves developing a wealth of shared resources which members can tap on such as stories or innovations. This notion further establishes boundaries enabling practitioners to share the historical knowledge while creating a distinction between those who were and those who were not members of a community. This process takes place over time through a variety of methods that work in harmony for perfection.



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The COP concept is traced back to 1991 through the works of theorists Jean Lave from an anthropology perspective and Etienne Wenger who was a computer scientist. These theorists looked at COP from the peripheral participation legitimacy. Central to COP is learning whereby social participation becomes paramount in identity construction. The concept was later extended into other domains by Etienne Wenger in 1998. Wenger opines that learning is not an individual activity, rather situational where members learn the skills that legitimise their participation in the periphery for a meaningful participation in the sociocultural activities of their communities. COP also preserves tacit aspects of knowledge that are responsive to the members’ local context. Such knowledge, according to Wenger becomes an important induction tool for new members although it cannot be easily captured through formal systems and technologies. This cohesive nature values inputs from individual members of the community, hence, COP provides a homely habitat for identity construction by paying attention to the members’ critical learning needs. One example where COP applies in Lesotho is where Basotho males who have not gone through herding practice are devalued and perceived as weaklings because they have not endured the herding hardships. Makoa and Zwilling (2005:53) talk about how the herders “spend most of their time in the mountains, lonely and isolated” and that when they are not busy they get bored from being idle. Makoa and Zwilling further explain how the hostility of herding provided an opportunity for Basotho herders to develop dangerous weapons for self-protection.

Social Capital Bourdieu (1985:51) defines Social Capital in terms of the totality of the resources owned by a formal or informal network of people: Social Capital is the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalised relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition.


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Literature identifies three kinds of social capital, each of which enables access to different forms of social support. Bonding Social Capital is narrow and localised within homogeneous relationships. Bridging Social Capital on the other hand extends to heterogeneous networking (Ferlander, 2007; Thomas, 2002) while linking Social Capital extends into institutions and people in positions of power (Hawkins & Maurer, 2010). It was evident from the literature that people with substantial social networks (people with membership within a support group) reinforced a sense of belonging among members and a mutual obligation to one another. Hence, an increased access to a bigger volume of resources for lifelong learning and livelihood development (Bourdieu, 1985). Social Capital provided an opportunity to explore how Basotho herders’ acquired knowledge from their broader social network and the resourcefulness of regular social interaction in social learning. The methodology section outlines the design and context of the study.

THE STUDY The chapter addresses the following three research questions: 1. What is the value attached to livestock ownership in Lesotho? 2. What are the implications of herding on education access? 3. What is the resourcefulness of social literacy approaches to learning for Basotho herders? This interpretivist study (Chilisa & Preece, 2005) used a narrative life history approach to generate knowledge. The study was conducted in Lesotho where herding is historically a cultural rite of passage for males in preparation for their ‘real manhood’ roles and responsibilities. My study participants comprised primarily the male Basotho herders, or balisana, as they are commonly known in Lesotho. The characteristics of the herders conformed to the specifications of the phenomenon under study as reflected



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in Polit and Hungler (1999). The phenomenon investigated in this project is the male Basotho herders. In sampling the herders, care was taken that, firstly, the participants’ characteristics were in line with the objectives of the study for purposes of data validity (Rakotsoane & Rakotsoane, 2007). Secondly, the selection considered cost effectiveness, ease of access and manageable procedural demands as pre-requisites for selecting a good sample for a project (Ekaju, 2011). A snowball sample of thirty adult male herders out of approximately 22 000 (Matope, 2011) Basotho herders aged between 18 and 45 years participated in the study representing Lesotho’s lowlands, highlands and foothills. Data collection employed semi-structured interviews, photo voice and transect walk techniques. The photo voice enabled the herders to express and reflect their unknown realities into the public arena to facilitate policy change (Williams & Metz, 2014). While the transect walk empowered the Basotho herders with context specific problem solving skills (Shar, Kambou & Monahan, 1999) through probing questions by the researcher on topics such as local resources, resource distribution and future plans. In this study three transect walks were conducted – one per geographical region. Chilisa and Preece (2005) assert that the findings of a good research come from individualised rather than generalised responses. This notion informed the choice and use of interviews which are categorised among the central data collection methods as stated in Arthur, Waring, Coe, and Hedges (2012). Arthur et al. caution that in choosing this technique, researchers have to familiarise themselves with its pros and cons beforehand. The rationale behind choosing the technique was that it enabled further probing of the respondents, and an opportunity for clarification or elaboration if required.

Life History and Narrative Research Life histories, on the other hand, are a narration of a personal “account” of events that happened in an individual’s life chronologically over time and space (Arthur et al., 2012:324). Life histories refer to personal histories in


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the form of conversations that are documented based on the person’s life and constructed over time. Reid and West (2015:6) argue that: We are all ‘storied’, to an extent, by powerful and normalising myths: to think and feel in particular ways, and oftentimes to construct our experience in a manner acceptable to the gaze, and forge more of an authentic, self-authored account … our narratives may be riddled, for worse rather than better… which imprison us rather than provide the means to live a more fulfilled life.

Stories therefore have a social and cultural perspective. Therefore, the myths surrounding us and that people hold about us, play a very important role in the construction of our identities so that we usually endeavour to fit in within those prescribed accounts of our lives. In the process, those cultural aspects can also have a constraining influence on what we can do with our lives. The herders’ stories provide examples of how they see the ‘gaze’ of wider Basotho society, but also reveal another gaze of their herding colleagues. Their storied cultural myths or narratives bind and constrain what they do in different ways. The origins of life history as a research method dates back to the twentieth century from a collection of autobiographies that were used to document the lives of American Indian chiefs. Following this, many scholars and sociologists adopted this approach as a research strategy (Goodson & Sikes, 2001). Some scholars commend the life histories approach as a way of getting to the personal and real life experiences (Goodson & Sikes, 2001; Arthur et al., 2012). Others vote for its ability to record an individual’s story of their development and their ability to adapt to the changing socio-economic environment (Rule & John, 2011; Arthur et al., 2012). In this study life histories enabled recording of a combination of herders’ personal life experiences and their individual adaptations to the changing socio-economic circumstances. Findings on herders’ descriptive life histories were constructed by the researcher from various forms of data sources (as stated in Arthur et al., 2012) that were collected from the herders’ personal histories on both



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herding and educational ambitions. The process generated a rich data source which informed the study findings. These histories were then contextualised and filtered through the theoretical frameworks of the study. The narrative approach gave the herders an opportunity to express their personal experiences in their own words. Therefore, the participants were encouraged to focus on the significant learning experiences or influences on their learning and knowledge construction using on-site researcher administrated interviews. Individual stories of their herding and educational experiences were documented alongside their educational ambitions. The photo voice and the transect walk supplemented the interviews in order to establish a deeper understanding of the herding context. The data collection was conducted in Sesotho (language of Basotho) in order to allow the participants to express themselves fully in the language that they were comfortable with while at the same time maintaining research integrity, trust and rapport. A need for research methods to promote ownership of the findings by the beneficiaries is expressed in (Odora Hoppers, 2017a). The study promoted ownership of the findings by conducting mini workshops to present the preliminary and the final findings to the beneficiaries. The significant impact that positionality can have on the study cannot be over-emphasised. Positionality refers to an intersection point between objectivity and subjectivity (Bourke, 2014). Research reiterates that positionality can manifest at different stages during the research process knowledge construction, perception of the participants and the researcher as well as others’ standpoint (Morojele, 2009; Bourke, 2014). Additionally, there are claims that individual researchers also have multiple identity variations may potentially affect the research findings. For instance, gender, socio-economic status, culture, sexuality, age, etc. (Bourke, 2014; Hopkins, 2007; Mullins, 1999). The argument further alludes to other theories which have played a role in supporting this stand. Morojele (2009) cites Griffiths (1998) who used feminist theories in order to strengthen this argument. In Morojele’s view, feminists reiterated that researchers have their personal politics which they bring into the research study which end up impacting on the knowledge production process. This makes it crucial for researchers to


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re-examine this power level and harness it in such a way that it does not create biasness. In this study, I brought with me my position as a female Mosotho, who was brought up living with male herders and considered them as brothers and friends. I was also socialised to have a high regard for males, respecting the unequal gender power relations as manifested through their male physique and control over resources. I also grew up to have a negative perception of male herders, because of the impolite approaches that they subjected me to as a teenager girl, when they expressed their feelings of love. All these values and perceptions have a great possibility of affecting my study. My upbringing has been characterised by a large rural family which comprised both the nuclear family members and the extended family members. This background is also part of my world view, and has influenced my interest in herders and their education. My close association with the life of herders was also likely to have had a positive impact on my ability to interpret and understand their experiences from their position. My professional and academic background characterised by my vested interest in the value of education in personal development could potentially impinge on how the unschooled men reacted to me. In other words, I presented both positive as well as negative contributions in my research analysis. My ultimate aim however, was to listen to what was said, read and re-read the texts, looking for meanings that were conveyed by the herders. I also drew on my own cultural reference points, as a resource that may help in understanding the herders’ background and thereby, contribute to a more culturally relevant understanding of where they were coming from. Taking care of the power relations – male/female dynamics it became crucial for me to establish rapport from the early stages of my study on the herders’ terms.

Data Analysis The collected data were analysed both inductively and deductively using verbatim translations from Sesotho (native language) into English. I



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carefully used the audio recorder to listen to the recorded conversations. This process helped in identifying similar patterns and themes on how Basotho herders learned. The transcripts were also re-read in order to familiarise the researcher with data and any possible emergent sub-themes. The objectives were also re-visited in order to link them to the collected data, the literature discussions, the interpretivist nature as well as the theoretical lens of the study.

Ethical Considerations Miles and Huberman (1994) define ethics as the crucial attentionseeking issues that each researcher has to take into cognisance throughout the research process. The study observed all the necessary ethical considerations during and after the study. These included seeking ethical clearance from the University of KwaZulu-Natal’s research office. The researcher further sought the consent from the Ministry of Education and Training in Lesotho Department of Non-Formal Education (NFE) and the Lesotho [name deleted for peer review anonymity] and the Monna ka Khomo (man by cow) Herders’ Association. In acknowledgement that herders were also human beings with basic rights, the herders were given a choice to freely participate in the study ensuring that their rights and welfare were protected through anonymised names (pseudonyms) and confidentiality.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION This section presents the findings on Basotho herders’ perceptions of livestock and the different ways through which they acquired skills while herding, using social literacy approaches. It was found out that culturally, livestock remains a valuable resource for Basotho and a savings in times of financial need. The study also revealed that herders’ acquired a wealth of knowledge through their interaction with their elders as well as their peers. While most of the knowledge and skills that the herders possessed resulted


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from social learning in preparation for their future adulthood roles and responsibilities, the skills also helped them to better cope with herding. The previous sections talked about how herding promoted limited access to education for herders. As such, herding was accorded a higher status to that of education. However, in the findings basic numeracy is underscored as a necessity for herders’ livestock monitoring. Their limited schooling was therefore supplemented with social literacy as an approach for learning basic numeracy. The findings section is divided as follows: value attached to livestock, implications of herding on education access and social literacy as a learning resource.

Theme 1: Livestock vs Education Value Attachment Generally, the herders expressed a lack of or low levels of schooling which made a career as a hired herder an alternative form of employment available for them and a quicker way of accruing personal livestock wealth. Seemingly, livestock appeared to be the most common form of payment for the herders and a safety net or ‘a bank’ to resort to during times of adversity. Some herders argued that education does not automatically make one rich. However, livestock according to them made a significant contribution to personal wealth gain as it can bring sales of both live animals and livestock products. In the process, the more money one has, the brighter the future of the family becomes; the package which contributes to one’s social recognition as a ‘real Mosotho man’. Therefore some of the herders were actively engaged in livestock sales and made a reasonable income out of it. Mosuoe started herding at the age of 14 years and aspired to be rich with his own livestock. For him, herding was a quicker way of attaining livestock wealth. He stated how he earned a living from his livestock and livestock products: I wanted to have my own livestock and be like rich people. For me with my education, the only way to become rich was to be hired so that I could be paid with livestock and be an owner too and have my own cattle



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post… I have a bank account where I bank the earnings from the wool sales…In a good month I make R14 000.00 for selling two live cattle.

Perhaps for him education was seen as a long road to wealth, whereas animals were easy to obtain without education and had more value than education. He further singled out wool shearing and livestock sale as main sources of income and savings which brought reasonable cash for him. ‘Matšooana, emphasised the importance of livestock as savings. He also demonstrated a lot of progression from a young age into adulthood and a strong sense of what he was financially worth and how much he could sell his own skills for: You see, when you compare money to the animals, the animals triple the money because I cannot sell a sheep for R200.00. I started at R100.00 per month which was then increased to R150.00. Later I moved to other employers and got paid with livestock that enabled me to own my own sheep which I can sell at a higher price than what I was paid by the livestock owners.

In other story by Semonkong3, he argued that regardless of his lack of formal education, livestock was a sustainable form of earning wealth and status into a ‘real Mosotho man’: You see, education is good but a man has to build a future for his family. You can be educated but poor. But for me I have animals which I can sell or sell the wool and get a lot of money! …like a real Mosotho man ….

The stories narrated by Mosuoe, ‘Matšooana and Smonkong3 reveal illustrate that herding served three purposes for Basotho herders. Firstly, it was the most potential source of employment for Basotho males. This was because their low level of all forms of education offered them limited choices when it comes to employment options. Secondly, herding was a quicker way of accumulating personal livestock wealth in the form of livestock which was the most common form of remuneration for herders


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from their employers. Thirdly, livestock could easily translate into cash and a family savings when sold in the process making the owner rich and socially recognised in the community. On the contrary, education does not translate into wealth according to the herders. They argued that one can be educated and poor. This indicates that for them, livestock ownership was more sustainable than education. The implications of these stories for NFE policy and practice are that education programmes for Basotho herders have to include topics such as livestock care, management and record keeping.

Theme 2: Herders Social Practices The findings under this section revealed that indeed herding limited male access to education because they assumed this social responsibility at a very young age. It was also found out that, there were two main literacy levels amongst Basotho herders: one of complete illiteracy and that of dropping out of the education provision. Some of the herders indicated how their social responsibilities were a birth-order inheritence which significantly impacted on their access to education. Additionally, the findings indicated a memory decline among the older herders in that the higher the age, the less the herders remembered the age at which their herding career started. The findings on the herders’ profiles evidenced that, majority of herders with little or no education originated from the highlands; an implication that, regardless of Lesotho’s efforts to ensure universality in education provision through the FPE programme, social injustice still impacted on access to or completion of formal education for males. Additionally, the stories unveiled that Basotho males assumed the herding career while still young at the expense of their education which affirms the literature in (Morojele, 2009, 2011a; Makoa & Zwilling, 2005; Pitikoe; 2016; Mohasi, 2006; Dyer, 2014; Setoi, 2012; Johnson, 2016). Also, younger herders had to a certain extent benefitted from the introduction of FPE in 2000 which affirms the literature in (Pitikoe, 2016). The following section presents the findings on livestock as a source of income for Basotho.



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Herding denied Basotho males access to education because they were initiated into the herding practice at a very young age at the expense of their education. Ace elaborates I have been herding since I was a very small boy following my brothers. When the time came that there was no one to look after the animals, I decided to quit school because the animals are our ‘diamond’…

Ace talks about how as a child he trotted behind his brothers when they went out to the veld until he was ready enough to fully assume the herding responsibilities. He also mentions dropping out of school because of the dire need to care for the family livestock. Lekhala also explained how his herding career started at the age of six years. In his case he assumed herding responsibilities as a hired herder looking after a flock of sheep for five years before graduating to look after cattle. He was illiterate and wanted to explore the possibilities of making a living through selling livestock: I have a special love for animals which I developed at a very tender age of six years when I was hired to look after the sheep at the expense of my education.

In another story, Ducks stated that he was a voluntary drop out who ended looking after his maternal grandfather’s livestock in exchange for remuneration. Ducks narrated further: The reason that led me to look after the animals was that I refused to go to school….I used to hide myself…So the other kids reported to my family that I had bunked school…

Despite his delinquency and voluntary dropping out of school, he managed to collect a significant number of livestock from herding to be able to own a cattle post. The story narrated by Doctor expressed how he became illiterate not by his choice but because his father had different priorities. For his father,


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livestock was more important than education. As a result, Doctor assumed his herding responsibility at the age of 5 years “looking after the calves”. From the age of six he then looked after the cattle. His choice of words depicted a high level of intelligence in that he did not perceive education just as it is, but rather as a ‘right’ which he was denied by his father: My father prioritised livestock over my right to education. I know that I am not stupid if, despite all,

Doctor was quite aware of his capabilities as on a number of occasions he kept reminding me how intelligent he was, which evidenced that, regardless of the normative image of herders, he had a great self-identity and self-awareness. Ratau (1988:47) affirms that a Mosotho herder is someone who is intelligent, wise and has a sound mind’. However, there were some herders who were able to make it through and completed their high school education. For instance, Ocean was one of the four herders in this study who was a high school graduate. Nonetheless, he still was still engaged in herding and equated livestock ownership to a personal savings account. Ocean narrated: I am looking after these animals so that I can have mine, upon encouragement from my father [who said] that I should have my own animals as a savings that can help me to further my studies. I have gone as far as Form E in high school and want to study either Meteorology or Zoology…want to know more about the [animal] behaviour and the weather conditions.

Despite his high level of education, Ocean still wanted to own livestock as a personal savings that would carry him through his educational ambition to enroll for tertiary education. Additionally, his tertiary ambitions reflected a thirst for knowledge and understanding about the relationship between the animals and their environment. Based on these finding herding was assumed at a very tender age. It was also learned informally through social interaction with peers, elders and the environment. It the process, it prevented male access to enrol in any form of



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education provision. Herding was also perceived a quicker way of accumulating livestock other than education. Some herders had aspirations to move out of herding and pursue their desired career paths using the savings they would have accrued through livestock. These findings affirm the literature on the early assumption of herding by Basotho males (Makoa & Zwilling, 2005; Morojele, 2009, 2011a; Pitikoe, 20016; Ratau, 1988). The findings also affirm the literature discussions in (Pitikoe, 2016; Mohasi, 2006; Dyer, 2014; Setoi, 2012; Johnson, 2016; Aderinoye et al.,2007; Lawson et al., 2014) who claim that herding prevents male access to educational opportunities. Some of these males voluntarily drop out of school for the love of animals or because they cannot cope with formalities that come with schooling. Others drop out of school to look after livestock in order to accumulate personal livestock wealth cited in (Morojele, 2009). In the findings there is evidence of an alarming child labour in Lesotho raised in the literature by (The US Department of Labor, 2011; Ntho & Lesotho Council of NGOs, 2013; Morojele, 2009). On the contrary, those herders who managed to complete their high school education aspire to pursue their education further in order to move out of herding (Preece et al., 2009) evidenced in the story of Ocean. However, while it was mentioned earlier in the paper that some herders explored the alternate system as a potential resource to overcome the discourse of limited education access, the findings do not talk about this system in Lesotho. This calls for further studies that would investigate the usefulness of this system to Basotho herders.

Theme 3: Informal Learning Informal learning among the herders is identified as a form of learning in its own right where herders mainly learned functional numeracy skills using the available local resources. The findings also revealed that basic numeracy among the herders was an important skill for each herder to have for the purposes of livestock monitoring. At the centre of the learning process was an enabling and collaborative social environment where peers


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played a pivotal role in facilitating this learning. In order for learning to be successful, it was reinforced through practice and repetition in order for the learners to familiarise themselves with the new subject matter. Herders acquired this skill differently. For some, learning was acquired through actual counting to the numbers using local resources: Other herders realised that I could not read and write. Therefore they took the sheep droppings and used them to teach me to count from one up to hundred. The process lasted for the whole day. In the evening, I was able to apply the acquired skill to count my flock of sheep. Basic numeracy is very important for monitoring livestock numbers, to understand the road signs as well as the instructions on how to administer medicines to your livestock (Participant Lekhala).

In another story, one of the herders was taught basic numeracy by his neighbour also using sheep droppings as well: He used sheep droppings. In our spare time, during the day he taught me to count from one up to ten. Since I was already much older and beyond the learning age, the initial stages were so challenging that I wanted to give up…within a week, I was able to count my livestock without assistance (Participant Semonkong3).

These two herders acquired basic numeracy skills through actually counting according to the names and numbers. In another story, basic numeracy skills was acquired through visual matching: They taught me to pick up some stones and visualise them as my animals…each stone represented a life animal. I stood by the entrance of the kraal in the morning ensuring that only one animal went through the entrance. For each exiting animal I dropped a stone until all the animals had gone out of the kraal (Participant ‘Matšooana).

For some, herding came in as a rite of passage where they learned about the responsibilities of adulthood. Herding taught them the visual skills that herders needed for monitoring their livestock:



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I have really learnt a lot from my herding experience. I know the colours of the cattle and the different ear marks. These markings make it easy to identify my own livestock. I learned the animal ear marks from my father and I was further able to see the different markings from other people’s livestock when we were herding. I feel like the cattle post life is something like the rite of passage which every Mosotho man should pass through because it teaches a man to be brave (Participant Linakeng6). Though I am unable to read and write, I know the ear marks and that is what I use to count and nobody can cheat me (Participant Linakeng8).

The herders further stated that one of their coping strategy is to get close and intimate with the livestock so much that they could memorise their shapes and uniqueness without necessarily counting them. This approach made it easy for the herders to identify a missing animal at first glance of the flock without actually counting. These findings revealed that there were other social learning methods through which herders acquired basic numeracy skills. The findings also indicated the important role played by social environment in the facilitation of learning. Additionally, the findings indicated that despite the lack of access to formal education, the herders were not incapacitated. Instead they were able to adapt their learning to their social context in order to meet their basic leaning needs. However, their learning styles were different. For some, the numeracy skills were acquired through the actual counting from one up to a certain number. For others, numeracy was learned through visually matching the stones with the live animals as they exited and entered the kraal. For those who learned basic literacy, their learning was reinforced through repetition and practice and directly related to their lifestyles. The way in which the herders engaged with numeracy, for instance, illustrated that they do practice numeracy skills, but in unconventional ways. The way in which the herders learned informally and acquired knowledge as a local practice has implications for how NFE teaching of literacy and numeracy might be applied. The herders’ cohesion comes in as an enabler for sharing and learning from each other for the common good of all members (lave & Wenger, 1998). The herding context provided the herders with an opportunity to learn


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and share information within a closed Social Capital network. By virtue of having similar characteristics (Ferlander, 2007; Thomas, 2002; Hawkins & Maurer, 2010), sharing and learning together becomes easy amongst the herders. This quote demonstrates how the context and the environment have equipped the herders with coping mechanisms to supplement their nutritional needs. This shows how the environment influenced learning among the herders (Makoa & Zwilling, 2005).

CONCLUSION In conclusion, the findings of this interpretivist study revealed how social learning was the main form of learning for Basotho herders that provided them with functional skills to survive within the herding community. The information was generally inherited and pass on from through generations of herders. There were different forms through which learning was acquired. For some herders, they learned through their peers using the locally available resources. For others leaning was visual and memorised. All the same it helped the herder to effectively participate in the herding community while also empowering them with the livestock monitoring skills. Herding was also discovered to be more valuable among Basotho herders as a source of personal wealth as well as social status and recognition as a ‘real Mosotho man’. While most of the herders lacked or had lower formal literacy skills there were some herders who possessed higher formal literacy who wanted to pursue their education further into the tertiary provision. Nonetheless, their aspirations were still closely associated with the herding practice in that they wanted to learn about livestock and the relationship that it had with the environment. Basotho herders had their own social norms that guided their ways of lives as herders. These norms were binding among members and no-compliance resulted in serious repercussions. Herders like any community had a leader who was responsible for the overall governance and institutionalisation of norms and penalties.



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From these observations the recommendations for Lesotho’s NFE include: the need for policy makers and education providers to establish a deeper understanding of the herding practice in Lesotho’s context. This deeper understanding will identify how and what Basotho herders learn through herding. It will further enable the policy makers and the practitioners to explore the resourcefulness of social literacy practices in male learners’ retention in education provision in Lesotho. The chapter also challenges Lesotho’s mainstream education provision to consider inclusion of livestock management literacy in learning and education programmes targeting Basotho herders in order to generate the herders’ interest and retention.

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Chapter 2

THE EXPERIENCE OF WORK FAMILY CONFLICT: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN ACTIVE AND SUPPORTIVE PARENTING STAGES Liat Kulik, PhD School of Social Work, Bar-Ilan University, Ramat-Gan, Israel

ABSTRACT The research examined differences in the work-family conflict (WFC) between two parenting stages: the active parenting stage (parenthood to children who are dependent on the parents and live at home, n = 306) and the supportive parenting stage (parenthood to grown children, where some or all have left home, n = 243). The WFC was tested through the relationship between determinants of the WFC as reflected in subjective and objective overload, the actual sense of the WFC and its outcomes as tested via the positive and negative affect. The research sample included 549 working parents in Israel (278 women and 271 men). The hours devoted by parents in the active parenting stage to housework are


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Liat Kulik negatively related to the work interferes with family conflict (WIF), whereas the hours devoted to paid work are negatively related to the family interferes with work conflict (FIW). For parents in the supportive parenting stage, occupying more roles is related to a positive affect. The research findings indicate differences in the role conflict experience during the two parenting stages. Practical suggestions for working parents and for professionals are presented, based on the findings.

Keywords: family interferes with work conflict, work interferes with family conflict, objective overload, subjective overload, positive affect, negative affect.

INTRODUCTION The experience of a work-family conflict (WFC) has been a popular research topic in the past four decades (for a meta-analysis, see Michel, Kotrba, Mitchelson, Clark, & Baltes, 2011). However, most of the studies on this issue focused on relatively young parents, and except for a few studies (for example, Allen & Finkelstein, 2014; Erickson, Martinengo, & Hill, 2010), there is a dearth of research that focused on the experience of a WFC along the different stages of the parenting lifecycle. These studies generally revealed main differences between the two distinct parenting stages: the earlier years of the parenting lifecycle when children are relatively small and are dependent on their parents for supplying their daily needs (known as the active parenting stage, henceforth “the active stage”), and later years in the parenting lifecycle of parenthood to grown children, where some or all have left the home (known as the supportive parenting stage, henceforth “the supportive stage”) (Galinsky, 1987). The sense of a WFC was found to be higher during the active stage than during the supportive stage (Martinengo, Jacob, & Hill, 2010). While differences in the sense of a WFC between the active and supportive stages have been well established by researchers over the years, there is a gap in the research knowledge comparing the two stages with reference to the entire WFC


The Experience of Work Family Conflict

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process, e.g., the relationship between the WFC determinants, the sense of the WFC itself, and its outcomes. In an attempt to fill this gap in knowledge, and based on accumulated research findings, the present study presents an integrative model which aims to explain the WFC process and compare it during the active versus the supportive parenting stages. Differences in the WFC experience may be expected due to the distinctive characteristics of each of these stages (as will be described in the next sections). The research findings may have theoretical as well as practical implications. At the theoretical level, they may expand on the WFC theory by elucidating the impact of parenting stages on the experience of a WFC and its outcomes among working parents. At the practical level, the study’s recommendations may assist working parents in adopting coping strategies for diminishing the sense of a WFC as well as its negative affect, which are unique to the active parenting stage and the supportive parenting stage.

The Active vs. the Supportive Parenting Stage: Distinctive Characteristics The basic assumption of the stages approach to the study of the family lifecycle is that the parenting stages differ in the parenting tasks, whose goal is to advance the children’s development (Reitzes & Mutran, 2002). It has been argued that differences between the parenting stages may be expressed in the level of stress which parents experience in each stage (Allen & Finkelstein, 2014). In the present study, we focused on stress related to the experience of a WFC, i.e., the relationship between determinants of the WFC, the sense of the WFC itself and its outcomes. In so doing, we adopted Galinsky’s (1987) classification of two distinct parenting stages: the active stage and the supportive stage. The active stage refers to the period when parents actively take care of their children’s needs, as reflected in intense care giving. This stage is not homogeneous in nature and includes a variety of sub-stages, including parenthood to infants, to preschool children, to school-age children and to adolescents (for example, Duvall, 1967). The


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supportive stage, on the other hand, addresses the years in which some or all of the children have left home, and the main parenting tasks are aimed at providing grown-up children with guidance and emotional support in their first steps outside the home. Some of these tasks may place a heavy burden on the parents’ emotional resources. It is commonly accepted that parents experience higher stress during the active parenting stage than during the supportive stage (for example, Erickson, Martinengo, & Hill, 2010). However, due to major normative technological and medical developments, parents in this life stage may today encounter stressors derived from roles other than the role of parent. For example, medical advances have increased life expectancy and have led to an increasing number of working parents (mostly in the supportive stage) who provide long-term care to their elderly parents (Keck & Saraceno, 2010). Moreover, working parents in the supportive stage are not only responsible for their own households and careers, but are often called upon to help with grandchildren so that their sons and daughters can pursue a career (Kulik, 2007). In addition, in modern societies which emphasize the value of self-fulfillment, working parents in the supportive stage can go back to school or take enrichment courses in order to broaden their horizons. They can also engage in leisure activities or volunteer in order to fulfill themselves or contribute to their community. Thus, although the supportive stage was in the past considered to be a relatively calm stage in the parenting lifecycle, today working parents in this stage may encounter stressors derived in part from their parenting roles and in part from other aspects of this life stage.

The Research Model: The Work-Family Conflict, Its Determinants and Outcomes Based on existing knowledge in the fields of work and family on the one hand, and the parenting stage on the other hand, the research model proposed here for explaining the experience of a role conflict, its determinants (sense of overload) and its outcomes (experience of subjective wellbeing), was examined separately for the active and for the supportive stage. In light of



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the empirical knowledge, we expected some of the paths in the models to be similar for both parenting stages, whereas others were expected to be unique for each stage.

Conceptualization of the Work-Family Conflict In applying the role conflict perspective to the area of work and family, Kahn et al., (1964) considered the WFC to be a form of role conflict in which the demands of work and family roles are mutually incompatible. Meeting the demands of one domain can make it difficult to meet the demands of the other (Greenhaus & Powell, 2006). A role conflict may originate in either domain, that is, either when work-related activities spill over to and interfere with family responsibilities (work interferes with family—WIF conflict) or family demands spill over to and interfere with work responsibilities (family interferes with work—FIW conflict; Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985). The role conflict perspective is based on two premises. According to the first, because individuals have limited time and energy, the demands of occupying simultaneous multiple roles (work and family roles) lead to the experience of role conflict (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985). According to the second premise, the experience of role conflict causes psychological distress and exhaustion, and results in a lower sense of subjective wellbeing (Baltes & Heydens-Gahir, 2003). Over the years, researchers devoted efforts to identifying the determinants of both types of WFC (WIF and FIW conflict). Determinants of the WFC Different forms of overload were found to be salient determinants for experiencing a WFC (Weigl et al., 2016). Two dimensions of overload have been described: subjective overload which reflects the qualitative dimension of the concept, and objective overload which reflects its quantitative dimension (Kulik, Shilo-Levin, & Liberman, 2016). Subjective overload is measured by participants’ evaluation of the burden caused by ongoing demands (e.g., Michel et al., 2011). In contradistinction, objective overload is measured mostly by quantitative measures such as the number of hours that an individual devotes to paid work (Shirom et al., 2006) and to the household (Duxbury & Halinski, 2014). In addition, because of the energy


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required for performing multiple roles, the number of roles occupied by an individual can also be considered an indicator of overload (Kulik & Liberman, 2013). Examining the number of roles as an objective indicator of wellbeing is highly relevant, because today, owing to technological and normative developments, more people occupy many roles simultaneously over the course of their lifecycle than in the past. These can be grouped into four main areas: family roles, the worker role, self-development roles, and community roles (Kulik et al., 2014).

Overload, WFC and Outcomes Extensive research has revealed a relationship between the experience of subjective and objective overload and different dimensions of subjective wellbeing (Sparks et al., 1997; Weigl et al., 2016). The construct of subjective wellbeing can be conceptualized in terms of a variety of dimensions, where one salient conceptualization consists of positive and negative affect which are considered to be different factors of the construct (Charles, Reynolds, & Gatz, 2001). Thus, any decrease in the subjective wellbeing could be the result of a decrease in positive affect and/or an increase in negative affect. Weigl et al., (2016) found subjective overload to be positively related to negative affect as expressed in anxiety and in a depressive state. Regarding the objective dimensions of overload, Sparks et al., (1997) found a positive relationship between long hours devoted to paid work and some aspects of negative affect. Moreover, spending a large amount of time performing household labor was found to be related to depression (Glass & Fujimoto, 1994). Against this background we hypothesized: Hypothesis 1: The higher the subjective overload that working parents experience, the higher will be their negative affect and the lower will be their positive affect. Hypothesis 2: The higher the number of paid working hours and household hours that working parents experience, the higher will be their negative affect.



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The theoretical prediction and empirical findings on multiple roles are inconsistent regarding their impact on working parents. In line with the role conflict perspective (Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985), the demands of occupying multiple simultaneous roles will lead to the experience of stress and consequently to an experience of different forms of negative affect (Baltes & Heydens-Gahir, 2003). In contradistinction, the enrichment theory (Sieber, 1974) assumes that occupying multiple roles usually has more positive than negative implications for individuals and argues for a positive association between performing multiple roles and subjective wellbeing. Due to the controversial theoretical prediction and inconsistent findings regarding the third measure of the above-mentioned objective overload, we examined the relationship between occupying multiple roles and wellbeing without putting forth a specific hypothesis. In addition to the direct effects of the different forms of overload on the negative affect, we hypothesized an indirect effect of (subjective and objective) overload on the negative and the positive affect (the outcome variable) by the mediation of experiencing WIF and FIW conflicts (see Figure 1 and Figure 2). We based our argument on research findings that revealed a relationship between the experience of overload and a WFC on the one hand (Michel et al., 2010), and a relationship between the WFC and the negative and positive affect on the other hand (Kulik & Liberman, 2013). Based on this background, we hypothesized: Hypothesis 3: WIF and FIW conflicts mediate the relationship between (subjective and objective) overload and negative affect among working parents. A higher level of overload will be positively related to a higher experience of WIF and FIW conflicts, and the higher the experience of the two dimensions of the WFC, the higher will be the negative affect and the lower will be the positive affect.


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Differences in the Experience of a WFC between the Two Parenting Stages Based on a distinctive experience of the WFC for each parenting stage, previous research findings revealed a change in the centrality assigned to the parenting role and to the worker role along the lifecycle. Kulik and ShiloLevin (2014) found that the importance assigned to the parenting role decreases significantly in the later stage of the lifecycle, after the children have left the home. Moreover, research evidence indicates a gradual decrease in the centrality of the worker role after middle age (Wong, Lang, & Coulon, 2008), which is a period that parallels the supportive parenting stage. The intensity of the WIF and FIW conflicts also decreases over the course of life and is significantly lower in the supportive parenting stage than in the active stage (for example, Erickson, Martinengo, & Hill, 2010). Based on the above empirical background, the basic assumption underlying the present study is that the differences between the two parenting stages with reference to work and family may impact parents’ experience of the interface between work and family as reflected in the paths between the WFC, its determinants and its outcomes. However, because these differences between the active and the supportive stages do not allow us to put forth specific hypotheses, comparison between the experience of a WFC in the two parenting stages is explorative in nature.

The Impact of Gender on the WFC Accumulated knowledge has revealed gender differences in the experience of the WFC, the sense of overload and its outcome. Most of these findings indicated that women experience more FIW conflict than men (Hundley, 2001), while men experience more WIF conflict than women (Allen & Finkelstein, 2014; Martinengo, Jacob, & Hill, 2010). Moreover, Kulik, Shilo-Levin and Liberman (2016) recently revealed differences in the experience of the WFC as reflected in the association between the WIF and FIW conflict, its determinants and its outcome among working fathers and mothers. The findings showed that while overload impacts men and women similarly, both the FIW and WIF conflict have a negative impact on



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women’s wellbeing, whereas men’s wellbeing was impacted only by the experience of a FIW conflict. To the best of our knowledge, there are no research findings that compared the differential impact of gender in an integrative model aimed at explaining the experience of the WIF and FIW conflict, its determinants and its outcome between two distinct parenting stages: the active stage and the supportive stage. We therefore included the participants’ gender in the research model. The question we put forth in this regard was, does gender impact the experience of the WFC, its determinants and its outcomes differentially, according to the parenting stage: the active versus the supportive stage?

METHODS Sample and Procedure The research questionnaires were distributed in workplaces around the country. The criteria for participation in the research were parenthood to children and full or part-time participation in the labour market. The questionnaires were distributed in diverse organizations: high-tech companies, government ministries, production factories, and business organizations. Workers were sampled randomly from each organization. After receiving the approval of the ethics committee of the academic institute in which the study was conducted, and after coordinating with managers of the organizations, the workers were asked to participate in the study. Some participants answered the questionnaires immediately and returned them to the research assistants on the same day, while others answered the questionnaires at home and returned them to the research assistants later. Another part of the sample (approximately 20%) was sampled by the snowball method. The time needed to complete the questionnaires was approximately 25 minutes, and the rate of compliance in returning the questionnaires was approximately 70%. The final research sample included 549 Israeli participants: 271 men and 278 women (see Table 1).


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Liat Kulik Table 1. Distribution of the Participants by Background Characteristics – Active Stage vs. Supportive Stage (N = 549) Background characteristics

Values

Gender Education

Age Number of children Economic situation

Active (N = 306)

Supportive (N = 243)

²

Men

146 (47.6%)

125 (51.4%)

²(1) = .36

Women High school

160 (52.4%) 93 (30.4%)

118 (48.6%) 121 (49.8%)

²(3) = 29.30***

Post-secondary Academic

160 (52.3%) 53 (17.3%) M = 33.95 SD = 3.80 M = 2.23 SD = 1.17 M = 3.23 SD = .68

82 (33.7%) 40 (16.5%) M = 57.16 SD = 5.48 M = 3.52 SD = 1.30 M = 3.46 SD = .75

t(548) = -.43*** t(548) = -12.21*** t(548) = -3.73***

***p < .001.

Instruments Role conflict questionnaire. The original questionnaire was developed by Frone and Rice (1987) and examined the intensity of the role conflict generated by the demands of family and the workplace. The questionnaire includes 18 items divided into two factors: nine items related to the role conflict caused by an interference of family demands with work demands (the FIW conflict; e.g., “Because of pressure at home, I am often concerned with family matters at work”) and nine items related to the role conflict caused by an interference of work demands with family demands (the WIF conflict; e.g., “Because of my work, I do not participate in as many family activities as I would like”). The response scale ranged from 1 (not true at all) to 5 (very true). One score was derived for each factor by calculating the mean of the items in the factor: the higher the score, the greater the intensity of the role conflict. Using this questionnaire, Kulik and Liberman (2013) found that WIF and FIW conflicts correlated positively with distress in the family and at work among working mothers. The Cronbach alpha reliability



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of the items representing the FIW conflict and the WIF conflict in the present study was .87 and .85, respectively. Subjective overload questionnaire. The questionnaire included three items adapted from measures developed by Vanfossen (1981). The three items were: (1) “There is usually not enough time to do high quality work”; (2) “I have too many things to do at once”; and (3) “People expect too much of me.” The response scale ranged from 1 (not true at all) to 5 (very true). The questions were found to be related to low satisfaction with work (Chou & Robert, 2008) and to high levels of depression (Vanfossen, 1981). The Cronbach alpha reliability of the items in the present study was .72. One score was derived by computing the mean of the items in the scale: the higher the score, the more intense the experience of overload. Objective overload. Objective overload was measured by three measures: the number of paid hours of work, the number of hours of household work and the number of occupied roles. The paid hours of work and the hours of household work were measured by two questions relating to the number of hours that the participants devoted weekly to paid work and the number of hours they devoted daily to the household. A score for each question was computed by calculating the mean of the values. Number of roles questionnaire. Based on a questionnaire developed by Kulik and Liberman (2013), the participants were presented with a list of 11 different roles reflecting different life domains: family roles (spouse, parent, sibling, son/daughter, grandparent), work roles (the worker role), selfdevelopment roles (student, leisure activities, hobbies), and social and community roles (volunteer work or other community activity, friend). The participants were asked to indicate whether they occupy each specific role based on a dichotomous scale of 0 (do not occupy the role) or 1 (occupy the role). One score was derived for each participant, to reflect the general number of occupied roles. Negative and positive affect questionnaire. The constructs were measured by Watson, Clark and Tellegen’s (1988) Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS), which contains two subscales. One scale measures the positive affect (e.g., happy, lively, active), and the other


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measures the negative affect (e.g., sad, afraid, downhearted). The participants were asked to indicate the extent to which they experienced each of these feelings over the past month, on a scale ranging from 1 (very little or not at all) to 5 (very often). Two scores were derived: a mean score for positive affect – the higher the score, the more the participant experienced positive feelings over the past month; and a mean score for negative affect – the higher the score, the more the participant experienced negative feelings over the past month. The Cronbach alpha reliability of the negative and positive affect scales was .83 and .87, respectively.

RESULTS Overload, WIF and FIW Conflict and Outcomes: Differences between the Two Parenting Stages Table 2 presents ANOVAs and indicates significant differences in the sense of role conflict, both for the WIF conflict (F(1,546) = 9.86, p < .001; partial eta2 = .02) and for the FIW conflict (F(1, 546) = 17.06, p < .001; partial eta2 = .03). Parents in the active stage experience a higher level of both types of role conflict than parents in the supportive stage. Gender differences were found in the experience of the WIF conflict (F(1, 546) = 18.35, p < .001; partial eta2 = .03), i.e., men experience higher levels of the WIF conflict than women, whereas no gender differences were found in the experience of the FIW conflict. Regarding the determinants of the role conflicts, whose measures were subjective and objective overload (see “Instruments” section), ANOVA did not yield differences in the sense of subjective overload according to parenting stage or according to gender. Moreover, no differences were found in the number of paid hours of work along the two parenting stages. However, gender differences were found in the number of paid hours of work (F(1, 546) = 45.09, p < .001; partial eta2 = .08). Men devote more hours



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to paid work along the entire parenting lifecycle than women. Significant differences were found in hours devoted to the household according to parenting stage (F(1, 546) = 12.60, p < .001; partial eta2 = .003) as well as according to gender (F(1, 546) = 28.48, p < .001; partial eta2 = .05). Parents in the active stage devoted more hours to the household than parents in the supportive stage and women devoted more hours to the household than men in both parenting stages. Moreover, a significant interaction between the parenting stage and gender was found for the household hours (F(1, 546) = 4.87, p < .05; partial eta2 = .01): The differences between men and women in hours devoted to the household was more salient in the active than in the supportive stage (for the active stage: women, M = 7.20, SD = 5.57; men, M = 4.23, SD = 4.30; for the supportive stage: women, M = 4.88 SD = 3.82; men, M = 3.69, SD = 4.08). Regarding the outcomes as reflected in the two dimensions of subjective wellbeing, differences were found in the negative affect by parenting stage (F(1, 546) = 9.33, p < .001; partial eta2 = .02) and by gender (F(1, 546) = 9.20, p < .01; partial eta2 = .02). Parents in the active stage experience higher levels of negative affect than parents in the supportive stage and women experience higher levels of negative affect than men along both parenting stages. No differences were found in the positive affect according to parenting stage and according to gender.

Path Analysis: Active versus Supportive Parenting Stage The standardized model coefficients are presented for the two groups separately in Table 3 and Table 4. Subjective overload is positively related to the experience of negative affect in both stages (for the active stage, β = .21, p < .001; for the supportive stage, β = .16, p < .05), Moreover, subjective overload is associated with the sense of a FIW conflict in both parenting stages (active stage: β = .26, p < .001; supportive stage: β = -.14, p < .05) and with the sense of a WIF conflict (active stage: β = .37,


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p < .001; supportive stage: β = .37, p < .001). While the hours devoted to the household for parents in the supportive stage showed no significant effect on any of the variables of the research model, a negative effect of hours devoted to the household on the WIF conflict was found (β = -.16, p < .001) in the active stage, indicating that the more hours the parents devoted to the household, the less they experienced a WIF conflict. Moreover, the hours devoted to the household were related positively with positive affect (β = .16, p < .05): the more hours the parents in the active stage devoted to the household, the higher the positive affect. Different paths were found with the outcome variables in each of the parenting stages for the hours devoted to paid work. In the active stage, the hours devoted to the household had a negative effect on the experience of the FIW conflict (β = .19, p < .001), and on the negative affect (β = -.17, p < .05), but were associated positively with the positive affect (β = .16, p < .01). However, different paths were found for the hours devoted to paid work for parents in the supportive stage: the hours devoted to paid work were associated with higher levels of a WIF conflict (β = .26, p < .001), such that the more hours devoted to paid work, the higher the experience of a WIF conflict. Different paths between the two parenting stages were also found for the additional measure of objective overload, i.e., the number of occupied roles. In the active stage, the number of occupied roles was not related to any of the outcome variables. However, during this stage, a higher number of roles was associated with higher levels of positive affect (β = .14, p < .05) and lower levels of FIW conflict (β = -.11, p < .05) than among parents in the supportive stage. In addition, differences between the two parenting stages were found in the impact of the WIF conflict on the two dimensions of subjective overload. The WIF conflict was positively associated with negative affect and negatively associated with positive affect: in the active stage the higher the experience of a FIW conflict, the higher the negative affect and the lower the positive affect.



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Figure 1. The empirical path analysis model results - standardized estimates for parents in the active stage.

Figure 2. The empirical path analysis model results - standardized estimates for parents in the supportive stage.


Table 2. Differences in Overload Measures, WIF and FIW Conflict, Positive and Negative Affect (N = 549) Variable Overload Household Paid work Number of roles WIF FIW Positive affect Negative affect

Active stage M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD

2.75 .65 5.79 5.22 39.12 14.74 7.84 1.54 2.64 .87 2.39 .70 3.41 .60 1.93 .59

Supportive stage 2.79 .72 4.27 3.99 37.39 12.53 8.49 1.66 2.44 .87 2.13 .75 3.46 .58 1.77 .59

Men

Women

2.75 .69 3.98 4.20 42.20 14.20 8.21 1.64 2.71 .82 2.30 .72 3.42 .58 1.78 .56

2.78 .68 6.21 5.03 34.64 12.40 8.04 1.63 2.40 .80 2.25 .75 3.45 .60 1.94 .62

F Stage (Eta2) (1,546) .48 (.00) 12.60*** (.03) 3.15 (.00) 22.13*** (.04) 9.86** (.02) 17.06*** (.03) .87 (.00) 9.33** (.02)

F Gender (Eta2) .57 (.00) 28.48*** (.05) 45.09*** (.08) 1.16 (.00) 18.35*** (.03) .81 (.00) .23 (.00) 9.20** (.02)

*p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001.


Stage X Gender (Eta2) 3.09 (.00) 4.87* (.01) .67 (.00) .01 (.00) 2.64 (.00) .14 (.00) .01 (.00) .86 (.00)

Table 3. Standardized Coefficients for the Active Stage (N = 549) Overload

Household

Paid work .15** (.06) .15** (.06)

Number of roles .21*** (.05) -.09 (.06)

WIF

FIW

Education -.19** (.06) -.06 (.06) -.01 (.06) -.04 (.05) Economic -.02 (.06) -.16* (.06) -.06 (.06) -.13* (.06) situation Number .02 (.06) .001 (.06) .04 (.06) .07 (.06) .06 (.06) .03 (.07) of children Gender -.06 (.06) .36*** (.05) -.20*** (.06) -.05 (.06) -.19*** (.06) -.12* (.06) Subjective .32*** (.05) .26*** (.05) overload Household -.16* (.07) .02 (.06) Paid work .05 (.05) -.19*** (.05) Number of roles -.04 (.05) -.01 (.06) WIF FIW R2 .04* (.02) .18*** (.04) .10** (.04) .05* (.02) .21*** (.04) .15*** (.04) Goodness-of-fit (Configural Model): CFI = 1.00, TLI = 1.00, RMSEA = .00, Chi-square = 4.99, df = 10, p = .89.


PA

NA

-.08 (.06) .04 (.06)

-.02 (.05) .14* (.06)

-.04 (.05)

.07 (.05)

-.04 (.06) -.04 (.06)

.20*** (.05) .21*** (.05)

.16* (.07) .16** (.06) .04 (.06) -.11 (.07) -.14* (.07) .10** (.03)

-.04 (.06) -.17* (.07) .08 (.05) .06 (.06) .28*** (.06) .26*** (.04)

Table 4. Standardized Coefficients for the Supportive Stage (N = 549) Overload Household Paid work Number of roles WIF FIW Education -.11 (.07) .04 (.08) -.05 (.07) .11 (.07) .18** (.06) .09 (.07) Economic -.01 (.06) -.12 (.08) .15 (.08) -.002 (.06) -.16** (.06) -.14* (.07) situation Number -.04 (.06) .11 (.07) -.09 (.06) .27*** (.06) -.04 (.05) -.09 (.07) of children Gender .10 (.06) .21** (.06) -.34*** (.06) -.05 (.06) -.08 (.06) -.05 (.07) Subjective .37*** (.06) .37*** (.06) overload Household .07 (.07) .02 (.07) Paid work .26*** (.06) .08 (.07) Number of roles -.11* (.06) -.05 (.06) WIF FIW 2 R .03 (.02) .08* (.03) .15**(.05) .09** (.03) .23*** (.05) .17*** (.04) Goodness-of-fit (Constrained Model): CFI = .969, TLI = .944, RMSEA = .035, Chi-square = 71.87, df = 54.


PA .02 (.07) .18** (.06)

NA -.04 (.06) -.05 (.05)

-.05 (.07)

.09 (.06)

.03 (.07) -.02 (.08)

.07 (.07) .16* (.07)

.01 (.07) .02 (.08) .14* (.07) -.19 (.11) -.02 (.09) .11* (.05)

-.004 (.07) -.06 (.08) -.01 (.06) .22* (.09) .13 (.08) .19** (.07)

Table 5. Indirect Effects of Independent Variables on Dependent Variables – Active and Supportive Stages (N = 549) Independent

Mediator 1

Mediator 2

Dependent variable

Independent → Mediator 1

Mediator 1 → Mediator 2

Mediator 2 → Dependent

Independent → Dependent

Indirect

Total

Active stage Gender

Household

-

Pa

-

Gender

Paid work

-

Pa

0.03* (0.01) 0.006 (0.003)

Education

Overload

-

Na

Education

Overload

FIW

Na

Economic

FIW

-

Na

Gender

Paid work

FIW-

Na

Overload

FIW

-

Na

Paid work

FIW

-

Na

Education

FIW

-

WIF

2.22*** (0.33) -5.83*** (1.62) -0.16** (0.05) -0.16** (0.05) -0.14* (0.06) -5.83*** (1.62) 0.28*** (0.06) -0.009*** (0.003) -0.16** (0.05)

-.05 (.08) -.05 (.08) -.02 (.04) -.02 (.04) .12* (.05) .25*** (.07) -.01* (.003) -.01* (.003) -.01 (.06)

.07* (.03) -.04* (.02) -.03** (.01) -.01* (.004) -.03* (.02) .01* (.005) .07** (.02) -.002** (.001) -.06** (.02)

.03 (.07) .03 (.07) -.08 (.05) -.08 (.05) .06 (.05) .21** (.07) .26*** (.04) .26*** (.04) -.07 (.06)

0.28*** (0.06) -0.009*** (0.003) -

0.18*** (0.04) 0.23*** (0.05) 0.23*** (0.05) 0.23*** (0.05) 0.23*** (0.05) 0.23*** (0.05) 0.38*** (0.06)


Table 5. (Continued) Independent

Mediator 1

Mediator 2

Dependent variable

Gender

Paid work FIW

-

WIF

-

FIW

Paid work Economic Paid work Gender Paid work Supportive stage Gender Paid work Overload WIF

-

FIW

-

FIW

-

FIW

WIF

Na

-

Na

Paid work

-

Na

Education Education

Gender

WIF

Paid work *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

WIF

Independent → Mediator 1 2.22*** (0.33) -0.16** (0.05) 2.76** (1.08) 3.10** (1.14) -5.83*** (1.62)

Mediator 1 → Mediator 2 -

-8.47*** (1.49) 0.45*** (0.07) 0.02*** (0.004) -8.47*** (1.49)

0.02*** (0.004) -

-

-

Mediator 2 → Dependent -0.04* (0.02) 0.28*** (0.06) -0.009*** (0.003) -0.009*** (0.003) -0.009*** (0.003)

Independent → Dependent -.29** (.09) -.03 (.05) -.03 (.05) .02 (.04) -.16* (.08)

Indirect

Total

-.09* (.04) -.05** (.02) -.02* (.01) -.03* (.01) .05* (.02)

-.42*** (.09) -.11* (.05) -.11* (.05) -.17** (.06) .01 (.04)

0.15* (0.06) 0.15* (0.06) 0.15* (0.06) 0.02*** (0.004)

.09 (.08) -.001 (.02) -.002 (.02) -.15 (.11)

-.02* (.01) .07* (.03) .003* (.001) -.16*** (.04)

.09 (.08) .24*** (.05) .001 (.004) -.20 (.11)



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Indirect Effects Indirect effects, in which an independent variable was found to affect the dependent variable indirectly through a mediator variable, were also estimated. Table 5 presents these indirect effects. In order to clarify the full mediation path, the table includes the partial paths from the independent variable to the mediator and paths from the mediator to the dependent variable. When the direct effect of the independent variable on the dependent is insignificant, the indirect effect is complete, while in a partial effect the direct effect is significant as well. The total effect as reflected in Table 5 shows that in some cases of the indirect effect there are two mediators. In general, more significant indirect effects were found for parents in the active stage than for parents in the supportive stage. All indirect effects that were found in the supportive stage were complete effects. Women devoted fewer hours to paid work than men, and paid hours of work are associated negatively with lower levels of a WIF conflict (indirect = -.02, p < .05). This indirect effect was also expressed when the WIF conflict was the outcome variable (indirect effect = -.16, p < .001). Subjective overload was indirectly associated with negative affect through a higher WIF conflict (indirect = .07, p < .05) and similarly when the level of hours of paid work was the independent variable (indirect = .003, p < .05). Several indirect effects were found for parents in the active stage. Gender had an additional partial indirect effect on the positive affect: women devote more hours to the household than men (indirect = .07, p < .05), and fewer hours to paid work (indirect = -.04, p < .05). A partial effect of gender through hours at work and FIW conflict was estimated on the negative affect (indirect = .01, p < .05). Subjective overload impacted the negative affect through the hours devoted to paid work (indirect = .07, p < .01) and through the FIW conflict (indirect = -.002, p < .05). Gender showed a partial indirect effect on the WIF conflict through the hours devoted to the household (indirect = -.09, p < .05), and a partial indirect effect through the hours devoted to paid work on the FIW conflict (indirect = .05, p < .05). Several other indirect effects


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are presented in Table 5, mainly when the independent variables are background factors.

Differences between the Parenting Stages Wald’s test was employed for examining whether differences exist between the two models (see Table 6). Wald’s test for equal coefficients is based on the chi-square distribution. The null hypothesis is bactive-bsupportive = 0, versus the alternative that the sum is unequal to zero, where "b" is the unstandardized regression coefficient. The gender effect on hours devoted to the household was higher for parents in the active stage than for parents in the supportive stage. The level of education had a positive effect on the hours devoted to paid work among parents in the active stage, but not among parents in the supportive stage. Education had a positive effect on the experience of a FIW conflict among parents in the active stage, but not among parents in the supportive stage. The hours devoted to paid work had a positive effect on the experience of a FIW conflict among parents in the supportive stage and on the experience of a WIF conflict among parents in the active stage. Table 6. Wald’s test of equality between estimated coefficients (N = 549)

Household on gender Paid work on education WIF on education WIF on household WIF on paid work FIW on paid work NA on economic situation Number of roles on number of children *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001.

Active stage .36*** (.05) .15** (.06) -.01 (.06) -.16* (.07) .05 (.05) -.19*** (.05) .14* (.06) .07 (.06)

Supportive stage .21** (.06) -.05 (.07) .18** (.06) .07 (.07) .26*** (.06) .08 (.07) -.05 (.05) .27*** (.06)


Wald 4.50* 5.66* 5.52* 4.88* 8.54** 7.31** 6.40* 5.24*


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Moreover, a multiple group comparison revealed that the model’s groups differed in their regression weights. In other words, when the model coefficients were constrained to be equal, the model’s goodness-of-fit was significantly reduced (CFI: unconstrained = 1.00, constrained = .969; TLI: unconstrained = 1.00, constrained = .944).

DISCUSSION Overall, the findings indicate that the experience of a role conflict between the two demanding systems of the home and work differs in the two parenting stages. This conclusion is reflected in the level of the variables as well as in the different paths between the explanatory, mediator and outcome variables of the two parenting stages.

Differences between the Model Variables According to Parenting Stage Some of the differences that were found between the two parenting stages in the strength of the variables which are related to the family-work interface were expected, while others were unexpected and even surprising. These apparently reflect recent developments in many fields of life. As indicated by previous studies (Byron, 2005) and in spite of today’s developments during the supportive parenting stage (as described in the Introduction), the sense of WIF and FIW conflicts is higher during the active stage than during the supportive stage. The experience of a higher sense of both WFC dimensions during the active stage may also explain the higher negative affect during this parenting stage which was found in the present research. However, differences in overload between the two parenting stages were found only in a few of the construct’s measures. As reflected in other research findings (Martinengo, Jacob, & Hill, 2010), parents devote more hours to housework during the active stage, whereas they occupy a larger number of roles during the supportive stage. The hours devoted to the


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household in the active stage may be attributed to the intensive demands of caring for dependent and relatively small children. In contradistinction, the performance of a large number of roles in the supportive stage is not necessarily derived from the parenting role, but rather from developments that took place in other domains during this life stage. It appears that due to recent developments, parents in the supportive stage comprise the sandwich generation: concomitantly to supporting their children who are often taking their first steps outside the home, they take care of elderly parents for a long period (today sometimes for three decades) as well as of their young grandchildren. In addition, due to the rapidly changing environment and the high technological atmosphere of the 21st century, working parents in midlife must devote time and energy to staying updated with new knowledge in an ongoing process, struggle against employee stereotypes regarding aging (Mosoti & Masheka, 2010) and sometimes even compete with younger and ambitious workers who threaten their position at the work place (Gregory, 2002). These stressors are typical for parents in the supportive stage, but are not derived directly from the parenting role. They supply an explanation for the finding that, contrary to expectations, the subjective sense of overload is similar during both parenting stages in spite of the finding that parents in the active stage devote more hours to the household than parents in the supportive stage.

Experience of the WFC – Differences between the Two Models A comparison of the paths found in the empirical models for parents in the active stage and for parents in the supportive stage indicates significant differences between the two models, as revealed by the multi-group analysis, reflecting a unique experience of the WFC process for working parents in each of these parenting stages. While the subjective sense of overload is related to the WIF and FIW conflicts in both parenting stages, the relations between the objective overload measures and the outcomes are completely different in the two research models. Unexpectedly, a negative relationship was found between



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the hours devoted to paid work and the experience of a FIW conflict. Contrary to expectations, the objective overload (in certain measures) does not harm the subjective wellbeing of the parents in the active stage. On the contrary, it is beneficial for them. Devoting a large number of hours to paid work and to the household during the active stage may be considered as a mean for achieving the main goals of this life stage, e.g., successfully carrying out the parenting tasks and establishing their position at work and improving their economic situation. This perspective affords working parents with a sense of efficacy and motivation, which contributes to reducing the levels of role conflict. Thus, devoting a large number of hours to paid work and to the household in the active stage makes a positive and significant contribution to the parents’ subjective wellbeing. However, due to the cross-sectional characteristics of the study and the fact that the explanatory, mediating and outcome variables were collected at the same point of time and from the same source (the working parents), the relationship between numerous hours of paid work and hours devoted to the household and positive feelings can be attributed to the opposite direction, namely that parents who experience positive feelings related to the workhome interface are also strengthened enough to devote many hours for simultaneously fulfilling their roles of parents and workers. In contradistinction, among parents in the supportive stage, numerous hours of work have a negative effect due to the burnout they experience as a result of juggling between the home and work for many years, as reflected in a high sense of the WIF conflict. However, understanding the work-home interface is complex, since it appears that occupying multiple roles in the supportive stage is beneficial for working parents, contrary to the active stage. The number of roles occupied by working parents during the supportive stage is negatively correlated with the experience of a WIF conflict and positively to positive affect. This finding is compatible with the principles of the Role Accumulation Theory (Sieber, 1974), also known as the Role Enrichment Theory (Greenhaus & Powell, 2006). These theories assume that occupying multiple roles usually has more positive than negative implications for individuals by increasing the resources that people have at their disposal and by compensating for a sense of failure in another


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role. Parents can apparently enjoy the advantages derived from simultaneously occupying a large number of roles only during the supportive stage, when they no longer have the burden of raising children. A prominent difference between the two parenting stages was also found in the relation between the experience of the two types of role conflict and positive and negative affect. During the supportive stage, the experience of both types of WFC is not related to either affect, whereas during the active stage (carefully adopting a casual perspective), the FIW conflict harms the subjective sense of wellbeing by decreasing the positive affect and increasing the negative affect. There are two explanations for this finding. According to one explanation, the life experience accumulated by the parents by the time they reach the supportive stage enables them to successfully manage the role conflict and cancel its harmful effects on wellbeing. According to the second explanation, the difference between the two parenting stages in the impact of the role conflict measures on the two affect dimensions stems from a decrease in the importance of the parenting role (Kulik & Shilo-Levin, 2014) and the centrality of the work role (Wong, Lang, & Coulon, 2008) over the course of the lifecycle. Thus, although parents in the supportive stage experience some form of role conflict which threatens their good feelings related to their parenting or worker roles, its impact on wellbeing is not as great as in the active stage due to the decrease in the importance attributed to the parenting and work roles in later parenthood. Moreover, the finding that only the FIW conflict, but not the WIF conflict, has a direct effect on the negative affect during the active stage, may indicate that different meanings are attributed to the experience of the WIF versus the FIW conflict among working parents in this life stage. According to this explanation, because the FIW conflict indicates difficulties derived from intimate relations in the family domain, which due to their intensity cannot be handled solely and they spill over into the work domain, its harmful impact on affect is pronounced.



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Gender Differences Previous research found that men devote more hours to paid work than women and women devote more time to the household than men along both parenting stages (Martinengo et al., 2010). However, our findings revealed some differences in the impact of gender on the experience of the role conflict between the two the parenting stages. It was found that the gender differences in the household domain are particularly dominant in the active stage and less in the supportive stage. It may be concluded that although the home domain continues to be more demanding for women and the work domain continues to be more demanding for men, this difference was more salient in the active stage. Moreover, as revealed previously (Allen & Finkelstein, 2014), due to the higher demands of the work system for men, they experience higher levels of WIF conflict than women. However, the image of the new man and the new father (Pleck, 2010), who is more involved in raising his children than in the past, is reflected in our findings by the similarity in the intensity of the FIW conflict between the genders. Some gender differences between the two parenting stages were also found in the paths of the research variables. During the active stage (but not during the supportive stage), the more hours that women devoted to the household, the lower their experience of a FIW conflict. Consequently, the negative affect decreases. The greater investment of women in the home domain apparently facilitates the accomplishment of the family demands and thus prevents the interference of family demands with work, as reflected in the experience of lower levels of a FIW conflict and negative affect. However, during the supportive stage, the paths between gender and outcome variables are different. During this stage, the numerous hours devoted to the home overload the women and lead to an experience of relatively higher levels of a WIF conflict. Thus (taking a careful causal perspective in providing explanations for the findings), it may be concluded that during the active stage, the numerous hours devoted to the household provide women with a sense of efficacy in accomplishing their demanding tasks. As such, they are beneficial for the women, whereas during the supportive stage they increase the sense of role conflict. However, similarly to the other findings presented


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above, it is possible that due to the cross-sectional design of the study, the direction of causality between the hours devoted to the household and the FIW conflict stem from the opposite direction. Regarding the theoretical contribution of the study, our findings are in line with current trends of expanding the well-established theoretical perspectives that deal with the experience of a WFC following globalization processes, developments in gender roles and other diverse changes that have taken place during the present era, and indicate the need to include the parenting stage as an organic component of models that explain the experience of a WFC among working fathers and mothers.

REFERENCES Allen, T. D., & Finkelstein, L. M. (2014). Work–family conflict among members of full-time dual-earner couples: An examination of family life stage, gender, and age. Journal of Occupational Health Psychology, 19(3), 376–384. doi:10.1037/a0036941. Baltes, B. B., & Heydens-Gahir, H. A. (2003). Reduction of work-family conflict through the use of selection, optimization, and compensation behaviors. Journal of Applied Psychology, 88(6), 1005–1018. doi:10.1037/0021-9010.88.6.1005. Byron, K. (2005). A meta-analytic review of work–family conflict and its antecedents. Journal of vocational behavior, 67(2), 169-198. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2004.08.009. Charles, S. T., Reynolds, C. A., & Gatz, M. (2001). Age-related differences and change in positive and negative affect over 23 years. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 80(1), 136–151. doi:10.1037/00223514.80.1.136. Chou, R. J. A., & Robert, S. A. (2008). Workplace support, role overload, and job satisfaction of direct care workers in assisted living. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 49(2), 208–222. doi:10.1177/ 002214650804900207. Duvall, E. M. (1967). Family Development. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott.



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Duxbury, L., & Halinski, M. (2014). When more is less: An examination of the relationship between hours in telework and role overload. Work, 48(1), 91–103. doi:10.3233/WOR-141858. Frone, M. R., & Rice, R. W. (1987). Work‐family conflict: The effect of job and family involvement. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 8(1), 45– 53. doi:10.1002/job.4030080106. Galinsky, E. (1987). The six stages of parenthood. Massachusetts: Da Capo Press. Glass, J., & Fujimoto, T. (1994). Housework, paid work, and depression among husbands and wives. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 35(2), 179–191. doi:10.2307/2137364. Greenhaus, J. H., & Beutell, N. J. (1985). Sources of conflict between work and family roles. Academy of Management Review, 10(1), 76–88. doi:10.5465/AMR.1985.4277352. Greenhaus, J. H., & Powell, G. N. (2006). When work and family are allies: A theory of work-family enrichment. Academy of management review, 31(1), 72-92. doi: 10.5465/AMR.2006.19379625. Gregory, R. (2002). Age discrimination in the American workplace: Old at a young age. California: University of California, Berkeley. Hundley, G. (2001). Domestic division of labor and self/organizationally employed differences in job attitudes and earnings. Journal of Family and Economic Issues, 22(2), 121-139. doi:10.1023/A:1016678112790. Kahn, R. L., Wolfe, D. M., Quinn, R. P., Snoek, J. D., & Rosenthal, R. A. (1964). Organizational stress: Studies in role conflict and ambiguity. New York: John Wiley Publication. Keck, W., & Saraceno, C. (2010). Caring for a parent while working for pay in the German welfare regime. International Journal of Ageing and Later Life, 5(1), 107-138. Kulik, L. (2007). Contemporary midlife grandparenthood. In V. Muhlbauer & J. C. Chrisler (Eds.), Women over 50: Psychological perspectives (pp. 131–146). New York: Springer. Kulik, L., & Liberman, G. (2013). Work–family conflict, resources, and role set density: Assessing their effects on distress among working mothers.


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Journal of Career Development, 40(5), 445–465. doi:10.1177/ 0894845312467500. Kulik, L. & Shilo-Levin, S., (2014). "Multiple Roles and Role Conflict: A Life Span Perspective". The 20th Biannual Conference of the Israeli Association of Gerontology. Tel Aviv, Israel. Kulik, L., Shilo-Levin, S., & Liberman, G. (2016). Work–family role conflict and well-being among women and men. Journal of Career Assessment. doi:10.1177/1069072715616067. Michel, J. S., Kotrba, L. M., Mitchelson, J. K., Clark, M. A., & Baltes, B. B. (2011). Antecedents of work–family conflict: A meta‐analytic review. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 32(5), 689–725. doi:10.1002/job.695. Michel, J. S., Mitchelson, J. K., Pichler, S., & Cullen, K. L. (2010). Clarifying relationships among work and family social support, stressors, and work–family conflict. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 76, 91–104. Mosoti, Z., & Masheka, B. (2010). Knowledge management: the case for Kenya. Journal of Language, Technology & Entrepreneurship in Africa, 2(1), 107-133. doi: 10.4314/jolte.v2i1.51994. Pleck, J. H. (2010). Fatherhood and masculinity. In M. E. Lamb (Ed.), The role of the father in child development (pp. 27–57). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons. Reitzes, D. C., & Mutran, E. J. (2002). Self‐concept as the organization of roles: Importance, centrality, and balance. Sociological Quarterly, 43(4), 647–667. doi:10.1111/j.1533-8525.2002.tb00070.x. Shirom, A., Nirel, N., & Vinokur, A. D. (2006). Overload, autonomy, and burnout as predictors of physicians’ quality of care. Journal of Occupational Health Psychology, 11(4), 328–342. doi:10.1037/10768998.11.4.328. Sieber, S. D. (1974). Toward a theory of role accumulation. American Sociological Review, 39(4), 567–578. Vanfossen, B. E. (1981). Sex differences in the mental health effects of spouse support and equity. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 22, 130–143. doi:10.2307/2136289.



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Watson, D., Clark, L. A., & Tellegen, A. (1988). Development and validation of brief measures of positive and negative affect: The PANAS scales. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 54, 1063–1070. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.54.6.1063. Weigl, M., Stab, N., Herms, I., Angerer, P., Hacker, W., & Glaser, J. (2016). The associations of supervisor support and work overload with burnout and depression: a cross‐sectional study in two nursing settings. Journal of Advanced Nursing. doi:10.1111/jan.12948. Wong, M., Gardiner, E., Lang, W., & Coulon, L. (2008). Generational differences in personality and motivation: Do they exist and what are the implications for the workplace? Journal of Managerial Psychology, 23, 878–890.




Chapter 3

YOUTH IMMIGRANTS IN THE EUROPEAN LABOUR MARKETS: FACTS AND FIGURES Gönül Oğuz Giresun University, Department of Economics, Turkey

ABSTRACT The economic downturn has hit immigrants hard in almost immediately in most EU member states. This is of special concern for youth immigrants, who are vulnerable to the effects of unstable economic cycles in the labour market. Data from the European Commission (2009; 2011)1 and the OECD (2012)2 shows that the impact of the economic crisis on unemployment is more pronounced for migrants than for the nativeborn in the majority of the EU countries. Accordingly, the foreign-born unemployment rate increased by four percentage points between 2008 and 2011 compared with 2.5 points for the native-born and has only recently stabilized in some OECD countries. Immigrants tend to work in the most precarious sectors of national economies and therefore have been hardest1

European Commission (2009), Youth-Investing and Empowering EU, Youth Report, {COM(2009) 200}, {SEC(2009) 545}, {SEC(2009) 546}, {SEC(2009) 548}; European Commission (2011), Indicators of Immigrant Integration, A Pilot Study, Eurostat. 2 OECD, International Migration Outlook 2012.


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Gönül Oğuz hit by the downturn. More importantly, foreign-born persons were accounted for 9.4 per cent of the EU-27 population in 2010 and their socioeconomic situation was less favourable than for native-born persons across the board. Young immigrants have also ended up in part-time and temporary employment more often than native-born youth. These recent trends have highlighted the need for sound policies to protect youth being as the most vulnerable. Helping young people to find and keep a job is even more important for low-skilled foreign-born youth, who suffer a combination of disadvantages. The purpose of this chapter is to explore possible trends, issues and problems that hinder the labour market integration of youth immigrants in the EU and to suggest some solutions about ways to improve situation.

Keywords: European labour markets, immigrant youth, unemployment,

1. INTRODUCTION There is no precise meaning of youth. The term is usually defined as ‘the passage from a dependant childhood to independent adulthood’. The age category between 15 and 29 years of old is primarily regarded as the target population (European Commission, 2009; p6). However, period when an individual is considered to be “young” differs across Europe. This difference depends on national context, socio-economic development of a society and time. Thus, the target population is the age category between 15-29 years of old. This age category makes it possible to use Eurostat data and other data sources. The growing population of so-called ‘second-generation immigrants, the vast majority of whom are the EU citizens, has also become part of the broader policy debate. In some countries these children of immigrants are explicitly part of the “target” population for policies designed to foster social inclusion (Collett 2013: 3). Common to all countries, the fact is that the period of youth is marked by important life transitions. These transitions provide opportunities for youth to excel and prosper, but can also leave them vulnerable and deprived. With the current economic crisis, many young people are unable to find jobs that allow them to live on their own. This


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period of transition has become longer and harder, leading to the risk of a ‘lost generation (European Commission 2012: 5). Since 2010, the EU faces high youth unemployment owing to the global financial and economic (see OECD, 2012 and IOM, 2010). The EU estimated a GDP average growth rate of 1.8% for 2010 (a significant improvement over the - 4.2% in 2009), but at the same time, the average unemployment rate increased from 8.9% in 2009 to 9.6% in December 2010.The foreign labour force, in particular, continued to be more likely to be jobless than their native-born counterparts. For instance, in Spain, at the end of 2007, 12.4% of immigrants were jobless, compared with 7.9% of native-born Spaniards. By mid -2010, those figures had gone up to 30.2% and 18.1%, respectively (IOM, 2010). Unlike the native-born, the foreing-born youth can not easily access to secure well-paid job. Usually, precarious jobs are taken up by foreign youth. The level of unemployment is higher among foreign youth than native-born population. This situation necessitates to improve labour market conditions of foreign-born youth, who has suffered additional pressure as disadvantaged groups. The aim of study is to identify labour market challenges created by the current economic crisis. It particular focuses on the process of their integration into the European labour markets.

2. QUANTATIVE TRENDS Economic and social integration of the descendants of immigrants are likely to be one of the key challenges for many European countries over the next decades. Many European countries have only a short history of immigration, but the children of immigrants are a sizable and increasing fraction of their populations (Dustmann and Frattini 2011: 25). The EU member states are popular destination for young people, who may contribute to changing the structure of the labour markets. These migrants mostly come from the neighbouring countries. They are expected to contribute to the structure of European labour markets.


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Source: Eurostat, OECD. Figure 1. Share of foreign citizens and foreign-born in the total population in Europe in % (2010).

Current stocks of immigrants vary substantially across the EU member states. In 2010, the share of foreign-born immigrants was higher than the foreign citizens (see Figure 1). This is with exception of Luxembourg. The large majority of countries in which migrants originates neighbours from the EU member states. As the EU citizens enjoy equal treatment, there is a little incentive to take up citizenship of the host country.3 In general, immigrants are predominantly young, who may be beneficials in terms of their labour market outcomes. Figure 2 shows differences in the average ages of EU-27 and non-EU nationals in 2010. The proportions of the non-EU foreigners in the 20-39 age group accounted for over 40% of the total third-country population. The proportions of foreignborn persons in the age class 20-39 is also significant. Moreover, the median age of nationals of EU-27 member states was 40.6 years. This was against 3

The paper was presented by Gudrun Biffl at the conference on Managing Migration and Integration: Europe and the US, March 9 2012, Conference Venue: University of CaliforniaBerkeley Labour Market Integration ofLow Skilled Migrants in Europe: Economic Impact.



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27.5 years for the median age of non-EU nationals. According to an European Commission report in 2012, “immigrants arrive typically when they are between 25 and 35 years old (i.e., in their prime working and childbearing ages). They contribute twice to rejuvenating the populations they join; firstly, because they themselves are relatively young; secondly, because they bear children” (European Commission 2012: 15).

Source: Eurostat, Statistics in Focus, 34/2011. Figure 2. Age distribution of EU nationals and non-EU foreigners, EU-27, 1 January 2010.

Recent estimates suggest that the share of the population with a foreign background in the total population for the 15-29 age group in the EU-27 will be decreased from 2010 to 2060 (see Figure 3). “Around 14 million of the youth population will fall, unless the decline is not reversed. One of the most significant outcomes of the decrease in the numbers of young people in Europe, taken with the rise in average life expectancy, is the steady ageing of the European population overall” (European Commission 2012: 45).


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Source: Eurostat, 2010. Figure 3. Projected youth population (aged 15-29), with and without migration, EU-27, 2010-2060.

More generally, “the successive enlargements of the EU in 2004 and 2007 have led to an increase in the intra-EU migration. Immigration to developed countries has slowed sharply as a result of the economic crisis, bringing to a virtual halt regarding the rapid growth in foreign-born populations over the past three decades. Immigration to Ireland from the new member states fell by 60 percent from 2008 to 2009, while overall EU inflows to Spain fell by two-thirds” (Papademetriou et al. 2010: 2). This points to a progressive removal of restrictions on access to the labour market of the member states. In addition to these, some of the EU member states continue to be the main destination countries. As the economic downturn in Southern Europe tightens its grip, increasing numbers of people are heading North - many to Germany - looking for work. Germany received more immigrants in 2012 than it has in almost two decades. The majority of the newcomers are leaving behind countries in impoverished southeastern Europe or debt-crisis plagued



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euro-zone countries in Southern Europe, where joblessness is rampant, particularly among youth.4

3. EU’S POLICY FOR YOUTH IMMIGRANTS It is generally agreed that migrations are, in the short run, beneficial economically in the case of solving immediate labour market frictions, although it may be difficult to integrate them socially in the medium term. Migrants may be seen as competitors in the labour market, thus potentially lower wage levels and working conditions. They may also be seen as colleagues bringing additional working power and skills, thus increasing economic out-puts. Social partners and governments negotiate about these issues. Once a principal decision is taken to open up the labour market for foreign workers, a migration regime is put in place. In many countries in Europe facilitate the recruitment of foreign workers (Niessen 2012: 177).The integration of immigrants, in particular of their children, is a key challenge for policy makers. Many European countries are not well prepared for this task, in comparison to countries like the US, Australia and Canada. This has, at least, two reasons. First, immigration – and in particular immigration of culturally and ethnically diverse populations – is a relatively new phenomenon for most European countries, posing many new challenges (Dustmann et al. 2012: 146). Enhancing immigrant youths’ integration may only possible by setting up a comprehensive and forward-looking skill strategy across the EU member states. It is still prominent on policy agendas if one takes a broader view and considers aspects of the global economic crisis that has hit immigrant youth hard, in particular. Many EU member states are now required to devise new strategies to increases the unemployability of foreign-born youth. This is more urgent today as access to jobs has remained difficult for many new labour market entrants. 4

Tspiegel Online International, World from Berlin: 'All Will Profit from New Wave of Immigrants' May 2013,http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/press-review-on-mass-influx-ofeuropean-immigrants-to-germany-a-898786.html


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The 2009 Council Conclusions on the education of children with migrant background called on the member states to take action in order ‘to ensure that all children are offered fair and equal opportunities as well as the necessary support to develop their full potential, irrespective of background’.5 One of the important measures was to set up an integrated policy approach for the achievement of these objectives including developing, strengthening and anti-discrimination mechanisms. In 2011, the European Commission launched an ‘European Agenda for the Integration of Third-Country Nationals’ (TCNs) for the purpose of ensuring the economic, social and cultural benefits of migration in Europe. What is clear from this Agenda is that the EU values immigrants’ full participation in all aspects of collective life and the key role of local authorities for a range of reasons, including their availability, skills, work ethic and their commitment. Regardless of the economic backdrop, migrant workers will continue to play a very important role in the European labour markets. In December 2011, the Council of the EU adopted the conclusion of the European agenda for integration of TCNs. So it reaffirmed its commitment to further promote this renewed integration agenda. Tackling labour market challenges for youth immigrants requires action at community level. In this regard, action plan on the Stockholm Programme provides a roadmap for the implementation of political priorities set out for the area of justice, freedom and security between 2010-14.6 The European Commission has pursued a dynamic and comprehensive immigration policy. This consists of actions as supporting migration to fulfil the needs of the EU countries’ labour-markets and promoting the integration and the rights of migrants. The 2010 EU Youth Strategy and the 2012 Council Conclusions on the participation and social inclusion of young people have put the situation of migrant youth in the spotlight and set out labour market priorities

5

Council Conclusion of 26 November 2009 on the Education of Children with a Migrant Background, 26.11.2009, OJC 301. 6 Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions of 20 April 2010 – Delivering an area of freedom, security and justice for Europe’s citizens – Action Plan Implementing the Stockholm Programme [COM(2010) 171 final – Not published in the Official Journal].



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in the medium or long term. These recent policy initiatives have aimed to create more synergies between relevant policies and structural reforms to strengthen growth and boost job creation, together with social inclusion of young people with a migrant background. These proposed measures aimed to reinforce labour market participation and social inclusion of young people with migrant background, including implementation and evaluation of all policies and recognition of the role of youth organisations, which affect youth immigrants. It is equally important to reemphasis the importance of learning the official language(s) of the receiving country and other foreign languages. The Council concluded: “….formal education and non-formal and informal learning are of vital importance for full integration and social cohesion. All young people should have equal access to education, training and the labour market. Through the integration of young people with a migrant background in the educational system of the receiving country, they can broaden their knowledge, skills and competences, which significantly helps them to find employment”.7

Labour market distresses and discouragement underlies the critical role of education. As a further step, the Europe 2020 Strategy set up to reduce school drop-out rates below 10%, ensuring 40% of 30-34–year-olds complete their third level education at the very least.8 In the area of employment, the headline target is set up for 75% of the 20-64 year olds. A more efficient integration of migrants into the labour market could help to reaching the EU 2020 targets for not only the demographic forecasts predict, but the relative importance of migrants in European labour markets. Difficulties that youth face in increased risk of early school leaving are

7

Conclusions of the Council and of the Representatives of the Governments of the Member States, meeting within the Council, on the participation and social inclusion of young people with emphasis on those with a migrant background 3201st Education_Youth, Culture and Sport Council meeting Brussels, 26 and 27 _November 2012. 8 The European Union Explained: Europe 2020: Europe’s Growth Strategy, European Commission, http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/pdf/europe_2020_explained.pdf


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confirmed by the Council Recommendation.9 The Council adopted a policy option to introduce appropriate measures for groups with a socioeconomically disadvantaged, migrant background, or with special educational needs. Within inadequate active labour market policies, early drop-out is is being considered has additional problems that hamper labour markets from functioning effectively. It is important that the member states understand the diversity of young peoples’ backgrounds and needs, assuming flexible and inclusive approaches. The Commission has recently proposed the Youth Guarantee in which every EU country has endorsed and must urgently implement. 17 member states have already submitted to the European Commission their final plans to implement the Youth Guarantee, the ambitious EU-wide reform aiming to help all jobless people under 25 find employment, continued education, an apprenticeship or traineeship within four months of becoming unemployed or leaving formal education. 11 member states are still preparing their strategies to deliver a national Youth Guarantee scheme (European Commission 2014: 1). From the legislative framework, Article 32 of Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union states that ‘Young people admitted to work must have working conditions appropriate to their age and be protected against economic exploitation and any work likely to harm their safety, health or physical, mental, moral or social development or to interfere with their education’.10 This is to say, the EU is better equipped for legislation relating anti-discrimination, the rights of long-term residents and the right to family reunion and, thus can compete on a more level playing field with youth immigrants. Its focus on improving labour market integration issues derives from various Treaties such as Stockholm Programme 2009 and the Europe 2020 Strategy, together with Charter of Fundamental Rights.

9

Council Conclusion of 26 November 2009 on the Education of Children with a Migrant Background, 26.11.2009, OJC 301. 10 Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, 2000 O.J. (C 364) 1 (Dec. 7, 2000).



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4. EUROPEAN LABOUR MARKETS AND YOUTH IMMIGRANTS 4.1. Employment In many EU member states, “immigrants have lower employment rates than the native-born population. In North-Western Europe, this is particularly true for immigrants from middle and low-income countries - and particularly for migrant women. This also leaves room for considerable improvements” (Münz 2010: 15).Figure 4 shows an increase unemployment rates for the foreign-born youth aged 14-24 years in the period of 2000-2011. An upward trend was recorded in 2011 by 9.3% in 2011 followed on from a 9% in 2009.In the UK, the highest rate was observed from 2010 to 2011. The rate was even higher than the OECD in 2011, reached almost 12.5%, as compared with 7.8%. “In many cases, policies result in conflicting measures and goals; their impact is very limited; and when targets are established they deal with nominal objectives for reducing unemployment or creating a number of training opportunities, rather than focusing on improving the quality of jobs and reducing vulnerabilities” (International Labour Organization 2012: 13). “While the unemployment rate is a good measure of difficulties faced by young people in the labour market, it does not capture the situation of inactive young people who are not engaged in education or training – some of whom face a high risk of social and economic exclusion. A measure that captures both the risk of unemployment and inactivity is the share of youth neither in employment nor in education and training – the so-called NEET rate” (OECD 2012: 3). The participation rate for the foreign-born youth in the labour market depends on the engagement in education and training. It would appear that youth have lower participation rate due to the lower engagement in education and training. An increased trend in the share of migrant youth in NEET in the period of 2008-2009 is evident in Figure 5, compared to the native-born. This increase was recorded in particularly evident in Greece (15%), Spain (14%), Sweden (10%), Ireland (7%) and


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Italy (6%). “Young people in this group tend to come from an immigrant background, lack a diploma, and/or live in disadvantaged, rural or remote neighbourhoods. They face severe problems in making the transition from education to the workplace and risk being trapped in long-term unemployment and inactivity” (Froy and Pyne 2011: 23). It can reasonably be assumed that foreign-born youths will likely to be first hit by unemployment, as long as their skills are not fully utilised.

Source: OECD StatExtracts. Figure 4. Youth unemployment as a proportion of population aged 15-24 years, 2000-2011.

Sources: European Labour Force Surveys (Eurostat); Australia, Israel: Labour Force Surveys; United States: Current Population Surveys. Figure 5. Changes in NEET rates and long-term and short-term unemployment for youth by place of birth, in selected OECD countries, 2008-11.



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“Some inactive youth may have chosen to withdraw from the labour market – notably, young women engaged in child bearing and rearing. But for many young people inactivity is the result of discouragement and marginalisation, which may reflect the accumulation of multiple disadvantages such as poverty and other forms of social exclusion” (OECD 2012: 5).Consequently, “the substantial effect of this situation is the socioeconomic exclusion. Even those who are employed can experience precarious situations with low pay, poor quality working conditions and weak social security coverage. Lack of family – work-life reconciliation measures, discrimination, and absence of skills required by the current labour market may constitute further barriers of youth employment” (European Commission, 2011; p16). One positive aspect of the European labour markets is that the number of Information Communication Technology jobs is growing – by 3% each year during the economics crisis. There are currently 700,000 unfilled Information Technology (IT) jobs in Europe. Thus, the European Commission has called on member states to encourage the development of IT skills among young people. The Commission is issuing a call to action to companies, governments, educators, social partners, employment service providers and civil society to join us in a massive effort to “turn the tide”. Young Europeans are encourated to have the tools to enter digital careers or to create jobs as entrepreneurs.11 In fact that there are tens of thousands of jobs available for nurses and healthcare workers, electricians and a number of other areas of skilled labour in Germany. The most of the newcomers to Germany as a result of economic crisis, are well-educated and come from other countries in Europe. ‘All sides will profit hugely from the influx because the new wave of immigrants is younger and better educated than the average population’, as German Labour Minister Ursula von der Leyen stated.12

11

Public Policy Matters, EC calls on governments to encourage IT skills among youth, The Information Daily.com.January 30, 2013. 12 Tspiegel Online International, World from Berlin: ‘All Will Profit from New Wave of Immigrants’ May 2013, http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/press-review-on-mass-influx-ofeuropean-immigrants-to-germany-a-898786.html


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4.2. Education From a theoretical perspective, “sustainable migration models can offer Europe a distinct advantage over other industrialised nations and emerging economies that are increasingly hungry for skilled workers. But a clear obstacle for Europe in this global competition for skilled workers is the lack of co-ordination between EU member states. Europe can offer a diversity that few others can match, but the EU must use this to its advantage” (Ziller 2013: 3).“A key question for labour migration and labour market policies is whether migrants can take full advantage of their education and training skills by taking up work at a commensurate skill level - or, conversely, whether they experience considerable de-skilling by being employed in occupations at a lower skill level” (Cangiano 2012: 38). “The skill composition of migrants is being differentiated by EU citizenship and third country citizenship” (Biffl 2011: 4). “In many member states, over 10% of children attending education are from a migrant background. Schools must therefore adjust to their presence and build their particular needs into the traditional focus” (European Commission 2011: 23). However, “the educational performance of children with an immigration background is substantially lower than that of native children in nearly all EU member states” (European Parliament 2011: 11). This situation is defined as “disadvantageous segments” of education systems, implying that the propensity is that foreign-born youth is educated in segregated environments at the early disadvantages. In this sense, isolation of migrants and ethnic minorities are the terms that are associated with the separation. Usually, their aspirations and possibilities of participating in the labour markets are affected by such segments. In many of the EU member states with longer traditions of immigration, “there is a rising concern about segregation and its effects on equal chances of quality education. Educational policies often form part of urban policy programmes, and several countries provide specific educational support to areas with a high representation of immigrants. Most of the public support is directed to primary and secondary education, but there are sporadic examples of initiatives from universities and higher education institutes



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aimed at increasing representation of ethnic minorities and immigrants, notably Sweden, France, Netherlands, the UK and Belgium. Almost all member states provide specific support to immigrant children in schools. Support for learning the language of the host country is by far the most common component” (European Commission 2005: 35). There is little doubt that youth immigrants perform better than nativeborn population at school. In most countries, students, who do not have an immigrant background, are outperform students (see Figure 6). Gaps in average educational attainment is significant. There is also a performance gap among the first-and second-generation students, as later outperform first-generation students.

Source: OECD, PISA 2009 Database. Figure 6. Reading performance, by immigrant status.

In recent years, “an increasing number of young people have chosen to continue their studies beyond compulsory schooling in order to have better chances on the labour market. Although today’s young people are less numerous and better educated than their older counterparts, the transition into the labour market often remains difficult for them, and many of those who have already gained a foothold in the labour market hold lower quality jobs” (European Commission 2009: 83). For example, the most recent immigrants are over-represented in the very high-skilled and very lowskilled occupations in the UK. Immigrants are, on average, more educated than their UK-born counterparts and the educational attainment gap has been


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rising over time since more recent immigrants are more educated than other immigrants. Around 10% of all migrants are in full-time education.13In short, the initial education, labour market conditions as well as migration policies of the EU creates possible mismatch of skills. This situation easily affects the integration of inexperienced young people into employment. “The educational success of second-generation migrants is also reflected in the fact that, for both men and women, at EU level, the shares of second-generation migrants with low educational attainment tend to be slightly lower than their counterparts with native-born parents (respectively lower by four and one percentage points for persons with mixed backgrounds and persons with foreign backgrounds)” (Eurostat 2011: 59). To illustrate this point, Germany is developing into a magnet for wellqualified, young immigrants from the EU. Due to the shortage of skilled workers, they are a blessing for Germany, as Christine Langenfeld, the chair of the Expert Council of German Foundations on Integration and Migration (SVR), stated.14 “The transition of young people from school to the labour market may be gradual, depending in particular on their situation regarding education. Young people who are still in education may enter the labour market progressively. Those studying in vocational programmes may work as apprentices; others may work part-time (a few hours each week or month) either to finance their studies or to earn money for other personal reasons (European Commission 2009: 83). “The migrants and potential migrants are very diverse with different lifetime goals, motivations, and Networks” (Baláz et al. 2004: 26). Given the first-generation migrants exhibits exhibit very different labour market behaviour in the labour market, a significant proportion of them was trapped in the long-term unemployment and inactivity, when they dropped out of school in 2009 (see Figure 7). Around 26.3% of the migrant population was recorded as the early school leavers. This figure was 13.1% for the nonmigrant population. In some member states, the proportion of the early 13

Centre for Economic Performance, Immigration and the UK Labour Market: The latest evidence from economic research, London School of Economics and Political Science, June 2012. 14 Tspiegel Online International, World from Berlin: ‘All Will Profit from New Wave of Immigrants’ May 2013, http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/press-review-on-mass-influx-ofeuropean-immigrants-to-germany-a-898786.html



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school leavers was the highest, notably Greece (34.5%) followed by Italy (25.6%) and Spain (17.1%). “The Communication on “Tackling early school leaving” reaffirms the link between early school leaving and social disadvantage and low education backgrounds. As young people with a migrant origin are often concentrated in lower socio-economic groups, their average rate of early school leaving is double that of native youth (26.4% vs. 13.1% in 2009)” (European Commission 2011: 23). Many unskilled are also ill-prepared for to-day’s labour market. The lack of an upper secondary education qualification is generally regarded as the minimum credential required for successful labour market entry and a basis for further participation in lifelong learning, puts school-leavers at a disadvantage in the labour market (Scarpetta 2006: 7). Education partly reflects immigrants’ occupation. As Ziller (2013) has pointed out, “rising demand around the world for workers with expertise can not be met by investing in education or by promoting full-time employment for women, nor by reducing the number of people who drop out of training” (Ziller 2013: 3). “Education systems in Europe are slowly adapting to the needs of immigrants. Areas that need to be targeted include supporting educational programmes for immigrants, recognition of immigrants’ formal qualifications, introductory programmes for newcomers and their families and the promotion of social integration at schools” (European Parliament 2011: 11). It should also be noted that, “during an economic downturn and early phases of the recovery, apprenticeships programmes can play a vital role in promoting access to jobs to youth. But even in countries where the apprenticeship system is well established (Germany, Austria, Switzerland and Luxembourg), employers become reluctant to offer apprenticeships, especially to those youth lacking educational qualifications and from an immigrant background” (Scarpetta 2006: 24). In this regard, an important expectation of IT training companies is that relevant high-quality industry based e-skills training and certifications (those which are highly appreciated and in demand by employers and IT practitioners) receive some form of


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recognition by formal education systems in Europe (i.e., integrated to national qualification systems) (Korte et al. 2007: 13).15

Source: Eurostat – LFS. Online data code: not available Notes: Early school leaver is defined as a person aged 18 to 24 with at most lower secondary education and who is not in further education or training. Migrant is defined as a person for whom the country of birth is not the reference country. Figure 7. Early school leavers as a percentage of the migrant, non-migrant and total population, by country, 2009.

“Reasons for the pattern of educational disadvantage among children from a migrant background are socio-economic conditions, language and educational background. First generation migrants experienced particular difficulties as in many countries they are more than one and a half year behind their native peers at the age of 15. It is necessary to accommodate increased diversity of mother tongues, cultural perspectives and attainments (European Commission 2011: 23). The recent shift away from kinship-based immigration policies and toward an emphasis on skills and labor-market related criteria in many EU countries suggests that the European policy debate on immigration is not driven by ethnic politics (Zimmermann and Kahanec 2010: 20).

15

E-skills training refers to a horizontal objective in the framework of market information and development, certification, supply-demand matching, and support to employability.



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4.3. Skills Composition “To assess the barriers to labour market participation, a common approach is to consider the skill composition of immigrant youth. Highly skilled and professional workers have become central players in globalization” (Appleyard 2001: 17). “International mobility of the highly skilled concerns men and women with a broad range of educational and occupational backgrounds; university students, nurses, IT specialists, researchers, business executives and managers, and intra-company transferees. Some of these highly skilled individuals, such as graduate students, IT specialists and business managers, migrate on a temporary basis, while others migrate with an intention to settle permanently in the host country” (OECD 2002: 5). The share of immigrant student population varies considerably across the EU member states. Figure 8 shows a greater proportion of immigrant students in most EU member states in 2009. “For young people with a migrant background or belonging to specific ethnic groups, more tailored measures may be needed to improve the progress made by this fast growing youth population, who often experience particular difficulties in starting their career. This flagship initiative is also relevant for migration because the bulk of incoming migrants are very young, but also because there are serious policy challenges related to the integration of the children and descendants of immigrants” (European Commission 2011: 23). “The available evidence suggests that the EU enterprises are facing growing difficulties in filling current job vacancies, while there is an increased demand for highly skilled workers. So long as there are mismatches between educational and professional choices and labour market needs, there is no question that a real demand exists for specific skills, varying from one country to another, which quite often can not be met within the EU” (Kyrieri 2007: 21).“Only a small number of the newly arriving migrants are selected according to their skills and professional experience. Many ambitious immigrants are employed below their skill levels” (Münz 2007: 15).


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Note: Countries are ranked in descending order of the percentage of immigrant students (first- and second-generation students). Source: OECD PISA 2009 Database. Figure 8. Percentage of immigrant students.

“Common barriers to education include age of arrival and difficulty integrating into a newschool, language difficulties, pressures on schools to respond to rapidly changing student profiles, particular practices in national education systems, family background and parental expectations, financial pressures, low aspirations and expectations, and a lack of awareness of education routes and options” (Froy and Pyne 2011: 13). In practice, “it is the formal educational qualification levels, which mediate how individuals, are perceived by employers and social actors and their access to different types of employment” (OECD 2012: 43). A particular point is to make is that the children of immigrants are underqualified in the EU member states. In 2011, there were only 19% of native-born youths, who were overqualified.16 The youth immigrants tent to obtain an upper secondary qualification. It is inevitable that the risk of unemployment is twice as high for those with low skilled youth due to a lack of qualification. Especially, foreign-born female migrants, on average, even with those the highest qualifications) have higher employment rates than natives. There are also marked differences in education rate between the youth immigrants and natives (see Figure 10). 16

The term over qualification implies more skilled or educated than it is required for a job.


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At the same time, “many of the EU’s member states, notably Germany, the UK and Belgium, are already faced with shortages of qualified staff in the health sector as well as in the science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) professions” (Ziller 2013: 3). “By and large, the children of immigrants – in particular those who are native-born – appear to be less concentrated in sectors, such as manufacturing, construction, wholesale and hotel and restaurants than their immigrant parents. However, there is wide variation between countries, with perhaps the exception of the hotel and restaurant sector, where young immigrants tend to be overrepresented in most countries – although the differences are often not statistically significant” (Liebig and Widmaier, 1997: 33). In the UK, there is a larger share of immigrants than UK-born working in professional occupations. But there are more immigrants in processing and elementary occupations (such as bar work and waiters) than might be expected given their qualifications. This occupational mix in both high-skilled and less skilled jobs is reflected in the distribution of immigrants across industries. The health, hotel and restaurant sectors employ relatively more migrant workers than other sectors. The agriculture and energy sectors employ relatively fewer migrant workers than other.17 Low qualified

Highly qualified

30 20 10

0 -10 -20

L

DE U

PO

FR A

AU T

L BE

DN K

GR C

SW E

CH E

NL D

CD

FI N

IR L

OE

N

TU R

CA N

SV

P

T ES

ES

IT A

US A

IS R

HU N

CZ E

NO R

LU X

PR T

-30

Source: OECD Factbook 2010: Economic, Environment and Social Statistics, Population and Migration-International Migration-Migration and Employment Figure 10. Gap in education rate between native-born and foreign-born population by educational attainment, 2007.

17

Centre for Economic Performance, Immigration and the UK Labour Market, the latest evidence from economic research, London School of Economics and Political Science, June 2012.


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In 2012, many the EU-27 member states faced important employment losses with regards to the immigrant youth of all education levels. An upward trend was observed in most member states in the period of 20082011 (see Figure 11). The fall was visible in Ireland and Spain, whilst this loss was less significant in France. As regards to low-skilled youth, a higher employment rates were experienced by other countries, most notably Germany, Belgium and the UK.A significant employment losses for medium and high-skilled youth, who was better educated, was recorded in some countries, notably Ireland, Spain, France and Luxembourg. As for high-skilled young migrants, the rate fall varied ranging from 19 to 23 percentage points in Luxembourg, Greece, Norway, Spain and Ireland. The gap in employment level between the two groups depends on an unskilled labour force (i.e., a lack of qualification). Therefore, it is required that the education and training policies of the the member states should be focused on increasing and adapting skills. The logic lies in providing better learning opportunities at all levels.

Sources: European Labour Force Surveys (Eurostat); Israel, New-Zealand: Labour Force Surveys; United States: Current Population Surveys. Figure 11. Changes in migrant youth (15-24) employment by education level in selected OECD countries, 2008-2011.



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Apart from the general consideration that improving young people’s skills may be crucial to address the many challenges Europe is facing, the EU’s ability to remain competitive and to innovate relies on language skills: it is assumed that educational performance gaps between native and nonnative students relate to the socio-economic differences, as well as language barriers (OECD, 2010). That said, language is key to higher educational performance. Many migrant youths have difficulty in integrating at school because of the language barriers. It is worth noting that second - and third generations have faced such barriers. According to a survey by Eurobarometer Focus Groups (2011), speaking a common language was the most important factor to stimulate integration, as indicated by both non-EU immigrants and the general public.18 “Offering immigrant youth extra dominant tongue language assistance in early education can assist in tackling language problems which, if left unaddressed, can affect school performance” (Liebig et al. 2012: 24). Hence, “education is crucial to ensure that these pupils are equipped to become integrated in the receiving country. At the same time, migration can be enriching for the educational experience of all: linguistic and cultural diversity may bring an invaluable resource to schools. It can help to deepen and strengthen pedagogies, skills and knowledge itself” (European Commission” 2011; p23). “Language training courses for immigrant children are essential for promoting their integration within the school system. The success of integration policies in education is also linked to the use of resources at local level and to the coordination between governments and schools” (European Parliament 2011: 11). Finally, “coping with a job loss with regards to the immigrant youth of all education levels, the likely protracted period of unemployment is difficult to handle for youth. For most youth, the substantial effects of early unemployment on subsequent labour market and social outcomes may crucial for the future EU policy. A common EU labour market and greater mobility between the member states, along with a uniform system for recognising qualifications may boost Europe’s attractiveness. An integrated 18

Qualitative Eurobarometer, ‘Migrant Integration: Aggregate Report’ May 2011 http:// ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/quali/ql_5969_migrant_en.pdf.


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labour market is already a reality for EU nationals, could be promoted by integrating national services, such as job centres along the lines of the European Commission’s infant Eures job search portal for graduates. Foreign workers could then look for work or training anywhere in the EU before leaving their own country” (Ziller 2013: 3).

5. POLICY RECOMMENDATION After identifying the main problems already discussed above, the possible solutions suggested include: Better support job seekers: Given increasing difficulty of accessing to employment, quality early job searches should focus on measures to address questions, such as financial and language support for children with a migrant background, active desegregation policy which can improve the social, ethnic and cultural mix in schools, and help integration into the labour markets. Additional services in terms of social assistance should also be launched to take account of young people’s specific needs. New employment programmes can be essentially targeted at low-skilled foreignborn youths. Reintegrate youth into the social system: Introduction of variety of outreach programmes about labour market participation and the presence of mentor systems, employment and counselling services, and social inclusion are all effective measures to enhance reintegration of young people who who have slipped out of the labour markets and “left behind”. Support job readiness: Recognizing the importance of employment and training schemes as a major role in supporting youth in their job search, new schemes can be designed to offer practical skills including CV preparation, interview skills and work practices. Attempts should be made to develop workplace mentorship’ programme to help integrate immigrants into the labour market. With regards to quality job-search training, new apprenticeship schemes can also be designed for especially the low-skilled



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foreign-born young jobseekers, who face the difficulty to access to social networks and resources. Raising job awareness: An emphasis should be placed on current developing hard employment-ready skills, while recognizing selfconfidence and motivation levels as underlying issues. In order to avoid the poor outcomes of immigrant youths in the labour markets, it is important to raise aspiration. The lack of self-belief and low aspirations can only be overcome by the improvement of the already established youth Networks. New measures can be introduced to raise awareness about job types and career paths. Expanding social networks: New, and an effective social network will be needed to increase the overall labour market participation of foreign-born youths. Providing information about the availability of jobs in the labour markets is crucial for high level of employment. New ways of building bridges with the potential employer and employee or migrant families and communities from different backgrounds need to be developed. Improving skills at school place: Education and training systems of EU the member states should generate new skills of immigrant youth to respond to the nature of the new jobs before leaving the schools. New measures should also be taken to improve the adaptability and employability of adults already in the labour force. Providing the school-to-work transition as a method of acquiring skills is crucial to equip young people with key competences which can eliminate the dropping out of school. It is equally important to give a second chance to low achievers through apprenticeship. A particular attention should be given to financial incentives for students’ performance-based scholarships, who may wish to combine work and study to facilitate their school-to-work transition. Closer cooperation locally: Improving cooperation between a variety of partners including local authorities, schools, public employment services, social enterprises is essential to create employment opportunities for immigrant youths, as well as overcome discrimination in the labour market. While establishing closer ties between local firms implies job creation and this should be accompanied by some steps towards integration of immigrant youths’ into the labour markets.


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REFERENCES Appleyard, R. (2001). International Migration Policies: 1950-2000. International Migration, 39(6), 7-20. Baláz, V., Williams, Allan M. & Kollár, D. (2004).Temporary Versus Permanent Youth Brain Drain: Economic Implications, International Organization for Migration., Vol. 42 (4) 2004. Biffl, G. (2012). Labour Market Integration of Low Skilled Migrants in Europe: Economic Impact. A conference Paper on Managing Migration and Integration: Europe and the US, March 9 2012, Conference Venue: University of California-Berkeley. Biffl, G. (2011). Satisfying Labour Demand Through Migration in Austria, Study of the National Contact Point Austria in the European Migration Network. International Organization for Migration (IOM), Vienna. Barrot, J. (2008). The EU and Immigration: Opportunities and Challenges. eufocus 7, September. Cangiano, A. (2012). Immigration Policy and Migrant Labour Market Outcomes in the European Union: New Evidence from the EU Labour Force Survey Fiery Working Papers. LAB-MIG-GOV Project “Which Labour Migration Governance for a more Mynamic and Inclusive Europe?” June. Collett, E. (2013). Facing 2020 Migration Policy Institute Europe Policy Brief. Issue No. 1, February. Dustmann, C. & Frattini, T. (2011). Immigration: The European Experience. Norface Migration Discussion Paper No. 2012-01, December. European Commission. (2012). Joint Report of the Council and the Commission on the Implementation of the Renewed Framework for European Cooperation in the Youth Field. Draft, 2012. European Commission. (2012). EU Youth Report, EU Youth Strategy 20102018. Brussels, 10.9.2 012 SWD (2012) 257 final. European Commission. (2011). Commission Staff Working Paper, EU Initiatives Supporting the Integration of Third-Country Nationals, Access to European Union Law. EUR-Lex SEC/2011/0957 Final.



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European Commission (2011). New Approaches, New Skills for Social Exclusion. Education and Culture DG, Lifelong Learning Programme. European Commission. (2011). EU Initiatives Supporting the Integration of Third-Country Nationals. European Agenda for the Integration of ThirdCountry Nationals, {COM(2011) 455 final}Brussels, 20.7.2011SEC(2011) 957 final. European Commission. (2011). The Global Approach to Migration and Mobility. {SEC(2011) 1353 final} Brussels. 18.11.2011 COM(2011) 743 final. European Commission. (2009). Youth in Europe. A Statistical Potrait, Eurostat, Statistical Book. European Commission. (2009). EU Youth Report, Commission of the European Communities), Brussels, 27 April 2009 SEC(2009) 549 final Youth - Investing and Empowering {COM(2009). European Commission. (2009). New Skills for New Jobs Anticipating and Matching Labour Market and Skills Needs., Directorate-General for Employment, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities Unit D.2,Directorate-General for Education and Culture in April. European Commission. (2004). Study on Immigration, Integration and Social Cohesion, Employment and Social Affairs DG Contract VC/2004/0171 Final Report, Focus Consultancy Ltd Erasmus University Rotterdam, Faculty of Social Sciences. Eurostat Yearbook. (2012). Labour Market. Eurostat. (2011). Migrants in Europe, A statistical Portrait of the First and Second Generation, Statistical Yearbook. European Parliament. (2011). The Integration of Migrants and Its Effects on the Labour Market, Directorate General for Internal Policies, Policy Department A: Economic and Scientific Policy Employment and Social Affairs, IP/A/EMPL/ST/2010-05, June 2011. Froy, F. & Pyne, L. (2011). Ensuring Labour Market Success for Ethnic Minority and Immigrant Youth. OECD Local Economic and Employment Development (LEED) Working Papers, 2011/09, OECD Publishing. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/5kg8g2l0547b-en.


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International Labour Organization. (2012). The Youth Employment Crisis, Time for Action. Highlights of the ILO 2012 Report. IOM. (2010). Migration and the Economic Crisis in the European Union: Implications for Policy. Geneva, http://www.labourmigration.eu/ research/report/12-migration-and-the-economic-crisis-implications-forpolicy-in-the-. Korte, Werner B., Braun, N. & Gareis, K. (2007). Benchmarking Policies on Multi-Stakeholder Partnerships for e-skills in Europe. E-skills Policy, European Commission, December. Kyrieri, Katerina-Marina. (2007). Immigration Policy. EIPASCOPE, 2007/3, www. Eipa.eu. Jean, S., Causa, O., Jiménez, M. & Wanner, I. (2010) Migration and Labour Market Outcomes in OECD Countries, OECD Journal: Economic Studies, Volume, 2010. Liebig, T. & Widmaier, S. (1997). OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers, Children of Immigrants in Labour Markets of EU and OECD Countries: An Overview, DELSA/ELSA/WD/ SEM(2009)25. Liebig, T., Kohls, S. & Krause, K. (2012). Labour Market Integration of Immigration of Immigrants and Their Children in Switzerland. OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers, DELSA/ELSA/ WD/SEM(2012)2, 02-Feb-2012. Münz, R. (2010). Demographic Change, Labour Force Development and Migration in Europe. Policy, Migration, Integration, Diversity, http://www.migration-boell.de/web/migration/46_2447.asp. OECD. (2012). The Challenge of Promoting Youth Employment in the G20 Countries. Better Policies for Better Lives, May. OECD. (2012). International Migration Outlook. OECD. (2012). Untapped Skills, Realising the Potential of Immigrant Students. Better Policies for Better Lives. OECD. (2010). Rising Youth Unemployment During the Crisis: How to Prevent Negative Long-term Consequences on a Generation? Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers, No 106, OECD Publishing, Paris.



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Papademetriou, Demetrios G., Sumption, M., Terrazas, M., Burkert, C., Loyal, S. &Ferrero-Turrión, R. (2010). Migration and Immigrants Two Years after the Financial Collapse: Where Do We Stand? Report for the BBC World Service, Migration Policy Institute, October. Pethrus, E. (2012). Online Language Coaching Promotes Integration of Young Immigrants, Skills and Education, 31 January. Scarpetta, S., Sonnet, A. & Manfredi, T. (2006). Rising Youth Unemployment During the Crisis: How to Prevent Negative Long-Term Consequences on a Generation OECD Social, Employment And Migration Working Papers. DELSA/ELSA/WD/SEM(2010)6. Spenser, S. (2003). The Challenges of Integration for the EU, Center for Migration. Policy and Society, University of Oxford, Migration Information Source, October. Zimmermann, Klaus F. & Kahanec, M. (2010). High-Skilled Immigration Policy in Europe. IZA DP No. 5399, December 2010. Ziller, D. (2013). How Europe Could Tackle Its Growing Skills Shortage Summer. Europe’s World, Europe, June 18 2013.




Chapter 4

INSIDER/OUTSIDER STATUS IN MULTICULTURAL QUALITATIVE RESEARCH: TWO AUTHORS’ VOICES AND EXPERIENCES Suzie S. Weng, PhD1,* and Justin S. Lee, PhD2 1

School of Social Work, California State University, Long Beach, Long Beach, California 2 Idaho State University, Pocatello, Idaho

ABSTRACT In this chapter, we focus on the methodological and ethical strengths and challenges of conducting cross-cultural qualitative interviews from an insider and outsider perspective. We conducted interviews with nondominant racial and ethnic individuals in the United States. The researcher with insider status is Chinese American and conducted research with Asian American community leaders, while the researcher with outsider status is European American and studied adults who were unaccompanied refugee minors of a variety of non-European racial and ethnic backgrounds. Insider status strengths include community members’ *



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Suzie S. Weng and Justin S. Lee immediate trust of the researcher because she is also Asian American, willingness to participate in the research, and willingness to share with the researcher. Challenges, however, such as selection bias, assumptions about shared culture, and expectation of knowledge on the part of the Asian American community were observed. For the outsider perspective, benefits included that participants viewed the researcher as a clean slate and took care to explain their experiences as well as researchers’ distance and lack of familiarity with the participants’ experiences and subjective assumptions. Challenges from the outsider perspective included communication, both linguistic and cultural, power dynamics tied to distinct cultural values, and role confusion. We conclude that although both benefits and challenges exist, it is the ethical responsibility of the researcher to be aware of and to report the impact that insider/outsider status has on the process and outcomes of qualitative research.

Keywords: insider or outsider status, emic and etic perspectives, multicultural qualitative research, researcher and participant relations, qualitative interview methodology, qualitative interview ethics

INTRODUCTION The insider/outsider status of researchers relative to their participants is not a new issue, nor is it only relevant to particular disciplines. In any discipline, qualitative researchers are the “key instrument” (Creswell, 2007) and are unavoidably part of the world to be studied (Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983). It is therefore important to understand the impact that our racial, ethnic, and cultural status has on the process and product of our research endeavors. We recognize the ethical responsibility we have to seek out the best practice procedures and promote transparency. At its core, racial, ethnic, and/or cultural matching between researcher and participants is also a social justice issue, requiring researchers to be aware of unspoken rules around power and equality. In this chapter, we seek to provide some practical insights into the effects of the racial, ethnic, and cultural status of the researcher on participants, based on a study conducted by two researchers—whose racial background matched that of the participants, and one whose racial


Insider/Outsider Status in Multicultural Qualitative Research

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background differed from that of the participants. The researcher with insider status is Chinese American and conducted research with Asian American community leaders, while the researcher with outsider status is European American and studied adults who were unaccompanied refugee minors of a variety of non-European racial and ethnic backgrounds.

DEFINING TERMS IN THE LITERATURE According to Denzin and Lincoln (2005) qualitative researchers “…seek answers to questions that stress how social experience is created and given meaning” (p. 10). Qualitative researchers play a personal role in the process of answering such questions. While much of the literature pertaining to qualitative research methods discusses issues of objectivity and subjectivity, there is a lack of consensus on the similarity or difference to the race, ethnicity, and culture of researchers and their participants. There is, however, a plethora of terms with similar, and in some cases, overlapping definitions, such as reflexivity, emic and etic, ethnic matching and mismatching, and insider and outsider status. In qualitative research, the researcher is the primary ‘instrument’ of data collection, analysis, and interpretation. Reflexivity refers to the obligation that researchers have to acknowledge their values and prejudices, both personal and epistemological (Gadamer, 1975). Reflexivity is a tool that qualitative researchers use to identify the impact of similarity and difference on the research process and findings. Many qualitative researchers use reflexivity to assume an authentic role in scientific studies when researchers and participants encounter racial, ethnic, and cultural differences. Renganathan (2009) reported multicultural qualitative research as complex and layered, while Hamdan (2009) included participant’s narratives along with personal narratives. Some qualitative studies use the terms emic and etic when identifying the racial, ethnic, and cultural location of the researcher relative to participants. This, however, becomes problematic when deciding on definitions. Persson (2012) suggests that emic research results are limited to


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a particular culture, while etic results can be widely generalized to most or all cultures. One study used emic as a synonym of subjectivity, while it used etic as a synonym of objectivity (Hoare, Buetow, Mills, & Francis, 2012). However, Morris, Kwok, Ames, and Lickel (1999) distinguished them this way: Emic refers to an “insider’s perspective” (based on personal or lived experience) while etic refers to an “outsider’s perspective” (not based on personal or lived experience). While these definitions share epistemological assumptions, we have concluded that for our purposes, Morris and colleagues’ (1999) definition is most closely aligned with the topic we address. We use the term insider as a synonym with Morris and colleagues’ (1999) emic perspective and outsider as a synonym with Morris and colleagues’ (1999) etic perspective. Banks (1998) provided the following perspective: “Insiders claim that only a member of their ethnic or cultural group can really understand and accurately describe the group’s culture because socialization within it gives them unique insights into it.” “However,” he continues, “the outsider claims that outsiders can more accurately describe a culture because group loyalties prevent individuals from viewing their culture objectively” (p. 6). Merton (1972) viewed both perspectives as valuable, stating that, “We no longer ask whether it is the insider or the outsider who has monopolistic or privileged access to social truth; instead, we begin to consider their distinctive interactive roles in the process of truth seeking” (p. 36). Thus, it is useful to identify the benefits and challenges of both the insider and the outsider perspectives when conducting qualitative research. Dwyer and Buckle (2009) recommend exploring “the space between” which allows researchers to be insider AND outsider rather than insider OR outsider. Kusow (2003) further calls into question the “messiness” of clearcut distinctions of the insider/outsider label, who writes “…the insider/outsider roles are products of the particular situation in which a given fieldwork takes place and not from the status characteristics per se of the researcher” (p. 591). In this sense, insider/outsider status is about not only race or ethnicity or culture, but also a function of constantly renegotiated interactions.



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Merriam and colleagues (2001) identified positionality, power, and representation as key concepts that complicated the insider/outsider dynamics. O’Connor (2004) identified convergent statuses that confound the simplicity of insider/outsider group membership. Thus, Dowling (2000) concluded that a researcher is “never simply an insider or an outsider” (p. 33).

METHODOLOGY For consistency, both researchers followed the grounded theory method by Strauss and Corbin (1990). The studies used purposive sampling with the goal of maximum variation (Flick, 2006). Data analysis consisted of open coding, axial coding, and selective coding (Strauss and Corbin, 1990). Open coding is taking units and assigning them categories while comparing the units for similiaries and differences. Axial coding is relating categories to their subcategories and to each other so that the relationships were tesed against the data. Selective coding is relating the categories around a core category in order to better understand the central phenomenon under study. This section provides a very brief description of the two studies in order for readers to have some context of the strengths and challenges of having insider and outsider status.

Insider Status Study The main purpose of the study by the insider status researcher was to generate a theory of the process of developing an informal support network experienced by Asian American community leaders. The IRB approved study used purposive sampling with the goal of maximum variation (Flick, 2006). Variation included ethnicity because of the heterogeneity within the Asian American population. The ethnicities of partcipants included: Bangladeshi, Bhutanese, Burmese, Cambodian, Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Indonesian, Japanese, Korean, Laotian, Malaysian, Pakistani,


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Singaporean, Sri Lankan, Thai, and Vietnamese. The sample size consisted of 39 leaders of one Asian American community. Semi-structured face-toface interviews were conducted with 37 of the participants and two were by telephone as preferred by the particianpts.

Outsider Status Study The second author conducted a study of unaccompanied refugee minors (URMs) who enter the program through the United States State Department. The State Department provides a small number of refugee visas each year and contracts with two national faith-based organizations to provide for their basic needs. There are 14 states that have programs to help URMs transition into adulthood with the expectation that they will be eligible for permanent citizenship. This study focused on developing a theory of culturally relevant success from the perspective of former URMs. Upon successful ethical review (IRB), 15 participants were interviewed face-to-face with sampling for maximum variation.

Strategies for Rigor Both researchers also followed the strategies for rigor suggested by Creswell (2007). Before the start of the project, the authors engaged the populations of interest through prior ethnography (Spradley, 1979). The first author was a board member of two organizations that represented Asian Americans. The second author conducted training sessions for an organization that served unaccompanied refugee minors (URMs). The authors continued to serve in these capacities throughout the studies as recommended by Padgett (1998). Maintained involvement with populations of interest exposed the researchers to the culture of the community, and in turn, the exposure contributed to the cultural sensitivity and appropriateness of the conducted research.



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Another strategy for rigor is reflections through memos by both authors from the inception of the study to the end of the study, as suggested by Strauss and Corbin (1990) to ensure objectivity and transparency. The authors reflected on and wrote numerous memos on the interactions with the population of interest; authors related many of the memos to how individuals, groups, and organizations perceived the researcher. Other memos were about our perceptions of individuals, groups, and organizations as an insider or outsider. We also used memos during data collection and analysis to compare biases to what we found in the data. Yet another strategy for rigor was consulting with peer reviewers to attest to the credibility of the research process and product, as suggested by Padgett (1998). Peer reviewers were helpful with the authors’ insights into being an insider/outsider through their review and discussion of the authors’ memos as well as through probing questions to assist the researchers in further reflection.

INSIDER PERSPECTIVE Whether one is an insider or outsider, it takes time for individuals, families, organizations, and communities to develop trust in researchers. Despite being an insider, trust from the Asian American community had to be earned by the first author. The author did this in a community-based project she was a part of, as well as giving back to the community through board membership, committee work, event planning, and event participation. This section includes memos kept by the researcher but all initials have been changed to protect the identity of the participants and community members.

Strengths of Insider Status Participants’ view of the author as a member of the Asian American community offers several benefits that make conducting research less


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challenging. Among these strengths are community members’ immediate trust of the researcher, willingness to participate in the research, and willingness to share with the researcher. Immediate trust. Upon acceptance of the first author by its leaders, members of the Asian American community readily embraced the researcher as part of the community. Members of the community demonstrated this in various ways, including invitations into community members’ homes for family dinners. These dinners allowed the researcher to get to know the whole family and contributed to achievement of higher level of intimacy. This memo detailed the invitation to one of her first dinner invitations: JD invited my husband and me over to her house for dinner next week. This occurred after we realized that our families are originally from the same province in China. There was an immediate connection from the discussions of our hometowns and going back to visit relatives. We also don’t have our extended family living nearby.

Evidence of being accepted also came from being a part of groups that got together on a regular basis. One was a ladies group in which young professional women had dinner together on a monthly basis. This was a supportive group to discuss professional life and family away from both. This is one of the memos after a group dinner: I had dinner with the ladies again last night. Now that I’ve gone to the gatherings a few months in a row, it seems that there is a core group and then there are others who join when they can. Tonight was the core group. Topics of discussion were very personal, things that I think would only be shared with good friends. Even though the ladies know I’m conducting research in the community, tonight’s discussion is an example of them seeing me as a friend first.

Yet another way to demonstrated acceptance was when community leaders shared in confidence the issues of the community and historical events that contributed to current challenges. Here is an excerpt of an incident:



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While walking out after the meeting, LM shared with me why some people at the meeting were dismissive of the ideas proposed. LM thought I would understand the situation better if I knew why. I also learned about other people and their roles in the history of the community. I’ve met some of the people LM mentioned but didn’t realize their parts. It’s nice to put the pieces of the puzzle together.

Lastly, community members sought the researcher out in times of need because she is a social worker, which showed that they trusted the researcher to share their problems and to provide guidance. Here is an example of community member trust: I was approached at a community event last weekend by GT. I had met her a couple of times before, but mostly in passing. She shared with me a problem she’s been having and wondered if I could help. I wasn’t sure immediately if I could, so I asked her some questions. She seems comfortable sharing with me about her situation. I was able to refer her to a couple of people who I thought would be able to help.

Similarly, community leaders shared with the researcher the ways individuals in need were helped, further confirming leaders’ willingness to provide information to the researcher. This is an example from a memo: AR copied me in an email which she sent to other community leaders to get help for a community member. The situation seems very complex and time sensitive. AR thought copying me in the email would help me see how the community comes together to help an individual in need.

Willingness to Participate. The recruitment process for the first author was very smooth and much easier than anticipated. She directly recruited individuals she knew and also used gatekeepers; people who knew everyone else in the community. Both processes followed an IRB approved script. Once potential participants agreed to learn more about the study from the gatekeepers, they were asked for permission for the gatekeeper to pass along their contact information to the researcher.


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Based on the memos kept by the first author, there seemed to be four reasons for the ease of recruitment. The first reason was the knowledge of who to recruit. Because the first author was involved in the Asian American community and the target sample were leaders, she was always on the lookout for potential participants. Before she began recruitment, the author developed a list of potential participants and how each person would or would not fit into the study. I finalized my sampling criteria today with variation among the participants to include subgroup membership, leader background, and leader’s gender. With these specifications, I can go through the list of potential leaders I have and determine whether or not they’ll be a good fit for the study. This process will also allow me to see what gaps I need to fill and target specific leaders.

The second reason for recruitment going smoothly was the existence of relationships with the researcher or gatekeepers. Potential participants were more willing to learn about the request to participate in the research because people they knew and interacted with on a regular basis contacted them. Existing relationships encouraged participants to place trust in what the researcher told them about the purpose and benefits of the project [benefits of how it could potentially help the Asian American community]. Two memos detailing the recruitment process, one in which the researcher makes a direct contact and the second in which a gatekeeper makes the contact with the potential participant, are below: I contacted DM today to see if she’ll be willing to be interviewed for the study. Prior to making the request, we chatted about what’s going on with ourselves and how our families are doing. I didn’t feel comfortable coming straight out and asking her to participate in my research without asking her how she was doing. I wanted to show that I value our relationship and care about her wellbeing. When I asked her to be part of my study, she readily agreed. She didn’t have any questions about my study because she’s heard me talk about it in the past. She told me she knows that I’m trying to help the community and she wants to help me do that.



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BN [gatekeeper] called to let me know that he’ll be giving me a permission form this afternoon to contact YH directly about my study. BN said he had not seen YH in a while so this gave him a good reason to get in touch again.

A third reason for ease of recruitment was the fact that being a member of the Asian American community made the research easier. Community members seemed to assume that the researcher understood the culture and how the community functioned, therefore participants did not need to explain considerations to include or how best to approach and conduct research in the community. Below is a memo as an example: When MP agreed to be part of my study, she mentioned some of her assumptions about the research process. She said that since I attended many of the community meetings and events, that I knew the community. She said she didn’t mind explaining the Asian American community to outsiders but she was glad she didn’t have to explain it to me. She also said that my research would be easy for community leaders to be part of because I knew the community.

A final reason why recruitment was easy was the fact that several of the potential participants wanted to help a fellow Asian American in her pursuit of higher education. After potential participants gave gatekeepers permission for the first author to directly contact them, this author called the potential participants to introduce herself and explain her involvement in the community, and her study and its goals. Potential participants often expressed approval of the researcher in her process of getting her doctorate. Here is an excerpt from a memo describing one conversation: I called a potential participant this morning and the conversation took longer than I expected. It was mostly her asking me questions to learn about me. She was particularly excited that I was doing this study to complete my PhD degree. She said she wanted to help a fellow Asian American. She also said that someone of my background is needed in the community. She shared with me her process of getting her degrees and how we need to improve the education of youth in the community.


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Willingness to Share. Being of similar backgrounds and being part of the Asian American community may have contributed to participants’ willingness to share information with the researcher. During the interview process, participants seemed comfortable with the researcher, and this comfort allowed for an ease of sharing. Participants may also have felt that because the researcher understood the culture and the community, they could tell her more. Researchers used known information about the Asian culture and/or community history, events, context, and people as reference points before addressing ambiguous issues brought up during interviews. Reference points allowed the authors to explore topics of discussion more deeply and meaningfully. Below is an excerpt of a memo that describes points of reference: Interview yesterday with CY went really well. The information he shared during the interview was more revealing than I expected. Since I don’t know RN very well, it doesn’t seem to me that it was because of our relationship. Because RN knows I’m part of the community, he referred to events and people as a jumping off point to further explain and describe circumstances.

Challenges of Insider Status Selection Bias. While relationships with Asian American community members may contribute to a smooth recruitment process, they can also hinder it by selection bias. During planning and recruiting, in order to constantly challenge herself to think about personal relationships with potential participants, the first author asked herself whether she recruited the participant due to an existing relationship. To help overcome selection bias, the researcher clearly outlined the rationale for her recruitment of each participant. It was crucial to establish criteria for maximum variation of subgroup membership, leader background, and gender to avoid selection bias. Here is a memo of the researcher’s process to determine if a community leader fit the criteria for a potential participant.



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I think HG would be good to interview. He is clearly a leader in the xx subgroup community from the emails he sends out on behalf of the community. Other leaders in the Asian American community go to him whenever they need to receive or give information to the xx subgroup. He also fits in a couple of categories on the list. Currently, I have a good balance overall between male and female leaders so having him won’t skew the gender balance.

Because leaders in the community knew the first author was conducting research, selection of participants who were leaders in the community also became a political process. To protect the anonymity of the participants, the researcher did not share the names of people who were part of the study. Researchers used several gatekeepers so no one gatekeeper had extensive knowledge of participants. Even when potential participants agreed to have the gatekeeper pass along their contact information, the author never notified the gatekeepers of whether or not they included the person in the study. However, the selection of participants became a political problem a couple of times when leaders themselves expected an invitation to participate in the study but researcher did not ask the leaders to join. To maintain relationships, the researcher explained the selection process and rationale to the individual leaders without revealing who the researcher selected instead. This is a memo noting the political nature of the selection process: I had a quick chat with CW today about the criteria I’m using for recruitment. CW offered to be interviewed. I’m glad she brought it up because I had determined last week that she is not the best fit in terms of the variation I need among participants. I explained to her the research process and the need for the variation to help me get the most information for the study. She seemed to understand. Then she asked who was going to be interviewed within the xx subgroup. I think she wanted to help and let me know whether she thought the people I’ve selected can provide good information. I tried to explain to her that I couldn’t reveal the individuals but I assured her that they fit the criteria for the study and would have good information to share.


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Assumptions About Shared Culture. One of the common challenges of being an insider is an assumption about the researcher’s knowledge of shared culture. Because of this assumption, Asian American community members do not explicitly express information about how culture influences a situation or event. For example, because the first author is Chinese, there were times when community members made statements such as “well, you know our culture…” or “you know how our people think.” These assumptions can easily lead to misunderstandings that may influence the researcher’s knowledge of the community and the phenomena under study. The strategy the first author used in these situations was to increase her awareness, and then try to avoid any assumptions on her part and continually ask individuals to explain and clarify what they meant. Expectation of Knowledge of Community. Part of being an insider means being part of the community. When Asian American community members see and know researchers, individuals expect the researcher to possess knowledge of the community. The challenge with this expectation is that relevant information is then not discussed during interviews and missed in the data. To overcome this challenge, the researcher used two strategies. First, participants were notified at the start of the interview to not assume the researcher knew about the community and to explain information in detail so that anything important could be captured. Second, the interview process was semi-structured so it allowed the researcher to use prompts such as “how so,” “tell me more about…,” and “why do you say that.”

OUTSIDER PERSPECTIVE Just as insider status affords certain strengths and challenges in accessing and engaging a population, outsider status comes with unique strengths and challenges. The second author conducted research with a difficult to access and particularly vulnerable population of former unaccompanied refugee minors (URMs). Now adults, this population had received services from a faith-based organization through a federal contract, but were not tracked in any systematic way following discharge from the



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program. The participants were recruited through a community gatekeeper who worked for the faith-based organization and who vouched for the researcher and the project.

Strengths of Outsider Status Outsider status offers important advantages in qualitative research; participants perceive the researcher as a clean slate and professional distance offers increased researcher objectivity. In addition, the researcher in this study collaborated with a known gatekeeper who provided access to participants, and in turn, outsider status did not have an observable impact on recruitment. Additionally, verbal language was not a barrier to recruitment because the participants spoke English. The researcher as clean slate was an important strength of outsider status. Open-ended interview questions were born of genuine curiosity and were received in that way given the lack of personal experience on the part of the researcher. Often participants would start a response with a preface like ‘In my country it is very different from here’ and continue with a brief explanation. This was an important observation, as noted within a memo: I started to notice that after I ask a question, it is almost like there are two different answers. One is about how life would look if they were still in their own country, and a second is related to their experience in the U.S. and how it is different. I cannot help but think that this is because I am not from Sudan, or Haiti, or wherever. It almost seems like they live parallel lives.

Thus, participants seemed to attempt to bridge the cultural gap between themselves and the researcher. This is an advantage for an outsider and provides greater context and richer description of the experience. In addition to a rich, thick response to open ended questions, the view of researcher as a clean slate also gives participants a sense of their own expertise, as illustrated in this memo:


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Suzie S. Weng and Justin S. Lee During my interview with DM, I noticed that he seemed to take pride in sharing his story. Whenever I asked a reflective question, he would consistently say something like ‘you don’t quite get what I mean ‘or’ let me put it this way...’ and rephrase his original statement. In some cases he, and other participants prior, would give a nice summary of what they said when I asked a reflective question. I found their stories totally fascinating and they seemed to see that in my body language. DM, for example, was explaining how marriages were arranged in his home country and laughed out loud. When I asked what he was laughing about, he said that it sounds so funny to talk about because the U.S. is so different. He seemed to equate me with “The U.S.” in general as he tried to see his culture through my eyes. He really seemed to take pride in educating me.

The sense of pride empowered participants and resulted from the willingness to share personal narratives. Given the lack of personal experience on the part of the outsider researcher, the participants’ own expertise seemed to empower and accord them authority during the interviews. The view of the researcher as a clean slate, then, seemed to elicit detailed responses and empower participants with a sense of educating someone who would have been ignorant of their experience if it were not for them. Professional distance refers to the amount of objectivity the researcher can appropriately incorporate into data collection and analysis. As an outsider, the researcher may have fewer misconceptions or assumptions about a particular population. Both misinformation and assumptions negatively affect data collection and data analysis. Though an outsider is not immune from biases about a particular population, the following example from my reflections illustrates how outsider status is often an advantage. I met with LI this afternoon and talked for about 90 minutes. I had no idea [name of country withheld for privacy] was such a violent and dangerous place. As I listened to the experiences she shared, I was struck by how similarly she handled her situation to people from totally different places, even continents. Since I have never visited [name of country] I can only go on what she shared in her experiences.



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At the time, the lack of background information appeared to be a disadvantage; however, during the data analysis phase, the lack of minutia allowed the researcher to see themes more clearly. On another occasion, the second author interviewed one person and then interviewed the spouse. As an outsider, he listened to the stories they told, but also noticed the similarities and differences between their accounts. The distance between our cultural experiences enabled the second researcher to hear small differences between their accounts. The researcher reflected: I talked for about an hour with TJ and then about an hour and a half with JJ. Even though I asked the same questions, it was amazing to hear how different their experiences were when they first got to the U.S. All of these little details were jumping out at me during the second interview with JJ since their experience was so new to me. I wish I could interview them together now; I don’t think they realize how differently they made sense of their time in the program.

In this case, migration experiences in an unfamiliar country illuminated even the smallest details. In this unique situation, the second author was able to follow up on those details and gain some important information that might have gone unnoticed if the interviewer had been more familiar with the experience of resettling in the United States.

CHALLENGES OF OUTSIDER STATUS Outsider status as a researcher thus offers several strengths to the research process. Participants tend to view the researcher as a blank slate and provide extra detail about their context and experience. Additionally, participants feel a sense of empowerment in sharing their story, a topic on which they are experts. However, outsider status of the researcher brings strengths; it also contributes to a variety of research challenges. Challenges of outsider status as a researcher include communication with divergent


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language and meaning, power dynamics, and the outsider viewed as a service provider rather than researcher. Communication is complex and fraught with challenges when two parties natively speak the same language, let alone when the outside researcher’s common language is the second, third, or fourth language of a research participant. As a native English speaker, the second author learned to ask frequent follow-up questions and listened reflectively. Main challenges came up such as understanding diverse accents, understanding intended meaning of words and statements, and following a non-linear conversation. After the first interview, the author reflected: ...Although we were speaking English, it took all of my energy and attention to make sure I understood his words. LM had a very thick accent and spoke quickly sometimes, quietly and slowly at others, and avoided eye contact much of the interview. I had to keep stopping and repeating what I thought I had heard. He picked up on this and started saying things in two or three different ways, but it really interrupted the flow of his story. It was a long interview but we didn’t get to talk much in detail because it just took so long making sure we understood each other.

Not only was the accent difficult for a native North American to understand, but also the content was something new and different. The meaning behind the words came from a different cultural palette, so the picture painted was difficult to understand, and often frustrating for participants to explain. In addition, the author asked participants to reflect on events in their childhood, a period in life when they spoke a different language; many had not learned English until they were an adolescent or an adult. It seemed especially difficult for many to put those early experiences into English. So far the stories that I have been hearing are extremely rich and interesting. It is hard to get the full picture of their experience however, because even though I understand the words they use (usually), I get a sense that some of the participants feel constrained and frustrated by having to speak in English. One participant just started speaking in [native



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language], and then translated it for me. It was just easier to get those thoughts out in his native language and then do the work of translating for me. I doubt I got the whole meaning of what he was trying to say. At one point I had him write down a quote he shared in his language along with the translation. Some of them have gotten frustrated with English, and I am frustrated I can’t understand their intended meaning.

Since language is a function of culture, a cultural outsider found it challenging to understand the intended meaning of words. This resulted in some frustration and miscommunication. In addition to the accent and the cultural meanings behind language, the stories did not follow a traditional “Western” logic and flow. Although the interview protocol was chronological, the interviews rarely followed this ‘and then what happened’ trajectory. Instead, participants often talked about a childhood experience, for example a childhood memory of parents. Participants then related a story about a meaningful personal relationship with a social worker who incidentally reminded them of their mother. The non-western conversational pattern became apparent to the cultural outsider only after the interviews were complete. The phenomenon presented a challenge for the author to get into a conversational rhythm, who tended to stick to chronological protocol rather than follow participant’s leads into personal stories, and challenged the author to meet the goals of the overly rigid research protocol. Thus, challenges arose around communication through diverse accents, cultural meaning of words and statements, and the non-linear way the interviews developed. Power dynamics, like communication, are not exclusively a challenge of multiracial qualitative research. The power differential between an outsider researcher and a participant, however, is especially evident when the research takes place where the outsider is culturally dominant. This was the case in the research with refugees, and probably affected the interviews. Membership in the dominant race group and in a privileged position (such as a researcher) makes for a clear power differential. The challenge of a power-difference was apparent from the beginning, although the author made every effort to empower participants and remain self-aware. An early memo noted the following:


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Suzie S. Weng and Justin S. Lee I tried to make MK feel at ease, but he was nervous during the entire interview. He choose to meet at a coffee shop, but from the moment I arrived, he was very formal and frequently asked “was that right?” after responding to an open-ended research question. I paused a few times and explained that he was the expert and that I was just trying to learn from his experiences, but the interview remained formal and ended up being very short since he didn’t seem to want to open up.

Although the difference in power had an impact on some participants, others quickly felt comfortable and even expressed excitement sharing their stories. Further research is needed in order to better understand how power dynamics impact outsider research interviews, but one thing seems clear: the data will be limited in authenticity if researchers ignore or are unable to overcome the challenges of a power differential. The role of researcher was frequently confused by participants. As an outsider and a member of the dominant racial group, a few participants thought the author was a social service professional, and asked questions about available services. This is probably because the professionals with whom they worked while they were in the government-sponsored program were also outsiders. One interview in particular led to the following reflection: BN went into detail about his challenges getting a visa from the State Department. Much of the information was in line with my research questions, but I soon realized he was giving me a lot of background on his situation because he thought I would be able to work with him in getting his immigration status. I tried to explain the purpose of my study several times, but he seemed to think I was a social worker from the agency, not a researcher. This has happened in other interviews, but with this one, it was tough even completing the interview.

Thus some participants seemed to associate the author with other professional outsiders they knew, making it difficult to fully engage in the interview. Although this challenge may also be present with an insider researcher, outsider status seems to augment the confusion.



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Clearly, outsider status came with both strengths and challenges. Strengths included the fact that participants seemed to view the research as a clean slate, and therefore took care to explain their experiences. It was also a strength for the researcher to have some distance and lack of familiarity with the participants’ experiences, increasing the objectivity. On the other hand, outsider status raises challenges as well. Communication, both linguistic and cultural, clouds the meaning between the sender and the receiver. There are also challenging power dynamics to try to equalize between the outsider researcher and the participant. The role of the researcher can also become confused with the role of other professionals, creating barriers in the interview process and influencing the content of the conversation.

CONCLUSION It is essential to separate the strengths and challenges of insider and outsider roles in order to provide clear distinctions between the two. In the real world, that distinction is rarely defined. Rather, insider/outsider strengths are in fact tied to challenges. For instance, existing relationships that facilitate a smoother recruitment process is a strength. At the same time, existing relationships may contribute to selection bias. In the case of the outsider’s objectivity, on the one hand objectivity is a strength, on the other hand the researcher may be less able to understand and analyze data due to lack of cultural context. We present several strengths and challenges of which qualitative researchers must become more aware. It is important for researchers to understand the strengths and challenges of their insider or outsider status, and carefully monitor its impact on both data and on the participants. Additionally, it is important for researchers to acknowledge that insider and outsider status is not limited to race and ethnic status, but gender identity, social and economic status, ability, sexual orientation, religion, and role. In this way the question can shift from does insider OR outsider status work best, to what are the strengths and challenges of both insider AND outsider research?


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REFERENCES Banks, J. A. (1998). The lives and values of researchers: Implications for educating citizens in a multicultural society. Educational Researcher, 27(4), 4-17. Creswell, J. W. (2007). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Denzin, N. K. & Lincoln, Y. S. (2005). The Sage handbook of qualitative research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Dowling, R. (2000). Power, subjectivity and ethics in qualitative research. In: HAY, I. (ed.) Qualitative research methods in human geography, Melbourne: Oxford University Press, pp. 19-29. Dwyer, S. C. & Buckle, J. L. (2009). The space between: On being an insider-outsider in qualitative research. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 8(1), 54-63. Gadamer, H. (1975). Truth and method (G. Barden, Cumming, J., Trans.). New York: Seabury Press. Hamdan, A. (2009). Reflexivity of discomfort in insider-outsider educational research. McGill Journal of Education, 44(3), 377-404. Hammersley, M. & Atkinson, P. (1983). Ethnography: Principles in practice. London and New York: Routledge. Hoare, K. J., Buetow, S., Mills, J. & Francis, K. (2012). Using an emic and etic ethnographic technique in a grounded theory study of information use by practice nurses in New Zealand. Journal of Research in Nursing, 18(8), 1-12. Kusow, A. M. (2003). Beyond indigenous authenticity: Reflections on the insider/outsider debate in immigration research. Symbolic Interaction, 26(4), 591-599 Merriam, S. B., Johnson-Bailey, J., Lee, M., Kee, Y., Ntseane, G. & Muhamad, M. (2001). Power and positionality: Negotiating insider/outsider status within and across cultures. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 20(5), 405-416.



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Morris, M. W., Leung, K., Ames, D. & Lickel, B. (1999). Views from inside and outside: Integrating emic and etic insights about culture and justice judgment. Academy of Management Review, 24(4), 781-796. O’Connor, P. (2004). The conditionality of status: Experience-based reflections on the insider/outsider issue. Australian Geographer, 35(2), 169-176. Padgett, D. K. (1998). Qualitative methods in social work research: Challenges and rewards. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Persson, R. S. (2012). Cultural variation and dominance in a globalized knowledge-economy: Towards a culture-sensitive research paradigm in the science of giftedness. Gifted and Talented International, 37(1), 1548. Renganathan, S. (2009). Exploring the researcher-participant relationship in a multiethnic, multicultural and multilingual context through reflexivity. Qualitative Research Journal, 9(2), 3-17. Spradley, J. (1979). The ethnographic interview. Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. Strauss, A. & Corbin, J. (1990). Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory procedures and techniques. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.




Chapter 5

AFRICAN AMERICANS, FAST FOOD, AND THE BIRDCAGE OF OPPRESSION Jeannette M. Wade, PhD The University of Akron, Akron, OH, US

ABSTRACT African-Americans are both the leading consumers of fast-food and the most obese race group in America. Irrespective of their socioeconomic status, African-American neighborhoods have more fast food restaurants than grocery stores. Medical sociologists are challenged to reveal the social structural mechanisms that continue to make fast food uniquely appealing to African-Americans. I propose a sociological framework, adapted from Frye’s (1983) Birdcage of Oppression, consisting of five mechanisms that “encage” African Americans in matters of food consumption, namely: (1) Cultural Food Preference (2) Environmental Risk (3) Government Policy (4) Media Exposure and (5) Industry Practices. Because African American obesity rates are a public health concern, it is only reasonable then to understand how oppressive mechanisms work together to create and maintain health disparities. Moving forward researchers are urged to consider all five mechanisms in studies of race-based fast food consumption. Practical implications of this framework include new


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Jeannette M. Wade methods and messages to inform public health campaigns, approaches to police the industry, and health conscious ways to advertise fast food chains.

INTRODUCTION The American public became aware of the obesity epidemic in the 1990s, when it ‘earned’ the attention of national media outlets (Nestle and Jacobson 2000). At that time the surgeon general along with federally funded health initiatives urged the nation ‘to eat less and exercise more’, or if possible, do both. To date, the prevalence of obesity among African Americans is 36 percent, followed by Latinos at 29% and White Americans at 24% (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC] 2013). The government also urged Americans to decrease their fast food intake for two major reasons. One, fast food meals average between 1,000-2,000 calories, or up to 100% of an individual’s daily recommended intake (Nestle and Jacobson 2000). And two, fast food consumption has been empirically related to increases in body mass index (BMI) scores (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2013: CDC.gov). According to the Fryar and Ervin (2013), 11.3% of the average American’s caloric intake comes from fast food. This number is much larger for African Americans (at 14.8 percent), obese Americans (13.1 percent), and young Americans (21.2 percent). Additionally, according to the same report, African Americans and obese Americans consume more fast food than their White, Hispanic, overweight and normal-weight counterparts in every age. In essence, federal and state level efforts to decrease fast food consumption have been ineffective among African Americans. This is a call for a specific sociological framework that can be used to better understand race-based disparities in obesity.

CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND To begin, in order to contextualize the obesity epidemic and create a roadmap for the study of race-based fast food consumption, it is imperative


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to conceptualize health, obesity, and health risk. Throughout this framework health will be defined as the absence of illness and healthy refers to any food or activity that promotes the maintenance of health (adapted from Parsons 1951). Obesity the illness under investigation is obesity. According to the CDC, individuals with a BMI score of 30 or higher are considered obese (2014). And any foods or activities that promote the onset of obesity will be referred to as unhealthy or health risks. According to medical sociological theory, social conditions either limit (lower socioeconomic status, SES) or promote (higher SES) the dissemination of health-protective recommendations (Link and Phelan 1995; Phelan, Link and Tehranifer 2010). African Americans provide a clear example of the fundamental cause perspective as they are the lowest earners at every level of educational attainment and the greatest consumers of fast food. (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2015: BLS.gov). Lee (2011) argues that obesity is a sociological concern because the ratio of food consumption to energy expended is shaped by social position. Specifically, disadvantaged individuals (1) can find themselves forced to choose unhealthy food because it is low cost; (2) often live in food deserts where healthy, nutritious food is unavailable; (3) tend to believe that thin people are potentially low SES, battling a disease, or chemically addicted; and (3) have children who attend disadvantaged schools and are more likely to be obese. Lee (2011) recommends future researchers consider the multi-layered nature of the relationship between disadvantage and obesity figures. Below, I engage the sociological literature to determine why efforts to curb obesity among a specific US racial group have largely failed.

A SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYIS OF THE AFRICAN AMERICAN OBESITY CRISIS A sociological analysis of African American fast food consumption will illuminate the ways in which structural racism (social, political, and normative patterns in place to reproduce racial inequalities) works shape


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race specific eating habits. Individuals who are labeled ‘sick’ are unable to fulfill their societal role in the production and consumption of goods (Parsons 1951) and increase the national debt through medical spending. Medical sociologists, specifically, have a part in the process of examining race-based health disparities because (1) the public health implications associated with fast food consumption are well established and (2) all members of a society are impacted by health crises. To date, there is no framework for use in studies of fast food consumption and race. There is, however, evidence in the literature that such a framework is needed to guide social research. When examining the effects of racial segregation on public health, evidence suggests researchers should consider: both micro and macro level factors that influence health, the implications of income segregation and its impact on public health, and create frameworks that describe the mechanisms through which aspects of racial segregation impact health (Acevedo-Garcia, Lochner, Osypuk, and Subramanian 2003). African Americans are significantly more likely to consume fast food when compared to their White American counterparts (Wade 2017) and racial segregation has been at the forefront of mechanisms to consumption. Boardman, Saint Onge, Rogers, and Denney (2005) conducted a quantitative analysis of the relationships among place, race and obesity rates and found that regardless of all individual level control variables, Americans who live in neighborhoods with disproportionate obesity rates are more likely to be obese themselves. They argue that socio-cultural as well as socioeconomic factors contribute to this phenomena and that the African Americans in their sample disproportionately reside in both obese and low SES communities. The major aim of this chapter is to introduce a new framework that details the social correlates of African American fast food consumption. Because this framework not only addresses health inequalities, but also the implications of oppression, it is important to visit the literature of other oppressed groups to see how frameworks have been used to analyze their experiences. Since the inception of feminist theory, many gender scholars have examined how oppression shapes women's experiences in our society. Black feminist scholars like Hill Collins (1999) and Rousseau (2013) argued that social analyses of the African American experience must consider the



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role of oppression and domination in shaping any outcome of interest. Rousseau (2013) urged scholars to also consider the historical distribution of wealth and the normative nature of racism and segregation in the US. The goal then is to create a framework that considers socio-cultural predictors of health (both individual and neighborhood level), attitudes around food consumption, and the role of larger social institutions in shaping food consumption patterns. The proposed framework will guide research on fast food consumption with culture, racial segregation, historical patterns, and policy at the forefront. To return to gender scholarship, Frye (1983) compared women’s experiences of oppression to that of a bird in a cage. My stance is that the case can also be made in terms of African Americans and fast food consumption. According to the bird cage framework, individual wires of a cage do not work to prevent a bird from fleeing, much like individual mechanisms of oppression are less likely to account for the higher risk eating practices of African Americans. However, when the wires work together, it is virtually impossible for the bird to escape, or in the case of oppressed groups, forgo self-destructive behaviors. The purpose of this framework is to highlight the five mechanisms of oppression that impact African Americans and leave them with little autonomy in the area of fast food consumption. The Birdcage of oppression that limits the health autonomy of African Americans consists of (1) the exploitation of Cultural Food Preference, (2) the Environmental Risks associated with racial segregation, (3) culturally incompetent Government Policy, (4) targeted Media Exposure, and (5) unethical Industry Practices.

Cultural Food Preference There is no question that African Americans are the most likely to consume fast food. Two waves of market research showed that young age, low socioeconomic status (SES), African American race, and male sex are the greatest consumers of food consumption (Glanz et al. 1998). A major factor in the consumption of fast food among African Americans is cultural


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preference. Through qualitative analysis, Airhihenbuwa and colleagues (1996) found that African Americans have race specific tastes that persist across social class. One respondent in their study described this reality succinctly, ‘If you are a black, you are a black’ meaning, we all eat the same things (Airhihenbuwa et al. 1996: 6). Most African Americans do not have generational wealth, so there is only a slight distinction between low, middle, and upper class individuals. This means there is also no class based distinction in terms of food taste as consumption is rooted in a common history. African Americans report a preference for food that is spicy and deep fried. This developed as a way to improve the bland, inedible food they were offered during slavery (Airhihenbuwa et al. 1996). Another technique African Americans use to improve the taste of their food is cooking with meat (Hargreaves, Schlundt and Buchowski 2002). Slaves used underutilized pieces of pork to season many of their vegetables. The release of Fast Food Nation, a highly critical expose' on the fast food industry, shed light on a certain chain restaurant’s former practice of frying their potatoes in beef fat (Schlosser 2012). Although national attention led the chain to end this practice, it made their fries undeniably distinct, and may have contributed to the original lure among African American consumers. The impact of cultural preference on fast food consumption is also evident in quantitative analyses. More recent analyses of food choice showed that across all race groups (1) African Americans were the most concerned with taste when making selections (Schmidt et al. 2005) and (2) African Americans listed taste as the number one factor in their decision to consume fast food (Lucan, Barg, and Long 2010). So, given cultural preference for tasty, spicy, fried foods, frequent fast food consumption among African Americans makes intuitive sense. As the evidence shows, food that is spicy, fried, and cooked in animal fat appeals to African Americans and is almost exclusively served in fast food restaurants.

Environmental Risk After considering the cultural preference perspective, critics of the oppression framework could argue that fast food restaurants are more



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dominant in African American neighborhoods because the residents enjoy them. The truth, however, is that fast food density, or restaurants per square mile, in African American neighborhoods has a unique story of its own. An investigation of neighborhoods across five distinct social class categories shows: African American neighborhoods have 8.6 fast food restaurants per supermarket, mixed race neighborhoods have 5.57 fast food restaurants per supermarket, and White neighborhoods have 2.39 fast food restaurants per supermarket (Morland et al. 2002). According to Williams and Sternthal (2012) racial segregation is a fundamental cause of poor health for African Americans. It is established in the literature that compared to all other racial groups, predominately African American neighborhoods have more alcohol available, fewer grocery stores, and the bulk of baby formula advertisements (Lillie-Blanton, Anthony and Schuster 1993; LaVeist and Wallace 2000). It is also clear that fast food restaurants are now just as overrepresented (Morland, Wing, Diez-Roux, and Poole 2002). Nationally, Washington, DC, Mississippi, South Carolina, Delaware, and New Jersey, locales with the highest percentage of African Americans, also have the most fast food establishments (James et al. 2014). In addition, a case study of Houston, Texas revealed that proximity to fast food is shown to increase average BMI scores by 2.4% per mile, and that the average African American resident has 71.4 fast food restaurants within 5 miles of their home (Reitzel et.al. 2014). Overexposure to fast food is problematic because proximity has been shown to influence food choices. Hill and Peters (1998) argued that environments promote overeating via accessibility as well as portion sizes and fat content of available foods. So, because African Americans are often pressed for time, those who live near fast food establishments are likely to patronize them based on convenience. And because American culture promotes ‘getting more for your money’, and ‘upsizing’ is usually available for a small nominal fee, they are likely to consume larger portions when they do (Hill and Peters 1998). According to Kwate (2008), fast food density can be attributed to four key factors which include population characteristics, economics, infrastructure, and social processes. Kwate (2008) argues that as the dominant culture became aware of the obesity epidemic and began to avoid


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high fat foods, African Americans became the target population of fast food companies. In addition, due to the scarcity of business and commerce in African American communities, potential merchants are able to obtain rental units at a lower cost which is attractive to fast food retailers. In terms of infrastructure Kwate (2008) claims that valued neighborhoods are protected from fast food infiltration by labeling certain buildings ‘historical’ and thus protected from demolition. African American neighborhoods, however, are often left out. Finally, the social processes, which in this case are those that led White Americans to view fast food as food for the undesirables. This idea is in line with Phelan and colleagues (2010) argument that in order to maintain class-based health disparities, high class individuals frame unhealthy eating as non-normative, thus undesirable. To extend Kwate’s work, environmental risk is also heightened by adaptability which is a revered characteristic among African Americans. A long history of living in environments with subpar food options has fostered a survivalist mentality in this community. As survivalists, African Americans gain social acceptance by displaying an ability to adjust to their environment. This mentality makes African Americans more likely to consume fast food where chain restaurants are dense. A final perspective on the impact of environment on fast food consumption comes from the fundamental cause theory (FCT). Link and Phelan (1995) argued that social conditions are the fundamental cause of health disparities. They also argued that while there is no shortage of health information dispersed among socially disadvantaged groups, social location works to limit adherence to health related guidelines. Gerend and Pai (2008) describe this dilemma as having Competing Survival Priorities, or having to make health-related choices in terms of their impact on one’s economic stability. Low SES individuals and families often face questions like, ‘Do I have access to healthy food?’, ‘Do I have the time to seek it out?’, and ‘Will my family be okay if I forgo the commute and feed them fast food tonight?’ Because the answers are often no, no, and yes; low income individuals and families are frequently driven to sacrifice nutritional value in exchange for low cost options (Peralta 2003). For African American families, who are ½ as likely to have a car when compared to their White American age mates



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(Morland et al. 2002), taking several buses to reach healthy food, when unhealthy food is less than one mile away, could be viewed as simply unreasonable. As FCT posits, knowing the risk associated with fast food consumption is not impactful when lower SES comes with a shortage of health autonomy.

Government Policy Existent government efforts to promote healthy living show little consideration for African Americans (Nestle and Jacobson 2000). Government policies may fail to connect with African American consumers because policy makers ignore their unique voices and needs. In their qualitative analysis of African American eating habits, Hargreaves and Colleagues (2002) found that policymakers create culturally relevant prevention materials without including African American consumers in the process. As a result, public health campaigns with African Americans in mind have concentrated on transforming soul food into healthy food. So, for example, the government recommends baking over frying, seasoning with herbs rather than pork, and using low fat milk in macaroni and cheese dishes (National Institutes of Health 2008: nhlbi.nih.gov). Reactions from African American focus groups, nevertheless, revealed how ineffective that strategy truly is. First, African American women reported that taste and meat make a meal complete and desirable and that healthy preparations of soul food are often void of both. Second, the greatest predictor of food choice for the sample was time, and soul food, modified or not, is difficult to prepare under time constraints. Finally, people can only cook foods they have access to. Much like findings from the studies mentioned in the environmental risk section, a majority of Hargreaves and colleagues’ respondents reported that their meals came from vending machines and convenience stores (2002). Another concern is that the public health campaigns have been statistical and dense in nature. Focusing on incidence rates is less effective in terms of promoting change in racial groups like African Americans. Although nutritional content is important, African Americans have less exposure to


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math and statistics in school (BLS 2015) and are most likely to ignore numerically dense publications on obesity rates. Additionally, studies of food choice show that, controlling for available food labels, the only intervening variable significantly impacting food choice is cost. Consumers need more than a nutrition report to convince them that buying higher priced, healthy foods is worth their sacrifice (Tandon et al. 2011). Today’s efforts to combat obesity in America continue to place ‘eat less and workout more’ at the forefront of the battle (Dietz 2015). The CDC has partnered with schools, workplaces, and communities to implement projects that provide a means to exercise, and more access to fresh produce. The major issue for African Americans is that with (1) a 9.5% unemployment rate- or twice the national average, (2) overrepresentation in entry level jobs, (3) unequal government funds given to schools, by, race at every income level, (4) and the well documented disparities in fresh food to fast food ratios; they are less likely to be exposed to school and/or work based programming (BLS 2015; White 2015). So, rather than improving the health of African Americans- who are in dire need, our policies continue to reproduce the race based health gradient. Given the strong evidence that African Americans have not been effectively taken into account in the governmental war on obesity, it is clear that racial oppression is a critical component of the fast food epidemic. If government efforts to improve public health had a serious interest in reducing obesity rates for the nation, they would tap into the needs and voices of those most greatly affected. Culturally targeted prevention efforts should involve health education in group settings, because African Americans have been shown to learn best in groups (Airhihenbuwa et al. 1996). Previous studies have also shown the efficacy of group work and involving local businesses, like barbershops, in disseminating information on breast cancer, diabetes and human papilloma virus (HPV) (Plescia et al. 2008; Gerend and Pai 2008; Weddington, 2014) among communities of African Americans. At the macro level, there are ways to better inform fast food consumers too. Taking the age and education level of most fast food consumers into consideration: pictures, clearer menus, or following



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Subway’s model of showing televised clips in the lobby may be a more advantageous means of communicating the nutritional value of foods.

Media Exposure The media is the fourth oppressive mechanism that works to encourage fast food consumption among African Americans. Televised advertisements are used to spread brand awareness and influence decision making among fast food consumers. Despite government efforts to decrease overall fast food consumption, fast food chains combat those efforts by spending upwards of $115 million per year on advertisements (Nestle and Jacobson 2000). While one could argue that fast food companies are no different than any other industry that uses television to promote their product, but they are different in that their product has been shown to compromise health when overconsumed. Televised exposure to fast food is problematic because people are more likely to eat while watching unhealthy food advertised on television (Belitz and Frank 2010). To magnify the problem, studies of childhood obesity show that obese children have a more accurate recall of food commercials than children with healthy BMI scores (Halford et al. 2004), and that after controlling for age, weight, race, and ethnicity nothing is a better predictor of food consumption than exposure to televised advertisements (Harris et al. 2009). Marketing teams are sure to maximize their success by reaching both television and fast food’s greatest consumers, African Americans, as often as possible. African Americans are subjected to fast food advertisements at greater rates due to cultural trends and industry practices. African Americans consume the most television of all racial groups. According to Nielsen (2011) the average African American consumes more television, at 7.12 hours per day, than their White American counterparts, at 5.02 hours. Access to modern advances in television viewing are also stratified by race. Today, White Americans are more likely to use digital video recorders (DVRs) as a way to minimize commercial viewing. Nielsen (2011) shows that White Americans watch 4.05 hours of live television and 27 minutes of prerecorded


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shows, while African Americans watch 6.16 hours of live television and only 20 minutes of recorded shows. Thus, on average, African Americans watch more television and are least able to bypass commercial advertisements. According to Henderson and Kelly (2005) 33% of the commercials aired during mainstream television shows feature fast food. In contrast, a staggering 54% of commercials aired during predominantly African American shows feature fast food and 58% of commercials geared towards African American children feature fast food, making them the most exposed group of all (Harrison 2006). A qualitative analysis of the fast food meals featured in children’s advertisements revealed that each dish averaged: 129% of the recommended daily fat intake, 89 grams of sugar, or 78% of the daily allowance of carbohydrates, and 145% of the daily recommended sodium intake (Harrison 2006). So young children who are exposed to these ads see meals that promote the onset of obesity and diabetes. African American adolescents are bombarded with fast food advertising as well. Fast food is advertised in 36% of the commercials that air during their programming. The Black Entertainment Television (BET) network is a major culprit in the overexposure campaign too (Outley and Taddese 2006). They alone account for 65% of the teen centered fast food advertisements that are televised. In the case of fast food consumption, media exposure is clearly working to encage African American consumers and to reproduce existing health disparities.

Industry Practices The fast food industry itself is contributing to the encagement of African Americans. In order to maximize profit, selling more of a given product is necessary. The question, however, becomes, does industry have an ethical or social responsibility to not harm their customers? Although issues of ethics and humanitarianism can be divisive in nature, the industry should consider taking responsibility for its role in the obesity epidemic because not all press is good press. The cost of films like ‘Super-Size Me’ (which documents one man’s increases in weight and declines in health while



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consuming fast food exclusively for thirty days) and books like ‘Fast Food Nation’ going into production is a decreased bottom line for chain restaurants (Spurlock 2004; Schlosser 2012). Social researchers have brought attention to the unethical marketing techniques used by fast food producers in their attempts to maximize consumption. For one, the industry has been shown to promote foods high in sugar, fat, and salt (Zimmerman and Shimoga 2014). Secondly, the industry uses child friendly advertising and free toys as ways to lure young consumers (Schrempf, 2012). These techniques are especially impactful among African American consumers for several reasons. First, as previously discussed, African Americans have a cultural preference for the foods that are most commonly advertised by the industry. And second, African American children spend the most time watching television (Ward, 2004). This means these children are most likely to view the advertisements and get enticed by the idea of acquiring new toys. In addition to the use of ethically questionable marketing strategies, the fast food industry also takes advantage of Americans’ desire to ‘get the most for their money’. Analyses of changes in fast food portion sizes (at three major chain restaurants) show the lack of industry cooperation empirically (Young and Nestle, 2007). According to an analysis of portion sizes from 1998-2006, the following health promoting changes took place: (1) Restaurant A stopped selling ‘supersized’ products, (2) Restaurant A decreased their large French fry option by .3 oz., and (3) Restaurant B decreased their large French fry option by .4oz. Yet, during the same period, the following health threatening changes occurred (1) Restaurant B added king sized products, (2) Restaurant C increased all drink sizes (the large went from 32 oz. to 42 oz.), and (3) Restaurant C masked the drink increase through name changes. First, Restaurant C discontinued the Kids size cup altogether, then the Small became known as Kids size, the Medium changed to Small, the Biggie to Medium and Great Biggie to Large. Thus, despite the surgeon general’s warning, the fast food industry continues to provide excessive servings that promote overconsumption. Young and Nestle (2007) argues that Restaurant C’s tactic manipulated conscientious Americans into eating more. And again, this change created a uniquely large threat to


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African Americans. One can assume that because in many cases, children order fast food meals on their own, the bigger Kids sized drink is rarely viewed as a threat to their health. The fast food industry has also used high powered attorneys to convey its stance that, it is not the industry’s responsibility to lessen the quantity of calories in menu offerings. They go on to argue that, it is actually the consumer’s job to eat responsibly and exercise as needed (Schrempf 2012). So rather than making changes to a faulty structure, the industry is committed to the notion of personal responsibility for its customers. This statement shows the industry is not interested in acknowledging its role in the public health crisis and is disconnected from their consumers. It is well established that African Americans are the largest consumers of fast food, and have limited autonomy in terms of eating less and exercising more. If the industry was invested in the well-being of their consumers they would work to create food that continues to generate profit while also limiting the inclusion of fats, salts, and sugars.

SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS The use of a birdcage framework to analyze the relationship between African Americans and fast food consumption revealed the multiple mechanisms at play by the industry, by advertising strategy, by geographical location (i.e., racialized and segregated neighborhoods) and by government intervention which disadvantage African Americas in the American public health effort to address obesity. Each emergent cause of obesity is a direct result of systematic and institutionalized forms of oppression. First, cultural preference, which is rooted in slavery, makes eating spicy and fried foods normative for African Americans. This cultural orientation appears to be exploited by the fast food industry. Second, environmental risks are heightened by racial segregation because fast food restaurants are within walking distance in predominately African American communities. Third, government policies fail African Americans by ignoring their needs and health. Fourth, the fast food industry ignores policy recommendations and



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continues to promote foods that are low in nutritional value and high in fat content. And fifth, the media lures African Americans to fast food restaurants through constant televised exposure. In sum, the oppressive socio-cultural mechanisms, that work together to attract African Americans to fast food restaurants, must be studied as a cohesive framework. Not only do they co-occur, they also overlap. Only a cohesive unit could work to explain the interconnected, multi-layered nature of oppression. Multilayered structural change is required to diminish the impact of oppression on African American eating habits. It is time to hold the fast food industry accountable for their role in the obesity epidemic. Literature linking fast food advertisements to overeating is exhaustive. Public health is deteriorating and televised portrayals of food consumption need to change. In conditions of cultural taste, researchers are challenged to look into this mechanism further. The African American upper class is an understudied group who may actually have food preferences closer to their White counterparts. Previous literature points to an assimilation effect in the area of infant mortality where educated African American women’s rates mirror those of educated White women (Schoendorf et al. 1992). To assess the generalizability of this framework, it is critical to distinguish the experience of African Americans from that of the low SES. Although qualitative research indicates a global taste preference among African Americans, convenience and targeted sampling leave many quantitative studies limited to outcomes on poverty and not the complete African American experience. It is well established in the literature that racial segregation is a fundamental cause of health disparity and fast food density for African Americans. There is no doubt that previous recommendations to implement zoning laws that limit fast food presence and increase access to groceries and exercise facilities are valid and noteworthy. Given the limited political and financial power of predominately African American neighborhoods a more effective way to decrease environmental risk could be taping into the very survivalist mentality that endorses adapting to available foods. Perhaps public health efforts should sell the ‘only the strong survive’ message in a way that promotes healthy eating and avoidance of overindulging.


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Without addressing the disparate resources afforded to African Americans, policy recommendations will continue to fail. The federal government is challenged to consider implementing penalties for distributors of high fat foods and tax breaks for distributors of healthy foods. This method of policy change works to incentivize the inclusion of healthier foods without imposing unrealistic behavior changes on to oppressed groups. A second way to improve health policies is to increase the incidence of African Americans in political office. According to health and race scholar LaVeist, communities with African American politicians have better overall outcomes for African American citizens (1993). There is no question that African American political leaders have a greater vested interest in minority health as it impacts their friends, family, and voters. Evidence of this phenomena is present in reference to our current first lady Michelle Obama (Dietz 2015). Her efforts to improve health, including 100’s of millions of dollars to build grocery stores in underserved communities have temporarily halted obesity growth rates since the “war” began. The media is a more difficult mechanism to tackle given freedom of speech and the capitalist nature of our economy. As more research emerges that identifies fast food consumption as a major culprit in the war on obesity and a threat to public health perhaps it will be easier to police fast food advertisements the way pharmaceuticals and tobacco are. To start clear disclaimers on the deleterious nature of fried food consumption should be added to commercials and eventually they should be removed from television, at least during children’s shows, altogether. It is possible for the industry itself to improve conditions for African American consumers as well. In their groundbreaking study of self-control and fast food portion sizes, Schwartz and colleagues (2012) found that over 30% of consumers are willing to downsize their meals when prompted. They compared the efficacy of posting nutrition labels to simply asking ‘would you like half a scoop (of Asian cuisine) which will save you 200 calories’ and without hesitation many consumers said yes. Their major argument is that people are unlikely to exercise self-control in mundane, habitual environments (like fast food counters) but through changing the script consumers are able to rethink their transactions. Given the prevalence of



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obesity and diabetes in the African American community it is quite possible that verbal cues like the aforementioned might work to decrease portion sizes without the industry losing consumers altogether.

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Fryar, Cheryl D. and R. B. Ervin. 2013. Caloric Intake from Fast Food among Adults: United States, 2007-2010. Frye, Marilyn. 1983. “Oppression.” The Politics of Reality: Essays in Feminist Theory: 1-16. Gerend, M. A. and M. Pai. 2008. “Social Determinants of Black-White Disparities in Breast Cancer Mortality: A Review.” Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention: A Publication of the American Association for Cancer Research, Cosponsored by the American Society of Preventive Oncology 17(11):2913-2923. Glanz, Karen, Michael Basil, Edward Maibach, Jeanne Goldberg and Dan Snyder. 1998. “Why Americans eat what they do: Taste, Nutrition, Cost, Convenience, and Weight Control Concerns as Influences on Food Consumption.” Journal of the American Dietetic Association 98(10):1118-1126. Halford, Jason C., Jane Gillespie, Victoria Brown, Eleanor E. Pontin and Terence M. Dovey. 2004. “Effect of Television Advertisements for Foods on Food Consumption in Children.” Appetite 42(2):221-225. Hargreaves, Margaret K., David G. Schlundt and Maciej S. Buchowski. 2002. “Contextual Factors Influencing the Eating Behaviours of African American Women: A Focus Group Investigation.” Ethnicity and Health 7(3):133-147. Harris, Jennifer L., John A. Bargh and Kelly D. Brownell. 2009. “Priming Effects of Television Food Advertising on Eating Behavior.” Health Psychology 28(4):404. Harrison, Kristen. 2006. “Fast and Sweet: Nutritional Attributes of Television Food Advertisements with and without Black Characters.” The Howard Journal of Communications 17(4):249-264. Henderson, Vani R. and Bridget Kelly. 2005. “Food Advertising in the Age of Obesity: Content Analysis of Food Advertising on General Market and African American Television.” Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior 37(4):191-196. Hill, J. O. and J. C. Peters. 1998. “Environmental Contributions to the Obesity Epidemic.” Science (New York, N.Y.) 280(5368):1371-1374.



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James, Peter, Mariana C. Arcaya, Devin M. Parker, Reginald D. TuckerSeeley and SV Subramanian. 2014. “Do Minority and Poor Neighborhoods have Higher Access to Fast-Food Restaurants in the United States?” Health & Place 29:10-17. Kwate, Naa O. A. 2008. “Fried Chicken and Fresh Apples: Racial Segregation as a Fundamental Cause of Fast Food Density in Black Neighborhoods.” Health & Place 14(1):32-44. LaVeist, Thomas A. 1993. “Segregation, Poverty and Empowerment.” The Milbank Quarterly 71(1):41-64. LaVeist, Thomas A. and John M. Wallace Jr. 2000. “Health Risk and Inequitable Distribution of Liquor Stores in African American Neighborhood.” Social Science & Medicine 51(4):613-617. Lee, Hedwig. 2011. “Inequality as an Explanation for Obesity in the United States.” Sociology Compass 5(3):215-232. Lillie-Blanton, Marsha, James C. Anthony and Charles R. Schuster. 1993. “Probing the Meaning of racial/ethnic Group Comparisons in Crack Cocaine Smoking.” Jama 269(8):993-997. Link, Bruce G. and Jo Phelan. 1995. “Social Conditions as Fundamental Causes of Disease.” Journal of Health and Social Behavior: 80-94. Lucan, S. C., F. K. Barg and J. A. Long. 2010. “Promoters and Barriers to Fruit, Vegetable, and Fast-Food Consumption among Urban, LowIncome African Americans--a Qualitative Approach.” American Journal of Public Health 100(4):631-635. Morland, Kimberly, Steve Wing, Ana Diez Roux and Charles Poole. 2002. “Neighborhood Characteristics Associated with the Location of Food Stores and Food Service Places.” American Journal of Preventive Medicine 22(1):23-29. National Institutes of Health. 2008. Heart Healthy Home Cooking African American Style. Nestle, M. and M. F. Jacobson. 2000. “Halting the Obesity Epidemic: A Public Health Policy Approach.” Public Health Reports (Washington, D.C.: 1974) 115(1):12-24. Nielsen. 2011. U.S. TV Trends by Race and Ethnicity. National People Meter.


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Outley, Corliss W. and Abdissa Taddese. 2006. “A Content Analysis of Health and Physical Activity Messages Marketed to African American Children during After-School Television Programming.” Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine 160(4):432-435. Parsons, Talcott. 1951. “Illness and the Role of the Physician: A Sociological Perspective.” American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 21(3):452-460. Peralta, Robert L. 2003. “Thinking Sociologically about Sources of Obesity in the United States.” Gender Issues 21(3):5-16. Phelan, J. C., B. G. Link and P. Tehranifar. 2010. “Social Conditions as Fundamental Causes of Health Inequalities: Theory, Evidence, and Policy Implications.” Journal of Health and Social Behavior 51 Suppl: S28-40. Plescia, M., H. Herrick and L. Chavis. 2008. “Improving Health Behaviors in an African American Community: The Charlotte Racial and Ethnic Approaches to Community Health Project.” American Journal of Public Health 98(9):1678-1684. Reitzel, Lorraine R., Seann D. Regan, Nga Nguyen, Ellen K. Cromley, Larkin L. Strong, David W. Wetter and Lorna H. McNeill. 2014. “Density and Proximity of Fast Food Restaurants and Body Mass Index among African Americans.” American Journal of Public Health 104(1):110-116. Rousseau, Nicole. 2013. “Historical Womanist Theory: Re-Visioning Black Feminist Thought.” Race, Gender & Class 20(3):191-204. Russell, Cristel A. and Denise Buhrau. 2015. “The Role of Television Viewing and Direct Experience in Predicting Adolescents' Beliefs about the Health Risks of Fast-Food Consumption.” Appetite. Schlosser, Eric. 2012. Fast Food Nation: The Dark Side of the all-American Meal. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. Schmidt, Marcia, Sandra G. Affenito, Ruth Striegel-Moore, Philip R. Khoury, Bruce Barton, Patricia Crawford, Shari Kronsberg, George Schreiber, Eva Obarzanek and Stephen Daniels. 2005. “Fast-Food Intake and Diet Quality in Black and White Girls: The National Heart,



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Chapter 6

YOUNG CHILDREN IN FAMILY THERAPY Ingeborg Stiefel Central Coast Local Health District, Gosford, Australia

ABSTRACT This chapter presents a model of working with families of young preand primary school age children (age range 4 – 6). Techniques are based on Narrative and Strategic Family Therapy. Cognitive and language capacity, but also the child’s interest and attention span must be taken into consideration. A relaxed and playful approach assists with engagements, and multi-sensory communication (visual, action, movement, sounds, stories and externalisation techniques) are integrated with language based intervention. Questions and therapist responses need to be brief and at a concrete level. Narrative Therapy offers creative uniquely tailored strategies of engaging, assisting in capturing young children’s interest by developing themes and stories. These can be integrated with the family’s hoped-for change. Strategic Family Therapy tackles presenting problems by refining the issues that need to be addressed, focusing on one circumscribed problem. This can be extremely helpful to families who feel overwhelmed by numerous issues, unable to find a starting point out of the problem maze. Strategic Family Therapy also invites the therapist to utilize creative, spontaneous, unique and even unusual ideas, as long as they are ethically sound. In both models, the treatment approach develops as a joint


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Ingeborg Stiefel venture where ideas may be suggested by the therapist, yet the family contributes actively, explores and selects what they think works best for them. Constant self-monitoring by the therapist and feedback from the family are necessary in guiding the therapist’s decision making at significant moments in the session. Family therapy as a technique and family therapy as an Art remains true when working with families where the young child is the referred family member. The chapter presents the advantages of whole family work for the treatment of common childhood problems.

INTRODUCTION Whether young children should take part in family therapy sessions has been debated for many years, dating back to the pioneer years of the family therapy movement in the 1970s (Larner, 1996, Breunlin and Jacobsen, 2014). Hayley (1976) recommended that children should be included in family therapy. Whole family sessions offer direct observation of family process, the typical patterns of communication and interaction, with the rich interweaving of content and process information. Children are and should be seen as active participants in the family (Barker and Chang, 2013). Working with complete families allows for the best understanding of the system and helps each member and the family as a whole to utilise their resources in overcoming a presenting problem (Breunlin and Jacobsen, 2014). With the complete family being present, important information may already be revealed in the waiting room. The observing therapist will take note of the seating arrangement and how family members great the therapist. In the interview room, the closeness or distance between people may be significant. Does the child take the large comfortable chair and does the parent accept the small child chair? Posture, facial expression, responses to each other, tone of voice may invite therapist hypotheses about the system. Patterns and sequences of interaction will occur that may represent typical family interactions. No detailed verbal account of family problems reported by a parent without the family being present could give the richness of this interactional dance played out in front of the therapist.


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Children often act as barometer for family affect and their response especially when exploring significant issue can offer clues for a better understanding of the challenging issues. Children’s play is a mean of communication from the intra-psychic, but also from the systemic perspective, and can be seen as the child’s narrative (Larner, 1996). Whole family work offers the best understanding of the system in which family member express their own perspective in relation to the presenting concern, and the family as a whole can use their combined strength in overcoming a presenting problem. The here-and now situation also offers an opportunity for trials of in-session intervention. Zilversmit (1990) discusses advantages and disadvantages of child inclusive family therapy. Again, the observation of the entire family system with an opportunity to witness interaction at various developmental stages is seen as a major benefit. Nevertheless involving young children in sessions can disrupt and slow the therapy process and interrupt smooth exploration of issues. The young child may need to use the bathroom, is hungry and needs to be fed, leaving 1000 crumbs of chips on the floor, or becomes fatigued with a steady decline in mood and compliance, and finally demonstrates one of the meltdowns the parents described as reason for referral. However, most authors conclude that the benefits outweigh the liabilities (Silversmit, 1990). Non-referred siblings of any age can also have an important role, both in the assessment and treatment phases. They may be less inhibited, not being seen as the ‘problem child’, to contribute freely with their own independent ideas, widening the lens for an understanding of the problem. Family therapy with young children requires a child appropriate setting in which children can express themselves in developmentally appropriate ways, with appropriate toys and drawing materials that capture their interests, leading to therapeutic engagement (Barker and Chang, 2013). Cooklin (2001) recommends a non-intrusive, playful approach with an expressed message by the therapist that the child’s contributions matter. If we accept the view that whole family therapy is the preferred choice, the question then remains which models or adaptions of systemic models are helpful when working with families where the young child is the referred


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family member? This chapter proposes that the narrative and the strategic models offer a wide range of therapeutic options appropriate to the clinical setting of working with young children. The first model, Narrative Family Therapy, works well when the child engages in the development of the alternative narrative, whereas the second model, the Strategic Family Therapy, addresses the interactional pattern of the family system as a whole.

NARRATIVE FAMILY THERAPY While perhaps not immediately evident when considering the underlying social-political/philosophical position taken by proponents of this model, and the description of therapy excerpts especially with adults, which often represent the ‘conversational’ processes, with dense, metaphorical language, long sentences and a fairly high level of abstraction, Narrative Family Therapy is a nevertheless a good choice for many families with young children. The advantage is that the model offers a playful approach that is highly suitable and appropriate for working with 4-6 year old children, as it can combine story-telling and playful multi-sensory strategies with verbal means. Narrative Therapy builds on social constructivism, post structuralism and the philosophical beliefs associated with Foucault. Good summaries can be found by Rasheed, Rasheed and Marley (2011) and Goldenberg, Stanton & Goldenberg (2013). Narrative theory views life as multi-storied. Stories develop and are shaped by peoples’ life experiences and by social, cultural and political context. Narrative theory challenges the assumption of an absolute ‘truth’ and invites a critical reflection as to what is taken for granted. Powerful societal and family narratives can create and support positions of power and dominance, and can lead to the development of problems. Narrative Therapy contrasts ‘Thin’ descriptions with ‘Thick’ description of self and others. Thin descriptions are closed and narrow views, one-dimensional perspectives that block alternatives and new possibilities. These are often internalised, accompanied by powerful, restricting beliefs about self or others. In contrast, thick descriptions are



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stories and narratives which are open and multi-dimensional, offer a range of possible outcomes and are receptive to change. Key stories, key narratives become dominant beliefs through which the family organises their experience, and which shape their interaction with each other. Narrow and negative descriptions often lead to the development of problems and may stimulate help seeking of families. Narrative Therapy addresses the marginalisation of families and of members within systems, including the family system and other larger systems (Rasheed, Rasheed and Marley (2011). Cornerstone of Narrative Therapy is the deconstruction of the problematic narrative. This process starts with a respectful exploration of the reason for referral. Externalisation, a conversational technique, is a key tool in this process. Externalisation allows the family to perceive the problem as being a separate entity that influences their lives (Epston and White, 1992). The problem is perceived as an unwelcoming visitor that controls, tricks or seduces the family into restricting beliefs and problematic interactions. Family and therapist unravel the influence of the externalised problem and its historical roots if applicable. Gradually, threads of new, alternative views emerge that will eventually replace the problematic narrative. Unique outcomes (Exceptions) are the entry point to the re-authoring process. Exceptions represent examples of beliefs, behaviour and interactions that stand in contrast to those associated with the problem. Narrative therapy draws out the hidden potential, unrealised opportunities, unrecognised strength and talents of the family members. The family’s relationship with the problem narrative is then contrasted with the emerging alternative narratives, inviting the family to consider their preferred choice (Nicholson, 1995). This process is guided with help of circular questions, including relative influence questions, future prediction questions, exception questions (Hewson, 1991). The telling and re-telling of the new story is an important aspect of therapy, helping the family to integrate the new narrative into the family’s life. Narrative therapy has been applied to a wide range of childhood issues, including fears, separation anxiety, problem behaviour, encopresis, sleeping problems, tantrums, trauma, attention-needy behaviour (White, 1989; White


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and Morgan, 2006; Stiefel, Anson and Hinchcliffe, 2017; Heins and Ritchie, 1985; Larner 1996, Walters, 2011). When working with children, adaptation of the conversational process is needed that allows all family members to engage at the level of their comprehension. This requires the utilisation of a range of communication means (Stiefel, Anson & Hinchcliffe, 2017). White and Epston in their earlier writing offer a useful set of strategies and techniques for working with children (White, 1989).

ENGAGING YOUNG CHILDREN Children at the pre-operational stage of development (age 3 – 7) require communication strategies that are appropriate to their developmental level. These include concrete, clear and brief verbal utterances, combined with a relaxed and playful approach. Pre-schoolers learn by seeing and doing, therefore therapy should incorporate appropriate multi-sensory communication, including visual, tactile, movement, action, singing, rhyming and stories, in addition to verbal exchanges. Engagement may start in the waiting room with the therapist showing interest in the child’s activity (drawing or reading), a toy brought to the session, clothes they are wearing or a play activity chosen from the available toys in the waiting room. Yet sensitivity is required on part of the therapist as to avoid intrusive approaches, especially with anxious or shy children. Therapists walk a fine line between doing too little or doing too much, doing too much too soon or too late, being respectful but in control, without being controlling (Taibbi, 2015). Sensitivity, good observation and countertransference responses help in guiding the therapist to the right level of involvement and the best timing. The therapy room must offer play materials that are attractive to children, will offer observation of play and drawing and can be utilised more actively by the therapist and family in the therapeutic process. A white board, paper and pencils, puppets which can ‘voice their view’, small cars, dolls, toy animals, are helpful materials.



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After the initial social stage, the reasons for referral are explored, a joint venture with the family. During this stage, the problem will be given an externalised name, followed by a detailed exploration of the influence the problem holds over the family. The astute therapist will notice any cues coming from the child that could be integrated into the externalisation. Words the child uses to describe his or her struggle, helpful resources, pets, interests or super heroes the child identifies with, areas of strength that can be utilised either in externalising the problem or/and in finding externalised helper that will come to the party and assist the family in developing helpful alternatives to the dominant story (Stiefel, Anson & Hinchcliffe, 2017). Narrative therapy is enriched if the therapist is prepared to tap into his or her own imagination and allows this creativity to unfold (Wood, 1988).

Rebecca Rebecca was the referred child in the Lang family. The family consists of John the father, a quiet man, Melinda the mother who presented with an anxious facial expression, Tim (12), Michael (8), Rebecca (5) and the family cat. Reasons for referral were prolonged and stressful meltdowns, occurring when requests were made by the parents or when Rebecca’s needs could not be met immediately. These tantrum-like meltdowns would last for up to 45 minutes, with loud and stressful expression of emotions. The parents reported that they had tried various behavioural approaches dealing with the tantrums, with little change. The oldest brother appeared mature for his age, making insightful comments during the session, whereas Michael had a tendency to provoke Rebecca with brief remarks and teasing facial expressions, to which Rebecca responded with anger and attempts to lash out at him. The parents acknowledged that the teasing was an issue. However, they had started to address this with a reward system, which had led to some reduction in Michael’s inappropriate behaviour. Their main concern was Rebecca’s negative mood, her sulking and especially her prolonged tantrums which were causing a significant level of family stress.


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Any attempt by the therapist of engaging Rebecca was met with a negative facial expression and a refusal to talk. However, towards the end of the session, Rebecca started to draw, representing a sun, 3 flowers and a cat. Rebecca agreed to the suggestion that the therapist could keep this important drawing for the next session. The therapist explained that she would make a colour copy so they could both keep a copy of her drawing. Peer consultation gave an opportunity to discuss the possible approach to take with a special focus on Rebecca’s engagement. The therapist decided to employ a Narrative approach, with an externalising of the problem (Rebecca’s tantrums and meltdowns), but she was uncertain whether Rebecca would become an active partner, helping to oppose the influence of the externalised problem. We were hoping that instead of using the therapist’s label for the Externalising (Wobblies, Meltdowns, Grumps), we could elicit Rebecca’s own description. If engagement could not be achieved, a strategic approach was considered as an alternative. The following session, a session without the oldest brother who had an important school event, focused on the exploration of the ‘Grumps’. The therapist drew pictures of the ‘Grumps’ and ‘Wobblies’ on the white board. These were characters with cranky faces and round, wobbly shapes. At this stage, Rebecca suggested that she could draw the figures. The therapist felt a degree of relief, hoping that drawing might be the medium that would ‘draw Rebecca in’. Rebecca represented several of the Grumps, with the therapist commenting on the details of her drawings, making statements such as ‘oh this one looks really mean, look at his mouth’. Michael also joined in, drawing an army of grumps with sophisticated details with the therapist commenting on the large number. An in-depth exploration followed, in which we discussed the facial expressions of the grumps, their gestures, their intention and their likes and dislikes. The therapist used a story-telling and slightly dramatic voice, exaggerating and reinforcing the content of her messages. At this stage, Rebecca offering her own language label for the Grumps, calling them ‘the hissy fits’ (a name her favoured aunt had given the Grumps), and she now started contributing to the story of the ‘hissies’, as we tried to understand their powers and their negative intention, with the therapist gently guiding the therapy process and inviting parents



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and sibling to contribute as well. The family expressed a wish of dealing with the hissies more effectively. Rebecca’s first solution contained aggressive means. She said she could swear and shout at them, or hit them, or tell them that she hated them. The therapist pointed out that the hissy fits liked anything that represented anger, such as swearing, shouting, pushing, kicking, hitting (demonstrated pushing and kicking with slight hand and leg movements), and explained that these behaviours (any form of anger) was ‘food’ for the hissies that would make them stronger, bigger and more powerful. This again was illustrated on the board with the hissies getting bigger and smiling. We then explored what was needed to make them shrink, what their dislikes were. We came to the conclusion that if the hissies liked angry things they would probably dislike nice things, such as suns, cats and flowers. At this point, the therapist pulled out Rebecca’s drawing from the previous session and pointed to the objects of sun, flowers and cat. Rebecca spontaneously started drawing a heart, and commented that hearts were also nice things. The therapist recalled her own excitement that Rebecca had freely chosen her own symbol. We now jointly discussed what role the hearts could play in reducing the influence of the hissies at home. Rebecca proposed two love hearts were needed, positioned on the entrance and laundry door and they had to be of a large size. The father suggested they needed one on the fridge, where they keep important reminders notes. Also, the kitchen was the ‘heart of the family home’ where they would all meet. Michael initially expressed a degree of uncertainty regarding the placement, but then agreed with his father’s choice. The mother suggested that she would need some small hearts to carry in her pocket and hand bag. She would give them to Rebecca when she could see danger, such as the hissy fits approaching Rebecca when they were outside the home. Rebecca was to convey the family’s strategy to her older brother. The re-construction of an alternative story had started, with good engagement and resourcefulness expressed by the family (e.g., the mother indicating that small hearts were needed on outings). The therapist felt confident, that Rebecca’s older brother would join in and contribute with his own ideas to the strategic plan of re-directing the influence the hissies were having over the family.


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Therapy progress can have set-back and may require a modification of therapeutic ideas. However, in this family the therapeutic plan lead to good progress, initially with the hissies visiting less often and over three sessions, nearly leaving the family home for good. The therapist encouraged the family to mark this progress with a special celebration and a heart-shaped cake. Narrative therapy requires child, adult and ideally also sibling engagement, with an implicit approval given by the parents that they support a playful approach. At times, a child or a care-giver will not engage in the process and in this case, an alternative model may be called for. Older siblings can be great therapeutic helpers in the process of deconstruction of the old and re-construction of a new story, being able to ‘see through’ the playful strategy employed, and contributing with their own unique and creative ideas. Michael’s teasing could potentially be integrated into the story of the hissies, linking teasing to control attempts of the hissies with the intent to spoil the family’s good times. The therapist may encourage the parents to praise Michael more frequently when they observe him gaining control over the hissies.

STRATEGIC FAMILY THERAPY Strategic Family Therapy dates back to the thriving period of the early family therapy movement, predating the ‘post-modern turn’ in family therapy (Gergen, 1992). Foundational figures in the development of Strategic Family Therapy were Milton Erikson and Gregory Bateson. Strategic Family Therapy emerges from communication theory and developed into different models, Brief Therapy (MRI), early Milan and Haley/Madanes Strategic Therapy (Rasheed, Rasheed, & Marley, 2011). Strategic interventions aim at disrupting the troublesome pattern, so an alternative way of relating and communicating can be found. Family problems are seen as misguided and unsuccessful attempts by the family at



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changing their currently difficulties. The model is brief, pragmatic and efficient and utilises a systemic understanding of problem formulation. Strategic Family Therapy employs a broad spectrum of therapy techniques, specifically tailored to each family situation aiming at disrupting the problematic pattern of interaction, breaking its circular causality (Goldenberg, Stanton and Goldenberg, 2013). The therapist’s task is to understand the repeated and typical sequences, the circular patterns of interaction and communicating that maintain and reinforce the problem, leading to increasing family stress. Strategic interventions that can be indirect, counter-intuitive, paradoxical and unusual, addressing the communication pattern of at least two people in the system. Structural components (e.g., addressing the parental hierarchy) may be integrated with strategic ideas. In the 1970s, strategic therapists took a more dominant role in determining goals for therapy, being directive and giving directions, and therapy aims were not always shared with the family. Strategic Family Therapy in the current century is a collaborative process, consistent with post-modern ideas that have influenced the field of family therapy. After an initial social engagement phase and an exploration of the problem as defined by the family, the therapist observes the system in an attempt to understand the unhelpful sequences, patterns of relating that maintains the problem (Haley, 1976). Not all elements of a repeated pattern may need to shift for positive change to occur. Reframes, positive connotation and other metaphors are used to shift the problem to a different level of understanding with the aim of achieving second-order change. This process can be outside the family’s awareness. Systemic change can include other and larger systems, if needed. The therapist is active, pragmatic, but as playful and creative and may employ interventions ‘outside the square’. Therapeutic interventions can include homework tasks, observations by the family, experiments, rituals, and also indirect and paradoxical strategies. The role of the therapist is to observe how the system responds to the intervention (Stranton, 1981).


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Molly The Turner family referred their 5 year old daughter. Reasons for referral were extremely demanding, clingy and anxious behaviours expressed by the referred child Molly. The family consisted of Molly and her two parents (Daniel and Jordeen), and their 7 year old daughter Karina. In the waiting room Molly was positioned extremely close to her mother, whereas Karina was sitting next to her father, reading a book and looking relaxed. In the interview room, Molly insisted on sitting on her mother’s lap refusing to accept the child chair. When their concerns were explored, it soon became evident that the family struggled with another issue: The extreme conflicts between the parents. The father suggested that a firmer approach was needed, whereas the mother interrupted the father, disagreeing with him and complained that he was never at home. Conflicts also emerged over household chores, finances, and the recent purchase of the family car. The parental hierarchy (the ‘government of the family’) was in serious strive. They reported two separations in the last year, but for the sake of their children, had tried to give their relationship ‘another go’, though having very little hope that the relationship would survive. They said they had seen a therapist in the past who suggested behavioural charts for Molly, but they had not found this very helpful, as they could not agree on the rewards to be used. It was a stressful interview, with the parents constantly disagreeing with each other during which Molly remained clingy and Karina expressed detached selfsufficiency. The session included a thorough exploration of issues and problems concerning Molly, the parents’ reason for referral. The therapist agreed with the family that the anxious and clingy behaviour expressed by Molly was an issue to be addressed, but stated that she felt the parental conflict had equal importance. Parents and therapist eventually agreed that the parental relationship should be the focus of the intervention as it was the ‘higher-order’ issue. It was interesting to note that at one stage, the interview travelled fairly smoothly and calmly, with very little conflict between the parents. At this stage, Molly had started venturing out and



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joined her sister at the child table. The therapist shared her observations with the family and suggested that Molly’s anxious and clingy behaviour may be partially be related to the parental tension, causing Molly to feel anxious, though other factors may have been of significance in the development of the problem. The therapist was hoping that once the parental relationship was stronger and more effective, Molly’s clingy and demanding behaviour would be reduced and Karina would be less inclined to take the position of the non-demanding ‘good’ child. The therapist expressed the view that an agreement on child rearing issues could probably not be achieved within a reasonable time frame, as they had practiced disagreement for such a long time, it had become a habit. Further they were still contemplating separation. Therefore, a strategy was suggested that could potentially be of helpful regardless of their future relationship status, staying as a couple or acting as separated parents. On Mondays, Tuesday and Fridays, the mother was to be 100% in charge of any issue concerning the rearing of the children, and on Wednesdays, Saturdays and Sundays, the father was to take over. The days were chosen to fit well with their work commitments. However, Thursdays were difficult days, with long working hours for the mother, and the therapist was uncertain as to who should be in charge of their most challenging day. The parents suggested that they could take turns, week by week. The therapist stressed the importance of non-interference by the parent not in charge for the day. They were asked to rate independently the overall quality of the day on a scale of 0 – 10, but not sharing or discussing their scoring with each other. If interference accidentally occurred, the parent in charge was to say calmly ‘my day!’ The family retuned for a second session and reported that they had managed the ‘day on- day off’ agreement on most days and it had actually been easier not having to be responsible for parenting on certain days. However, they had not always rated the day, being busy working parents. Family and therapist decided to continue with the day on- day off arrangement for another two week, and in the next session discuss how they might tackle their daughter’s problematic behaviour effectively.


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Strategic interventions aim helping families to charting new territory on the family landscape with experiments, observations and tasks that break the unhelpful pattern of relating at its core. The utilisation of the therapist’s creative potential is helpful in finding specific solutions for each family, so a 'cookbook or recipe-style’ approach can be avoided. In this process the therapist recognises the family’s wish for change, observes the system to understand which pattern of relating needs to be addressed, shares the understanding directly or in form of reframe with the family and suggests an intervention with the hope that it provides leverage for systemic (second-order) change. The advantages of Strategic Family Therapy are many fold. The focus on specific circumscribed problems helps families who feel overwhelmed by multiple problems to select and narrow down what their greatest concerns are, issues they wish to tackle first. The presenting problem reframed by the therapist can help the family to shift their understanding of the problem, moving it to a different level of understanding. In Molly’s family, the realisation that there is a higher-order problem (the parental relationship) that should take presidency over lower-order issues could be an important step. Once a clearer parental hierarchy is achieved, Molly’s behaviour may change sufficiently, or can be addressed with further strategic interventions. The narrow focus and potential briefness of Strategic Family Therapy makes the model suitable for single-session approaches, client groups with patchy attendance patterns and for work with highly stressed families. The narrowing down to circumscribed issue also has benefit for the therapist who can feeling overwhelmed by the family’s struggle. As with Narrative Therapy, Strategic Family Therapy encourages therapists to unfold their creative and playful potential with a degree of spontaneity, regardless of the age of the family members and suggests innovative and unusual ideas as long as they ethically sound and have the family’s approval. Hence, it is a suitable model for working with young children.



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EXERCISE FOR READERS The following exercise allows the reader to explore an application of Narrative and Strategic ideas with a clinical case.

Terry Terri was nearly 5, living with her mother Mel, her stepfather Peter, and two older siblings from the mother’s previous relationship, Rochelle 18 and Linda 12. Terri had a long history of fears and worries, and since stating preschool, her separation anxiety at night had intensified to such a degree, that both parents felt extremely sleep deprived. Terri’s mother was working night shifts and stated that she was at the end of her tether. They had tried rewarding Terri, being firm and sending her back to bed, ignoring her, swapping beds, where the father would sleep in Terri’s bed and mother and Terri sleeping together, even sending her to the grandparents for a sleep over, where no sleeping problems were reported. Bedtime was a challenge, with Terri constantly getting out of her bed for various reasons, such as ‘I am thirsty’, ‘I am scared’, or ‘I am hungry’. She would also wake up during the night (between 12:00 and 2:00 a.m.) and wander into the parent’s bedroom, to wake up her parents, and eventually end up in the parent’s bed. In the beginning of the session, Terri was sitting very close to her mum, making a few contributions, but mostly agreeing or not agreeing nonverbally. Later she moved to the children’s table and played with the small toy animals. Rachelle then invited Terri to draw and the therapist had the impression of a relaxed and close relationship. The mother looked exhausted, and Peter suggested they needed a firm and strict approach. Mel did not think she could cope with a firm approach and the potential consequences of Terri being up and crying all night. Rochelle suggested they could try the night light in the corridor again, or even leaving the light on in Terri’s room. Linda said she could perhaps sleep in Terri’s room on a mattress on the floor, but it was winter, and she quickly abandoned the idea. Peter then said with a sense of humour, that they should try the ‘knock-out


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drops’, the chemist had suggested. The family was very clear what they wanted to achieve: For Terri to go to bed and stay in her own bed all night. If you as the therapist were to travel the Narrative road, how would you proceed? Think about the engagement of Terri, possible externalisations for the sleeping problem, how you could include the child into the development of the theme, your exploration of exceptions to the problem in the past, strength the child brings that highlight her developmental achievements in the past, resources siblings might have and other relationship aspects in the family, such as closeness between family members that could assist in therapy. Consider if an externalisation of imaginary helpers could assist Terri in managing the task of sleeping in her own bed. Which metaphors, reframes might be helpful to the family. If you were to explore Strategic pathway, what is your current understanding of the systemic pattern that may keep the problem going, develop some hypotheses and consider how the existing pattern could be disrupted? Think of possible experiments, observational tasks, unusual ideas that might create a different interactional patter and more helpful sequences of response to each other. What alternative patterns of interaction are already present, how could these be further strengthened, leading to a systemic shift? Who needs to be involved in tasks and experiments and how do you communicate this to Terri if you are planning to involve her. In Terri’s case, there was an unexpected outcome, as the family came up with their own unique solution. The therapist suggested that over the next 4 nights, each family member should be responsible for one night, employing whatever strategy they felt would work best, the only limitation was that the strategy was ethical, could cause ‘discomfort’ but not harm. The family returned the following week and reported that the parents’ strategies had been disastrous (with more of the same problem), but Rochelle had suggested that the family dog should also be included in the experiment. During the 5th night, they had allowed the dog to sleep on Terri’s bed (usually non-acceptable to the family) and the dog had done its job, snuggled up to Terri and Terri for the first time had slept through the night without waking the family.



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Families may generate their own ideas, or the intervention suggested by the therapist may create new and unexpected solutions that exceed those expected by the therapist. However, the road to success can be bumpy, with long de-tours and dead-end roads entered. Families may drop out of treatment or do not follow through with the suggested plan. New and previously unknown issues may also emerge in the course of treatment that suggests that alternative forms intervention may be more appropriate.

DISCUSSION This chapter presented two models of working with young children in whole family therapy setting, the Narrative and the Strategic Family Therapy models. Out of the rich choice of family systems models, there is no ‘right model’ when working with children. Taibbi (2015) suggests that the model selected should support the therapist in the therapeutic endeavour and fit well with his or her personality, values, notion of life and philosophy of change. The model should have personal appeal in terms of operational style, be acceptable to and work well for the client population (Barker and Chang, 2013). Yet, not every referral with the child as the identified person requires a whole family therapy approach. Exceptions may include significant parental conflicts, custody battles or legal issues between other parties concerning the child, systemic issues outside the boundary of the family, child protection concerns, family violence or adult health and wellbeing issues which need to be addressed in the first instance and take precedence over any systemic intervention involving the child directly. Family specific reasons may also include an unwillingness to attend as a family, due to strongly held views by caregivers that the child is the problem, hence intervention is sought to ‘fix up the child’ and not the family. Whole family therapy may not even be possible due to family members being absent from the system. There are many reasons why whole family work may not be feasible or indicated, and a more flexible approach which may include individuals, couples or parts of the system may be more appropriate.


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There is yet limited understanding as to what leads to a good therapeutic alliance when working with young children, and what constitutes the positive therapy factors that will foster successful outcome (O’Reilly and Parker, 2013). Techniques from both models encourage therapist’s creativity and playfulness, and as such have the potential to counteract negative therapy factors, such as isolating, blaming the child or other family members for the presenting problem. Therapist factors may also play a part. Therapists may not feel comfortable including children in sessions. They may lack confidence in their ability of dealing effectively and with ease with the population of young children, having received little or no training in child specific techniques including the use of play. Their preferred therapy models may appear unsuitable. Wordy, abstract and metaphorical use of language may have become their therapeutic repertoire in exploring problems and in approaching possible solutions. Successful therapy with children requires communication at several levels, the adult and the child level, a relaxed and flexible approach and an observing eye. A good theoretical understanding of available models and a sophisticated skills range is required when dealing with sensitive issues, including topics which may be inappropriate for a child to witness (O’Reilly and Parker, 2014). Formal training may be costly or not immediately available. Family therapy skills can be obtained in other formats, including in-house peer education, experimenting with role play in peer supervision, co-therapy settings, reflective team observations and feedback from therapists more experienced in working with children (Stiefel, Brand, Hinchcliffe and Innes, 2014). This important preventative field of work is enhanced if the therapist enjoys working with children and feels ‘young at heart’.

REFERENCES Barker, P. & Chang, J. (2013). Basic family therapy. Wiley-Blackwell: West-Sussex.



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Breunlin, D.C., & Jacobsen, E. (2014). Putting the “Family” back into family therapy. Family Process, 53, 462–475. Cooklin, A. (2001). Eliciting children’s thinking in families and family therapy. Family Process, 40, 293–312. Epston, D., & White, M. (1992). Experience, contradiction and imagination. Adelaide, SA: Dulwich Centre Publication. Hayley, J. (1976). Problem-solving therapy. Harper Colophon Books: New York. Heins, T., & Ritchie, K. (1985). Beating Sneaky Poo. Adelaide, SA: Dulwich Centre. Hewson, D. (1991). From laboratory to therapy room: Prediction questions for reconstructing the ‘new-old’ story. Dulwich Centre Newsletter, 3, 5– 12. Gergen, K.J. (1002). Towards a postmodern psychology. In: Kvale, S. (Ed.), (1992). Psychology and Post Modernism, Sage: London. Goldenberg, I., Stanton, M. & Goldenberg H (2013). Family Therapy. An Overview (9th Ed). Cengage Learning: Boston. Larner, G. (1996). Narrative child family therapy. Family Process, 35, 423– 440. Nicholson, S. (1995). The narrative dance – A practice map for White’s therapy. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Family Therapy, 16(1), 23–28. O’Reilly, M & Parker, N. (2013). You can take a horse to water but you can’t make it drink: Exploring children’s engagement and resistance in family therapy. Contemporary Family Therapy, 35, 491-507. O’Reilly, M. & Parker, N. (2014). ‘She needs a smack in the gob’: negotiating what is appropriate talk in front of children in family therapy. Journal of Family Therapy 36, 287-307. Rasheed, J.M., Rasheed, M.N. & Marley J.A. (2011). Family Therapy. Models and Techniques. Sage: New York. Stiefel, I., Anson, J & Hinchcliffe, D. (2017). Narrative therapy with preschoolers. Unfolding the story. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Family Therapy 38, 261-271.


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Stiefel, I. Brand, M.S., Hinchcliffe, D.K., & Innes, W.R. (2014). Developing family therapy kills on a shoestring budget: A peer supervision and training approach. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Family Therapy 24, 311-324. Stranton, M.D. (1981). Strategic approaches to family therapy. In A.S. Gurman & D.P. Kniskern (Eds). Handbook of Family Therapy. (pp. 361402), Brunner/Mazel: New York. Taibbi, R. (2015). Doing family therapy. Craft and creativity in clinical practice. The Gilford Press: New York. Waters, K.R. (2011). The hungry-for-attention metaphor: Integrating narrative and behavioural therapy for families with attention seeking children. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Family Therapy, 32, 208–219. White, M. (1989). Selected Papers. Dulwich Centre Publication: Adelaide, SA. White, M., & Morgan, A. (2006). Narrative therapy with children and their families. Adelaide, SA: Dulwich Centre Publications. Wood, A. (1988). King tiger and the roaring tummies: A novel way of helping young children and their families change. Journal of Family Therapy, 10, 49–6. Zilversmit, C.P. (1990). Family treatment with families with young children. Families in Society, 71(4). Family Service America, Families International, US, 211-219.



Chapter 7

MOBILE OUTPATIENT CLINIC: HARM REDUCTION STRATEGIES FOR CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DRUG USERS Leila de Oliveira Pinto Psychologist at the Fátima Cavalcanti Harm Reduction Alliance (ARD-FC), Permanent Extension Program of the Family Health Department of the Bahia School of Medicine (FMB), Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil Psychologist at the Secretary of Health of the State of Bahia (SESAB), Brazil

ABSTRACT† The consumption of drugs by homeless children and adolescents and/or subject to a range of biopsychosocial risks is a serious public health problem, considering the potential harm to which these young people are exposed. A dysfunctional family structure and the absence of adult role  †

Corresponding Author Email: [email protected]. English version: William Walter Pickett.


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Leila de Oliveira Pinto models, negatively impact access to continued treatment therapy. To improve this situation, a project called “Ambumóvel” proposed the creation of a Mobile Outpatient Clinic to develop preventive and therapeutic initiatives targeting people in this group and their family members. Project actions were carried out at four institutions, between March 2010 and January 2011, with the aim of establishing an integrated health, education and social support network by a multi-professional team. The Project also attempted to identify and evaluate the reasons, effects and treatment options for youth drug users, and the efficacy of the Mobile Outpatient Clinic’s model to systematize and disseminate integrated healthcare strategies for children and adolescents.

Keywords: children and adolescents, drugs, harm reduction

INTRODUCTION The use of drugs is commonplace behavior in homeless children and adolescents, particularly in the large urban centers of developing countries. In the municipality of Salvador (capital of the State of Bahia, Brazil), children can frequently be seen asking for money in the streets and squares, and at traffic lights, in order to buy and consume drugs. This situation can be observed in both downtown and outlying neighborhoods, although it mainly affects low-income populations. This is a contemporary problem – that raises political and ethical issues – and presents the challenge of adapting strategies to develop psychosocial practices based on Harm Reduction Policy guidelines (Brazilian Ministry of Health, 2014). The Mobile Outpatient Clinic Project or Ambumóvel was developed in an attempt to propose alternative solutions to this problem. It was based on results obtained from my doctoral thesis.1 whose main objective was to evaluate storytelling workshops for socially vulnerable children and adolescents living on the streets. The methodology, for what would come to be known as “workshops,” was theoretically based on the concept of creating a space that could foster the development of the participants own 1

The thesis was presented at the Institute of Letters, Federal University of Bahia (UFBA, 2009), under the orientation of Prof. Dr. Eneida Leal Cunha.


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stories. Therefore, during all the fieldwork, the focus was on delineating oral text production of the target population, in order to obtain psychosocial data with regard to a socially excluded population. My working hypothesis was that storytelling could be considered a harm reduction strategy for the target population. Additionally, I also took into account the experience acquired between September 2007 and February 2008, during my participation in a Harm Reduction Program, carried out at the Cidade Mãe Foundation,2 a municipal government entity of the City of Salvador. The main objective of this Program was to collect data to carry out a diagnosis of the institution with regard to the children and adolescents who were temporarily sheltered there and the professionals of the Cidade Mãe Foundation, in order to propose harm reduction strategies adapted to the target population. The Ambumóvel project was selected by the Municipal Council for the Defense of Child and Adolescent Rights (CMDCA) and implemented at the Dom Timóteo and Oxum Shelters, responsible respectively for taking in boys and girls at night, at the Solidarity Citizenship Space, responsible for taking care of the boys and girls during the day, at the José Peroba Halfway House, for boys and girls, and at the Socio-Educational Measures Center in an open environment (CMSE), for adolescents of both sexes in conflict with the law. In 2010, according to data provided by the CMSE coordinator, 34% were accused of robbery or attempted robbery, 17% for involvement in drug trafficking, 9% for battery or attempted battery, 8% for illegal firearms possession, and 7% for theft, and were thereby referred to a Parole Officer or ordered by the court to perform Community Service. These units were, at that time, run by the Cidade Mãe Foundation, associated with the Municipal Secretariat of Work, Social Services and Citizen Rights (SETAD), Mayor’s Office of Salvador (Bahia, Brazil). Funding for the Ambumóvel was provided by the Municipal Fund for Child and Adolescent Rights (FMDCA). The project was carried out by the ABM 2

The Program was conceived and developed by the psychologists Margaret Leonelli, Olga Sá and Sheyla Machado, associated with the Fátima Cavalcanti Harm Reduction Alliance (ARDFC), Permanent Extension Program of the Family Health Department of the Bahia School of Medicine (FMB), Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), with Prof. Dr. Tarcísio Andrade as the consultant and General Coordinator of the Alliance.


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Health Research and Extension Foundation (FABAMED), with technical support from the Fátima Cavalcanti Harm Reduction Alliance (ARD-FC), Permanent Extension Program of the Family Health Department of the Bahia School of Medicine (FMB), Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), recognized for its clinical and community work related to harmful drug use. The Ambumóvel’s main objective was to carry out a set of interdisciplinary actions to prevent, treat and reduce the harm associated with drug consumption. The methodological resources were based on the concept of learning to listen carefully to the participants, having direct contact with them, and using play-related elements in all the interventions. The activities, both individual and group, were planned according to the demands of the children and adolescents, of both sexes, between the ages of eight and 17, who were in temporary shelters or permanently residing in halfway houses – preceded many times by homelessness – or to fulfill court mandated socio-educational measures in an open environment. The Ambumóvel team carried out workshops focusing on hip-hop music, information technology, recyclable materials, recycled paper, body therapy and psychotherapy. Among the interventions, I would like to highlight the importance of the “life project” workshops, the focus of which was to foster the development of new perspectives with regard to the lives of the participants, to create more conducive conditions for social inclusion and institutional, educational work. Special attention was paid to the family, understood as a group of related people, to help the participants either remain at home or return to the family unit. The professionals at the Cidade Mãe Foundation – support personnel, educators and foster mothers – participated in training and in the clinical and pedagogical supervision activities. Between March 2010 and January 2011, the Ambumóvel Project’s multi-professional team – made up of a lawyer, art-educator, art-therapist, physical therapist, psychologist, psychiatrist and harm reduction specialist – visited the abovementioned units of the Cidade Mãe Foundation to implement the Mobile Outpatient Clinic or Ambumóvel Project. This dynamic aimed at eliminating the need for the participants to travel to receive health services, thus increasing the number of consultations. Due to the reality of living in the streets, with unstructured families, with weak or



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even broken family ties, many participants either do not begin or do not continue treatment. As an alternative, that fact the participants were living in temporary shelters or in permanent housing and under court order to fulfill socio-educational measures created a perfect opportunity to carry out the interventions based on harm reduction guidelines. The Harm Reduction Policy, adopted by the Brazilian Ministry of Health (2003) and international entities such as Harm Reduction International (HRI), provided the framework for the planning and implementation of the activities, both preventive and therapeutic, developed by the Ambumóvel team. Each case was individually evaluated by an interdisciplinary team to plan a Customized Therapeutic Project. To promote social inclusion, the children and adolescents participated in public educational and sociocultural activities. Guided visits to museums and to the theater were carried out, and before concluding the Project, the team organized an exhibit of the objects created by the participants during the recyclable materials and recycled paper workshops. Additionally, team members focused on identifying and systematizing harm reduction strategies, adapted for children and adolescents.

ABOUT THE YOUNG DRUG USERS The statistical framework of this qualitative research project was designed to facilitate data analysis and the interpretation of the results. The sample was composed of 55 subjects of both sexes, between the ages of eight and 17, who freely chose to be interviewed in order to participate in the research project. The data were collected by applying a semi-structured questionnaire, and the authorization to be included in the study was granted by the board of the Cidade Mãe Foundation, responsible for the minors during the time they remained at the Institution. All of those who were interviewed were informed that they could interrupt at any time the application of the questionnaire, which occurred only once with an adolescent fulfilling court-ordered socio-educational measures, who did not explain the reason why he did not wish to continue.


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The questions were read by the interviewer, who wrote down and recorded the answers. The transcriptions attempted to textually reproduce the stories even when the words and expressions were not standard language, in accordance with the procedure normally used in oral research projects (Albán, 1996). The questions, both open format and multiple choice, were designed to determine the socio-demographic profile, drug use pattern, and both risk and protection factors. Drug use in the previous six months was analyzed to identify and evaluate the type of drug, consumption pattern, age at first use, intention of stopping and finding treatment. At the shelters and at the Solidarity Citizenship Space, marijuana topped the list as the most consumed drug, followed by tobacco, alcohol and cocaine. The consumption pattern varied from a first-time use, understood as an isolated experience, to daily use. In terms of intensity, marijuana and tobacco had the highest number of users; while age at first use varied depending on the type of drug, from four years old (tobacco), five years old (marijuana), seven years old (alcohol), eight years old (cocaine), up to 14 years old (use of multiple drugs). Inhalable drugs, “cocktail” (a mixture of crack and marijuana) and crack were also mentioned but to a much lesser degree. At the Socio-Educational Measures Center, alcohol was the most widely used drug, followed by marijuana, tobacco and cocaine. The most commonly used drugs (daily use) among adolescents in conflict with the law were marijuana and tobacco, while alcohol and cocaine were used from once or twice a month up to three times a week, particularly on weekends. In general, the adolescents who were under court order came in contact with drugs at an older age (alcohol at seven years of age, tobacco nine years of ages, marijuana and cocaine at ten years of age) when compared with children and adolescents in shelters. At the José Peroba Halfway House, use was significantly less, when compared to other locations, with alcohol and tobacco the most consumed drugs, both with the first use at seven years of age. The other drugs – in this case, marijuana, cocaine, inhalables, cocktail and crack – were consumed by a reduced number of adolescents, who however used these drugs intensively.



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These data suggest that permanent halfway houses offer more stability in terms of creating a sense of belonging than temporary shelters, which in turn reduced drug use. These data also suggest that licit drugs “cause a greater impact on public health, since they are consumed more frequently and have a higher number of dependent users, resulting in psychosocial damage from their abusive use” (SENAD, 2006, p. 10). With regard to tobacco, the total number of smokers who were planning to quit was slightly higher, when compared to those who were going to continue smoking. In parallel, it is interesting to note that marijuana represents the highest number of users who did not wish to terminate consumption. According to the information provided in the interviews, marijuana is popular, above all, for its calming properties, despite being a psychoactive substance that disrupts the central nervous system. Cocaine, used nasally, was consumed particularly at the shelters and at the CMSE. Besides having fewer users, when compared to the use of alcohol, tobacco and marijuana, almost all stated that they wished to interrupt consumption of this drug. This decision was justified by the damage caused to health, risk of overdose and fear of dying. In this context, even those who used more than one type of drug stated that they wanted to stop using cocaine. The total number of consumers of inhalables, cocktail and crack was significantly lower when compared to the other drugs. With the exception of one adolescent at the José Peroba Halfway House, the users of these drugs were in temporary shelters. Despite the reduced number of users, the consumption pattern of these drugs was described as intensive, with daily use. These substances produce intense, yet ephemeral effects, which leads to hazardous consumption. The subjective motivations for use varied, yet they were almost always associated with attempts to deal with some type of discomfort. According to Bucher (1992), drugs represent an escape to avoid pain, camouflaging feelings of worthlessness, helping to forget, albeit temporarily, and a solution for getting away from conflicts, generally from within the family unit and associated with a precarious socioeconomic situation. Acceptance from the peer group and the expectation of experiencing “magical moments”


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were also cited as reasons for stimulating consumption. Irrespective of the type of drug, the risks and hazards are accentuated during childhood and adolescence. In the search for answers, the Ambumóvel data were interpreted within the framework of psychoanalytic and clinical addiction theory, adapted to childhood and adolescence, with an emphasis on what would eventually come to be called risk factors and protection factors.

RISK FACTORS According to the definition proposed by the National Drug Policy Secretariat, “the risk factors for inappropriate drug use are characteristics or attributes of an individual, group or social interaction environment that contribute, to a lesser or greater degree, to increase the probability of this use” (SENAD, 2006, p. 10). Risk factors interact with each other, starting with the different life domains of an individual, that involve the person him or herself, family, school, peers and the community. With regard to family bonds, all the participants, with no exceptions, were from dysfunctional families, with the absence of a father figure or only sporadic contact with the father. The father’s profession was said to be the children’s main reference, for example, his association with illicit activities, as a trafficker, gang leader, and/or drug user. According to Rassial (2004), in adolescence, the lack of paternal function and discourse produces indelible effects. These considerations were supported by the information provided by the participants in this project, since the relationship with the father was either characterized by his absence or his portrayal of negative role models. The mothers played a relevant role, yet, despite their physical proximity, the lack of mediation, normally exercised by the father figure, exposed the children to the often arbitrary whims of the mother, which generated conflicts and impasses. The absence of rules and limits was reinforced by weak family control, expressed in often erratic, contradictory and/or authoritarian ways. Thus, the family units often became the responsibility of the mothers, who normally did not have the financial resources or the



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emotional stability to educate their children, who were still in their formative years. The family dynamic was characterized by conflicts and physical, emotional and psychological violence, that compromised the safety and protection of the children and adolescents. These circumstances were aggravated by precarious socioeconomic conditions, since all of the subjects come from low-income families whose members did not participate in the formal labour market. Living in working class neighborhoods, often controlled by drug trafficking, facilitated access to drugs. The majority of those who made up the sample, specifically 44 of them, did not finish elementary school, and only one adolescent at the José Peroba Halfway House, finished high school. Of all the participants, 47 said they knew how to read and 51 said they could write. However, it was observed that, in general, the ability to write was restricted to copying text and their ability to interpret written text was limited. Only 20 of those participants were enrolled in school, while 31 were not. This situation is regrettable since school life is necessary for child development, and school attendance is a prerequisite for meeting the guidelines of the court-ordered socioeducational measures in an open environment, a requirement that is not always fulfilled. The main source of income reported by those in the sample was an allowance provided by their families, partners and/or friends, followed by money earned from doing odd jobs. These informal economic activities include car washer, shopping porter, domestic assistant, painter helper, waiter and minivan money collector, contradicting the law that considers child labor as exploitation. At least one adolescent stated that her source of income was sexual exploitation, which constitutes a risk factor requiring attention and care, as it contravenes the law prohibiting sexual exploitation in childhood and adolescence. It is noteworthy that only nine children and adolescents made reference to illicit activities, such as drug trafficking, theft or robbery, as a source of income, while only four adolescents mentioned participating in courses and activities in social development projects. These circumstances demonstrate the violation of the rights of the child and the adolescent, legally established, being that the aggressor, or the one that


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appears conniving, punishable by law. In fact, the children and adolescents must be cared for and protected by the adults. Prejudice and discrimination affecting children and adolescents, increased their feelings of worthlessness and low self-esteem, which was considered a risk factor (SENAD, 2006). The negative perception of themselves appeared to be associated with racism, their unkempt appearance and the supposition, from others, of their involvement in illicit activities. The fact of living in a shelter and/or being labeled a “street kid, thief, or a bum” were cited as reasons that served as a pretext for promoting the feeling of “being excluded.” In fact, social barriers did exist that made their presence in certain locations, such as malls and snack bars, more difficult, which restricted their participation in cultural activities and increased feelings of social exclusion. The fact that their individual rights were infringed was accentuated by their homelessness and social vulnerability. Some family members were mentioned as those most responsible, yet the police were cited as the main protagonists of scenes of violence. How then does one educate these young people and demand they respect rules? Some justified the actions taken by the aggressors, since they considered themselves “wrong” for being involved in the “world of crime” and/or for “being a mess.” Within this context, guilt feelings arose, and served as an argument for the children and adolescents to accept the infringement of their rights, with the resulting difficulty or even impossibility of them demanding their rights be respected. The search for drug use treatment was rarely mentioned, related, above all, to centers with a religious orientation, not always identified as a possible source of “assistance.” Despite this, some recognize God as the only resource at their disposal. The problems were accentuated by adolescent crises, exacerbated even more for those who were homeless and socially vulnerable and often had experiences with drugs at a very young age, with difficult access to the healthcare system. Yet, harm reduction strategies require that each individual be listened to carefully, in order to identify his/her particular motivations for drug use and to develop the protection factors which are appropriate for each child and adolescent.



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PROTECTION FACTORS Protection factors are “characteristics or attributes present in myriad life domains that minimize the probability of an individual making inappropriate use of drugs” (SENAD, 2006, p. 10). Prevention is directed toward recognizing, valuing and reinforcing personal, group and community resources. The presence of these factors varies depending on life circumstances, since what may protect one individual may place another at risk. As an example, the dynamics of some families expose children to harm of many types, making it preferable, in these cases, to separate the children from the family. For each risk factor, there are one or more protection factors that may or not function collectively, depending on the life story of each subject. According to studies carried out in several Brazilian cities (CEBRID, 2003; Schenker, 2004), having a family and going to school significantly reduces the probability of a child and an adolescent using drugs. However, the majority of those who received treatment at Ambumóvel, did not have these advantages at their disposal. How then is it possible to compensate for the absence of this fundamentally important factor? In accordance with the Statute for Children and Adolescents (Brazilian Ministry of Education, 2005), society and government, particularly the entities charged with dealing with children and adolescents, must take the responsibility for those who do not have a structured family, capable of promoting conditions favorable to their children’s development. In this perspective, some participants viewed living in temporary shelters as a protection factor against drug use, while others said the experience was more like a “prison”. Among the motives cited for interrupting drug consumption, physical and mental health concerns, fear of dying, the desire for a lifestyle change, the lack of current options and positive expectations for the future stood out. The desire to study was mentioned by a significant number of participants and the intention to go to university or do research came up spontaneously, although in a limited manner. The desire to have a profession (driver, engineer, doctor, professor, rancher, soccer player, restaurant owner, pop


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music dancer, secretary, artist) to work, to constitute and maintain a family were considered important protection factors against drug use. Most of the data relating to self-esteem reveal the difficulties faced by the children and adolescents. In fact, a Narcissistic investment, in other words, love for one’s self, is constructed based on the relationship with one’s peers and on the experiences acquired throughout life (Freud, 1925/1976). In order to increase confidence in oneself, it is paramount to identify and develop abilities and skills to attain satisfaction with oneself, as well as recognition and appreciation from others. For this to occur, the child/adolescent must be cared for and loved. However, the participants in this study stated that they often generated in others feelings of pity, indifference, prejudice, discrimination and violence, often experienced in a traumatic manner. Trauma breaks a link in the chain of meaning that represents the subject and, thus, its effects lead to a subjective destitution, experienced as anguish. Through language and through the narrative storyline that connects the trauma to their story, subjects can rearticulate themselves with regard to their representations and thereby ease the anguish (Freud, 1914/1976; RousseauDujardin, 1996). Following this line of thought, the need to be listened to was borne out by some of the participants in the Ambumóvel, whose stories were at times transformed spontaneously into fragments of their life histories. Through their oral testimony, it was possible to identify issues that needed to be elaborated, abilities and skills that needed to be developed. Despite the apparent simplicity, some plans, like maintaining contact with their mother, having a “normal” life and changing their own story, could not be realized and remained as dreams. The desire to radically change, to the point of “becoming another person,” was expressed by some. Others reaffirmed their right to study and work, to be able to take the place of their parents, with regard to their younger siblings. Sports, particularly soccer and swimming, were also mentioned as protection factors for some children and adolescents, who hoped to invest in their athletic careers. It is important to remember that information can also be a protection factor, without overlooking the fact that their subjective position affects the process of knowledge acquisition. To assimilate knowledge, one needs to



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articulate it into one’s own story, and consequently, into knowledge of one’s self. For this reason, planning of therapeutic activities was done interactively, with the participation of the child/adolescent. This model fostered thoughtful reflection and the discussion of topics, directly or indirectly associated to drug consumption, such as the relationship to one’s own body, to oneself, to others, to place and time. Throughout the Ambumóvel implementation period, play-related activities were prioritized, to compete with the appeal of the streets, in which drug use takes center stage. The Ambumóvel team also tried to use language accessible to the reality of the participants, while the technical resources, primarily related to playtime activities, were adapted to promote learning, the strengthening of bonds, and as a means of expressing that which had not yet been symbolized. The road is long and sinuous, particularly with regard to the creation and maintenance of specialized spaces for the prevention and treatment of drug abuse, based on harm reduction principles, adapted for children and adolescents. In the end, the development of protection factors depends on the availability of educational, socio-cultural and health services, which must be coordinated by the public system with the integration of community resources.

FINAL CONSIDERATIONS The negative clinical effects of drug use are accentuated in childhood and adolescence. For homeless youth, harm – physical, moral and psychological – can be manifested as disease, sexual abuse and exploitation, early pregnancy, participation in illicit activities, which increase the risk of an early death. With regard to the process of development, one should not speak of addiction, but rather of risky attempts to survive. Faced with the degradation of the conditions of their lives, drugs offer “moments of pleasure, beauty, joy and relaxation, and block out, at least momentarily, the threats generated by the persecution to which they are permanently exposed,” (Bucher, 1992, p. 78).


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Life circumstances are experienced outside the home, in the absence of an adult reference figure, aggravated by prejudice and discrimination, which intensify social exclusion, in opposition to the rights stipulated in the Statute for Children and Adolescents (Brazilian Ministry of Education, 2005). In this regard, the results of Ambumóvel Project suggest that homelessness is more closely related, not to drug use, but rather to family abandonment, or to living in a dysfunctional family, in constant conflict, whose guardians use drugs and/or are involved in illegal practices. When comparing the data obtained from the Ambumóvel Project with the survey carried out by the Brazilian Psychotropic Drugs Center (CEBRID, 2003), tobacco and marijuana were confirmed as the preferred drugs among consumers. Use of solvents lost space while alcohol attracted new users. Crack consumption was also down when compared to the CEBRID (2003) data, which showed an increase in the number of children and adolescents who used crack, in the capitals of the Brazilian Northeast. The complications caused by the consumption of alcoholic beverages, are in part, exacerbated by the belief that alcohol is not a drug. The fact that it is a licit psychoactive substance, widely accepted in society, serves as an argument for adolescents who do not wish to interrupt their consumption. This association is congruent with the data from the National Drug Policy Secretariat (2006), which demonstrate that the term “drug” is normally associated exclusively with illicit drugs. Alcohol may also be the gateway for the use of other drugs. Despite the legal prohibitions, minors can easily acquire alcoholic beverages on the formal market in the municipality of Salvador. Legal regulations are overlooked, which makes it more difficult to accept social norms. In this line of thought, none of the adolescents who were fulfilling court-ordered socio-educational measures considered involvement in illicit activities as a source of income. This bears witness to the fact that adolescents in conflict with the law do not consider themselves as infringers. In clinical terms, this may favor the necessary disassociation to promote a change in their negative view of the law. The point of view that considers drugs synonymous with evil should be viewed as a risk factor, given that some pleasurable experiences can be



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obtained through drug use. Yet this pleasure is obtained at the cost of harmful consequences to health, the price of which can be high. Thus, the Ambumóvel interventions were designed together with the children/adolescents and adapted to their individual needs. With this in mind, the participants were asked to reflect upon their relationship to drugs, with emphasis on the person and not on the drug. The results represent a deeper understanding of risk and protection factors, provided by the children and adolescents themselves, those most interested in improving the conditions of their lives. The benefits achieved by the Ambumóvel Project – which received a positive evaluation from the children/adolescents and professionals at the Cidade Mãe Foundation – demonstrate that shelters, halfway houses and centers for fulfilling court-ordered socio-educational measures should have permanent staff members trained to minimize the biopsychosocial suffering associated with drug use and other risk behaviors. The reasons for the trauma, particularly in cases of overdose or situations of domestic, urban and police violence require a therapeutic approach. In fact, integral healthcare should be developed on an inter-institutional level, in conjunction with the education, culture, sports and leisure networks, to promote social inclusion. Special attention should be given to school adaption, especially for those who are homeless. Police authorities should also be trained to overcome a perceived aggressive and authoritarian posture, which can lead to feelings of incomprehension and injustice in the children/adolescents and promote the development of socially undesirable behavior. Development actions should also include family health, job generation and improved income distribution. According to Graciani (2001), one cannot overlook the fact that poverty deteriorates social relations, degrades populations and disaggregates institutions. Society also has an important role to play within this context. Modern lifestyles are characterized by action, image, and the compulsive search for immediate pleasure, with lesser importance given to reflection, thought and writing. Drugs are a means, chosen by some individuals, to reduce discomfort, (Freud, 1930/1976). According to the psychoanalyst Charles Melman (2003), drugs turn thoughts to silence and this thicken the soup of


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“mental misery,” which, regardless of the social misery, is experienced as the difficulty, or even the impossibility of a subject reflecting on his or her own behaviors and choices. In the search for alternatives, professionals should promote the creation of spaces where thoughts can circulate freely, so that the child/adolescent subject can better express doubts and articulate traumatic issues and situations. This task demands time and the availability of professionals, who also need to be listened to. Finally, the development of qualitative research projects should be promoted, emphasizing subjective factors, for a better comprehension of these phenomena. This will contribute to the construction of knowledge to aid in interventions regarding the complex problems that underlie drug use and other risk behaviors in economically disadvantaged children and adolescents.

REFERENCES Albán, M.D.R. (1996). What to correct and what not to correct in oral text transcriptions. In: Cardoso, S.A.M. (org.). Linguistic diversity and teaching (pp. 165-181). Salvador: EDUFBA. Brazil. Ministry of Health (2003). Ministry of Health Policies for integrated care of users of alcohol and other drugs. Brazil. Ministry of Health (2014). Psychosocial care of children and adolescents at the Unified Healthcare System – SUS: developing networks to safeguard rights. Brazil. Ministry of Health (2005). Statute for Children and Adolescents (ECA). Brazil. National Drug Policy Secretariat – SENAD (2006). Drug use prevention and community therapy. Brasília: National Drug Policy Secretariat. Bucher, R. (1992). Drugs and drug addiction in Brazil. Porto Alegre: Artes Médicas.



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Brazilian Psychotropic Drugs Information Center – CEBRID (2003). National Drug Use Survey of Homeless Children and Adolescents. Freud, S. (1914/1976). Remembering, repeating and creating: new recommendations on the technique of psychoanalysis II. In: Standard Brazilian Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, The Schereber case, articles on technique and other works (pp. 193-203). Rio de Janeiro: Imago. v. XII. Freud, S. (1925/1976). Some Psychical Consequences of the Anatomical Distinction between the Sexes. In: Standard Brazilian Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, The ego and the id and other works (pp. 309-320). Rio de Janeiro: Imago. v. XIX. Freud, S. (1930/1976). Civilization and its Discontents. In: Standard Brazilian Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, The future of an illusion, Civilization and its Discontents and other works (pp. 81-171). Rio de Janeiro: Imago. v. XXI. Graciani, M.S.S. (2001). Social pedagogy for the streets. São Paulo: Cortez: Instituto Paulo Freire. Melman, C. (2003). New clinical forms at the beginning of the third Millennium. Porto Alegre: CMC Editora. Rassial, J.J. (2004). The psychopath as a contemporary figure. In: Corrêa, A.l. (org.), Later is now (pp. 126-136). Salvador: Ágalma Psicanálise. Rousseau, D.-J. Trauma (1996). In: Kaufmann, P. (org.), Encyclopedic dictionary of Psychoanalysis: the legacy of Freud and Lacan (pp. 558559). Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor. Schenker, D. (2004). Homeless youth and drug abuse: researching the necessities of street children in Salvador (Brazil). In: Drugs, moments, places and viewpoints on consumption (pp. 71-86). Salvador: EDUFBA.


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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Leila de Oliveira Pinto Affiliation: Psychologist at the Fátima Cavalcanti Harm Reduction Alliance (ARD-FC), Permanent Extension Program of the Family Health Department of the Bahia School of Medicine (FMB), Federal University of Bahia (UFBA), Brazil (2007-2016); Psychologist at the Secretariat of Health of the State of Bahia (SESAB), Brazil (1989- …); private practice as a psychoanalyst (1988-...) Education: Graduated in Psychology from the Federal University of Bahia (UFBA, 1985), with a master's degree (2006) and a doctorate (2009) in Theory and Criticism of Literature and Culture, by the Institute of Letters, Federal University of Bahia (UFBA). Business Address: [email protected] Research and Professional Experience: During her post-graduate work, she carried out research on the use of storytelling in the therapeutic treatment of children using play-related activities, and as a harm reduction strategy with regard to the consumption of psychoactive substances in childhood and adolescence. Since 1988, she has worked in private practice as a psychoanalyst. At the Secretariat of Health of the State of Bahia (SESAB), between 2007 and 2016, specifically at the Fátima Cavalcanti Harm Reduction Alliance Outpatient Clinic, associated with the Permanent Extension Program of the Family Health Department of the Bahia School of Medicine at the Federal University of Bahia, she worked as a psychologist participating in clinical, teaching, training and research projects related to the use of psychoactive substances. In 2015, with Prof. Dr. Tarcísio Andrade, she co-authored the project for the specialization “Theory and Clinical Practices in Psychosocial Care for Users of Psychoactive Substances,” a Lato Sensu post-graduate course, in which



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she has also participated as the pedagogical supervisor. With a total of 408 hours, this course is the result of a partnership between the Fátima Cavalcanti Harm Reduction Alliance and the National Secretariat for Drug Policy (SENAD), coordinated by the Federal University of Bahia. As a research assistant, she participated in a Project on Smokable Cocaine in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay, implemented by the Fatima Cavalcanti Harm Reduction Alliance under the auspices of the Organization of American States (OAS). She currently works as a psychologist at the Institute of Perinatology of the State of Bahia (IPERBA), with a focus on the prevention and treatment of the use of psychoactive substances in pregnant and postpartum women. Publications from the Last 3 Years: 1. Pinto, L. O. (2016). Childhood, Culture and Psychoanalysis. http://www.isaudebahia.com.br/noticias/detalhe/noticia/infanciacultura-e-psicanalise/. 2. Pinto, L. O.; Duarte, F. M. R.; Oliveira, D. J. (2015). Informative group: harm reduction strategies for people apprehended for illicit drug consumption and/or possession. < http://www.scielo.br/ scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1414-32832015000500965 >. 3. Pinto, L. O.; Ferreira, O. S.; Leonelli, M.; Machado, S. (2014). Harm Reduction in Children and Adolescents Living in Shelters (pp. 93-116). In: Tavares, L. A.; Montes, J. C. (orgs.), Drugs: an informal network of knowledge and practices. Salvador: EDUFBA.




Chapter 8

SECTORS OF PRODUCTION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: AN EMPIRICAL ESTIMATION WITH A SPECIAL FOCUS ON THE CASE OF GREECE UNDER CRISIS Kostas Rontos1,*, Maria-Eleni Syrmali1,2 and Ioannis Vavouras2 1

Department of Sociology, University of the Aegean, Mytilene, Greece 2 Department of Public Administration, Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences, Athens, Greece

ABSTRACT The current study aims to investigate in a quantitative manner possible shifts in economic activity due to the financial crisis that may contribute to *



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Kostas Rontos, Maria-Eleni Syrmali and Ioannis Vavouras the strengthening or weakening of productive sectors and, as a result, to the change of the economic map of Europe. In this way, countries of Europe are analyzed that are specialized in dynamic sectors of economic activity and have a comparative advantage over the others. In addition, it emerges that financial crises may function as mechanisms of redistributing economic activities between countries and thus income and wealth. Therefore, it is proved that the importance of sectoral structure is related to the general socioeconomic conditions. Hence, the specialization of countries in dynamic sectors of economic activity that have a comparative advantage over the others is a multidimensional and dynamic process. Consequently, appropriate state policies should be shaped, especially in those countries affected by the crisis that have only a limited number of productive sectors in which they may dispose a competitive advantage, such is the case of Greece, in order to strengthen the competitiveness of their dynamic productive sectors after taking into consideration the composite character of the issues examined.

Keywords: sectors of production, European Union, economic crisis, Greece

1. INTRODUCTION This analysis is conducted in order to investigate the existence of sectoral specialization and as a result the fundamental sectors of economic activity as far as the countries and regions of Europe are concerned, which display great export potential. Therefore, the examination of individual sectors permits to identify some of the factors that lie behind the acceleration or stagnation of productivity growth (Triplett and Bosworth, 2004). The diversity in growth across European countries indicates that some countries have been addressing issues related to productivity relatively successfully, while others have not (Timmer et al., 2011). Besides, a vast theoretical and empirical literature has been devoted to identify the sources of the large and persistent differences in productivity across countries (Bartelsman, Haltiwanger and Scarpetta, 2013). The current paper seeks to extend the empirical basis of productivity analysis (Baily, Hulten and Campbell, 1992). Based on the preceding analysis, regions of Europe shall be located that are specialized in dynamic sectors of economic activity and, as a result, have


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a comparative advantage over the others. Therefore, groups of countries shall emerge on the grounds of sectors that are developed and specialized. In this way, (“fair”) exchange relationships between different groups of countries shall be determined. Besides, it is well known that distinct sectors of economic activity, independent of their real value and significance, do not have equivalent exchange value, such as the industrial against agricultural production. In other words, terms of trade between different sectors of economic activity are not static, but on the contrary dynamic, which is a fact that should not be ignored by policy makers. Moreover, it should be pointed out that the development of productive sectors is related to structural performance of each economy (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 1992). Moreover, the study of the years 2008 and 2013 respectively permits to locate the transitions of productive activity in the economic map of Europe because of the financial crisis. In addition, restructuring of economic activity affects significantly the configuration of contemporary economic phenomena. Furthermore, based on the grouping of countries useful results shall emerge concerning the developmental archetypes of European space. According to this study, the aforementioned discrimination does not lie on the traditional axis (of favored) North – (less favored) South, but on the under configuration axis (of favored) West – (less favored) East. It should be pointed out that as far as the examined countries and regions are concerned, the term “favored” is used instead of the term “developed,” which is mostly prevalent in the relevant empirical and theoretical research. This is attributed to the fact that over the course of the past decades central interfering policies at the European level have been recorded that privileged or not the evolution of specific economic sectors. Therefore, these policies have determined up to a degree the distribution of sectoral productivity in the European space.


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2. CLASSIFICATION OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY The distinction of production is necessary in order to understand the factors that contribute to the development of individual economic sectors (Vavouras, 2008). Based on this criterion, economic activity is categorized in the primary, secondary and tertiary sector of production (Fisher, 1939). Primary production consists of goods that people may obtain directly from nature, such as agriculture, forestry and fishing. Primary sector provides the raw material that is necessary for the development of secondary and tertiary sector of production. Secondary production refers to products that are the result of processing of raw material of primary production, such as industry and construction. Tertiary sector consists of the production of immaterial goods that satisfy human needs through the provision of services. This category comprises of trade, transport, tourism, financial transactions and state provision, among others. The above mentioned categories are further classified into sectors so as to analyze structural characteristics of productive activity. It should be noted that the issue of sectoral classifications is very complex and the national modulation proves to be difficult (Rontos, 1994). Nevertheless, for the purposes of the current study the classification of productive sectors is in line with the generalized archetypes of Statistical Classification of economic activities in the European Community (NACE). More specifically, the last revised version of the aforementioned classification is employed. Within this framework of analysis, it should be noted that NACE classification is legally safeguarded in European Union countries, so as to comply with uniformity in its application. The codification of productive sectors in one-digit form along with the basic activities included in each one of them is presented in Table 1 that follows. Moreover, it should be stressed that regional analysis at the European level was conducted according to the NUTS2 classification. Therefore, it emerges that the classification above includes sectors with significant presence in contemporary economy and society.



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Table 1. Classification of Economic Activities in the European Community A B-E F G-I

Agriculture, forestry and fishing Manufacturing Construction Wholesale and retail trade, transportation and storage, accommodation and food service activities J Information and communication K Financial and insurance activities L Real estate activities M-N Professional, scientific and technical activities, administrative and support service activities O-Q Public administration and defense, compulsory social security, education, human health and social work activities R-U Arts, entertainment and recreation, other service activities, activities of households as employers, undifferentiated goods and services, producing activities for own use, activities of extraterritorial organizations and bodies Source: Eurostat (2008).

3. METHODOLOGY In the empirical research conducted an indicator of regional science is employed, namely the Location Quotient of a country or region in relation to Europe as a whole (Isard, 1960). The principal variable of analysis is employment, as compiled by Eurostat. The calculation of Location Quotient is based on the number of employed in the economic sectors examined. More specifically, the associated ratio measures the participation of an economic sector in a country or region in relation to the corresponding participation of the sector in the European Union. It should be noted that regional analysis at the European level was conducted according to the NUTS2 classification. Based on the preceding analysis, the Location Quotient is calculated as follows:


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Kostas Rontos, Maria-Eleni Syrmali and Ioannis Vavouras Air

Location Quotient: QL = Ain

Ar An

where, Α: employment i: sector of economic activity r: country or region of Europe n: Europe A sector of economic activity may be characterized as basic or not depending on the score of the associated indicator. More specifically, the interpretation of Location Quotient depends on its value and whether it is greater than unit or not. More analytically, the interpretation of Location Quotient in the applications below is based on the following criteria: 





If QL > 1, then the examined spatial unit r is specialized in the specific sector of economic activity i. To put it differently, the country/region participates in the examined sector at a greater percentage than it participates in the whole of European Union. If QL < 1, then the sector of economic activity i is considered as not basic. To put it differently, the country/region participates in the examined sector at a lower percentage than it participates in the whole of European Union. If QL = 1, then sector activity is considered balanced. To put it differently, the country/region participates in the examined sector at the same percentage as it participates in the whole of European Union.

4. EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS 4.1. Sectoral Production at the Country Level Sectoral structure of European Union countries for the years 2008 and 2013 is presented in Tables 2 and 3 respectively. The comparative analysis



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in the recent period of crisis permits the study of sectors’ restructuring characteristics in the countries or regions examined. Moreover, with the use of thematic maps countries or regions with high sectoral specialization are illustrated. The extent of specialization in the sense of regional accumulation of economic activity for the year 2008, as estimated by the application of Location Quotient in each of the productive sectors, is listed in Table 2. More specifically, in the sector of Agriculture, forestry and fishing high value of the specialization indicator is observed in Romania (5.571), Poland (2.710), Croatia (2.599), Greece (2.200) and Portugal (2.170). Luxembourg scores the lowest value in the relevant indicator. It should be noted that the accumulation of economic activity in a country does not always concerns the whole territory and as a result the application of the relevant indicator should be extended at the regional level as well. In practical terms, as depicted in Thematic Map 2, the specialization in industry refers to North Italy, while the South part is specialized in agriculture (Thematic Map 3). For the purposes of this study, specific cases of countries shall be presented in which the accumulation of an activity is located at a specific region of the country. In the Construction sector countries such as Estonia (1.478), Spain (1.451) and Cyprus (1.446) score the highest value in the indicator referring to the accumulation of the associated economic activity. In the sector of Wholesale and retail trade, transportation and storage, accommodation and food service activities the highest values of the relevant indicator are observed in Greece, Malta and Cyprus. In the Information and communication sector high value of the indicator is observed in Denmark (1.438), Malta (1.426), Sweden (1.414) and the United Kingdom (1.403). Romania scores the lowest value in the relevant indicator. In the Financial and insurance activities sector high value of the indicator is observed in Luxembourg (3.580), Cyprus (1.725), Ireland (1.498) and the United Kingdom (1.450). In the Real estate activities sector high value of the specialization indicator is observed in Estonia (2.805), Sweden (1.899), France (1.836) and Denmark (1.509). On the contrary, Romania scores the lowest value in the corresponding indicator.


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Table 2. Location Quotient of Economic Sectors in the Countries of the European Union (2008)




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Thematic Map 1. Countries that present high concentration in the sectors of agriculture, forestry and fishing and industry (2008).

Thematic Map 2. The sector of industry for the case of Italy (2008).



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Thematic Map 3. The sector of agriculture, forestry and fishing for the case of Italy (2008).

Thematic Map 4. Countries that present high concentration in the sectors of construction and wholesale and retail trade, transportation and storage, accommodation and food service activities (2008).


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Thematic Map 5. Countries that present high concentration in the sectors of information and communication and financial and insurance activities (2008).

In the Professional, scientific and technical activities, administrative and support service activities the highest value in the specialization indicator is discerned in Sweden (1,422), Netherlands (1,255) and Finland (1,208). In the Public administration and defense, compulsory social security, education, human health and social work activities sector the highest value in the associated indicator is discerned in Sweden (1,350), Denmark (1,345) and Belgium (1,315).

Thematic Map 6. Countries that present high concentration in the sectors of real estate activities and professional, scientific and technical activities, administrative and support service activities (2008).



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In the sector of Arts, entertainment and recreation, other service activities, activities of households and extraterritorial organizations and bodies the highest value of the relevant indicator is observed in Luxembourg (1.872), Cyprus (1.742) and Spain (1.421). Romania scores the lowest value in the associated indicator.

Thematic Map 7. Countries that present high concentration in the sectors of public administration and defense, compulsory social security, education, human health and social work activities and arts, entertainment and recreation, other service activities, activities of households as employers, undifferentiated goods and services, producing activities for own use, activities of extraterritorial organizations and bodies (2008).

The above thematic maps illustrate the grouping of countries that demonstrate or not specialization in each of the examined sectors mainly in the axis of East-West instead of North-South. As far as sectoral specialization of European Union countries for the year 2013 is concerned, it is prevalent that for Agriculture, forestry and fishing countries that get the highest score are Romania (5.878), Greece (2.826), Poland (2.475) and Croatia (2.223). The lowest value of the associated indicator is observed in the United Kingdom. In the sector of Industry, countries that get the highest score in the relevant indicator are Czech Republic (1.675), Slovakia (1.491) and Slovenia (1.440). The lowest value of the relevant indicator is recorded in Luxembourg. In the sector of Construction, countries with high


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concentration of economic activity as captured by the relevant indicator are Slovakia (1.454) and Estonia (1.315). Table 3. Location quotient of economic sectors in the countries of the European Union (2013)



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Table 3. (Continued)

In the sector of Wholesale and retail trade, transportation and storage, accommodation and food service activities high value of the indicator is recorded in Cyprus (1.290), Bulgaria (1.221), Spain (1.230), Greece (1.272) and Malta (1.204). On the contrary, the lowest value of the associated indicator is observed in Luxembourg. In the sector of Information and communication high concentration of economic activity is observed in Ireland (1.479), Sweden (1443), Denmark (1.426), Finland (1.405) and the United Kingdom (1.347). The lowest value of the associated indicator is observed in Romania (0.568). In the sector of Financial and insurance activities the highest value of the associated indicator is observed in Luxembourg (4.207), Cyprus (2.044), Ireland


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(1.614) and Malta (1.514). In the sector of Real estate activities the highest specialization is observed in Latvia (3.099), Estonia (2.298) and France (1.762). On the contrary, Greece scores the lowest value in the associated indicator (0.101). In the sector of professional, scientific and technical activities, administrative and support service activities high value of the associated indicator is observed in Sweden (1,359), Netherlands (1,238) and the United Kingdom (1,234). In Romania the lowest value of the associated indicator is observed. In the sector of Public administration and defense, compulsory social security, education, human health and social work activities the greatest concentration is observed in Denmark (1.344), Sweden (1.296), Belgium (1.247), France (1.217) and Luxembourg (1.207). In the sector of Arts, entertainment and recreation, other service activities, activities of households as employers, undifferentiated goods and services, producing activities for own use, activities of extraterritorial organizations and bodies the highest specialization is observed in Cyprus (1.960), Luxembourg (1.940) and Spain (1.519). Moreover, it emerges that Italy is among the countries with high specialization in the sector of Manufacture mainly due to the industrialized North. On the other hand, the South of Italy presents a totally different performance and, more specifically, is specialized in the sector of Agriculture.

Thematic Map 8. Countries that present high concentration in the sectors of agriculture, forestry and fishing and industry (2013).



Thematic Map 9. The sector of industry for the case of Italy (2013).

Thematic Map 10. The sector of agriculture, forestry and fishing for the case of Italy (2013).


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The major characteristics concerning the discrimination mainly in the axis of East-West instead of North-South for the year 2008 are maintained in the year 2013 as well. An extensive analysis concerning the diversification between the years 2008 and 2013 is presented in the following section.

Thematic Map 11. Countries that present high concentration in the sectors of construction and wholesale and retail trade, transportation and storage, accommodation and food service activities (2013).

Thematic Map 12. Countries that present high concentration in the sectors of information and communication and financial and insurance activities (2013).

Thematic Map 13. Countries that present high concentration in the sectors of real estate activities and professional, scientific and technical activities, administrative and support service activities (2013).



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Thematic Map 14. Countries that present high concentration in the sectors of public administration and defense, compulsory social security, education, human health and social work activities and arts, entertainment and recreation, other service activities, activities of households as employers, undifferentiated goods and services, producing activities for own use, activities of extraterritorial organizations and bodies (2013).

4.2. Disparities in Economic Activity of European Countries Hardest Hit by the Economic Crisis and the Case of Greece In the sector of Construction the associated activity is reduced in countries that are affected by the crisis, which namely are Greece, Spain, Portugal and Ireland. Moreover, it should be pointed out that while Spain for the year 2008 gets the second highest score in the indicator (1.451) expressing specialization in the sector of Construction, there is a significant alteration for the year 2013, where it scores lower than unit (0.867). It should be noted that in Spain this sector has been seriously hit by the financial crisis. In general, it seems that the sector of Construction is more sensitive in the volatility of economic activity. The sector of Construction does not constitute a principal sector of economic activity for the case of Greece during the period of crisis as is prevalent by the comparative analysis of the associated indicator. Therefore, while Greece in the sector of Construction for the year 2008 scores higher than unit (1.038), the value of the associated indicator for the year 2013 is less than unit (0.667). As far as Greece is concerned, the sector of construction has been seriously affected by the financial crisis and the increase in taxation as a means to fight the debt crisis. On the contrary, in


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the sector of Agriculture further increase in the indicator during the crisis is observed in Greece. In the wholesale and retail trade, transportation and storage, accommodation and food service activities there is a considerable stability in the period examined. It is argued that (World Economic Forum, 2015) in the sector of tourism (accommodation and food service activities) Greece and Spain further fortify their position in the period of crisis despite the serious fiscal problems. Furthermore, Spain, Italy and Cyprus find a way out of the crisis by strengthening their position in the field of Arts, entertainment and recreation, as is prevalent by the increase in the associated indicator. Based on the analysis above it could be argued that the importance of sectoral structure is not independent but on the contrary is associated with the general socioeconomic environment, the contextual conditions and the structural characteristics of the countries and regions examined. There are sectors that are seriously affected by the crisis, while its effective treatment depends on the ability of countries to revolve into new dynamic activities.

4.3. Sectoral Activity at the Regional Level In many countries, a specific activity is accumulated in certain areas due to their natural wealth, their geographic position and characteristics or even to successful developmental policies exercised. For the purposes of the current study, the analysis is restricted to specific areas (North etc.) of each country. Concerning the case of Romania in the Agricultural sector, it is illustrated that the concentration of the associated activity is located in specific geographic regions in the South and North-East part of the country (Thematic Map 15). The climate is continental along with intense rainfall in the Carpathian Mountains (North-East Romania). Moreover, the morphology of the ground favors the development of the Agricultural sector as in the South the fertile plains are traversed by rivers (Danube region). The presence of port in a branch of the Danube River at the South-East part of the country is a distinguishing characteristic.



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Moreover, in Slovakia the Industry is accumulated in the West part of the country around the capital Bratislava (Thematic Map 16). Distinct characteristics of this area are the many rivers, from which electricity is produced, as well as the enriched mineral underground.

Thematic Map 15. Regions of Romania that are specialized in agriculture (2013).

Thematic Map 16. Regions of Slovakia that are specialized in manufacturing (2013).


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Thematic Map 17. Regions of Spain that are specialized in construction (2013).

Thematic Map 18. Regions of Greece that are specialized in wholesale and retail trade, transportation and storage, accommodation and food service activities (2013).



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In Spain (Thematic Map 17) accumulation of activity is observed in the North-West part of the country as far as the Construction sector is concerned due to the morphology of the ground (plateaus, valleys, rivers) as well as the road axis that interlinks Portugal with the rest of Europe. It should be pointed out that in this area flight companies of low cost exist. In the sector of Wholesale and retail trade, transportation and storage, accommodation and food service activities Greece serves as a typical example. The associated activity is dominant in the islands and to the two metropolitan regions of Attica and West Macedonia (Thessaloniki) due to their increased commercial character (Thematic Map 18).

Thematic Map 19. Regions of England that are specialized in information and communication (2013).

In the sector of Information and communication England is a typical case. The associated activity is mostly developed in the area of London and the two surrounded regions in the South-East part of the country (Thematic Map 19). In these areas, that constitute the core of the United Kingdom, financial services (stock market etc.) are developed along with the mass


214


media (British Broadcasting Corporation-BBC, an abundance of television and radio networks and newspapers). Also, it should be pointed out that the English language is dominant at the international level in mass communication, science, industry, policy etc.

Thematic Map 20. Regions of Belgium that are specialized in financial and insurance activities (2013).

Financial and insurance activities in Belgium (Thematic Map 20) are located in the central regions that surround the capital, which is Brussels (Thematic Map 20). The headquarters of most European institutions (European Commission, Council of the European Union) are located in Brussels as well as the headquarters of NATO and other international organizations and diplomatic services. Professional, scientific and technical activities, administrative and support service activities (Thematic Map 21) are accumulated in the NorthEast and Central-West regions of Hesse and North Rhine-Westphalia. The North-East regions are characterized by intense cultural and economic activity with a large number of research institutions, theaters, architectural



215

monuments and universities. A reference case could be the capital of Brandenburg region, Potsdam, which is one of the most significant film production centers in Europe. Central-West regions and especially the region of Hesse constitutes one of the most affluent states of Germany with numerous firms located in it, such as Deutsche Bank, Commerzbank, Fraport, Merck, B. Braun, Buderus and Deutsche Börs. In Croatia the development of public sector in the West part of the country (Thematic Map 22) is a typical case. This area is located in the Adriatic Sea and is constituted by national parks while it constitutes popular tourist attraction all the year.

Thematic Map 21. Regions of Germany that are specialized in professional, scientific and technical activities, administrative and support service activities (2013).


216


Thematic Map 22. Regions of Croatia that are specialized in public administration and defense, compulsory social security, education, human health and social work activities (2013).

The sector of Arts, entertainment and recreation, other service activities, activities of households as employers, undifferentiated goods and services, producing activities for own use, activities of extraterritorial organizations and bodies (Thematic Map 23) presents concentration in Central Italy (Rome, Tuscany, Umbria and Sardinia). In the region of Central Italy there are historical cities that have been characterized by UNESCO as Monuments of World Cultural Heritage. Sardinia, which was under the influence of diversified cultural archetypes, has shaped a distinct cultural identity.



217

Thematic Map 23. Regions of Italy that are specialized in arts, entertainment and recreation, other service activities, activities of households as employers, undifferentiated goods and services, producing activities for own use, activities of extraterritorial organizations and bodies (2013).

4.4. Specialization of Countries on the Basis of Sectoral Production Based on the preceding results concerning the years 2008 and 2013, areas of Europe could be located that demonstrate accumulated activity in specific sectors. The thematic maps illustrate that the classification according to the productive activity of countries conforms to the axis of East-West instead of North-South. If Europe is segregated for each of the productive sectors as developed and non-developed (based on the Location Quotient), this would approach the vertical instead of the horizontal layout or in some cases the


218


diagonal from downwards and left to upwards and right. It should be mentioned that Spain is regarded as country of West Europe instead of South, due to the consideration of individual characteristics. However, this classification of countries regarding homogeneity on the basis of the structure of their production mostly at the level of East-West instead of North-South is only roughly approximated. Therefore, it emerges that countries of East Europe are specialized in the sensitive sectors of Agriculture, Manufacturing and Construction, while Services are mainly developed in West Europe. As far as the sector of Wholesale and retail trade, transportation and storage, accommodation and food service activities it could be argued that it does not follow the above described pattern but is mainly developed in the European South due to the extensive presence of tourism, which is included in the aforementioned sector. Moreover, in the sector of Manufacture the greatest concentration is located in countries of East Europe (Czech Republic, Slovenia, Slovakia, Poland) as well as in Germany, which according to more confined geographic criteria is considered as country of Central Europe.

POLICY IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION The current study aims to investigate in a quantitative manner the countries and regions of Europe that display high or low concentration of sectoral activity and in this sense the respective sector is considered as developed or not in relation to the European Union as a whole. Therefore, areas of Europe are located that the sector examined is primarily “exporting.” Moreover, the study of the years 2008 and 2013 permits to locate possible shifts in economic activity due to the financial crisis that may contribute to the strengthening or weakening of productive sectors and as a result to the change of the economic map of Europe. Therefore, it emerges that financial crises may function as mechanisms of redistributing economic activities between countries and as a result income and wealth. As a result, appropriate state policies should be shaped,



219

especially in those countries that because of the financial crisis have limited competitive advantages in other sectors. This ascertainment applies especially for the case of Greece. A consistent policy package at the European level taking into account country-specific reform priorities would yield large gains and facilitate rebalancing within the euro area (Barkbu, Rahman and Valdés, 2012). Overall, the key to improving economic conditions even to stagnated economies is increasing their productivity (Lewis, 2005). In this way, countries and regions of Europe are analyzed that are specialized in dynamic sectors of economic activity and, as a result, have a comparative advantage over the others. In this way, the terms of (fair) trade may be designated. More analytically, in major sectors of economic activity, such as Industry, the greatest concentration is observed in countries of East Europe and Central Europe at a lesser extent. In the sector of Agriculture the greatest concentration is observed in countries of East Europe. Tourism activity is mostly located in the South of Europe (Mediterranean countries). In Financial and insurance activities and Professional, scientific and technical activities, administrative and support service activities the greatest accumulation is observed in West Europe. Therefore, it should be pointed out that in addition to the established developmental archetype of European space, which is based on the axis of (favored) North – (less favored) South, there is a thorough analysis conducted on the axis of (favored) West – (less favored) East. More extensively, the comparative study of the indicators between the years 2008 and 2013 has appointed differentiations in the sectoral structure of European economies as an outcome of the economic crisis. For example, in countries that great concentration of tourism is observed and that at the same time face fiscal difficulties, a greater accumulation of tourism activity is recorded in the period of crisis. Therefore, the importance of tourism in terms of employment has increased. This observation could be construed as follows. The policies of fiscal discipline that have been put into effect and especially the policies of internal devaluation have improved the competitiveness of tourism product. At the same time, the shift into tourism product could be interpreted as an effort to react to the shrink of income from


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other sources because of the crisis or even as a means to face the extensive unemployment due to the financial recession. Moreover, it is proved that the comparative advantage in the sector of tourism is not static, but evolves dynamically, which is a fact that should not be ignored by policy makers and the private sector. Therefore, it is proved that the importance of sectoral structure is related to the general socioeconomic conditions. In conclusion, the specialization of countries/regions in dynamic sectors of economic activity that have a comparative advantage over the others is a multidimensional and dynamic process. This fact should not be neglected especially by those countries that because of their deficient convergence towards the core economies of Europe, which is further expanded due to the financial crisis, have a limited number of productive sectors in which they dispose a competitive advantage. These countries, which are affected by the crisis, such is the case for Greece, should shape an appropriate policy framework in order to strengthen the competitiveness of their dynamic productive sectors after taking into account the composite character of the issues examined.

REFERENCES Baily, M. N., Hulten C., and Campbell, D. (1992). “Productivity Dynamics in Manufacturing Plants.” Brookings Papers on Economic Activity. Washington, Brookings Institution. Barkbu, B., Rahman, J. and Valdés R. (2012). Fostering Growth in Europe Now. IMF Staff Discussion Note, SDN/12/07, International Monetary Fund, Washington. Bartelsman, E., Haltiwanger, J., and S. Scarpetta, S. (2013). Cross-Country Differences in Productivity: The Role of Allocation and Selection. American Economic Review, 103 (1): 305–34. Eurostat (2008). NACE Rev. 2 - Statistical Classification of Economic Activities in the European Community, European Communities. Fisher, A. (1939). Production, Primary, Secondary and Tertiary. Economic Record, 15, pp. 24-38.



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Isard, W. (1960). Methods of Regional Analysis. Cambridge MA, MIT Press. Lewis, W. 2005. The Power of Productivity: Wealth, Poverty, and the Threat to Global Stability. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (1992). Structural Change and Industrial Performance — A seven country growth decomposition study. [OECD Documents]. Paris: OECD Publishing. Rontos, K. (1994). Regional Structure of Services in Greece and in the European Union. Presentation in the 2nd Conference of the Greek Division R.S.A., Multidisciplinary Approaches in Regional Planning, Athens [in Greek]. Timmer, M., Inklaar, R., O’Mahony, M., and van Ark, B. (2011). Productivity and Economic Growth in Europe: A Comparative Industry Perspective. International Productivity Monitor, 21, pp. 3-23. Triplett, J. E. and Bosworth, B. P. (2004). Productivity in the U.S. Services Sector. New Sources of Economic Growth. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. Vavouras, I. (2008). Policy of Economic Development. Papazisis Publications [in Greek]. World Economic Forum (2015). The Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Report: Growth through Shocks, Geneva.



INDEX

A access, viii, xii, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 14, 20, 21, 26, 28, 29, 30, 33, 77, 80, 81, 83, 91, 94, 99, 108, 118, 119, 136, 137, 138, 143, 172, 179, 180 accommodation, 195, 197, 201, 205, 208, 210, 212, 213, 218 accommodation and food service activities, 195, 197, 201, 205, 208, 210, 212, 213, 218 acquaintance, 19 active parenting stage, vii, ix, 43, 44, 45, 46 activities of households and extraterritorial organizations, 203 adaptability, 99, 136 administrative and support service activities, 195, 202, 206, 208, 214, 215, 219 adolescents, viii, xii, 45, 140, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186 adult education, 16, 38 adult learning, 14, 18, 40

adult literacy, 6, 36 adulthood, 26, 27, 32, 76, 110 adults, vii, x, 5, 6, 7, 17, 99, 105, 107, 118, 154, 180 advertisements, 135, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144 Africa, 2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 36, 39, 40, 72 African American women, 137, 143 African Americans, v, viii, xi, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 147, 148 agriculture, 95, 194, 195, 197, 200, 201, 203, 206, 207, 210, 211, 218, 219 anxiety, 48, 155, 165 arts, 195, 203, 206, 209, 210, 216, 217 Asian Americans, 110 Austria, 91, 100 authenticity, 124, 126 autonomy, 72, 133, 137, 142 awareness, 94, 99, 118, 139, 161

B background information, 121 basic education, 11, 14


224

Index

behaviors, 70, 185, 186 Belgium, 89, 95, 96, 202, 206, 214 beneficiaries, 23 benefits, xi, 82, 106, 108, 111, 114, 153, 185 bias, xi, 106, 116, 125 board members, 111 body mass index (BMI), 130, 131, 135, 139 Botswana, 9, 10, 12, 13, 37, 38, 39 Brazil, 171, 172, 173, 186, 187, 188, 189 Bureau of Labor Statistics, 131, 145

C campaigns, xi, 130, 137 causality, 70, 161 CDC, 130, 131, 138 cell phones, 15 Central Europe, 218, 219 central nervous system, 177 CFI, 59, 60, 65 challenges, vii, ix, x, 2, 11, 14, 35, 77, 81, 82, 93, 97, 105, 108, 109, 112, 118, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 154 changing environment, 66 charter of fundamental rights of the EUROPEAN Union, 84 child development, 72, 179 child labor, 41, 179 child protection, 167 child rearing, 163 childhood, viii, xii, 76, 122, 123, 139, 152, 155, 178, 179, 183, 188 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186 Chile, 189 China, 112 circular patterns, 161 citizens, 6, 10, 76, 78, 82, 126, 144 citizenship, 78, 88, 110

civil society, 87 classification, 45, 194, 195, 217 climate change, 35 CMC, 187 cocaine, 176, 177 common good of all, 33 communication, viii, xii, 12, 16, 121, 123, 151, 152, 153, 156, 160, 161, 168, 197, 202, 205, 208, 213 communication pattern, 161 communication strategies, 156 community, vii, x, 16, 18, 19, 28, 34, 46, 48, 53, 82, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 136, 145, 174, 178, 181, 183, 186 community of practice, viii, 1, 18 comparative advantage, xiii, 192, 193, 219, 220 comparative analysis, 196, 209 competing survival priorities, 136 competitive advantage, xiii, 192, 219, 220 competitiveness, viii, xiii, 192, 219, 220 competitors, 81 compliance, 34, 51, 153 complications, 184 composite, xiii, 192, 220 composition, 88, 93 comprehension, 156, 186 compulsory education, 4 compulsory social security, 195, 202, 203, 206, 209, 216 configuration, 193 conflict, ix, 44, 47, 50, 52, 54, 55, 56, 63, 64, 67, 68, 69, 71, 162, 173, 176, 184 construction, 19, 22, 23, 95, 159, 160, 186, 194, 201, 208, 209, 212 construction sector, 197, 213 consumers, xi, 129, 131, 133, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144, 177, 184 consumption, viii, xi, xii, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 136, 139, 140, 141, 142,


Index 143, 144, 171, 176, 177, 178, 184, 187, 188 consumption patterns, 133 convergence, 220 conversations, 22, 25 coping strategies, 45 cost effectiveness, 21 Council of the European Union, 214 creative potential, 164 Croatia, 197, 203, 215, 216 crop residue, 9 cultural archetypes, 216 cultural differences, 107 cultural identity, 216 cultural values, xi, 11, 106 culture, xi, 7, 12, 13, 16, 23, 36, 40, 106, 107, 108, 110, 115, 116, 118, 120, 123, 127, 133, 135, 185 Customs Union, 4 Cyprus, 197, 203, 205, 206, 210 Czech Republic, 203, 218

D data analysis, 7, 120, 121, 175 data collection, vii, 21, 23, 107, 111, 120 deaths, 8 deconstruction, 155 deficit, 36 degradation, 183 delinquency, 29 democracy, 38 Denmark, 197, 202, 205, 206 Department of Labor, 3, 31, 41 dependent variable, 63 depression, 48, 53, 71, 73 depth, 158 devaluation, 219 diabetes, 138, 140, 145 direct observation, 152 discomfort, 126, 166, 177, 185

225 discrimination, 8, 71, 82, 84, 87, 99, 180, 182, 184, 193, 208 disparities in economic activity, 209 distress, 52, 71 distribution, 21, 64, 79, 95, 133, 193 diversification, 208 diversity, 3, 84, 88, 92, 97, 186, 192 division of labor, 71 domestication, 40 dominance, 16, 127, 154 drug abuse, 183, 187 drug addict, 186 drug addiction, 186 drug consumption, 174, 181, 183, 189 drug trafficking, 173, 179 drugs, viii, xii, 171, 172, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181, 183, 184, 185, 186 dynamic process, xiii, 192, 220 dynamic sectors, xiii, 192, 219, 220

E earnings, 27, 71, 145 East Europe, 218, 219 economic activity, viii, xiii, 191, 192, 193, 194, 196, 197, 204, 205, 209, 214, 218, 219, 220 economic conditions, 92, 219 economic crisis, x, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 87, 192, 219 economic cycle, vii, x, 75 economic development, 38, 76 economic downturn, x, 75, 80, 91 economic map, viii, xiii, 192, 193, 218 economic status, 23, 125 economics, 87, 135 education, ix, xiii, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14, 16, 20, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 38, 39, 40, 64, 82, 83, 84, 85, 88, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 115, 138, 168, 172, 185, 195, 202, 203, 206, 209, 216


226

Index

Education For All, 4, 36 educational attainment, 89, 90, 145 educational background, 92 educational experience, 23, 97 educational opportunities, 31 educational qualifications, 91 educational research, 126 educational system, 83 elders, 3, 10, 25, 30 elementary school, 179 emic and etic perspectives, 106 emotional stability, 179 employers, 27, 28, 91, 94, 195, 203, 206, 209, 216, 217 employment, ix, x, 2, 3, 7, 26, 27, 76, 83, 84, 85, 87, 90, 91, 94, 96, 98, 99, 195, 196, 219 employment opportunities, 99 empowerment, 15, 121 encopresis, 155 encouragement, 30 energy, 47, 66, 95, 122, 131 enforcement, 5 engagement, viii, 15, 85, 153, 158, 159, 160, 161, 166, 169 England, 213 entertainment and recreation, 195, 203, 206, 209, 210, 216, 217 entrepreneurs, 87 environment, 12, 22, 30, 31, 33, 34, 66, 136, 173, 174, 178, 179, 210 environmental management, 5 environments, 88, 135, 136, 144 epidemic, viii, 130, 135, 138, 140, 143 Estonia, 197, 204, 206 ethical issues, 172 ethics, 25, 51, 106, 126, 140 ethnic background, xi, 105, 107 ethnic groups, 93 ethnicity, 107, 108, 109, 139, 145 Europe, viii, xiii, 76, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 91, 92, 97, 100, 101, 102,

103, 192, 193, 195, 196, 213, 215, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221 European Commission, x, 75, 76, 77, 79, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 97, 98, 100, 101, 102, 214 European Community, 194, 195, 220 European labour markets, 76, 77, 82, 83, 87 European Parliament, 82, 88, 91, 97, 101 European policy, 92 European space, 193, 219 European Union, vi, 83, 84, 100, 102, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196, 198, 203, 204, 214, 218, 221 exchange relationship, 193 exploitation, 84, 133, 179, 183 externalisation, xii, 151, 155, 157, 166

F facial expression, 152, 157, 158 family conflict, vii, ix, 43, 44, 70, 71, 72 family interactions, 152 family interferes with work conflict, ix, 44 family life, 45, 70 family members, viii, xii, 24, 152, 155, 156, 164, 166, 167, 168, 172, 180 family system, 153, 154, 155, 167 family therapy, xii, 152, 153, 160, 161, 167, 168, 169, 170 family units, 178 family violence, 167 fast food, viii, xi, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144 fast food density, 135, 143 fat, 134, 135, 137, 140, 141, 143 fat intake, 140 federal government, 144 Filipino, 109


Index financial and insurance activities sector, 197 financial crisis, viii, xiii, 191, 193, 209, 218, 219, 220 financial incentives, 99 financial resources, 178 financial support, 5 Finland, 202, 205 fishing, 194, 195, 197, 200, 201, 203, 206, 207 flexibility, 5 flowers, 158, 159 food, xi, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 159, 195, 197, 201, 205, 208, 210, 212, 213, 218 food chain, xi, 130, 139 food industry, 134, 141, 142 foreign language, 83 foreign-born population, 80, 95 forestry and fishing, 194, 195, 197, 200, 201, 203, 206, 207 formal education, vii, viii, 1, 2, 5, 11, 12, 27, 28, 33, 40, 83, 84, 92, 94 formula, 135 fragments, 182 framing, 36 France, 89, 96, 197, 206 Freud, Sigmund, 182, 185, 187 functional numeracy, 31

G GDP, 77 gender balance, 117 gender differences, 50, 54, 69 gender identity, 125 gender role, 39, 70 generalizability, 143 geography, 126 Germany, 80, 87, 90, 91, 95, 96, 215, 218

227 giftedness, 127 global competition, 88 globalization, 70, 93 God, 180 goods and services, 195, 203, 206, 209, 216, 217 government funds, 138 government intervention, 142 governments, 81, 87, 97 graduate students, 93 Greece, vi, viii, xiii, 85, 91, 96, 191, 192, 197, 203, 205, 206, 209, 210, 212, 213, 219, 220, 221 group identity, 18 group membership, 109 group work, 138 guidelines, 136, 172, 175, 179 guilt feelings, 180

H habitat, 19 Haiti, 119 harm reduction, vi, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 180, 183, 188, 189 harm reduction strategies, 173, 175, 180, 189 harmful effects, 68 harmony, 18 hazards, 178 health, xi, xiii, 3, 6, 11, 36, 40, 72, 84, 95, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 167, 172, 174, 177, 181, 183, 185, 195, 203, 206, 209, 216 health education, 138 health information, 136 health risks, 131 health services, 174, 183 healthy, 131, 136, 137, 138, 139, 143, 144 hegemony, 16


228

Index

herding, v, vii, viii, 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39 heterogeneity, 109 high fat, 136, 144 higher education, 88, 97, 115 highlands, viii, 1, 3, 14, 21, 28 homelessness, 174, 180, 184 homogeneity, 218 HPV, 138, 149 human development, 41 Human Development Index, 6 Human Development Report, 41 human health, 195, 202, 203, 206, 209, 216 human health and social work activities sector, 202 human papilloma virus, 138 humanitarianism, 140

I IMF, 220 immigrant youth, 76, 81, 93, 96, 97, 99 immigrants, vii, x, 13, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 97, 98 immigration, 77, 81, 82, 88, 92, 124, 126 improvements, 85 income, xiii, 6, 11, 26, 27, 28, 85, 132, 136, 138, 172, 179, 184, 185, 192, 218, 219 income distribution, 185 increased access, 20 independent variable, 63, 64 India, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14 indicator, 48, 195, 196, 197, 202, 203, 205, 206, 209, 210 indigenous knowledge, 5 indirect effect, 49, 63 individual character, 218

individual characteristics, 218 individual rights, 180 individuals, x, 47, 49, 67, 93, 94, 105, 108, 111, 113, 117, 118, 131, 134, 136, 167, 185 induction, 3, 19 infant mortality, 143 informally, 10, 30, 33 information and communication sector, 197 information technology, 174 infrastructure, 135 insider or outsider status, 106, 125 institutionalisation, 34 institutions, xiii, 16, 20, 172, 185, 214 integration, 77, 81, 82, 83, 90, 93, 97, 98, 99, 183 interest groups, 18 interface, 50, 65, 67 interference, 52, 69, 163 internalised, 154 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 41 International Monetary Fund, 36, 220 intervention, viii, xii, 151, 153, 161, 162, 164, 167 invitation to participate, 117 Ireland, 80, 85, 96, 197, 205, 209 Israel, ix, 43, 72, 86, 96 issue focus, 44 Italy, 86, 91, 197, 200, 201, 206, 207, 210, 216, 217

J job creation, 83, 99 job satisfaction, 70 jobless, 77, 84 job-search, 98 jumping, 116, 121


Index K Kenya, 9, 10, 11, 13, 36, 40, 72 kinship, 92 knowledge acquisition, 182

L labeling, 136 labor market, 51, 179 labour force, 77, 96, 99 labour market, vii, x, 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 90, 93, 97, 98, 99 labour market integration, vii, x, 76, 84 land tenure, 11, 12, 13 landscape, 164 language barrier, 97 language skills, 97 Latinos, 130 Latvia, 206 learn and share information, 34 learners, 7, 15, 16, 17, 18, 32, 35 learning, 5, 7, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 26, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 83, 89, 96, 174, 183 learning process, 31 learning styles, 33 LEED, 101 legal issues, 167 legislation, 84 leisure, 46, 53, 185 lens, 8, 25, 153 level of education, 3, 30, 64, 131 life expectancy, 6, 46, 79 life experiences, 22, 154 life history, 20, 22 lifelong learning, 5, 20, 37, 91 literacy, ix, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 25, 26, 28, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40 Literacy Practices, 16

229 livestock, viii, 1, 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 20, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37 local authorities, 82, 99 local practice, 33 Location Quotient, 195, 196, 197, 198, 217 Luxembourg, 78, 91, 96, 197, 203, 205, 206

M Macedonia, 213 majority, x, 28, 75, 76, 78, 80, 137, 179, 181 Malta, 197, 205, 206 management, ix, 2, 6, 28, 35, 71, 72 manufacturing, 95, 195, 211, 218, 220 marginalisation, 36, 87, 155 marijuana, 176, 177, 184 mass communication, 214 mass media, 214 material resources, 5 Mediterranean countries, 219 membership, 20, 114, 116 mental health, 72, 181 mentorship, 98 meta-analysis, 44 methodology, 7, 12, 20, 106, 172 migrant population, 90 migrants, x, 75, 77, 78, 82, 83, 88, 90, 92, 93, 94, 96 migration, 7, 8, 80, 81, 82, 88, 90, 93, 97, 102, 121 Ministry of Education, 5, 25, 38, 181, 184 morphology, 210, 213 mother tongue, 92 motivation, 7, 67, 73, 99 MRI, 160 multicultural qualitative research, 106, 107 multidimensional, xiii, 192, 220


230

Index

multi-sensory communication, xii, 151, 156

N Namibia, 40 narrative family therapy, 154 narrative research, 21 national debt, 132 National Institutes of Health, 137, 147 national parks, 215 NATO, 214 negative affect, ix, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 54, 55, 56, 63, 65, 68, 69, 70, 73 negative mood, 157 negative relation, 66 New England, 149 New Zealand, 126, 169, 170 NGOs, 3, 31, 39 Nigeria, 9, 10, 11, 35 non-formal education, vii, viii, 1, 2, 6, 25, 40 nuclear family, 24 null hypothesis, 64 nurses, 87, 93, 126 nutrition labels, 144

O obesity, viii, xi, 129, 130, 131, 132, 135, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 145 objective overload, ix, 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 54, 56, 66 objectivity, 23, 107, 108, 111, 119, 120, 125 occupational background, 93 OECD, x, 15, 39, 75, 77, 78, 85, 86, 87, 89, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 101, 102, 103, 221 Organization of American States, 189 overweight, 130 ownership, 4, 20, 23, 28, 30

P paradigm shift, 11 Paraguay, 189 parental support, 7 parenthood, ix, 43, 44, 45, 51, 68, 71 parenting, vii, ix, 43, 44, 45, 46, 50, 51, 54, 55, 56, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 163 parents, vii, ix, 5, 37, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 54, 55, 56, 57, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 90, 95, 123, 153, 157, 158, 160, 162, 163, 165, 166, 182 participants, xi, 20, 21, 23, 47, 51, 53, 54, 106, 107, 110, 111, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 152, 172, 174, 175, 178, 179, 181, 182, 183, 185 pastures, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14 path analysis, 57 peer group, 177 peer review, 25, 111 peers, 25, 30, 31, 34, 92, 178, 182 personal development, 24 personal hygiene, 7 personal life, 22 personal relations, 116, 123 personal relationship, 116, 123 personal responsibility, 142 personal stories, 123 pharmaceuticals, 144 physical therapist, 174 PISA, 89, 94 play activity, 156 playful approach, viii, xii, 151, 153, 154, 156, 160 policy, vii, viii, 1, 4, 5, 21, 28, 35, 76, 81, 82, 84, 93, 97, 98, 102, 133, 137, 142, 144, 193, 214, 219, 220 policy framework, 220 policy initiative, 83 policy makers, 35, 81, 137, 193, 220


Index policymakers, 137 political leaders, 144 population, vii, viii, x, 1, 11, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 109, 111, 118, 120, 135, 167, 168, 173 Portugal, 197, 209, 213 positionality, 23, 109, 126 positive affect, ix, 44, 48, 49, 53, 55, 56, 63, 67, 68 positive relationship, 48 poverty, 3, 4, 6, 7, 37, 87, 143, 185 poverty eradication, 4 poverty reduction, 5 power relations, 24 pregnancy, 183 preschool children, 45 prevention, 137, 138, 183, 186, 189 primary school, xii, 151 primary school age children, xii, 151 prior knowledge, 6 private practice, 188 private sector, 220 probability, 178, 181 problem solving, 12, 21 productive sectors, viii, xiii, 192, 193, 194, 197, 217, 218, 220 productivity, 192, 193, 219 productivity growth, 192 professional, 120, 188, 195, 202, 214, 219 professionals, vii, x, 44, 124, 125, 173, 174, 185, 186 profit, 87, 140, 142 programming, 138, 140 project, xii, 21, 35, 110, 111, 114, 119, 172, 173, 174, 175, 178, 188 protection, 11, 19, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 185 psychiatrist, 174 psychoanalysis, 187 psychological distress, 47 psychologist, 174, 188 psychology, 169

231 psychotherapy, 174 public administration, 203, 209, 216 public administration and defense, 195, 202, 206 public education, 175 public employment, 99 public health, xi, xii, 129, 132, 137, 138, 142, 143, 144, 171, 177 public sector, 215 public support, 88

Q qualitative interview ethics, 106 qualitative interview methodology, 106 qualitative research, xi, 106, 107, 108, 119, 123, 125, 126, 127, 143, 175, 186

R race, viii, xi, 107, 108, 123, 125, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134, 135, 138, 139, 144, 145 racism, 131, 133, 180 raw materials, 9, 10 real estate, 202, 208 real estate activities sector, 197 recession, vii, 220 recognition, ix, 2, 5, 11, 17, 19, 26, 34, 83, 91, 92, 182 recommendations, iv, 35, 45, 131, 142, 143, 144, 187 reconciliation, 87 recreation, 195, 203, 206, 209, 210, 216, 217 recruiting, 116 reflexivity, 107, 127 Regional Level, 210 regions of Europe, 192, 218, 219 regression, 64, 65 regression weights, 65 relaxation, 183


232

Index

reliability, 52, 53, 54 religion, 125 reproduction, 13 research institutions, 214 researcher and participant relations, 106 researchers, xi, 21, 23, 44, 47, 93, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 118, 124, 125, resistance, 169 risk factors, 178 rite of passage, ix, 2, 20, 32, 33 RMSEA, 59, 60 role conflict, x, 44, 46, 47, 49, 52, 54, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72 Romania, 197, 203, 205, 206, 210, 211 rural school, 39

S school performance, 97 schooling, ix, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 12, 14, 26, 31, 37, 39, 89 scientific and technical activities, 195, 202, 206, 208, 214, 215, 219 secondary education, 88, 91, 92 sector of wholesale and retail trade, 197, 205, 213, 218 sectoral classifications, 194 sectoral Production, 196, 217 sectoral specialization, 192, 197, 203 sectoral structure, xiii, 192, 210, 219 sectors of production, 192 segregation, 88, 132, 133, 135, 142, 143 self-awareness, 30 self-confidence, 99 self-control, 144 self-destructive behavior, 133 self-esteem, 180, 182 self-identity, 30 self-monitoring, xii, 152 self-sufficiency, 162 semi-structured interviews, 21

sensitivity, 110, 156 service provider, 87, 122 services, iv, 3, 11, 98, 99, 118, 124, 174, 183, 194, 195, 203, 206, 209, 213, 214, 216, 217 SES, 131, 132, 133, 136, 143 sexual abuse, 183 sexual orientation, 125 sexuality, 23 skilled workers, 88, 90, 93 skills training, 91, 92 slavery, 134, 142 sleeping problems, 155, 165 Slovakia, 203, 211, 218 Slovenia, 203, 218 small business, 6 social acceptance, 136 social capital, 18, 20, 36, 41 social class, 3, 134, 135 social construct, 7, 154 social constructivism, 154 social context, 15, 16, 17, 33 social development, 84, 179 social environment, 31, 33 social exclusion, 87, 180, 184 social institutions, 133 social integration, 77, 91 social interaction, 15, 17, 18, 20, 30, 40, 178 social interests, ix, 1 social justice, 106 social learning, viii, 1, 16, 18, 20, 26, 33, 34 social literacy, v, ix, 1, 2, 7, 14, 16, 17, 20, 25, 26, 35, 36 social network, 20, 99 social norms, 34, 184 social participation, 19 social relations, 18, 185 social relationships, 18 social responsibility, 8, 28, 140 social roles, 2, 4, 16


Index social security, 87, 195, 202, 203, 206, 209, 216 social services, 3, 11 social skills, ix, 2, 16 social status, 34 social support, xiii, 20, 72, 172 social support network, xiii, 172 socialization, 108 socioeconomic status, xi, 129, 131, 133 sociology, 35 sodium, 140 South Africa, 1, 3, 4, 7, 16, 36, 38, 39 Southern African Development Community, 4 Spain, 77, 80, 85, 91, 96, 197, 203, 205, 206, 209, 210, 212, 213, 218 special education, 84 specialization, xiii, 188, 192, 197, 202, 203, 206, 209, 220 specialization indicator, 197, 202 specialization of countries, xiii, 192, 220 specifications, 20, 114 Sri Lanka, 110 staff members, 185 state policies, viii, xiii, 192, 218 statistics, 4, 6, 138 storage, 195, 197, 201, 205, 208, 210, 212, 213, 218 strategic family therapy, viii, xii, 151, 154, 160, 161, 164, 167 stress, 45, 46, 49, 71, 107, 157, 161 stressors, 46, 66, 72 structural characteristics, 194, 210 structural racism, 131 structural reforms, 83 structuralism, 154 structure, viii, xii, xiii, 77, 142, 171, 192, 196, 210, 218, 219 subjective overload, 44, 47, 48, 54, 55, 56 subjectivity, 23, 107, 108, 126 Sudan, 119 supervision, 168, 170, 174

233 supervisor, 73, 189 supportive parenting stage, vii, ix, 43, 44, 45, 50, 55, 65 sustainable development, 5, 39

T Tanzania, 10, 11, 13, 37 target population, 76, 136, 173 task demands, 186 tax breaks, 144 taxation, 209 technical support, 174 television viewing, 139 tension, 163 tertiary education, 30 tertiary sector, 194 thematic maps, 197, 203, 217 therapeutic process, 156 time constraints, 137 time frame, 163 time use, 176 tobacco, 144, 176, 177, 184 trade, 4, 193, 194, 195, 197, 201, 205, 208, 210, 212, 213, 218, 219 training, 41, 83, 85, 88, 91, 92, 96, 97, 98, 99, 110, 168, 170, 174, 188 trajectory, 123 transportation, 195, 197, 201, 205, 208, 210, 212, 213, 218 trauma, 155, 182, 185

U U.S. Department of Labor, 145 UNDP, 4, 6, 41 unemployment, x, 8, 75, 76, 77, 85, 86, 90, 94, 97, 138, 220 unemployment rate, x, 75, 77, 85, 138 UNESCO, 6, 8, 15, 36, 41, 216 unhealthy, 131, 136, 137, 139


234

Index

unique outcomes (Exceptions), 155 United Nations Development Programme, 41 urban policy, 88 urbanization, 4 Uruguay, 189

W wage level, 81 wealth, ix, xiii, 2, 3, 12, 13, 18, 25, 26, 27, 31, 34, 38, 133, 134, 192, 210, 218 well-being, 72, 142 West Europe, 218, 219 Western Europe, 85 whole family therapy, 153, 167 wholesale, 95, 201, 208, 210, 212 work activities, 195, 202, 203, 206, 209, 216 work ethic, 82 work interferes with family conflict, ix, 44 work roles, 53, 68

workers, 51, 66, 67, 70, 81, 82, 87, 88, 91, 93, 95, 98 working class, 179 working conditions, 81, 84, 87 working hours, 48, 163 working mothers, 52, 71 workplace, 52, 71, 73, 86, 98 World Bank, 41 World Development Report, 41

Y young children, viii, xii, 140, 151, 152, 153, 154, 164, 167, 168, 170 young people, x, xii, 76, 77, 79, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 91, 93, 97, 98, 99, 171, 180 young women, 87 youth unemployment, 77

Z Zulu, 16, 36
