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Journal of Archaeological Research, Iioi. Z No. 4, 1994

Archaeology in the Pacific Islands: An Appraisal of Recent Research P. Vo Kirch I and M. I. W e i s l e r 2

The Pacific Islands or Oceania, typically subdivided into Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia, have witnessed a virtual explosion of archaeological research, as indicated by this review of the past 5 years' literature. Most recent work centers on one or more of six major themes. Two themes are concerned with the movement of people into the Pacific region: the discovery of Pleistocene-age sites in island Melanesia and the search for early assemblages evidencing Austronesian dispersals. Substantial efforts have also focused on reconstructing prehistoric economic behavior and on assessing the impacts that colonizing human populations had on isolated and fragile island ecosystems. In the realm of social archaeology, Oceanic studies have contributed to understanding the long-term dimensions of interisland exchange and to the rise of complex, hierarchical sociopolitical systems, especially chiefdoms. KEY WORDS: Oceanic prehistory; economic prehistory; complex societies; exchange; chiefdoms; palaeoenvironments; migrations.

INTRODUCTION Although it was one of the last major regions of the world to receive serious archaeological attention, Oceania has recently witnessed a virtual explosion of research activity. Keeping abreast of new developments in the archaeology and prehistory of Polynesia, Melanesia, and Micronesia (Fig. 1) has become a daunting task, and we may be on the verge of increased regional specialization for this reason. This article is an attempt to canvas--as comprehensively as possible--the Oceanic literature over the past 1Department of Anthropology, 232 Kroeber Hall, University of California, Berkeley, California 94720. 2Historic Preservation,Office, P.O. Box 1454, Majuro Atoll, Marshall Islands 96960. 285 1059.0161/94/1200-0285507.00/0 © 1994PlenumPublishingCorporation

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5 years. [Previous reviews by Kirch (1989c) and Green (1993a) were limited geographically to Polynesia.] We were dismayed to discover that even this short time period had generated more than 450 literature citations and wonder whether, in the future, it will be feasible to review the entire Pacific Islands region in a journal format such as this. Nonetheless, there are good reasons for continuing to regard Oceania as an integrated unit of study and synthesis, for several key themes unite research efforts in disparate island groups: Among these are the themes around which we have organized our review of the recent literature: colonization and settlement, human impacts to island environments, prehistoric economic systems, long-distance exchange, and the development of complex societies. Due to space limitations, we have purposely ignored one major area of rapidly developing research, that of the historical archaeology of non indigenous peoples (particularly strong in New Zealand and Hawaii). Changing Trends in Archaeological Practice in Oceania Before turning to the intellectual themes just outlined, we offer a few comments on changing trends in the practice of archaeological work in

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Oceania, changes that often reflect shifting sociopolitical alignments in the postcolonial Pacific world. Certainly there have been major shifts in terms of which regions are receiving active archaeological investigation. Micronesia, for example, was long a neglected backwater that in recent decades has become an intense arena for archaeological studies (Davidson, 1988; Hunter-Anderson, 1990). Most Micronesian research, however, is driven by culture-resource management (CRM) concerns, with funding linked to development projects. Likewise, the scale of CRM-generated work in both Hawaii and New Zealand has increased dramatically. In Hawaii, this has led to a situation (not unfamiliar throughout the United States) where several million dollars is expended annually on archaeological survey and excavation but where results are seldom published in standard academic journals or monographs (Graves and Erkelens, 1991). Instead, there is a mounting "gray literature" of unpublished reports that remains unsynthesized and outside the international scholarly arena. In French Polynesia and New Caledonia, where colonial authorities had long neglected the archaeological record of the several archipelagoes under their purview, a number of French archaeologists have recently begun to develop active research programs under the auspices of ORSTOM, CNRS, and other funding agencies (e.g., Chazine, 1990; Frimigacci, 1990; Galipaud, 1988; C. Orliac, 1987, 1988; M. Orliac, 1989; Orliac and Orliac, 1985; Ottino, 1990a, b, 1992; Sand et al., 1992; Siorat, i992). This increased French research presence in Oceania is likely to lead to some stimulating debates concerning both theoretical and substantive issues. For example, Frimigacci's (1990) monograph on Futunan prehistory integrates indigenous oral traditions and archaeological data in a manner quite foreign to most AngloA m e r i c a n practitioners. A n o t h e r encouraging trend is i n c r e a s e d international collaboration in Pacific archaeology, of which the most successful example is the Lapita Homeland Project organized by Jim Allen (Allen and Gosden, 1991). Another arena of changing archaeological practice concerns relations between archaeologists and indigenous Pacific peoples (Green, 1989; Groube, 1985; Lawlor, 1986; Specht, 1993). Due in part to the dominance of development-funded CRM projects, in Hawaii a considerable tension has developed between archaeologists and Native Hawaiians (Kennedy, 1987; Spriggs, 1989b, 1991a). This tension has been highly visible in such matters as the reburial of extensive museum collections of Hawaiian skeletal remains, and in the heavily publicized controversy surrounding archaeological sites impacted by the H3 highway project on O'ahu. In some of the newer Pacific Island nations, such as Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands, archaeological work has come to a virtual standstill due to severe governmental restriction~ on the issuance of research permits. The sociopolitics

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of archaeological practice is a matter that Pacific archaeologists will increasingly be forced to deal with, and that cannot be resolved in outdated neo-colonial ways.

DISCOVERY OF THE PLEISTOCENE IN ISLAND MELANESIA One discovery that has dramatically changed the face of Oceanic prehistory---at least for the western Pacific--is that humans had moved well beyond Sahul ("Greater Australia," including New Guinea) into the islands of the Bismarck and Solomon archipelagoes during the late Pleistocene (Allen et al., 1988, 1989; Allen and White, 1989). Pleistocene occupation of Highland New Guinea had been established for some time, and work by Groube (1986, 1989; Groube et al., 1986) suggested that people were on the shores of the Bismarck Sea as early as 40,000-60,000 years ago. However, it was not until a series of excavations in limestone caves and rockshelters on New Ireland in 1985, as part of the Lapita Homeland Project, that evidence for Pleistocene occupation of the western Melanesian islands was uncovered (Gosden and Robertson, 1991; Marshall and Allen, 1991; White et al., 1991). The early New Ireland sites, dating between about 8000 and 32,500 B.P., were soon matched by evidence from the Kilu site on Buka (Wickler and Spriggs, 1988) for ca. 29,000 B.P. occupation in the westernmost Solomon Islands. In the eastern portion of the main Solomon Islands, the known sequence begins only about 6000 B.P. (Roe, 1992). This establishment of a lengthy Pleistocene sequence for western Melanesia is pregnant with implications that have only just begun to be discussed in the literature (e.g., Allen, 1993; Irwin, 1991). One of these concerns is the antiquity of interisland exchange networks over this group of large and environmentally differentiated islands. The Matenbek site in New Ireland yielded evidence of "small but persistent arrival of New Britain obsidian" at 19,000-20,000 years B.P., involving a straightline distance of ca. 350 km (Allen et al., 1989, p. 555; Summerhayes and Allen, 1993). By the terminal Pleistocene, all sites evidence considerable movement of New Britain obsidian throughout the Bismarck Archipelago. Equally striking is faunal evidence that a number of animals may have been purposively introduced into islands where the larger fauna was naturally impoverished. The later Pleistocene appearance of a rat, Rattus praetor, and of the cuscus, Phalanger orientalis, in several New Ireland sites has been taken as evidence for human introduction of these species (Flannery and White, 1991). Most importantly, the newly discovered Pleistocene record in Melanesia tells us that the western Melanesian region, spanning New Guinea, the Bismarck Archipelago, and the main Solomon Islands, had a very long


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prehistory indeed, sufficiently long to have resulted in marked cultural, linguistic, and human biological diversity by the early Holocene. Thus, the human landscape of western Melanesia at the time of later, mid-Holocene movements of Austronesian-speaking populations was highly complex, one in which a diversity of cultural, linguistic, and genetic interactions are to be expected. In this light, the older concept of a culturally united Melanesia that incorporates everything from New Guinea to Fiji needs to be abandoned. Rather, as Green (1991c) has suggested, a distinction between Near Oceania (the area of Pleistocene settlement) and Remote Oceania (the eastern Melanesian, Micronesian, and Polynesian regions settled after ca. 3500 B.P.) will be of much greater utility as we rethink our models of Oceanic prehistory.

AUSTRONESIAN DISPERSALS AND ISLAND COLONIZATION STRATEGIES There is no indication--based on the present evidence--that humans had moved beyond the eastern terminus of the main Solomon Islands prior to the mid-Holocene (ca. 4000 B.P.). Within less than 1000 years (40003000 B.P.), however, people dispersed throughout the remainder of eastern Melanesia (Santa Cruz, Vanuatu, Loyalty, and New Caledonia archipelagoes) and into the Fiji-western Polynesian region as far as the Manu'a Islands of American Samoa, a distance of more than 4000 km. These people appear uniformly to have spoken Austronesian (particularly Oceanic) languages, and their archaeological manifestation is primarily (though probably not exclusively) the Lapita Cultural Complex (Kirch and Hunt, 1988). The period under review has been an exciting one in Lapita archaeology, due in large part to the stimulus of the international Lapita Homeland Project (LHP), organized by Jim Allen in 1985 (Allen, 1984; Allen and Gosden, 1991; Allen and White, 1989; White et al., 1988). Numerous journal articles and several edited volumes (Galipaud, 1992; Kirch and Hunt, 1988; Spriggs, 1990c) have directly resulted from LHP activities. The LHP toams discovered more than 20 new Lapita sites within the previously neglected but geographically central Bismarck Archipelago (Gosden et al., 1989). Several sites proved to be both extensive and rich in structural, artifactual, and ecofactual materials and have received continued investigation. These include Talepakemalai (ECA) and other sites in the Mussau Group, where anaerobic deposits of a former stilt-house village contain preserved wooden posts and large quantities of domesticated plant remains, in addition to a long ceramic sequence (Kirch, 1987, 1988c, 1989a; Kirch and 'Hunt, 1988a; Kirch et al., 1987, 1991b). In the Arawe

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Islands, a similar site complex is under study by Gosden and his colleagues (Gosden, 1989, 1990, 1991b, 1992). Watom, the site where Father Otto Meyer first reported Lapita pottery in 1909, was reexcavated by Green and Anson (1987, 1991; Green et al., 1989), clarifying issues of chronology, and stimulating detailed osteological and DNA studies of the unique Lapita burial population (Green et al., 1989; Hagelberg and Clegg, 1993; Houghton, 1989; Pietrusewsky, 1989). Other LHP sites include Nissan (Spriggs, 1991b) and Talasea (Specht et al., 1991). The past few years have also seen the publication of Lapita sites investigated some time past, such as the important Natunuku site in Fiji (Davidson et al., 1990) for which details of stratigraphy and the ceramic assemblage are finally available. Sites in the Santa Cruz group, Vitiaz Straits area, and Samoa have also received renewed treatment (Green, 1991a; Leach and Green, 1989; Lilley, 1991; McCoy and Cleghorn, 1988; Sheppard and Green, 1991), while two major monographs on Tonga have been issued (Kirch, 1988a; Poulsen, 1987; see also Spennemann, 1989). The chronology of Lapita dispersal has attracted some attention, not surprising given the apparent speed at which the complex spread from the Bismarcks to Samoa. Kirch and Hunt (1988b) recalibrated the Lapita radiocarbon date corpus to argue the case for a very rapid dispersal, virtually "instantaneous" in archaeological time. Spriggs (1989a, 1990a) prefers a slightly slower chronology based on the application of "chronometric hygiene," although whether such "hygiene" is not simply the application of systematic bias remains to be demonstrated. While the renewed emphasis on Lapita field studies will eventually yield a host of new data relevant to economy, social organization, exchange, and other topics (e.g., Clark and Kelly, 1993; Gosden, 1989; Kirch, 1988b, 1991b; Sheppard, 1993; Sheppard and Green, 1991), for the time being the literature continues to be dominated by the issue of Lapita in relation to Austronesian dispersals. The LHP stimulated much debate over two idealized models of Lapita origins. The first, strongly associated with Peter Bellwood (1988, 1989, 1991; see also Kirch, 1990c; Spriggs, 1991c) unambiguously relates Lapita to the movement of people from island southeast Asia, speaking an Austronesian language (putatively, Proto-Oceanic); this is sometimes called the "fast train to Polynesia" hypothesis (Diamond, 1988), although the term is a misnomer. The alternative model, argued by Allen (1984) as part of the LHP research design, views Lapita as emerging within the Bismarck Archipelago out of cultural developments that could in some cases be traced back to the terminal Pleistocene [such as long-distance obsidian exchange and, possibly, arboriculture (see Allen and White, 1989; White et al., 1988; Yen, 1990, 1991b)]. The recent discovery of nonLapita pottery (apparently dating as early as 5000-6000 B.P.) in sites as-


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sociated with a mid-Holocene "inland sea" in the Sepik-Ramu region of New Guinea (Swadling et al., 1989, 1991) is of particular note in this regard. In the wake of extensive new data generated by the LHP, a consensus seems to be emerging that elements of both hypotheses need to be combined into a new, synthetic, and more sophisticated model of Lapita and Austronesian dispersals (Gosden, 1991a, c; Gosden and Specht, 1991; Green, 1991b; Kirch, 1990c; Spriggs, 1991c). That some movement of people from island southeast Asia into the Bismarcks occurred in the midsecond millennium B.C., and that this was responsible for the emergence of the Lapita ceramic complex, seems firmly established (Bellwood, 1992, 1993; Bellwood and Koon, 1989); the linguistic picture of Oceanic is consistent with such a view (Blust, 1988; Ross, 1989). At the same time, it is clear that the Lapita complex incorporated indigenous Melanesian cultural developments and that nonAustronesian speaking (and genetically diverse) people were also involved in the "Lapita phenomenon." The issue of genetic diversity within Melanesia is itself receiving renewed scrutiny from biological anthropologists (e.g., Hagelberg and Clegg, 1993; Hertzberg et al., 1991; Hill and Serjeantson, 1989; Kelly, 1990; O'Shaughnessy et al., 1990), which should generate an important new perspective independent of the archaeological data. With Lapita colonization firmly established as far east as the Manu'a Islands of American Samoa three millennia ago (Hunt and Kirch, 1988; Kirch et al., 1990; Kirch and Hunt, 1993; see also Leach and Green, 1989), the stage was set for the final exploration and settlement of the isolated and widely spaced island groups of the eastern Pacific. Indeed, New Zealand (Anderson, 1991; Coster, 1989; Sutton, 1987), and Pitcairn and Henderson Islands--anchoring the southeast margin of the Polynesian triangle---were settled only within the last 700 to 1000 years B.P. (Kirch, 1988d; Weisler, 1993c, 1994a). One issue that has garnered much speculation and debate is the putative "long pause" between the settlement of the Polynesian Homeland region [the Fiji, Samoa, Tonga area (Kirch and Green, 1987)] and that of the archipelagoes of East Polynesia (the Cooks, Society Island, Marquesas Island, and other groups). At one extreme in this debate is the position of Spriggs and Anderson (1993, p. 211), who maintain that "there is nothing to demonstrate settlement in East Polynesia earlier than A.D. 300-600." However, their application of "chronometric hygiene" to the East Polynesian radiocarbon corpus is less than convincing to us, for several reasons. Among these are problems of locating early settlement sites on Pacific Plate islands, where subsistence and coastal progradation have demonstrably buried coastal occupations (Kirch, 1986), as well as the absence of highly archaeologically visible ceramics (Irwin, 1990). Furthermore, recent palynological and geomorphological investigations from Mangaia Island in the southern

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Cook group (Ellison, 1994; Kirch and Ellison, 1994) have yielded strong evidence for anthropogenic impacts to this East Polynesian island beginning ca. 2500 B.P. We therefore incline to the view that the so-called long pause in the settlement of East Polynesia may have been only of the order of 500 or so years, which is more consistent with the overall pattern of Pacific colonization (see Irwin, 1990, p. 91). Throughout Polynesia, culture-historical sequences have continued to be elaborated for various island groups, adding to our understanding of settlement dates, subsistence systems, and exchange relations. Of particular note is work in Tonga (Kirch, 1988a; Poulsen, 1987; Spennemann, 1989), the Cook Islands (Chikamori, 1990; Chikamori and Yoshida, 1988; Walter, 1990), and the Marquesas (Rolett, 1989, 1993). In contrast, the Society Islands, Tuamotus, Australs, and Mangareva have continued to be neglected (but see Weisler, 1994b). For Hawaii, reviews of the now quite extensive radiocarbon corpus have focused on a critical assessment of the evidence for early settlement (Hunt and Holsen, 1991; Weisler, 1989; see also Spriggs and Anderson, 1993). The rapid spread of Lapita and Polynesian colonists throughout near Oceania (Kirch and Hunt, 1988a; Spriggs, 1990a) implies that these settlers possessed sophisticated voyaging skills (Finney, 1985; Irwin, 1989, 1992, 1993; Irwin et al., 1990), an interpretation bolstered by recent experimental voyages (Babayan et al., 1987; Finney, 1988; Finney et al., 1989). Further demonstration of successful colonization strategies, even on ecologically marginal islands, is provided by archaeological evidence for Polynesian settlement of islands such as Henderson (Weisler, 1994a, b; Weisler et al., 1991) and Nihoa and Necker in the leeward Hawaiian chain (Cleghorn, 1988). Houghton (1991) advances some provocative hypotheses regarding the selection pressures of long-distance voyaging and exposure to cold and wet conditions, and the effects these may have exercised on the Polynesian phenotype. Nowhere were human colonization skills tested more rigorously than among the ecologically marginal atoll groups of eastern Micronesia. It is surprising, therefore, that from Bikini Atoll, Marshall Islands---where more radiocarbon dates are available than for any other atoll in Oceania-----evidence of human occupation may exceed 3000 B.P. (Streck, 1990), and 2000 B.P. for Majuro (Riley, 1987). However, the Bikini colonization dates may not have been collected from secure stratigraphic contexts, and samples may have incorporated "old" wood from drift logs (J. S. Athens, personal communication, 1993). Based on stylistic attributes of early ceramics from the high volcanic islands of central Micronesia, initial settlement of Kosrae and Pohnpei occurred about 2000 B.P. (Athens, 1990a, b; Ayres, 1990; see also Mauricio, 1987). Dissimilarities among early pottery assemblages from


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Yap, Kosrae, and Pohnpei refute an "island-hopping" settlement strategy across Micronesia but argue for separate direct colonizations from the southeast Solomons or Vanuatu, where ceramic stylistic dimensions are shared with late Lapita plainware (Athens, 1990a). At the western margin of Micronesia, settlement of Belau is now thought to have been directly from the Indo-Malaysian archipelago at a similar period as most other colonization sites throughout the region, about 2000 B.P. (Masse, 1990). For the Marianas Islands, however, Bonhomme and Craib (1987) review radiocarbon evidence for initial settlement by about 3000 B.P.

RECONSTRUCTING ECONOMIC BEHAVIOR Indigenous Oceanic economies were--with rare exceptions founded on a dual horticultural-marine exploitation subsistence base, although the range of variation in the mix of specific strategies seems virtually boundless. The reconstruction of these subsistence strategies, their temporal developments, and their implications for demography and sociopolitical complexity are research topics of continuing significance in the Pacific. The agricultural crop complex of Oceania has tong been known to be dominated by cultigens of southeast Asian origin, such as taro and yams, but new work increasingly indicates that New Guinea, and probably Western Melanesia as well, was an active center within the greater Indo-Oceanic region of tuber/root/tree crop origins (Coates et al., 1988; Daniels and Daniels, 1993; Matthews, 1991; Yen, 1990, 1991a, b, 1993a, b). In particular, crops such as sugarcane (Saccharum officinarurn), the Australimusa section bananas, giant swamp taro (Cyrto~perma chamissonis), and the Canarium almond seem to have been domesticated within the New Guinea-Melanesian region. Even Colocasia taro may have had two or more independent centers of domestication (Coates et al., 1988). The Mussau and Arawe Islands Lapita sites have yielded abundant paleoethnobotanical evidence indicating that sophisticated arboriculture was an important aspect of early Oceanic subsistence (Gosden, 1992; Kirch, 1989a; Yen, 1993b). Archaeological evidence for early wetland soil and drainage manipulation putatively associated with horticultural activities in the Highlands of New Guinea (as early as 9000 B.P.), deriving primarily from the Kuk site excavated by Golson and his associates (Bayliss-Smith and Golson, 1992a, b; Golson, 1989, 1990, 1991a-c; Golson and Gardner, 1990), has generated much excitement. However, because the evidence at Kuk consists primarily of drains and other structural features, with plant remains extremely scarce, the nature of these early horticultural activities and the specific crops involved remain matters of speculation and debate (see also Fell, 1987). In

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addition to Kuk, other studies in New Guinea, spanning the terminal Pleistocene to recent times (Gillieson et al., 1985, 1987; Gorecki, 1986; Gorecki and Gillieson, 1989; Mountain, 1991), make it clear that this vast island will continue to yield significant insights to the problems of agricultural origins in the humid tropics. In Polynesia and Micronesia, investigations of agricultural prehistory have focused less on origins than on the intensification of production systems (Kirch, 1991a), especially in the later periods of island sequences, when populations frequently reached high density levels. Pondfield and other forms of irrigation for Colocasia esculenta taro have attracted considerable attention (Spriggs, 1990b; Kirch and Lepofsky, 1993), given the potential of irrigated taro to supply high levels of surplus to hierarchically organized societies (Kirch and Sahlins, 1992). Jane Alien (1991, 1992) has synthesized much new CRM-generated archaeological data on prehistoric taro irrigation in the Hawaiian Islands, where the chronology of irrigation intensification can now be related closely both to demographic increases and to heightened social complexity after about A.D. 1200 [see also Kirch and Sahlins (1992) and Kirch (1990e) on Hawaiian irrigation after European contact]. In Futuna, West Polynesia, a French team discovered a wellpreserved irrigated pondfield surface, with intact planting depressions, along with palynological and other evidence for prehistoric agriculture (di Piazza, 1990; di Piazza and Frimigacci, 1991; Frimigacci, 1990; Frimigacci et al., 1988; see also Kirch, 1994). In New Zealand, the focus has been on intensified forms of dryland cultivation among the prehistoric Maori and the role of these systems in structuring settlement patterns (Barber, 1989; Bulmer, 1989; Jones, 1986, 1988, 1991). Other contributions include Yen (1988), on the agricultural production base of Easter Island, and Ayres and Haun (1990), on Micronesian production systems. Most archaeological work on prehistoric agriculture in the Pacific continues to focus on field evidence for agronomic strategies (i.e., the remains of terrace systems, ditches, and drains, etc.), but new archaeobotanical methods are beginning to play an increased role. Of particular note are developments in the identification of carbonized tuberous crops (Hather, 1992; Hather and Kirch, 1991) and in the use of trace elements in bone to assess prehistoric diet (Horwood, 1989). While the Indo-Oceanic tuber/root/tree crop complex provided the carbohydrate subsistence base for most island societies, marine exploitation was also a key component of Pacific economies, in many instances providing the main protein source. Not surprisingly, the reconstruction of fishing strategies continues to be a dominant concern of archaeologists, most of whom integrate both technological data (e.g., fishhooks and other gear) and informaticn derived from analysis of faunal assemblages (Allen and


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Schubel, 1990; Butler, 1988; Dye, 1990; Goto, 1990; Kataoka, 1991; Kirch, 1988a; Leach et al., 1988; Masse, 1989; Rolett, 1989; Sutton, 1989; Walter, 1990, 1991; Weisler, 1993). An ethnoarchaeological approach, in which either early historical accounts or contemporary ethnographic observations of fishing strategies are used to develop and test hypotheses regarding prehistoric fishing behavior, is also well developed in recent Pacific research (Bayliss-Smith, 1990; Conte, 1988; Marshall, 1987b; Rolett, 1989). Fishing gear, especially fishhooks, has long held the attention of Polynesian archaeologists due to its range of stylistic variation. Whereas this variation has often been examined in strictly culture-historical terms, M. S. Allen (1992) advances a strong argument for analyzing fishhook assemblages in an evolutionary perspective, as adaptive responses to environmental and technological selection pressures. Despite the continued interest in marine exploitation systems, invertebrate fauna remain somewhat neglected, although not wholly ignored (Nagaoka, 1988; Spennemann, 1989).

ANTHROPOGENIC IMPACTS ON ISLAND ECOSYSTEMS The fragility of island ecosystems and their vulnerability to disturbance have long been noted by biogeographers, but Europeans were generally regarded as the primary agents of massive ecological changes in Oceania (e.g., Crosby, 1986). Beginning in the 1970s, however, archaeologists working in collaboration with environmental scientists began to accumulate evidence that the indigenous Oceanic peoples had also wrought significant changes to their island habitats prior to European colonization. In some cases, such as Easter Island (Bahn and Flenley, 1992), Lakeba (Bayliss-Smith et al., 1988), and Mangaia (Kirch et al., 1992), these humaninduced changes had dramatic and irreversible consequences for island cultures as well as ecosystems. Determining the ecological effects of prehistoric human occupation of the Pacific islands has continued as a major theme of archaeological research during the late 1980s to early 90s. Remote Oceania (in the sense of Green, 1991c) lacked large terrestrial vertebrates other than birds and fruit bats, and much research has focused on the human impacts to island avifaunas, through both direct predation and habitat destruction or disturbance. New Zealand has long been noted for its extinct m o a and other flightless birds, and the dynamics of Polynesian "overkill" on these large, temperate islands are now quite well understood thanks to the work of Anderson (1989a, b) and others (see also McGlone, 1989). The Hawaiian Islands have also been shown to have possessed a much richer endemic bird fauna at the time of initial Polynesian colonization, which was devastated--at least in the lowland zones well be-

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fore European arrival (James et al., 1987; Kirch and Collins, 1989; Olson, 1990). In late Hawaiian prehistory, bird hunting had extended well into the upland, interior regions of the large islands (Athens et al., 1991). More dramatic in some respects than the New Zealand or Hawaiian cases is the accumulating evidence from a range of smaller, tropical islands, where avifaunal extinctions were often massive (Steadman, 1989). Good avifaunal records have recently been accumulated for the Marquesas Islands (Rolett, 1989, 1992), the Society Islands (Steadman and Pahlavan, 1992), the Cook Islands (Allen and Steadman, 1990; Steadman, 1991; Steadman and Kirch, 1990; Kirch et al., 1991a), Tonga (Dye and Steadman, 1990; Steadman, 1993), and Tikopia-Anuta (Steadman et al., 1990) within central Polynesia and for Rota Island in Micronesia (Steadman, 1992). Even remote and marginal islands such as Henderson have revealed zooarchaeological evidence of human-induced bird extinctions (Schubel and Steadman, 1989; Steadman and Olson, 1985; Weisler, 1994a; Wragg and Weisler, 1994). In New Caledonia, the discovery of a very large, extinct megapode (a genus of birds that frequently construct large mounds of dirt and leaf litter in which to incubate their eggs) may finally explain the "mystery" of the tumuli that apparently predated Lapita colonization (Green, 1988). While most work on avifaunal assemblages from Oceanic archaeological sites has focused on taxonomic and biogeographic issues, there is also increasing interest in problems of taphonomy (Anderson, 1989a; Weisler and Gargett, 1993). The impact of humans on island vegetation was also extensive, and indeed the removal of old, stable forest ecosystems is believed to have been a major factor in the sequences of bird extinctions just discussed (Steadman, 1989). Prehistoric anthropogenic impacts to the New Zealand flora and vegetation patterns have been studied fairly extensively (McGlone, 1989), but work on other islands is still largely in an exploratory stage. On Easter Island, dramatic deforestation leading to a terminal grassland savanna has been demonstrated by pollen analysis of cores taken from the volcanic crater lakes (Bahn and Flenley, 1992; Flenley et al., 1991). On Mangaia in the southern Cooks, pollen analysis has likewise revealed a 2500-year sequence of forest removal, expansion of pyrophytic fernlands, and increased rates of erosion and alluvial in-filling of valley bottoms (E1lison, 1994; Kirch et al., 1991a, 1992). In the Hawaiian Islands, some pollen analytical work is under way (J. S. Athens, personal communication, 1992), but definitive results have not yet been published. Spriggs (1991d) has used geomorphological evidence to address the respective contributions of Polynesian and European land use on the environment of arid Kaho'olawe Island. In addition to pollen analysis, there have been increased efforts to use other kinds o~ archaeobotanical remains in paleoenvironmental recon-


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struction, including charcoal (Murakami, 1989; C. Orliac, 1988; Orliac and Wattez, 1989), opal phytoliths (Pearsall, 1990), anaerobically preserved materials (Lepofsky et al., 1992), and flotation-derived seeds (Allen, 1989). Human expansion into Oceania was accompanied by an extensive "portmanteau biota" (see Crosby, 1986), which included a large complex of domesticated plants and animals, as well as a number of commensal species that were presumably inadvertent transports. Human transport of some species has been documented even for the preagricultural Pleistocene phases in Near Oceania (Flannery et al., 1988; Flannery and White, 1991). With the Austronesian dispersal into Remote Oceania, the scale of animal importing increased dramatically. Roberts (1991) discusses the distribution pattern of the Pacific Rat (Rattus exulans) in relation to archaeological evidence for human colonization. Another set of commensal (or synanthropic) species was various diminutive terrestrial gastropods, such as Lamellaxis gracilis and Gastrocopta pediculus, which were carried between islands with crop plants and adhering soil. The shells of these adventive snail species have been recovered by fine sieving the sediments of several early archaeological sites in Polynesia (Christensen and Kirch, 1986; Kirch t988a, b, 1993). The introduction (and, often, the later removal or elimination) of domestic animals displays a somewhat uneven geographic pattern in t h e western Pacific, a problem addressed by Intoh (1986). As should be clear from the above review, most work on anthropogenic impacts has dealt with terrestrial environments, even though Oceanic peoples also were heavily dependent upon littoral and marine resources. Very little research has been conducted to date on such important topics as the effects of predation on fish or shellfish populations (but see Spennemann, 1987; Poiner and Catterall, 1988). In New Zealand, the extinct moa birds have attracted most attention, but sea mammals also were heavily affected by Polynesian hunting (Smith, 1989). Other potential human effects, such as increased turbidity and siltation on coral reefs---and the attendant impacts to organic productivity and biomass production--are matters that should attract research attention in the future.

PREHISTORIC EXCHANGE AND INTERISLAND CONTACTS The southwest Pacific differed markedly from the remainder of Oceania in the complexity and diversity of external exchange systems (Kirch, 1991d; Oliver, 1989), in the organization of local trade spheres that were intensively integrated into large-scale interaction networks, and in the volume of commodities exchanged. While well-known ethnographic accounts by Malinowski and others have established the end-point synchronic ac-

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counts of Melanesian exchange systems, a growing number of archaeological investigations have provided historical details for the development of exchange networks in the Admiralty Islands (Ambrose, 1992, 1993), the Mussau Islands (Hunt, 1989; Kirch, 1987, 1988b, 1991b; Kirch et al., 1991b), New Britain and the Arawe Islands (Fullagar et al., 1991; Gosden, 1989, 1990; Specht et al., 1988, 1991; Torrence, 1992), the Vitiaz Straits (LiUey, 1988, 1991), the Massim and Papuan region (Bickler, 1991; Macintyre and Allen, 1990), the Santa Cruz Islands (Green and Bird, 1989; Kirch, 1986; McCoy and Cleghorn, 1988; Sheppard, 1993), and the main Solomon Islands (Wickler, 1990). Kirch (1991d) provides a more comprehensive overview of the emerging archaeological evidence for prehistoric exchange networks in western Melanesia, including various explanatory models for the emergence of complex long-distance exchange, than can be offered here. Delimiting the spatial and temporal dimensions of Melanesian exchange networks has been accomplished in recent years by identifying the following kinds of imports: (1) ceramics by means of elemental composition and petrographic analysis (Ambrose, 1992, 1993; Galipaud, 1990; Hunt, 1989), as well as by stylistic attributes (Sharp, 1988); (2) obsidian (Allen and Bell, 1988; Bellwood and Koon, 1989; Best, 1987; Fullagar et al., 1991; Green and Bird, 1989; Specht et al., 1988; Summerhayes and Allen, 1993; Summerhayes and Hotchkis, '1992; Wickler, 1990); (3) shell valuables (Kirch, 1988b); (4) chert flakes (Kirch, 1987; Sheppard, 1992, 1993); and (5) metavolcanic adzes (Green and Anson, 1991; Kirch, 1987). In Micronesia, exchange and interaction studies have been limited, due in part to the lack of basic geological data for many islands. This has inhibited the analysis of both pottery and volcanic artifact material classes that play prominent roles in exchange studies in Melanesia. Of distinct advantage, however, is the abundance of nonvolcanic coral atolls, which provide the ideal stage for identifying imported artifacts such as pottery and adzes. For example, Intoh (1992) has addressed the function of pottery imported to the western Caroline atoll of Ngulu. On the volcanic island of Pohnpei, central Micronesia, Athens (1990a) used vessel shape and "decorative techniques" to infer a southeast Solomon-New Hebrides origin for pottery, while stylistic and compositional attributes were combined to address ceramic exchange in the Marianas islands (Graves et al., 1991). Compositional analysis of volcanic artifacts remains an important untapped source for documenting Micronesian exchange relationships. Thus far, elemental analysis has been limited to the columnar building components of the famous ruins at Nan Madol (Ayres, 1992). Links between Pohnpei and western Polynesia have been inferred from adz styles (Ayres and Mauricio, 1987). The elemental compositional analyses of ceramics and volcanic artifacts ~hould be a high priority for establishing the details of


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prehistoric Micronesian exchange relationships. This pursuit can most profitably proceed with the crucial baseline studies of regional geology geared to the identification of potting clay and sources of stone tool-quality volcanic rock. In contrast to Melanesia, Polynesia is ethnographically characterized as lacking long-distance exchange systems, except for the region delimited by Fiji-Tonga-Samoa (Kirch, 1984, 1988a). Description of interaction networks are generally lacking and ethnohistoric information on interisland communication is limited to oral traditions and documentation of imported surface artifacts recorded by ethnographers mostly during the 1920s to 1940s. However, this absence of tong-distance exchange may not have been the case in earlier prehistory. The major material classes that define prehistoric exchange networks in Melanesia---pottery, obsidian, and shell valuables---have a limited distribution or are entirely lacking for most island groups within Polynesia, making distributional studies based on these materials of limited utility. In West Polynesia, pottery is more abundant than in the eastern Pacific, and prehistoric interaction spheres have been documented by the petrographic analysis of sherds (Dickinson, 1993; Dye, 1987; Key, cited by Poulsen, 1987), elemental composition (Hunt and Erkelens, 1993), and shared design motifs (Kirch, 1988a; Poulsen, 1987). Within East Polynesia, only 14 sherds are known from the Marquesas, 3 of which may be of Fijian origin (Rolett, 1993; see also Kirch et al., 1988). Less than a handful of sherds has been found elsewhere, notably Tongan ceramics in the Cook Islands (Walter and Dickinson, 1989). Obsidian is found on Easter Island (Baker, 1993; Beardsley et al., 1991) and New Zealand (Seelenfreund and Bollong, 1989), but that from Easter Island has never been found elsewhere, and only in rare instances has limited exporting beyond the long island chain of New Zealand been documented (Anderson and McFadgen, 1988, 1990). An inferior siliceous material for stone tool manufacture, volcanic glass, is found in limited quantities throughout Polynesia and has been used to differentiate, by XRF, local from imported material in Samoa (Sheppard et al., 1989) and to document interisland transport in the Hawaiian Islands (Weisler, 1990b) and between islands within southeast Polynesia (Weisler, 1993b, 1994a). The most promising material for documenting Polynesian interaction networks has been fine-grained basalt used for adzes and other tools (Weislet et al., 1994). Fine-grained basalt has a limited natural occurrence but was distributed widely and in greater abundance than any other material class recovered archaeologically. Polynesian basalt provenance studies are reviewed by Weisler (1993a.) As in many islands throughout Micronesia, volcanic artifacts found on nonvolcanic coral atolls provide instant confirmation of interisl,~nd communication (Best, 1988). Basalt characterization

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studies that rely exclusively on petrographic descriptions (Poulsen, 1987; Withrow, 1991) must be augmented with geochemical data to provide the necessary details required to discriminate the relatively homogeneous Oceanic island basalts (e.g., Best et al., 1992; Weisler, 1990a, 1993a, b). Wavelength-dispersive X R F has been used successfully to document interisland transport of basalt from sources on Tutuila Island, Samoa (Leach and Witter, 1987, 1990), to Fiji, Tokelau, and the eastern Solomons (Best et al., 1992), as well as the Cook Islands (Walter, 1990). For the first time in Polynesia, the interisland transport of vesicular basalt oven stones has been documented (Weisler, 1993b). The recent application of the nondestructive energy-dispersive XRF technique enabled identification of Samoan basalt imported to the southern Cook Islands, as well as the movement of finegrained basalt between the island groups of southeast Polynesia (Weisler, 1993b) and throughout the same Hawaiian island (Weisler, unpublished data). In addition to ceramic and lithic artifacts, delineating the natural distribution of the large Mack-lipped pearl shell (Pinctada rnargaritifera) in relation to its archaeological occurrence attests to former communication links. Used for the manufacture of fishhooks, vegetables peelers and scrapers, and ornaments, imported pearl shell has been identified in the Pitcairn Group (Weisler, 1993b, 1994a) and in the Cook Islands (Allen and Steadman, 1990; Walter, 1989, 1990; Weisler, 1993b). Unlike in Melanesia, the identification of exchange and interaction networks in Polynesia has shown promise through the identification of imported volcanic glass, pearl shell, and vesicular basalt oven stones and, most importantly, with fine-grained basalt artifacts. Tracking the spatial and temporal dimensions of this latter artifact class has proved especially successful and should be a major focus of research in coming years. The methodological rigor required to document exchange and interaction throughout Oceania is well established, and ongoing research has extended our knowledge of the scale and complexity of prehistoric networks. Identification of at least some imported artifacts is no longer a problem for most regions of the Pacific, although patchy knowledge of regional geology has limited advances in some island groups, most noticeably in Micronesia. As a heuristic device for understanding relational dimensions and the internal complexity of exchange networks, graph theoretic models have provided a foundation for exploring possible exchange linkages (Hage and Harary, 1991). The application of graph theory reduces a region to a series of nodes and paths or linkages that facilitates analysis. Terrell (1986) formulated some of the first applications in the 1970s in the Solomon Islands. Irwin (1985) used similar models for the Massim region, followed by Kirch (1988b; also 1988a) for the entire Melanesian region. Hunt (1988) consid-


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ered straight-line links as well as the effects of water transport in formulating his models. Explaining the origin, function, and complexity of external exchange networks remains an area of much interest and debate. Gosden (1989, p. 51) advocates a "debt" model to explain the stimulus to exchange where "many areas of life ... are influenced by the need to obtain gifts and to impose and wipe out debts." He sees war and trade "locked into one structure" where exchange is used to "provide some stability in social relations" (Gosden, 1989, p. 52). Exchange of valued items may also have strengthened and centralized political control of elites (Earle, 1987). The rapid spread of the Lapita colonizers--a phenomenon unparalleled in world prehistory--may have resulted from two main circumstances: (1) maintenance of long-distance prestige good networks and (2) continued access to "mother" communities by the colonizers assured a "lifeline" that increased successful colonization (Kirch, 1988b; Sheppard, 1993)• Anderson (1992) believes that expansion into the uninhabited islands of southeast Polynesia was "fueled by competition to reach anticipated reserves of unowned and prestigious commomnes. An isolation and interaction model has also been proposed as fundamental to understanding the process of culture change on Pacific islands (Hunt and Graves, 1991; Irwin, 1992; Kirch, 1988b; Kirch and Green; 1987; Rolett, 1993; Terrell, 1986; Weisler, 1993). Here, similarities in material culture are a response to continued contact, while cessation of exchange and interaction results in divergence (e.g., Weisler, 1994b).

DEVELOPMENT OF COMPLEX SOCIETIES The final theme integrating much recent archaeological research in Oceania is that of the development of complex societies, especially those social formations typically categorized as "chiefdoms." Polynesian societies have long been regarded as virtually the archetypal examples of chiefdoms, and a great deal of archaeological research on complex societies continues to focus on Polynesian cases, However, the resurgence of archaeological interest in Micronesia has led to the incorporation of Micronesian data into the debates on the causes and consequences of sociopolitical intensification. In both Polynesia and Micronesia, monumental architecture is regarded as a major component of the archaeological record with the potential to inform on processes of hierarchical development and political control and competition. In Micronesia, monumental site complexes such as Nan Madol on Pohnpei and Lelu on Kosrae have been the focus of intensive survey 3:nd excavation programs, with the aim of understanding

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prehistoric political systems in historical context (Ayres, 1992; Bath and Athens, 1990; Bryson, 1989; Morgan, 1988; Peoples, 1990; Petersen, 1990; Ueki, 1990; see also Graves, 1991). Several projects in American Samoa also have yielded new data on the role of monumental sites, especially the so-called "star mounds," in regional settlement patterns (Clark and Herdrich, 1993; Herdrich, 1991; Herdrich and Clark, 1993; Hunt and Kirch, 1988). Sand and Valentin's (1991; Sand, 1993) excavation of a large chiefly burial mound on 'Uvea in Western Polynesia, revealed a remarkable instance of chiefly power, in which a central high-status inhumation was surrounded by more than 150 individuals, buried simultaneously and possibly representing victims of an intertribal war. Within the Society Islands, studies of the marae temple complex in the Opunohu Valley, Mo'orea (Descantes, 1990, 1991), and in the Papeno'o Valley, Tahiti (C. Orliac, 1987), and a review of ethnohistoric sources (Eddowes, 1991) have provided new insights on formal variation of temples in relation to sociopolitical structure. Kirch (1990d) compares the monumental religious architecture of two highly stratified Polynesian chiefdoms, Tonga and Hawaii, to demonstrate how distinctive architectural traditions have arisen even within the context of a phytogenetically related cultural tradition (see Kirch and Green, 1987). Green (1993b) sees these two end points as part of two separate social, political, and religious developmental trajectories present in Polynesia and reflected in various forms of monumental architecture. Kotb's investigation (1991, 1992) of several Hawaiian temples (heiau) on the island of Maui provides significant temporal information on the changing roles of specific religious sites during the later periods of Hawaiian prehistory (see also Graves and Sweeny, 1993; Masse et al., 1991). Perhaps the most famous variant of the Polynesian temple complex is that of Easter Island, where the ritual structures were embellished with massive stone statues. These statues or moai have been studied exhaustively by van Tilburg (1986, 1987, 1988, 1993; Gonzalez et al., 1988), providing a thorough understanding of stylistic variation and of the symbolic and ideational role of moai in late prehistoric Rapanui society. Lee's (1992) complementary study of Easter Island rock art likewise tackles the rich symbolic content of another highly elaborated aspect of Rapanui culture. Aside from monumental architecture, there is also increased interest in exploring the range of variability in prehistoric households. In New Zealand, Sutton and his associates (Marshall, 1987a, 1990; Sutton, 1990a, b) have been closely examining the spatial dimension of Maori houses, using both archaeological and ethnohistoric sources. Walter (1993) explores the evidence from Ma'uke in the Cook Islands for changes in the organization of households and community space. Similar research has been ongoing in Hawaii, where thei'e is also a particular interest in tracing the architectural


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and spatial correlates of changes in household structure and organization resulting from European contact (Kirch and Sahlins, 1992, Vol. 2; Ladefoged, 1991; Ladefoged et aL, 1987; Sweeny, 1992). Explaining the rise of sociopolitical complexity in island societies remains a popular theme, with older Polynesian-based models now augmented by the recent Micronesian results (Graves, 1991; Hanson and Gordon, 1989; Knudson, 1990; Peoples, 1990; Petersen, 1990; Picketing, 1990). Population growth is still regarded by many investigators as a key variable in explaining sociopolitical change, although there has been some debate over methods for estimating demographic change and over densitydependent versus density-independent models (Brewis, 1988, 1989; Clark, 1988; Jones and Law, 1987; Sutton and Molloy, 1989). Stannard's (1989) provocative claim that prehistoric Hawaiian population had reached a level of 800,000 persons or more (considerably greater than the 250,000 estimate widely accepted by historians) has generated much discussion but has yet to be archaeologically tested. Most recent work on the evolution of sociopolitical complexity in Oceanic societies goes'well beyond demographic imperatives, however, as demonstrated, for example, in the various contributions to a symposium volume edited by Graves and Green (1993). For Hawaii, Kirch (1990a, b) argues that considerable regional, interisland variation in production systems, ritual cycles, and political organization has been masked in traditional anthropological writings and that an understanding of late prehistoric political dynamics will require renewed scrutiny of the intraarchipelago tension between polities based on rather different production systems. Ladefoged's study of Rotuma (1993) suggests a parallel process within an ecologically differentiated single island. Rechtman (1992) develops a "Fijian model" for sociopolitical evolution, basing his theoretical discussions on archaeological evidence for a steady increase in warfare (evidenced by fortifications) and cannibalism in Fiji. His model stresses an inherent drive for power on the part of individuals, especially chiefs who were concerned with "consecration and legitimization of secular authority" (1992, p. 126). For a number of the midsized Polynesian chiefdoms--those characterized by Goldman (1970) as "open societies"--Kirch (1991c) proposes a model of "competitive involution," based on an analysis of the archaeological and ethnohistoric record of the Marquesas Islands (see also Thomas, 1990).

CONCLUSION It would be foolish to attempt to "sum up" in one or two paragraphs a paper that is already a summary of a substantial corpus of new literature.

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By way of conclusion we simply reiterate that Pacific Islands archaeology has truly come of age----the volume and rate of new research alone testify to that. Vigorous research programs throughout most regions of Oceania are addressing a diversity of important problems and issues, ranging from long-standing concerns with origins of populations and culture sequences to the latest trends in "postmodernist" social theory. Future efforts will doubtless continue these directions, tempered by some of the changing practices mentioned at the outset of our paper. Of special concern in this regard will be the relationships that archaeologists forge with indigenous Pacific peoples, constrained by inherent tensions between academic and CRM-dominated approaches.

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