who sailed on the San Antonio, one of the supply ships accompanying. Portola's ...... islanders did return as sheepshearers during the Rancho Era, including.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara
An Ethnohistoric Study of the Island Chumash
A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of
NA.TfONAI.. PAH IDYIC~ l.IlJitMT ~,CottJr*
AUG Master of Arts in
Anthropology by
John Richard Johnson
Committee in charge: Professor Michael A. Glassow, Chairman Professor Albert C. Spaulding Professor Phillip L. Walker Professor David Hornbeck
December 1982
2 1990 ·
To my parents, Ruth Daniell Johnson and John Warren Johnson
iii
ABSTRACT An Ethnohistoric Study of the Island Chumash
by John Richard Johnson
This thesis presents an ethnohistoric overview of Island culture
and
documents
the
Channel Islands after the
process
coming
Chumash
of depopulation of the northern
of
the
The
Europeans.
earliest
historic descriptions of the native culture of the Channel Islands are presented, and the possibility of additional, undocumented contacts is The
di~cussed.
establishment of the Franciscan missions finally led
to a migration of the entire Island Chumash population to the mainland during
the
second
decade
of
the
nineteenth century.
The mission
registers of San Buenaventura, Santa Barbara, Santa Ines, La Purisima, and
San
Fernando
populations,
may
demography,
organization.
be
used
to
marriage
Ethnographic
and
reconstruct patterns,
locations
of
reconstruction of
and
insofar
historically occupied villages. settlement
patterns
is
sociopolitical
data, combined with
archaeologic~l
ethnohistoric information, are used to identify the
island and village
crucial
as
possible
The ethnohistoric to
achieving
a
greater understanding of the relationship between cultural ecology and sociopolitical organization among the Island Chumash.
iv
PREFACE
The document which follows has been planned to serve
as
both
a
guide to ethnohistoric source material on the Island
handbook
and
a
Chumash.
The various explorers' descriptions of native culture on the
Channel
Islands,
the
mission
records
of
Chumash
baptisms
marriages, the locations of historically occupied island and
settlements,
the research potential of ethnohistoric data are all presented in
this thesis. does
and
Although largely descriptive in character,
analytically
treat
several
this
thesis
topics of contemporary interest to
persons interested in the anthropology
and
history
of
the
Channel
Islands. This study is net the first to present ethnohistoric material the
Island
Chumash.
Preliminary
studies
by
Brown (1967}, Coombs
(n.d.), and Pfeiffer (1977) have all utilized data baptismal
registers
in
order
to
learn
more
on
from
the
mission
about Island Chumash
population size, demographic structure, migration patterns, and social organization.
King
(1975)
has
Island Chumash geography, based data
at
his
disposal.
previous studies.
The
the
mo~t
accurate map of
on ethnographic
and
archaeological
published
author
acknowledges
What follows represents an attempt
a
debt to these to
refine
and
augment the work which has been done in the past and to make available in as complete and accurate a compilation as
v
possible
the
disparate
bits
and pieces of information, both published and unpublished, which
bear on Island Chumash ethnohistory. From
modern
a
missionaries
had
an
unfulfilled.
These
knowledge
the
of
like. to possess.
perspective,
the
opportunity early
early
Spanish
pioneers
and
which was largely unrecognized and
European
settlers
held
a
first-hand
Chumash people which we, as anthropologists, would
The
Europeans who witnessed native-Chumash lifeways
were culturally biased in their appreciation and understanding of what they observed. further
What was to them
investigation
is
common
knowledge
adaptation
unworthy
in
this
cultural
evolution
and
particular region of the world.
The
Spanish missionaries and soldiers knew something thing about Chumash
supported
religious
beliefs
institutions
were
themselves, they
California from
passed
memory.
ecclesiastical
records,
Chumash descendents have
what
who
their
traditions of
kind
how
were,
the what
sociopolitical
chiefs were, and where their
Unfortunately, as the first colonists of
away, Only
their
what
possessed,
present,
villages were located.
of
to modern researchers very fascinating and
important to increasing our understanding .of ecological
and
Alta
knowledge of Churnash culture slowly receded official and
journals
some
preserved
and
correspondence,
late ethnographic fieldwork among a
remnant
description
of
some
in
this
aspects of Chumash culture. Although ethnographic data will be frequently
vi
utilized
thesis,
there
has been no effort here to include all the information
on the Island Chumash found in the fieldnotes Much
of
this
compilations. history
of
P.
J.
Harrington.
information is readily available in recently published Fernando Librado's information on
includes
a
great
Chumash
traditional
deal on the Channel Islands and describes
some dances and ceremonies practiced by the islanders (Hudson
1977).
et
Also in.print is a thorough study of Harrington's notes on the
Chumash plank canoe, island
fishermen
Rempe 1978). Harrington,
which
and
contains
some
interesting
accounts
17,
A selection of Chumash
oral
narratives,
has been analyzed by Blackburn {1975).
21,
23,
of
their use of watercraft {Hudson, Timbrook, and collected
28,
29,
53, 64, 86, 88, and 93).
reader is directed to the above references for
by
Some of the myths
and stories include mention·or the Channel Islands (see narratives 11,
al.
5,
The interested
strictly
ethnographic
information which was considered beyond the scope of this study. Tne research for this thesis was partially funded by two National
Park
Service
contracts.
The portion of Chapter 5 dealing with Santa
Rosa Island was written originally as a background study for a
on
report
that island's archaeological resources (Glassow et al. 1982).
remainder of this thesis began as a project designed National
to
provide
the
Park Service with ethnohistoric baseline data which could be
used in interpretive programs and in cultural resource management
the
The
Channel Islands National Park.
vii
for
A report will be submitted to the
t~tional
Park Service which includes this thesis
additional
sections
by Steven
C~aig
Chumash
biennial
language.
reports
for
Portions
1803-.1804
the
author
and
on further island placename data
from the Harrington notes and by Kathryn Klar Island
by
of
and
on
the
a
summary
missions
1805-1806,
of
the
president's
which
provide
information on the Island Chumash, translated by David Earle will also be included in the final document to be submitted to the Park Service •. Acknowledgements are due to a added
meaningfully
number
to the present study.
of
individuals
have
Special recognition should
be extended to Steven Craig, who first "roped" the project
who
author
into
this
and with whom he has had constructive interaction during most
phases of preparing this study. Roger
Kelly,
National
Park
Service
archaeologist,
has
been
especially supportive and understanding in administering the contracts under which this research was undertaken. Thanks must also be extended to the following shared
knowledge
gained
anthropology and history of Travis
through the
their
Channel
own
persons
researches
Islands:
Michael
have
into
the
Glassow,
Hudson, Chester King, Albert Spaulding, Phillip Walker, Jeanne
Arnold, Al Bixler, Marla Daily, Jon Erlandson, Bob Lopez, and
who
Larry
Wilcoxon.
Jim
Muche,
Larry Wilcoxon's friendship and open sharing of
ideas and information have been especially appreciated. Fr. Virgilio Biasiol,
O.F.M.,
viii
director
of
the
Santa
Barbara
Mission
Archive
Library, and his staff, including Richard Whitehead,
Cresencia Olmstead, and Virginia Heath, have been especially providing
work
space
Mission
Msr. Francis J.
Weber
of
the
obtain
San
Archives also assisted by permitting examination of
the original baptismal registers of Mission San Buenaventura in to
in
and access to the library's valuable copies of
mission registers and documents. Fernando
kind
information missing
from
order
the available photocopy at the
Santa Barbara Archives.
The author is regarding of
special
California
O.F.M.,
indebted
State
archivist
clarification
to
aspects
several
of
the
persons
for
present study.
contributions David Hornbeck
.
University, Northridge, and Fr. Francis at
regarding
Mission the
California mission system.
motivations
have
Barbara,
Santa
and
functioning
Guest, provided of
the
Kenneth Whistler has provided insight into
the linguistic interpretation of Island Chumash placenames recorded by the
Franciscan
missionaries.
Claude
shared the results of their own Mission
registers.
Warren
researches
and
with
Gary Coombs have
the
Santa
Barbara
David Earle provided translations of Fr. Tapis's
·reports and correspondence dealing with the Island
Chumash.
Kenneth
Kvamme provided useful information on the topic of modeling population change. Advice register
and
data
assistance was
with
computer
processing
of
mission
obtained from William Hyder, Anabel Ford, and the
ix
UCSB Computer Center consulting staff. Preparation of this thesis has made use skills of Roxann Rowsey and Jenean Thompson. help with word-processing
preparation
coon~l
drafting
advice.
Figure
4.
The
Paul
efforts
and
the
word-processing
Rose Mucci also provided
Heuston
Figure 2.
of
of
provided
valuable
David Torfeh assisted in
assistance
of
all
individuals have been greatly appreciated. Finally, special recognition is due to my support.
She
has
wife,
Mary,
for
her
had to endure a number of inconveniences, not the
least of which has been the usurption of the months while this project was underway.
X
dining
room
table
for
Table of Contents
Abstract
iv
Preface
v
Chapter 1: Introduction Definition of Ethnohistory Environmental and Cultural Background Research Objectives
1
Chapter 2: Early European Contacts with the Island Chumash Introduction Cabrillo 's Voyage Other Sixteenth Century Descriptions Vizca:!no 's Voyage The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries The Portola Expedition ·Summary of Early Ethnohistoric Observations Results of Early Spanish Contacts Chapter 3: The Island Chumash in the Mission Period Introduction Early Mission Policy towards the Island Chumash Descriptions of the Island Chumash in the Early Mission Period The Island Chumash in the Nineteenth Century Otter Hunting on the Channel Islands Termination of Island Settlements
1 2 5 8
8
10 15 21
29 32
43
48 50 50
51 54 59
63 68
77
Summary
Chapter 4: Historic Observations on Island Placenames Comparative Orthography of Island Names Cabrillo's Village Names Village Names in the Mission Registers Linguistic Orthography of Village Names
79 79 84
Chapter 5: Mission Register Analysis Introduction Migration Patterns Village Demographic Data Island Chumash Population Sociopolitical Data Marriage Patterns and Cross-Channel Relationships
94 94 98
xi
87 91
101
107 115 121
Summary
124
Chapter 6: Island Villages Introduction Santa Cruz Island Santa Rosa Island San Miguel Island Conclusion
127 127 130 146 158 160
Chapter 7: Epilogue Summary Contributions of Ethnohistory to Archaeological Research Immediate Research Needs
161 161 168 173
References
177
Appendix: Computer-Printed Index of Mission Register Da·ta by Village
191
\
xii
List of Tables
1. Evolution of Spanish Nomenclature for the Northern Channel Islands
42
2. Journeys to the Channel Islands by Mission Interpreters in 1814 and 1815
71
3. Native Names Recorded for the Channel Islands
80
~.
Identification of Island Chumash Names Recorded During Cabrillo's Voyage
85
5. Santa Cruz Island: Synonomy of Village Names in the 88
Mission Registers
6. Santa Rosa and San Miguel Islands: Synonomy of Village Names in the Mission Registers
90
7. Comparative Linguistic Orthography Used for Village Based on Ethnographic Data
Names·,
8. Total Baptisms of Island Chumash at Five Spanish Missions
92
97
9. Age Distribution of Island Chumash at Baptism
102
10. Sex Distribution of ·rsland Chumash by Age Group
104
i.
11. Island Chumash Population Statistics
111
12. Island Chumash Chiefs Identified in the Mission Registers
116
13. Instances of legte and~ Recorded as Women~s Names in the Mission Baptismal Registers
120
14. Marriages among Island Chumash Villages .
122
15. Cross-Channel Interaction
123
16. Comparisons of Previous Attempts to Identify Village Locations on Santa Cruz Island
128
17. Comparisons of Previous Attempts to Identify Village Locations on Santa Rosa and San Miguel Islands
xiii
129
List of Figures
1. Number of Island Chumash Baptized by Year
69
2. Chumash Settlements of the Channel Islands and
Central
Mainlan~
96
Region
3. Missionization Pattern on Santa Cruz Island 4. Distribution of Island Chumash Village Size Based on Number of Baptisms
99 108
!:
xiv
1
Chapter 1 I1"TRODUCTI ON
Definition of Ethnohistory
Etbnohistory is currently coming into its own as one of the major subfields apparent
of in
cultural
anthropology.
California,
where
an
This
is
increasingly
perhaps large
especially number
of
ethnographers and archaeologists have become interested in documentary material on native groups gathered by F-ranciscan missionaries and Spanish colonial officials during the early European settlement of California (Brown 1967, 1974; Cook 1974; Bennyhoff 1977; King 1977; H.orne
1981) ~
Ethnography,
as
a
subdiscipline
of
cultural
anthropology, results in the recording of information.about particular societies from persons who are or were living participants in those cultures.
Archaeology,
on
the
other
hand,
reconstructs
extinct
societies on the basis of the material remains of past cultural systems.
Ethnohistory straddles these two disciplines by studying the
historical records of past societies. There is feedback between ethnohistory and both archaeology and ethnography.
For example, the meaning of archaeological remains may
be elucidated through a study of contemporaneous historical documents, while archaeological data may in turn be used to examine problems defined through ethnohistoric research.
In like manner ethnohistoric
2
records
often
configuration
provide of
information
ethnographically
necessary recorded
to
understand
cultures
{cf.
the
Heizer
1975:9-13), while in turn ethnographic information may prove useful in identifying
places
and
historical accounts.
cultural
practices
described
in
early
The necessary interplay and interrelationships
between archaeological, ethnohistoric, and ethnographic data will be readily apparent in this study of Island Chumash culture.
Environmental and Cultural Background
During the periods of European exploration and colonization of Alta California, there existed a thriving population of approximately 3000 persons on the three inhabited Northern Channel Islands.
The
islanders spoke. a dialect representing one of three major branches of the Chumash language group.
The other two branches were Central
Chumash, represented by the Ventureiio, Purisimefio
dialects,
Obispefio dialect.
and
Northern
Barbarefio, Ineseno,
Chumash,
consisting
and of
the
Subdialects of the Island Chumash language were
Cruzefio, spoken on Santa Cruz Is land, and Rosene, spoken on Santa Rosa
Island.
Cruzeno,
The better documented of the two Island idioms is
which
has
been
recently
summarized
by
Klar
(n.d.).
According to Klar, the Island language shows fundamental differences from
the
Central
relationship Chumash
than
branches.
Chumash that
branch,
between
Since
the
the
indicating
no
closer
genetic
Central Chumash and Northern
separate
language
branches
were
3
apparently not mutually intelligible, a long period of independent development is indicated (Klar n.d.). Although linguistic indications suggest the importance of the Santa Barbara Channel as a barrier to interaction, it is nevertheless evident that an intense exchange system had evolved prior to the Historic Period linking
the
Island Chumasb with mainland coastal
settlements (King 1976, 1978, 1981).
In this system, such mainland
goods as seeds, acorns, and bows and arrows were exchanged for shell beads manufactured on the islands; the beads circulated as a medium of exchange
throughout
the
Chumash
region
(King
1976:296).
The
bead-manufacturing industry of the Channel Islands thus functioned as the
mint" for the rest of the Chumash economy (Woodward 1934).
11
Specialization
also
occurred
among
indicated by archaeological evidence.
the
Village
island s~tes
villages,
as
towards the east
end of Santa Cruz Island contain large quantities of chert cores and detritus resulting from the production of bladelets used in drilling shell beads. to
have
Sites elsewhere on the Northern Channel Islands appear
been
the
specialized
loci
of
actual
bead
production,
containing large amounts of olivella bead fragments and spent bladelet drills
(Swartz
1959,1960;
King
1976:309-314;
Pitzer,
Hester,
and
Heizer 1974; Glassow 1980:94-96). In terms of subsistence, the Island Chumash environment consisted of rich maritime habitats juxtaposed with a relatively poorly endowed land resource base.
Although some plant food resources were locally
available to islanders, for example bulbs and tubers, extensive stands
4
of oaks, islay, sage, and yucca were in short supply except on some parts of Santa Cruz Island.
The rocky shores and extensive kelp beds
surrounding each island provided an abundance of fish,
shellfish,
birds, and sea mammals which were heavily exploited by the Chumash islanders.
Dense
quantities
of
marine
faunal
remains,
shell
fishhooks, trident points, harpoon barbs, fragments of netting, and canoe
planks
have
been
frequently
encountered
in
archaeological
contexts on island sites, attesting to the importance of maritime economic activities (Glassow 1980, Landberg 1965; Grant 1978; Walker et a1. 1978). The sociopolitical organization of the Island Chumash is not yet well understood but is becoming better documented through the study of mission register data.
Traditional Chumash history,
recorded by
ethnographer J. P. Harrington, indicates that the is landers were to some extent linked to mainland society through a pan-tribal political group known as the 'antap cult.
The island settlements themselves
were apparently hierarc.hically organized into supervillage political groups with one village possessing a paramount chief who exercised some form of central authority over other island villages (Hudson et al. 1977).
Futher discussion of Island Chumash social and political
characteristics will be presented in Chapter 5.
5
Research Objectives
The general aims of this thesis are twofold.
The primary goal is
to gather and present in one volume a description of Island Chumash society gained from ethnohistoric research.
The second goal is to
document how the arrival of the Europeans affected the lives of the native is landers.
The first purpose involves an attempt to look at
the native system through contemporaneous historical documents.
The
second purpose is to examine how the European system, which produced the historical records, may have influenced the native society which was being observed. A number of research problems will be addressed in the chapters which follow.
Chapter 2 presents data on the European descriptions of
the Channel Islanders resulting from the exploration of California's coastline.
These
early
observations
are
of great
significance,
although brief, because of the glimpse given of an aboriginal system unaffected as yet by the establishment of California's first Spanish settlements.
A major research problem is to what extent the early
contacts by Cabrillo, other explorers who galleons may have
led
to
disease
follo~ed
him, and by Manila
epidemics which resulted
in a
significant population decline prior to the actual establishment of the mission system.
The information presented in Chapter 1 bears on
this problem, which will be discussed in detail in Chapter 7. Chapter 3 documents the fate of the Island Chumash within the Mission
Period
during
the
transition
from
native
society
to
6
acculturation into the Spanish colonial system. preserved their counterparts.
institutions much
longer
The Island Chumash
than did their mainland
The majority of mainland Chumash were absorbed into the
mission system over a twenty-one year period from 1782 to 1803. 1806 most
mainland
villages
were
no
longer
occupied.
After
Although
sporadic baptisms of islanders occurred from the earliest foundation of the missions, the major migration of the Chumash islanders did not really begin until 1815 and was mostly completed within three years. Chapter 4 investigates the various Chumash is land and village names recorded by explorers, missionaries and ethnographers.
This
study was necessary in order to straighten out the confusing array of native
island names
prior
to
utilizing
the mission
records
and
reconstructing settlement paeterns. Chapter 5 demonstrates how mission register data may be used to derive information about demographic and sociopolitical aspects of Island Chumash society.
Some of the research topics
covered in
Chapter 5 are migration patterns, the sex and age distribution of the Island Chumash population
population,
size,
rates
post-marital
of population decline,
residence,
identities
of
original chiefs,
political organization, patterns of personal names, marriage patterns, and island-mainland connections. Chapter
6
relies
ethnographic
data
in
historically
occupied
upon . archaeological, an
attempt
Island
to
Chumash
marriage patterns are also discussed.
identify
ethnohistoric, the
settlements.
locations
and of
Intervillage
7 The
concluding
chapter,
Chapter
7,
contains
a
discussion
of
several research topics and outlines future ethnohistoric research objectives.
8
Chapter 2
EARLY EUROPEAN CONTACTS WITH THE ISLAND CHUMASH
Introduction
The accounts from early exploratory and incidental visits to the California Islands provide
information relating
research themes outlines in Chapter 1.
to
the two major
Although very brief, the
explorers' descriptions of the Indians offer a
significant
early
glimpse of aboriginal island society as well as-documenting the number and type of contacts which occurred in the centuries prior to the establishment of the missions.
Several of the accounts which follow
offer more detailed descriptions of the Gabrielino islanders of Santa Catalina and San Clemente Islands than they do of the Chumash natives of the Northern Channel Islands.
The inclusion of these accounts is
justified since the Island Chumash interacted with their southern island neighbors and possessed a highly similar culture. Some of the historic evidence presented in this chapter merely documents
visits
or
possible visits
to
the
Channel
Islands but
contains little or no descriptive data on the aboriginal islanders. These hints of early contact are nevertheless important since they indicate the potential for early introduction of European diseases. Some anthropologists have suggested that early contacts resulted in epidemics which caused population decline and cultural disruption
9
prior to the Mission Period (Hudson
~
a1. 1977 :11,99; Walker and
Hudson n.d.: Chap. 2). Documented Spanish exploration along the California coastline may be divided into two periods separated by a 16 7 year hiatus..
The
existence of this documentary hiatus between 1602 and 1769 does not preclude the possibility of European-chumash contact in the interval. In fact, the evidence pre.sented below indicates that such contact, although marginal, did occasionally occur. The
motivation
behind
the
first
period
of
exploration was
directly related to Spanish trans-Pacific trade with the Philippines. Once a year Manila galleons passed offshore along the California coastline during their return voyage to Mexico.
Harbors were sought
where ships might put in to make necessary repairs and obtain wood and water.
Cabrillo's voyage in 1542 and Vizcaino's expedition in 1602
resulted in the discovery of such harbors, especially at San Diego and Monterey.
However, the available evidence suggests that these were
seldom used.
By the time the Manila galleons sighted California, the
presence of favorable winds and anticipation of the nearness of the journey's end· usually caused the ships to sail directly to Acapulco (Wagner 1937:113; Schurz 1939:233,242; Muche 1982). The
second
period
of
exploration
accompanied
the
initial
colonization of Alta California and the establishment of the first Franciscan missions.
The diaries from_ this final phase of exploration
are more informative regarding Island cultureo
10
Cabrillo's Voyage
The
voyage
of
Juan
Rodriguez
Cabrillo
along
the
coast
of
California in 1542 marked the beginning of Spanish contact with the coastal inhabitants of aboriginal Alta California and provides us with the eariest description of Island _Chumash culture.
Cabri1lo died on
San Miguel Island in January, 1542, and was replaced by his chief pilot,
Bartolome Ferrer (F.errelo).
The surviving accounts of his
voyage are summaries, largely extracted from the original journal of the expedition.
The latter document has unfortunately been lost.
Although several English translations of the early accounts of Cabrillo' s voyage exist, the most recent and definitive is t·hat by Wagner
(1929).
The
following passages dealing specifically with
Cabrillo' s visit among the Channel Islands have been excerpted from Wagner's work.
Unless otherwise indicated they are from the detailed
summary attributed to Juan Paez de Castro, the official chronicler of the Indies from 1555 to 1560: On Friday [October 13, 1542] they sailed from the Pueblo de las Canoas [Mugu] on their voyage and went this day six or seven leagues, passing along two large islands [Anacapa], each of which measures four leagues in length and must be four leagues from the mainland. They are unpopulated because . there is no water on them, but there are good harbors. That day they passed along a large island about fifteen leagues long which was said to be well populated and to contain the following named towns: Niquipos, Mazul, Xugua, Nitel, Macamo and Nimitapal. They named this island "San
11
Lucas 11 [Santa Cruz Island]. From here to the Pueblo de las Canoas it must be about eighteen leagues, and from the island to the mainland about six leagues. [October 171 As a fresh northwest wind struck them they stood off to sea and discovered two is lands, one large, about eight leagues in length from east to west [Santa Rosa Island], and the other about four leagues [San Miguel Island]. In the small one there is a good port. They are inhabited, are ten leagues from the mainland, and are called "Is las de San Lucas. u From the mainland to the Cabo de Galera [Point Concepcion] they trend west a quarter northwest. From the Pueblo de las Canoas to Cabo de Galera there is a well inhabited province called 11Xexu." There are many different languages, and they carry on great wars with each other. From the Pueblo de las Canoas to Cabo de Galera the distance is thirty leagues. . They remained in these islands until the Wednesday following, because there was a great storm [Wagner 1929:86-87]. The account of Antonio de Herrera published in 1615 adds following details: They found them [the is lands] well populated; these people and those on all the coast just live by fishing • . They make beads of fish bones [actually shell beads] to trade with those on the mainland ••• In the eight days that they were at this port [Cuyler Harbor, San Miguel Island] they were well treated by the Indians, who go naked and have their faces painted in a checkerboard fashion [Wagner 1929:427]. Paez de Castro's account
conti~ues:
Wednesday, the 25th [October, 1542], they left these islands, that is, the one farthest to windward, which as a very good port [Cuyler Harbor, San Miguel Island] inside which no bad effects will be felt in any kind of sea weather. They named it "Poses ion. n That day they only sailed a little because there was no wind ••• Thursday, the 23d [November, return at the Islas de San nPosesion. 11 They bad run along point from Cabo de Pinos to the
1542], they arrived on their Lucas, at the one named all the coast from point to islands, and having found no
the
12
sheltered port, were obliged to return to this island, as during the past days there was a strong wind from the west-northwest and a very high swell ••• [Wagner 1929:87,90]. Cabrillo's
crew
apparently
did not
enjoy
the
same
friendly
relations which they previously had held with the native islanders. Several of Cabrillo' s crew members later provided testimony in 1560 during
legal
proceedings
initia~ed
by
Cabrillo's
son
to
remuneration for his father's services (Wagner 1928:20,61,76).
gain One of
them, Francisco de Vargas, related the difficulties which beset the crew during their two months stay on San Miguel Island: With the natives of this island he had some great fights as they came out in a warlike manner. During all the· time the fleet was at the Isla Capitana [San Miguel] the Indians never stopped fighting. One day, a larger party of soldiers having gone · ashore to take water, a number of Indians attacked them and handled them so roughly they were in danger. General Juan Rodriguez, seeing from the ship the difficulties in which the Indians had his men and hearing the clamor, hurried up to give them assistance. He himself with some soldiers went ashore, and as they were landing his foot slipped from the boat and his shinbone was shattered on a rock. From this he died on his own ship in ten or twelve days, first having extracted his soldiers from the dangers in which they were. It will be noted that this latter account differs somewhat from the following version of Cabrillo' s death as recorded by Paez. de Castro: While wintering at the Isla de Posesi6n, there passed from this present life, January 3, 1543, Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, the captain of the ships, from a fall which he had in this island the previous time they were there, in which he broke an arm, close to the shoulder. He left as captain the chief pilot, who was one Bartolome Ferrelo, a native of the Levant, and strongly charged him at the time of his death not to fail to discover as much as possible of all
13
that coast. They named this island the "Isla de Juan Rodriguez 11 ; the Indians call it "Ciquimuymu." Another they call "Nicalque" and the other "Limu. n On the Isla de Poses ion [San Migue 1 Is land 1 there are two towns, "C ico 11 and "Nimollollo." In the other island [Santa Rosa Island] 11 there are three towns, Nichochi," "Coycoy, 11 and "Estocoloco." In the remaining island [Santa Cruz Island (but the names may be from Catalina)] there are eight [sic], as follows: Niquesesquelua, Poele, Pisqueno, Pualnacatup, Patiquiu, Patiquilid, Nimemu, Muoc, Pilidquay, and Lilibeque. The Indians of these is lands are very poor, being fishermen, and eating nothing except fish. They do not sleep on the ground. All their business and occupation is to fish. In each house they say there are fifty souls, who live very filthily, going naked. They remained at these is lands from November 23 to January 19, and in all this time, almost two months, there was very rough wintry and rainy weather. The winds which were most frequent were west-southwest and south-southwest and west-northwest, some very violent. ··
i' 'i
Friday, January 19, 1543, they set sail from the Isla de Juan Rodriquez, which is called "Ciquimuymu," in order to go to the mainland in search of some supplies for their voyage. In leaving the port such ·a strong wind from the west-northwest struck them that they had to take refuge at the other Is las de San Lucas and to anchor at the Isla de Limun [Santa Cruz Island], which they named "San Sebastian." They were obliged to weigh anchor again as there was no port there, only the shelter which the islands afforded, and the wind had shifted to one on shoreo They went around these islands eight days with very vile winds, sheltering themselves under the islands themselves from the bad weather, and on the 27th of the same month entered the same port of the Isla de Juan Rodriguez [San Miguel Island] where they had first been. The greatest trouble they had was from unsettled winds which kept changing about from one quarter to the other, but the most constant are from the west-northwest and the west-southwest. Tuesday, the 29th, they set out from the Isla de Juan Rodriguez for the Isla de San Lucas [Santa Rosa Island}, which is in the middle of the others, in order to get some anchors which, unable to raise, they had left there during a storm. These they secured and also took some water. They left this Isla de San Lucas Monday, February 12, not being able to do so sooner on account of the vile weather of wind and snow. It is inhabited and the people are like those of the other island. The Indians call it "Nicalque," and there are three towns on
14
it named "Nicochi," "Coycoc," and "Co loco." That day they went to the Puerto de las Sardinas [syuxtun at Santa Barbara] to get wood and other things necessary for their voyage which were not to be found on the island. Wednesday, the 14th, they left the Puerto de Sardinas after taking a boatload of wood, not daring to stay longer on account of the high sea. They did not find so many Indians as the first time nor any fishing, as it was winter; the Indians were living on acorns, another seed, and crude herbs from the fields • From here they went to the Isla de San Sebastian [Santa Cruz Island] in order to make sail to run out to sea, as they would be more secure there from the storms. Sunday, February 18, they left the Isla de San Sebastian with a favorable northeast wind and ran to the southwest, because they were told that towards the southwest there were some other islands. They sailed till nightfall that day some twe;lve leagues from the Isla de San Sebastian and saw six islands, some large and some small [probably San Nicolas and/or Santa Barbara Island were seen in addition to those they just left] ••• [After a trip northward the ships returned again to San Miguel Island]. Monday, March 5, at daybreak, they found themselves at Isla de, Juan Rodriguez, but did not dare enter the port on account of the storm which was blowing, which made the sea break in fifteen fathoms at the entrance. It was a north-northwest wind and the entr'ace is narrow. They ran to take shelter under the Isla de San Sebastian on the southeast side. During the previous night while sailing with a high wind with only both small headsails, the other ship disappeared, so that it was suspected that the sea had devoured her; even after day dawned they could not find her ••• Thursday, the 8th [March 1543], they set out from the Isla de San Sebastian to go to the mainland in search of the other vessel and went to the Pueblo de las Canoas [Mugu], but found no news of her. Here they took four Indians. Friday following, the 9th, they left the Pueblo de las Canoas and went to the Isla de San Salvador [Santa Catalina Island], but did not find the consort there either. On the Monday following, the 26th, the other ship arrived at which they were de lighted and gave many thanks to the Lord. At the Isla de Juan Rodriguez during the night this vessel passed over some reefs, which made them think they
15
were about to be lost. The sailors made a vow to go to their church stark naked and Our Lady saved them. Monday, April 2, they sent out from the Isla de Cedros in quest of New Spain [Mexico], as they did not have sufficient supplies to turn about and undertake the discovery of the coast, and arrived in the P~erto de Navidad Saturday, April 14 [Wagner 1929:90-93]. The most remarkable historic archaeological discovery possibly relating to Cabrillo's presence on the Channel Islands has come to light only recently.
A
slab of sandstone engraved with the initials
nJR 11 was recovered from an archaeological site on Santa Rosa Island in
1901 by Philip Mills Jones, an archaeological collector employed by Mrs. Phoebe Apperson Hearst. Heizer
at
the
Lowie
This artifact was rediscovered by Robert
Museum
in
Berkeley.
Heizer
(1972,
suggested that the find might represent Cabrillo's gravestone. slab
also
contained
an
anthropomorphic
petroglyph,
1973a) The
apparently
inscribed by the Chumash, which was the reason it was collected by Jones in the first instance.
The Chumash art may have been applied
subsequent to the Spanish inscription. The discovery of the burial marker acquires significance due to its potential for more accurately identifying the confusing series of island
and village
Cabrillo's
voyage
names (cf.
preserved
Chapter
4
in the and
principal
Tables
3
and
summary of 4).
Most
authorities agree that San Miguel Island is the most likely candidate for Cabrillo's final resting placee
However, since the purported
gravestone was found on Santa Rosa Island, an element of doubt has been introduced.
Both Kroeber
(1925:555) and Heizer (1972) have
16 entertained the possibility that Cabrillo was buried on Santa Rosa Island
instead of
San Miguel.
It appears more likely that
the
gravestone was carried to Santa Rosa Island by the Indians after the Spanish expedition returned to Mexico.
Other Sixteenth Century Descriptions
After Cabrillo's voyage, the next mention of one of the Channel Islands occurred in 1565 when the crew of the San Pedro sighted Richardson Rock and San Miguel Island on a return voyage from the Philippines.
They called San Miguel "La Deseada," meaning "(that
which is) desired or looked for" (Wagner 1929:114,117; 1937:411,447). In
1579
Francis
Drake
visited
the
California
coast.
The
historians of Drake's voyage have never agreed on the location of the New Albion bay where one week was repairing
the
Golden Hind
(Hanna
spent in a California harbor 1979).
Wagner
(1926:169)
has
suggested that Drake may have visited several California ports before beginning his trans-Pacific voyage but that none of these were south of San Fr·ancisco Bay.
The recent discovery of five old, . encrusted
iron cannons at Goleta Beach has given rise to the theory that the Goleta lagoon was the site of Drake's anchorage, since it is known that Drake disposed of five cannons some time prior to his return to England (Gilmore 1981). Although other aspects of the extant accounts of Drake's visit do
17 not fit the Channel area well, it is interesting to note that Drake did mention stopping at some islands for provisions before embarking across the Pacific.
These islands are generally believed to be the
Farallon Islands off San Francisco.
In order for readers to form
their own opinion, an excerpt from one early account is reproduced here: Not farre without this harborough [New Albion] did lye certaine Islands (we called them the Ilands of Saint James) having on them plentifull and great store of seales and birds, with one of which we fell.July 24, where on we found ·such provision as might competently serve our turne for a while. We departed againe the day next following, viz July 25. And our General! now considering, that the extremity of the cold not only continued but increased, the Sunne being gone farther from us, as that the wind blowing still (as it did at first) from the Northwest, cut off all hope of finding a passage through these Northern parts, thought it necessarie to loose no time; and therefore with general consent of all, bent his course directly to runne with the !lands of the Moluccas [Drake 1966:81-82]. Had Drake actually contacted the Chumash, it would appear highly unusual for him not to have encountered the same reception as accorded to
Cabrillo
and
Vizcaino.
Both
of
the
latter
explorers
surrounded by Chumash Indians in plank canoes eager to greet with their guests.
an~
were trade
Since Drake's account also does not mention that
the islands he visited were inhabited,
it would appear that
the
historians' traditional indentification of Drake's "St. James Islands" with
the
Farrallones
remains
more
convincing
(cf.
Wagner
1926:164-167). It is conceivable, however, that Drake's California landfall did
18
result in European contact with the Chumash.
Reports from the early
seventeenth century indicate that a captured Spanish pilot, Morera, was released by Drake on the
coast of California.
He wandered
southward and before reaching the northern Spanish settlements passed by an arm of the sea which separated New Mexico from California.
This
story may have been part of the basis for the persistent seventeenth century belief that California was an island (Wagner 1937: 144-145). Another visitor to northern California was Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno ·in 1595.
After an unfortunate accident in Drake '·s Bay in
which his ship was lost, Cermefio and his ctew proceeded south in the ship's launch.
Cermefio's only account of the Channel Islands is
reproduced here: This day [December 13, 1595] he crossed a great ensenada with a heavy sea, and steering towards a point which bore south, passed it during the first nightwatch. Then the coast trends northwest-southeast and when morning of the 14th came, two islands were discovered. The wind was from the east and he went running along the outside one to the south-southeast. The island [Santa Rosa] trends northeast-southwest, and has a small island {San Miguel] a league northwest of the outside point with a passage between them. Then between one island and the other there is an opening of a league and a half. Anchor was cast at the outside island [Santa Rosa] on the southeast side. A small boat came alongside with two Indians rowing. They came to the launch and brought some twelve fish and a small seal and presented them. They were given in exchange some pieces of woven silk and cotton which they took so that they should bring more. The little boat came back with three Indians and brought nothing. Fishing with lines was resorted to and some thirty fish were caught which were soon eaten in view of the number of men, who numbered more than seventy, and their great hunger. The Captain at midday observed the sun at this place on the outside island and found it to be in 34 degrees 12 minutes.
19
At midnight of the same day, sail was made, as the land seemed to offer no help of any kind of food, as it was bare and broken and had no port. He ran until ten hours after nightfall, when he reached the other island, as it was a good night with a clear moon. This trends east-northeast to west-southwest. The first island [Santa Rosa] may be about three or four leagues long and one wide, the second [Santa Cruz] may be about seven or eight, and is the last and nearest to the mainland, with about two leagues of channel between. Soon a large ensenada appeared, across which be sailed towards to south-southeast where the point bore, the coast running southeast a quarter south. That night fire appeared on these islands. All are fishermen, the land is broken like the first, and all the coast is clean. There are some small islands close to the shore.. The coast is bold and the Indians are well made and robust, of good size and go naked. The crafts in which they sail are like the board boats of the Philippines. From the last island to the point above mentioned across the ensenada is about sixteen leagues. It was not reached during daylight, and as the night was good and no port was found in which to anchor, he went running along the coast near land until morning. Saturday, the 16th [December, 1595], an island was discovered named San Agustin [Santa Catalina?]. The wind turned southeast and he anchored at the island, which trends northwest-southeast. A settlement was seen near the sea, and a craft from it came alongside. Some Spaniards went ashore to see if they could find anything to eat and to take water, which was lacking, but on account of the heavy surf breaking on shore this could not be done. Those who went brought back some cakes made of a very yellow root resembling the sweet potato, which are cooked under the sand. This made some of those who ate them very sick. On Sunday, the 17th of December, the wind kept coming from the southeast which made it necessary to go with the launch to the other side of the island, to anchor in the shelter it afforded. In the place where some Spaniards went ashore many wild onions and tunas [prickly pears] were found, and near the water among some rocks a very large fish which had been killed with two wounds. On this more than seventy people sustained themselves for eight days, and if it had not been for this fish all the men, in view of their condition, ran much risk of losing their lives from th~ great hunger from which they suffered. Not having any water to drink, on the night of that day the wind blew so hard that the launch dragged its anchor more than four leagues along the coast. Returning from there the next day and
20
following the coast of the island, a small ensenada suitable for fragatas was discovered, from which a very large stream of water was seen coming down a ravine. Here water was taken, and here he remained two days until the wind calmed down. He then went to where there were more than thirty Spaniards who had been left dressing the fish where it had been found and they were taken _on board. The island is of broken land and measures about · twelve leagues in circumference. It trends northwest-southeast and is bare and the color of ashes. The northwest point is in 31 degrees 15 minutes. The water found is in the middle of the island, where all which may be necessary can be taken. All around the island the water is very deep, so much so, that you can come close to land, and at a little distance away from it bottom cannot be found [Wagner 1929:162]. After Cermefio' s brief encounter with the native inhabitants of the Channel Islands, there were several further Spanish contacts· prior to Sebastian Vizcaino's voyage in 1602. .§!m.
In 1598 a Manila galleon, the
Pedro, found itself in trouble off the California coast after
experiencing severe storms while crossing the Pacific Ocean.
The crew
attempted to beach the vessel on Santa Catalina Island, but the ship broke up and sank in shallow water. reached shore.
Most of the crew and passengers
They spent several months on the island before being
picked up by a ship sent from Mexico to search for them.
Interaction
between the native Gabrielino islanders and the shipwrecked Spaniards undoubtedly occurred, but the ship's log and the preserved accounts from two survivors do not shed much light on native culture (Muche The
1982).
wreck
location
has
been
identified
and
recently
investigated by underwater archaeologists (Muche 1977,1978,1981). The Spanish made two attempts to salvage the San Pedro's cargo, once
in
1601
and again 1603.
More interaction with the Island
21 Gabrielino occurred.
The Spanish attempted to use native divers in
the salvaging effort which resulted in the loss of lives (Muche 1982). Vizcaino's visit to Santa Catalina occurred between the two salvaging attempts.
As is noted in his diary, he was told of the galleon wreck
by Indians who inhabited the large native settlement at Isthmus Cove (Bolton 1963:85-86).
Vizcaino's Voyage
In contrast to the frustrating lack of documentation surviving from other visits,
the California voyage of Sebastian Vizcaino has
left us with ·ample records
of his discoveries.
missionary,
Ascenci6n,
Fr.
Antonio
de
by
the
Accounts by
the
cosmographer Martin
Palacios, and by Vizcaino himself are extant in the Archives of the Indies in Seville.
A composite description of the 1602 expedition
among the southern and northern Channel derived
from
portions
of
Islands
Vizcaino's . diary
Ascencion's narrative (Wagner
is
(Bolton
compiled here,
1963)
and Fr.
19~9):
[After travelling up the coast from San Diego] they saw a large island, almost twelve leagues away from the mainland, and went to inspect it. This was the day of the martyr Santa Catalina, and for this reason it was named "Santa Catalina." They anchored near it • • • • but before reaching it another very much larger island southwest of it was seen [San Clemente], but as this was somewhat distant, they left it to be explored on the return [Wagner 1929:235-236]. On the 27th of the month [November], and before casting anchor in a very good cove [Avalon harbor] which was found, a mul~itude of Indians came out in canoes of cedar and pine,
22
made of planks very well joined and calked, each one with eight oars and with fourteen or fifteen Indians, who looked like galley-slaves. They came alongside without the least fear and came on board our ships, mooring their own. They showed great pleasure at seeing us, telling us by signs that we must land, and guiding us like pilots to the anchorage. The general received them kindly and gave them some presents, especially to the boys [Bolton 1963:83] • •••• [They] had been fishing in some small well-made. canoes of board~ fastened together, with their poops and bows like barks. Some of these canoes were so large that they would hold more than twenty people. In the small ones there are ordinarily three when they go fishing, two men with their paddles and two-bladed oars, seated or on their knees, one in the stern and the other in the bow, and a boy between to throw out such water as the canoe might make. They paddle on one side and the other in such unison and concert that they go flying [Wagner 1929:236]. As the ships were approaching the Isla de Santa Catalina to cast anchor, the Indian inhabitants began to raise smokes on the beach, and when they saw they had anchored, the women, children, and old men began to shout and make demonstrations of joy in proof of their. happiness. . They came running to the beach to receive the guests who were arriving. As soon as the ships anchored and the sails were furled, the General ordered the Almirante to go ashore and take with him Father Antonio, Captain Peguero with some soldiers from the Capitana, and Captain Alarcon with twenty-four soldiers, all armed with harquebuses and with their matches lit, to see what the Indians wanted, what there was in the· island, and to bring back the information at once. When those who were with the Almirante landed, many old men, women, and children came up with much familiarity, friendship and affability, just as if they had seen Spaniards before [Wagner 1929:236]. Many Indians were on the beach, and the women treated us to roasted sardines and a small fruit like sweet potatoes [Bolton 1963:83]. Our people asked them by signs for water. They at once brought a rush barrel full of water, which was good, and said that the spring from which they took it was somewhat distant. With this news they returned to the ships to pass the night. The following day the General ordered a tent to
23
be set up on land in which Fathers Andres and Antonio should say mass, Father Tomas being now sick. Then all went to hear mass. On this occasion a great number of young Indians had assembled, well built and robust, all naked [Wagner 1929:236]. More than one hundred and fifty Indian men and women were present, and they marvelled not a little at seeing the altar and the image of our Lord Jesus crucified, and listened attentively to the saying of mass, asking by signs what it was about. They were told that it was about heaven, · whereat they marvelled more. When the divine service was ended the general went to their houses, where the women took him by the hand and led him inside, giving him some of the food which they had given before. He brought to the ship six Indian girls from eight to ten years old, whom their mothers willingly gave him, and he clothed them with chemises, petticoats, and necklaces, and sent them ashore. The rest of the women, seeing this, came with their daughters in canoes, asking for gifts. The result was that no one returned empty-hande.d. The people go dressed in seal skins, the women especially covering their loins, and their faces show them to be modest; but the men are thieves, for anything they saw unguarded they took. They are a people given to trade and traffic and are fond of barter, for in return for old clothes they would give the soldiers skins, shells, nets, thread, and very well twisted ropes, these in great quantities and resembling linen. They have dogs like those in Castile [Bolton 1963:84]. That the reader may have some relief, I shall refer here briefly to what was seen among these Indians and on this island. The methods these Indians employ in fishing is pleasing and easy. In the island there are many elder trees, which grow some long slender poles the Indians use for their fishing, as our people do harpoons. At the end of the pole they fasten a harpoon made of fishbone, and to this they tie firmly a long strong line like twine. Carrying these in their canoes, when they see in the bottom near the canoes some large fish or one of reasonable size, they strike them with these harpoons. When this is fast to the fish, they give it the line if it is a large one, and follow it, little by little nearing the beach» where they finish by killing it and drawing it on land. The small ones they at once raise into the canoe. With this artifice the Indians capture very large fish and many seals. The latter they
24
make use of for food and as a protection for their flesh when they suffer from cold, and the women cover themselves with them from the breasts down. These are well featured and well built, of countenance and eyes and modest in their looks and behaviour. The boys and girls are white and blonde, and all are affable and smiling. These Indians and those of the islands make use for their living quarters some houses made _like cabins. They cover these with a mat of rushes very closely woven, something like Moorish mats, which they set up on some great upright forked poles. They are so spacious that each will hold fifty people. I think that a family lives in each one. As the house~ are portable, they remove them to other places whenever it seems advisable. Neigher rain nor the sun penetrates them. The vessels and· pitchers in which they keep water are made of reeds. In the island there is a great quantity of something like potatoes, and small xicamas, which the Indians carry to the mainland to sell. They live by buying, selling and bartering. They showed us some pieces of blue metal with which they paint themselves ••• In this island and in those nearby there are many Indians and many settlements and houses like those described [Wagner 1929:236-237}. Thursday, the 28th of there was an eclipse of quarter past ten at night being entirely over at one the eastern edge.
the said month [November, 1602}, the moon, which commenced at a and ·lasted until twelve o'clock, o'clock; the eclipse commenced on
On the night of the eve of San Andres, the 29th of the said month, we set sail, for the Indians had told us by signs. that farther along on this same island they had their houses and there was food. On the day of San Andres, at four o'clock in the afternoon we arrived at the place which the Indians had designated, they piloting us in their canoes into the port [Isthmus Cove], which is all that could be desired as to convenience and security. On the beach there was a pueblo and more than three hundred Indians, men, women and- children. The general and Ensign Alarcon went ashore and inspected it. The next day the general and many of the rest of us went ashore. The Indian men and women embraced him and took him to their houses. These women have good features. The general gave them beads and regaled them, and they gave him prickly pears and a grain like the gofio of the Canary Islands, in some willow baskets very well made, and water in vessels resembling flasks, which were like rattan inside and very thickly varnished outside. They had
25
acorns and some very large skins, apparently of bears, with heavy fur, which they used for blankets. The general went inland to see the opposite coast. He found on the way a level prairie, very well cleared, .where the Indians were assembled to worship an idol which was there. It resembled a demon, having two horns, no head, a dog at its feet, and many children painted all around it. The Indians told the general not to go near it, but he approached it and saw the whole thing, and made a cross~ and placed the name of Jesus on the head of the demon, telling the Indians that that was good, and from .heaven, but that the idol was the devil. At this the Indians marvelled, and they will readily renounce it and receive our Holy Faith, for apparently they have good intellects and are friendly and desirous of our friendship [Bolton 1963:84-85]. The soldiers ran all over the island and in one part of it fell in with a place of worship or temple where the natives perform their sacrifices and adorations. This was a large flat patio and in one part of it, where they had what we would call an altar, there was a great circle all surrounded with feathers of various colors and shapes, which must come from the birds they sacrifice. Inside the circle there was a figure like a devil painted in various colors, in the way the Indians of New Spain are accustomed to paint them. At the sides of this were the sun and the moon. When the soldiers reached this place, inside the circle there were two large crows larger than ordinary ones, which flew away when they saw strangers, and alighted on some near-by rocks. One of the soldiers, seeing their size, aimed at them with his harquebus, and discharging it, killed them both. When the Indians saw this they began to weep and display great emotion. In my opinion, the Devil talked to them through these crows, because all the men and women hold them in great respect and fear. I saw with my own eyes some Indian women cleaning some fish on ·the beach for food and for themselves and their husbands and children. Some crows came up to them and took this out of their hands with their bills, while they remained quiet without speaking a word or frightening them away, and were astonished to see the Spaniards throw stones at them [Wagner 1929:237}. All around the island there are good ports and shelters in which any ships can anchor. In the sea there is a great quantity of fish, such as sardines, smelts, lobsters, center-fish, skate, and many others. There are partridges, quail, rabbits, hares, and deer. The Indians are affable
26
and friendly and eager to know what is going on, for when they saw some soldiers praying with their rosaries, they came up to them and asked for them in order to do the same, saying "Vis, vis," words they thought the soldiers were muttering. They are very light-fingered and clever, and in stealing anything and in putting it in safety are ingenious. If it were not for being prolix in this chapte~, I would relate here some of their transactions with us; I believe that ~bey beat the gypsies in cunning and dexterity [Wagner 1929:237-_238] .. The general returned to the pueblo, and an Indian woman brought him two pieces of figured China silk, in fragments, telling him that they had got them from people like ourselves, who had negroes; that they had come on the ship which was driven by a strong wind to the coast and wrecked, and that it was farther on. The general endeavored to take two or three Indians with him, that they ~ight tell him where the ship had been lost, prom~s~ng to give them clothes. The Indians consented and went with him to the captain's ship, but as we were weighing anchor preparatory to leaving the Indians said they wished to go ahead in their canoe, and that they did not wish to go aboard the ship, fearing that we would abduct them, and the general, in order not to excite them, said: ''Very well." We set sail, and on leaving the port and head-wind struck us, which prevented our going where· the Indians indicated; therefore we stood out to sea and the Indians returned to their pueblo ••• ·[Bolton 1963:85-86]. What has been related having passed, and all the island having been examined, the fleet sailed December 1, with the intention of examining other islands near by and sailing over to the mainland to continue inspecting and charting it. From this island a line of islands large, small and of medium size runs on four or six leagues apart. They are well settled with Indians who trade and communicate with each other and with those on the mainland •••• Between them and the mainland there is a very good and safe passage, so wide that in places it measures twelve leagues and at the least eight. This passage is named "La Canal de Santa Barbara" and extends from east to west. When those who came from China passed in view of these islands, they never thought them to be islands, because they were so close together, and therefore they kept away from them. We passed between them and the mainland as I have stated [Wagner
27
1929:239]. The next day the admiral's ship and frigate came up with us [from Santa Cruz Island] ••• On being asked what he had found on the island, Ensign Melendez said that there were many Indians, who had told him by signs .that upon it there were men who were bearded and clothed like ourselves. Thinking them to be Spaniards, he sent them a note, and eight Indians came to him in a canoe, bearded and clothed in skins of animals, but they could learn ·nothing more~ Accordingly the general ordered that we should continue our voyage without further delay, because our men were all becoming ill, leaving for the return any efforts to verify what the Indians of the island of Santa Catalina had told us by signs, for, as we could .not understand their language, all was.confusion and there was little certainty as to what they said [Bolton 1963:86]. ~~en the fleet was in sight of the mainland, and near one of the islands, which was named "Santa Barbara 11 [Anacapa] the first of the channel, a canoe came flying out from the mainland with four men propelling it. Aboard was an Indian with his son and other Indians who accompanied him, who gave us to understand that he was the king or lord of that country. This canoe came up to the Capitana, and with great assiduity and swiftness made three turns around it, all those on board singing in their language in the manner and the tone in which the Indians of New Spain sing in their mitotes, or dances. They then came up to the ship and the principal Indian or petty king, grasping the end of the rope which was passed to them, came aboard without any suspicion or fear whatever, and the first thing he did on entering the ship was to make another three turns around the waist, singing in the same tone. This ceremony being concluded, standing before the General and the rest, he commenced a long harangue in his language, of which we could understand not a word. Having finished this, he explained by intelligible signs that the people of the Isla de Santa Catalina had notified him by four posts in canoes that the ships had arrived there and that the people on board wore clothes and beards and were kind-hearted and of good demeanor, having entertained them and given them many things, and that he should come to see us. By reason of this news he had come there to offer his country and what entertainment he could supply if we wished to receive it. He begged and prayed us to come to the shore with the ship, saying that he would provide us with everything necessary
28
[Wagner 1929:239]. It was agreed that the Indians should depart, being given to understand by signs that next day we would go to their land; but such were the efforts of the Indians to get us to go to it that as a greater inducement he said he would give to each one of us ten women to sleep with. This Indian was so intelligent -that he appeared to be not a barbarian but a person of great understanding. We showed him lead, tin, and plates of silver. He sounded them with his finger and said that the silver was good but the others not. This Indian left, and the same evening the northwest wind freshed so well for us that we sailed more than fifteen leagues, but between islands and with no little anxiety and danger, since we knew not where we were going; and next morning we found ourselves hemmed in between islands and mainland. Tacking back and forward on the 4th of the said month [December, 1602] , we were struck by a heavy northwester, with a high sea, and were obliged to take off the bonnets and run with lower sails, so that we became separated from each other. At dawn the captain's ship was near an island [San Miguel] in the shelter of which it was calm. A canoe came out with two Indians and a small boy, their eyes being painted with a~~imony. They asked us to go to their land; however, there ~as such a heavy sea and the island presented so many shoals that we did not dare to go it, but veered out to sea, where we found the frigate. We made the usual signals to it and it came to us. When it came alongside it was agreed that we should go ahead of the frigate toward the island to see if there was any protection in which to take shelter from the wind. We did so, and on our going there the admiral's ship appeared and followed us. The launch went in between this island [San Miguel] and another [Santa Rosa] we following it; but it appeared to the chief pilot and pilots that it was not best to follow it, for many shoals and reefs were seen and the night was cpming on, with a high sea and wind, and that we should run the risk of being lost. Therefore the general gave orders to go outside, the frigate, which had already· gone between the two islands mentioned, remained. The next day the wind went down and we skirted the coast, although with great anxiety lest some accident had befallen the frigate, which remained behind and did not
29
appear a we continued our voyage, with a favorable wind, until the 12th of the said month, eve of the feast of San Lucia, when the frigate overtook us. This gave great pleasure especially because the ensign and the pilot said that they had gone into the interior of the said island and that there was a pueblo there with more than two hundred large houses in each one of which lived more than forty Indians; and that in the midst of it two poles were nailed together, with one above, like a gallows. More than twenty canoes came alongside the frigate, and because they were all alone they dared not stay there [Bolton 1963:88-90]. The derroteros (sailing directions) and charts resulting from Vizcaino's
voyage
indicate that
Vizcaino misunderstood Melendez's
remarks about the town with 200 houses.
This town was not situated on
any of the islands, but was on the mainland approximately ten leagues
east of Point Concepcion (Bolton 1963:89-90; Wagner 1929: ;238-241). Given its position relative to other landmarks, this very large town was
probably
Dos
Pueblos,
which
was
also
the
settlement occupied during the Mission Period.
largest
Chumash
Estimates of the
number of houses mentioned by members of Portola's 1769 expedition may be reconstructed at possibly 160 dwellings (Brown 1967 :25-28), not very far off Melendez's rough estimate of 200 in 1603.
The Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
After Vizcaino's voyage, the documentary evidence for European
contact with the Island Chumash is
sl~
indeed until 1769.
For more
than a century and a half prior to the land exploration of California, Spanish galleons would arrive off the coast on the return voyage from
30 the Philippines to Acapulco. In
1603
two
Very few records are extant.
derroteros
were
prepared
to
serve
as
sailing
directions along the California coast on the return voyages of the galleons. was
One derrotero which covered the Santa Barbara Channel coast
prepared
by
Geronimo
cosmographer under Viscaino. had been with Cermeno.
Martin
Palacios,
who
bad
served
as
The other was _by the pilot Bolanos who
Bolanos described the California coastline
southward from the Trinidad Head vicinity to San Clemente Is land. These instructions apparently remained in use well into the eighteenth century (Wagner 1929:382,435-438; 1937:112). Wagner's research indicated that only two seventeenth century sightings of the Channel Islands could be documented after 1603.
In
1605 the islands were seen by the Spiritu Santo and were mentioned in passing.
In 1697, Santa Catalina Island was rediscovered.
After 1600
the opinion became current that scurvy was an affliction associated with the northern latitudes. across the Pacific.
A change was ordered in the route taken
Ships were to sail no higher than 36 degrees
latitude and upon sighting driftwood were to sail southeast using Guadalupe Island as a landmark. without
sighting
the
Many voyages were apparently made
California
coastline
at
all
(Wagner
1937:94,114,139). It has been more than forty years since the publications of Wagner's and Schurz's extensive researches on early Spanish travel along the Pacific coast (Wagner 1929,1937; Schurz 1939).
During this
31 time,
archival
research
has
resulted
in
the
discovery
of
more
information regarding Spanish galleon visits to California (Muche 1982).
Most of this material has not been published, and the existing
data which has appeared in print occurs in various treasure-hunting books, a highly unreliable source (Coffman 1957; Potter 1972; Marx 1975).
Unfortunately the latter works have been uncritically used by
several authorities, leading to further confusion in the literature (e.g. Emery 1960; Hudson 1974; Mishuck and Stickel 1978). What
seems
clear
is .that
Spanish
galleons
did
arrive
California's shores more often than was suspected by Wagner.
off
However,
they would usually avoid coming close to shore, so that interaction with
nat~ve
Californians was rare.
Only if the ships were in trouble
or if water was needed would they attempt to land, and it appears that most of the watering stops were made along the northern California coast (Muche 1982). northern
Channel
One unintentional stop of a Manila galleon at the Islands
seventeenth centuries.
may have occurred
in the
sixteenth or
A shipwreck has been found on San Miguel
Island which may date from that time period, but conclusive evidence has yet to be presented (Hudson 1974; Muche 1982). The
Manila
galleons'
yearly
arrival
in
California
waters
apparently attracted some occasional pirate activity, which might resulted in a few European contacts with the Channel Islanders.
One
instance of a pirate attack on a galleon, the San Sebastian, took place off Santa Catalina Island in 1754.
Both vessels were sunk, and
32
the galleon's surviving crew and passengers returned to Acapulco in the ship's launch (Muche 1982; Coffman 1957; Potter 1972:464).
The Portola Expedition
Possible hints of Spanish galleon contact with the Island Chumash might also be indicated in the account of Fr. Juan Gonzalez Vizca!no who sailed on the San Antonio, one of the supply ships accompanying Portola's
expedition
in
1769.
Fr.
Vizcaino
made
some
brief
observations of t,he Island Chumash and noted the presence of glass trade beads. to them.
He also mentioned that some Spanish phrases were known
These evidences of Spanish contact may have resulted from
the visit of Manila galleons.
However, no specific mention was made
by the Indians of such contact, and in Costans6's journal of Portola's land expedition,
he states
that Spaniards or Spanish-acculturated
Indians had visited the Chumash from the east, probably from Arizona or New Mexico (Teggart 1911:25). Fr. Juan Vizcaino's dairy provides a very interesting description of the inhabitants of San Clemente Island.
The Gabrielino islanders
on San Clemente and Santa Catalina Islands interacted with the Island Chumash and possessed a highly similar culture. the
excerpt
description included.
from of
the
Father voyage
Vizcaino's
diary
among
the
all
The ship he was on, the
~
For this reason, in which
follows,
California
Islands
the is
Antonio, was to have met
33 Portola in San Diego harbor, but overshot its destination and thereby encountered the Channel Islands: 15th [March, 1769]. Drizzling about daybreak and not a little mist. An Island was seen [San Clemente]. We are going to turn the point jutting out to the left [China Point]. Heavy sea and cold. On the point of the Island which faces toward the East [Pyramid Head], with a hummock rising from the sea, we saw people who raised smoke, and upon passing parallel to the said point, of which there are two, with a bay or port, between them [Pyramid Cove 1, the other one tapering to a point, we could see the lights on the other side, but not a tree, only the grass was beginning to grow green. 16th. Another Island was sighted [Santa Catalina] in appearance does not seem much larger than the first one. We passed it in the morning, keeping it to the left, and the mainland (for which we had been looking) was· seen. It seems to be a barren land. Turning around a point to the west, the land is very low, and covered with white patches. At midnight until midday the weather remained calm, then the wind began to blow Southeast and in this wind we turned the point, in the morning we saw at a distance, a forbidding land, we were in 33 degrees and 12 minutes [Woodward
1959:7-9]. After
several
days
of
fighting
the
northwest
winds
the San
Antonio finally sought shelter off the east end of San Clemente. 19th [March 176 9] • Palm Sunday and the day of San Joseph, the ship continued to tack against the winds, and about midday, we found ourselves to leeward of the first Island which we had seen previously. The day overcast with fog so dense, that nothing was visible. The Island was glimpsed because the wind increased somewhat and revealed it.
20th. Holy Monday. We continued to lie by the first Island until about midday. Between the points of the -aforesaid cliffs it is like a bay, and sheltered from the wind on the north side. We saw the same Indians that first made the smoke, in two little canoes, one with three and the other with four Indians. They approached with some fear, but we treated them kindly, giving them a few articles of
34
clothing and some old rags. They gave us fish which they had harpooned. Then they left, but noting that we turned, they returned, and brought us some three more fish, and one ugly fish which looked like a toad. The Indians are well built. This second time they showed less fear •••• The members of the crew gave them some small rags, etc. At four in the afternoon, the wind started to blow and we tacked to seaward. Indians gave us of their possessions: two robes made of twisted skins held together with some fiber ropes of small cords, which it seems is their covering. It appears to be made of alternating black and brown strips of otter fur, thr-ee or four fingers wide, arranged vertically; and the cords have the fur twisted ins ide and out and these are fastened together with some small cords which look like hemp and are the co lor of the coconut husk. They gave me a cord strong enough to hold a fish hook, and having received it, I returned it. They understood us by signs. In the afternoon they returned but they were a different group, only two of them were those of the morning; and they arrived in three small canoes. In the third canoe there were six and a little boy. They gave us, as a sign of peace, a stick about a yard long, with a tassel of black feathers and some tufts of fiber of the color of coconut husk, tied to t~e pole, like a flag. They gave us some red fish, very good fish, and octopi. Some of the crew gave them some rags. They wished us well, and urged that we should return to_ see them, and they returned whence they had come. 21st. It was calm all night and the Island was half a league away to windward. Toward nine in the morning the wind began to blow from the Northwest, rather strongly and we-tacked outside, or toward the bay of the said Island •••• We returned to the bay apparently with the intention of casting anchor since they took soundings {25 fathoms). About twenty Indians returned in six canoes, and we gave them a few trifles. They brought us stones which they seem to value highly, such as rock crystal, and mineral stones containing lots of lead. It seems they burn this and make a black paint with which they decorate themselves. They also ··brought us red ochre which appears to be very good. I was fortunate in that in return for a few old rags, and a used snuff cloth which I gave them, I received three fish, which were sufficient to feed us for three days; there came aboard an old man who seemed to be of better disposition,
35
afterward two others, and tremblingly they spoke very fast, and they carry as arms, a kind of knives with wide stone points, hafted in little wide wooden handles, which they carry on the head. They have a quantity of fiber which looks like. very good hemp, and of the same color as the coconut husk, with which they make cords. they brought shells which appeared to be of mother-of-pearl of a gold green co lor. They know how to make cords as we do, which they use for fishing, the bay has good fishing, and the fish they caught, except for a few octopi, were red and of the same flavor as the Seabream, with stones in the bead as I noticed in those ~e ate. I noticed an old man who came in one of the canoes (who) told us by signs to come to his land and made signs with his hand that we should not go there (meaning the mainland) making signs of cutting off beads, and he kept on talking emphatically, warning us to beware, or something to that effect. We understood they had contact with the mainland. Their little canoes which at the most would hold seven men were made of planks of wood, about one f£nger thick, and in pieces sewed together and tarred on the outside. One of the Indians was ever bailing out the water that enters. Nevertheless they know how to handle them even in heavy seas, the oars are two pieces of wood and they stroke to one side, and the other, with much agility. They carry shafts with harpoon· points which they use in fishing_ Each harpoon has three barbs, although they also use fishhooks of cactus thorns twisted like hooks. They brought little roots, which have no flavor, resembling little onions or heads of garlic, they have two little heads joined together with skin the same as onions, but completely bare. 22nd. Holy Wednesday. A favorable wind began to blow in the morning and we followed the course betwen the two Islands, the distance of which is five leagues from the point looking toward the North to the other Island, which is said to be Santa Catarina, but in the afternoon the the wind turned against us, and we couldn't continue; we tacked outward; in the night the contrary wind increased •••• 23rd. Holy Thursday. Mass was said and eight persons received Communion, and my companion priest. The wind remained contrary o We could recognize the Island above-mentioned [Santa Catalina] by the portion of it, which looks toward the East. This part of the Is land is very accessible; there are some ravines, and particularly one very green one, and a flat place where there are Indians. In the afternoon they came up to us in two canoes with
36
signals of peace the same as the others. Signals were made asking if they had water, then they went away and brought back a bottle made of reeds tarred on the inside, from which we drank, and it is good. They gave us shells resembling the others. The Indians seemed agreeable, and all motioned us to come toward the land; no anchorage could be found; nevertheless we found shelter toward the middle of the Island which we desired to take as the wi~d was rising •••• 25th Saturday, with the same wind we are going to double the point. We went along a little and toward midday the Northeast wind dropped. In the afternoon a Northwest wind started to blow, and we are going to see if we can double the point. Because of the fog, we couldn't distinguish the landmarks of the Port. In the afternoon a canoe came to the ship, and in it were six young Indians - they gave us some cords and one little fish. They put up their hair and have only some cloaks like the other Indians; these are of Santa Catarina Island (the one divided on the west section making another Island) which was only distinguished by_ the one bay we saw in front of the above-mentioned point; it was about 4 to 6 leagues distant. 26th. Sunday of Resurrection. We remained all night midway from the Island of Santa Catarina (second Island) and the point of the bay of· San Simon y Judas [actually S~n Pedro]; at daybreak the wind dropped completely, and the calm lasted until four in the afternoon, when the Northwest wind arose •••• 29th. At five in the morning a favorable wind came up and lasted until midday, at which time it stopped. We sailed out of the bay •••• To the west we saw another of the same size [Santa Cruz Island] which forms one entrance, and another of lesser size. We observed that we were at 33 degrees and 47 minutes latitude. In this bay there are two small Islands [Anacapa], one low and the other somewhat higher, which lie near the point of the Island above described. And in-this bay there is also another Island to the south, smaller and apart from the others [Santa Barbara Island]. We cast anchor in a sheltered spot on the north side of the Island [Prisoners Harbor 1 determined to take on water, etc. The Indians came as before, and they signed to us there was water. The launch went ashore to reconnoitre, but as it was now nightfall, they did nothing.
37
30th. With 9 men I went ashore in the launch to get water from the Is land in front of us • I was in the first village with the Indians and (this is) what happened, etc. The Indian women (are) -very modest, even the girls. There was much undertow where we landed. Upon re-embarking in one of the Indian canoes, in which they took me to the launch, I wet my feet somewhat. Because of their affability and good manners, I believe they could be evangelized. Their houses and everything else I observed bears this out [Woodward 1959:18-23)]. Further details about Fr. Vizcaino's visit to the village of kaxas at Prisoners Harbor were provided by Fr. Francisco Pal6u in his Historical Memoirs of New California: At one of the is lands of the channe 1 of Santa Barbara which is populated with heathen, they took on water. As soon as the launch approached, the natives from the village near the beach came up and welcomed them with demonstrations of great joy, making them presents of fish which they had in great abundance, and joining in to help with the water, even the women. In return the Indians were given glass beads, which they greatly prized. The missionary fathers then decided to go ashore and visit the village. They were well received by the heathen and presented with fish, in· return for which the Indians were given some strings of beads. The watering finished, they returned to the ship, now late,. with the determination to set sail on the following morning. In the night it was remembered that they had forgotten their staff and left it at the village. They immediately gave it up as lost, on account of the cross that it carried for it was of iron, and it was known how the Indians coveted this metal. But they were so honest that at daybreak it was discovered that one of the little canoes of the island was coming to the ship, and that one of the heathen was carrying in his hand the staff with the holy cross. Climbing on board he delivered it to the father and after being rewarded returned to the island. For this reason it was called the Island of the Holy Cross (Santa Cruz), and as such it has been know ever since [Bolton 1926:17-18].
Continuing with Fr. Vizcaino's diary:
38
In the afternoon we set sail and departed, but a short distance after clearing the point of the Island, and about halfway between that point and the small Islands we encountered the Northwest wind and we turned back to cast anchor a short distance beyond the point where we had cleared the Island, to a sheltered place which faces the Northwest [Chinese Harbor]. At this point the sea, undercutting the Island shore, makes many caves and at the point of the Island there is an opening, like a bridge, in the rock through which daylight can be seen from the other side. We took observations and found ourselves in 33 degrees and SO minutes. 31. We stayed anchored all day, and notwithstanding our safe anchorage, the Northwest wind blew so strongly as to frighten us all day. It lasted until sunset. The night was calm until dawn. 1st of April. We ·weighed anchor ·and went to reconnoitre the mainland. The Indians came and brought fish which they gave us because I gave them a small handkerchief and a few rags which they value highly, but they did not wish to give until we bad given them something. They pronounced "to love God",. "God who created us", ''who is in Heaven", in order to indicate the facility they had in our language. They had glass beads which indicates that such came from overland, or from the nearest of the California Missions. These gave us clues (to contacts) etc. 2nd. We coasted in order to see if the Port .is where it seemed to be. With a good wind but with fogs we did not see how we would be able to see the coast. It seemed to be a good land, somewhat green and with clumps of trees. A canoe came alongside in a high sea; it took a turn around the ship and afterward two Indians came up, and gave us acorns resembling chestnuts pealed and dried; they gave us a kind of cutting implement with which they did their carving, giving us to undertand that we should give (them) machetes, etc. We passed the night lying to. 3rd. Monday. In the afternoon we encountered a contrary wind and we sailed to windward. There came two canoes of Indians, and they were pleasant; they spoke some words of our language and gave us some of the sardines which they used for bait, but these they gave one by one until they gave eight sardines, and we gave them maize.
39
4th. In the morning the wind calmed, and we saw two other large Is lands [Santa Rosa and San Miguel] and one small one [Prince Island? (at Cuyler Harbor)], which rises steeply from the sea. ·There are twelve Islands since the first one [including some islets]. All day it was almost calm. We are going to double the cape of the mainland. Seen on the summits of the mainland mountain ranges are various trees and patches of brush. In the afternoon, considering the fact that we do not see any signs of the Port [of San Diego], it is recognized, according to the account of Don Sebastian [Vizcaino] that it has been left behind and we know. we are off our course, so we start to turn back. We found ourselves at 34·degrees and 57 minutes of latitude, with a west wind, which favors our return. We are going back. 5th Toward midnight the wind dropped and we continued in a calm until after midday, and at noon the same wind began to blow, and we are sailing on. In the evening the wind continued to increase and there was a very thick fog. 6th We continued our course, somewhat between the Islands and the mainland. We saw the Island of Santa Barbara located at the beginning of the channel. As the day was cloudy, with fog, we couldn't see clearly the mainland •••• and by nightfall we were almost lying to. 7th We are on our course, sighting the Island of Santa Catarina en route to the Port of San Diego [Woodward 1959:23-271. After his supply ships met the land expedition in San Diego Bay, Portola travelled up the coast in order to reach Monterey Bay.
In
going and coming, observations were kept by several expedition members of the Chumash who inhabited the mainland coastal towns of the Santa Barbara Channel.
Several mentions of the Chumash islanders were also
made, although brief.
The diary of engineer Miguel Costans6 first
mentions the Channel Is lands on Sunday, August 6, · 1769, when the expedition was camped in the San Fernando Valley:
40
We rested to-day, and received innumerable visits from natives who came from various parts to see us. They had information of the appearance of the packets [supply ships] on the coast of the Canal de Santa ·Barbara. They drew on the ground the outline or map of the channel and its islands, tracing the course of our ships. They also told us that, in former times, there had come to their country bearded people, dressed and armed like ourselves, indicating that they had come from the east. One of the natives related that he had been as far as their lands, and had seen places or towns composed of large houses, and that each family occupie~ one- of its own [Teggart 1911:25]. On August 14, when the expedition arrived at the village of
shisholop at Ventura beach, the expedition members reported that: ·Some islanders from the Santa Barbara Channel, who happened to be in this town •••• told us that twelve canoes had gone to the islands to bring from there the people who wished to see us [Bolton 1927:160]. Crespi's original diary mentions that the islanders who visited them at shisholop were chiefs (Brown n.d.). On the return trip from Monterey in January, 1770, the weather was clear enough for the expedition's engineer, Costans6, to take a number of readings on the various islands from different positions between Point Arguello and Ventura.
His nomenclature for the various
islands was confused (see Tables 1 and 3), for in his diary he called Santa
Rosa
Island,
"Santa
Cruz,"
Barbara" (Teggart 1911:148-155).
and
Santa
Cruz
Island,
"Santa
But he also reported that "the
island of San Bernardo, in the language of the natives is called Thoa [tugan]; that of Santa Cruz is called Lotolic; that of Santa Barbara, Anajup ['anyapax] ."
Apparently he misidentified Santa Barbara Island
41 with both Santa Cruz and Anacapa islands.
Later he corrected the
names on his final maps of the California coastline (see Table 1).
In
his diary Costans6 included other names for the Anacapa group: Las Mesitas are small islands of moderate elevation above the sea, and level on top, to the west of La Falsa Vela 11 [ false sail," West Anacapa], another islet of greater elevation, which, the first time· we saw it, appeared to us to be a vessel [Teggart 1911:155}. After returning to San Diego, Portola set out once again to go to Monterey,
this
ttme
to
establish a
settlement
and mission
[San
Carlos], the second foundation after San Diego for Alta California. The
second
journey northward again brought
them along
the Santa
Barbara channel where additional observations were made.
Crespl.'s
journal entry for April 30,
1770 remarks
that when they reached
shisbolop at Ventura, they found the village almost empty.
The few
old men and women who remained told them that the other villagers had all gone to Santa Cruz Island with canoes (Piette 1947:114; Brown n.d.). The importance of shisholop as port for the islanders would seem to be indicated in these early explorers' accounts.
During the
Mission Period, a greater number of islanders went to San Buenaventura than to
the other
nearby missions.
Kinship
connections between
shisholop and villages on Santa Cruz Island were also fairly common, as indicated in the mission records (see Chapters 5 and 6).
TADLR 11
sva.tm 00 Ql' SPN'I. Rfl Ml.mtCIATI.mt-:: fflft 111R tDRl'lreRI 011\RG. t SIM~
-------~---
Source
Year
-----------cabc:ttlr>
1542
Ferree
\541
1\nrk e 11onea nnob
1S'i9
Palacios mps
\602
----------
--- ------------·----... -------·-San Mlque\ t stand ttlchar·i'lon lb::k --------------- .. -.---------------------
Santa Barblca leland
l\nacap.1 t sb009
Santa Cruz t stand
... Santa lbsa t slam
-
mt namel
San Lucas Cflcst encounter)
--
-
--_...
San Sebastian
San
San f..ucas
P.'l\IM
Conceoclon
t sla de Gente
San Amhrosto
San 1\n'lCleto
tsla de
-
San Gre)odo
Aan
Santa Cruz
San Betnacoo
-------
Santa B:lrbara
-·------~------------
-
Tte~
lslm
l'oseslon tuc.:~s
.Juan Jbic l')uP.z
0.1K03
0..-:ubas
Palacloo der:cot.er:o 1601 Coat:ans6 jOOt'IMl
Coetans6 map
--
-
-
-
\770
Santa Bad:eca
-
Santa Cr•az
San Mlque\
SM Oern::,rrbd
FataUon de tohosi
Santo Tc:mb
Santa Cruz
santa MarJ\ fooa.'l of the native name foe San t4lquel leland re:nr•1ed bf various mloslooarles. 'tootans6 awacently cnrafu'lot the n'ltlve wwe for: Anaca(lil wlth Santa Cruz lslam
~r•t apuarently •lstle 7 presents a comparative· orthography of island village names and their etymology as enthographically recorded at various times.
The unfamiliar handwriting of the Pico/Henshaw manuscript
occasionally misled later ethnographers.
Both Kroeber and Harrington
misread Pice's H as a K in Hichemen and his and in Silimihi.
is
as a
~
in the same name
By comparing with mission register versions, these
errors became apparent. report
~
The 1 inguist ic orthography as used in this
largely the same as, or only slightly corrected from,
Applegate (1975).
Village names in the quotations from the Harrington
notes have been standardized to this one consistent orthography. In general, linquistic orthography is to be preferred, since it renders the village names closer to their original Chumash forms than
92
Orthoqr~
Used in Ttlis Report
Pieo/Renshaw 1884
Xroeber 1925
t.ibrado/ Hardrqton 1913
Etyfti:J~
~25~
sanr-
kaxas
Jajas
Ha-ha's
Bahas
xaxas
•t:ne
nimatlala0
Nimatlal.a
Ni-mat-la'la
Nimalala
nimptlal.a
•center•
mashc:hal
MMhc:h hal
Ma:t-tc'~
Mashch.. al
maJtJat
d\'Hht:b
Ch,heshe
'l'o5-c:O*
Ch'ilsfQ
t.f'afa
l ..alale
t.,alale
Al-a..-1;
ttalalU
laltt
r a.lcayamu
t...ac:ayarau
en'ol.clsMsh
Ch,olcshustl
Tc!-ta--;
0
·'
.
Moles
SOJt/Dnolrmu'
,.J
/
P11rlsimo Viejo
I,.Q
·---·-.._r--,\
/'
........··1]-... -
-~~·~'~7~\~""..-
0
4
'-
(J) 3
.c
2
:J
1
E
z
0
10
20
30
40
60
60
70
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
160
180
170
180
Baptis·ms
Figure 4.
Distribution of Island Chumash Village Size Based on Number of Baptisms
190
200
109
relative size categories may be inferred from this distribution.
This
graph does not include islanders from whom village of origin was not recorded in the mission registers.
As was suggested elsewhere in this
report, most of the unspecified islanders were from Santa Rosa Island. If the islanders of unknown origin are distributed among Santa Rosa Island villages in proportion to the number of known baptisms from each,
the
five
clusters
appearing
in Figure 4 remain relatively
unchanged. Villages of the smallest size category {ten baptized persons or less) are interpreted as hamlets and may have contained only one, two, or three extended families.
Villages of the next size category,
represented by total baptisms between 25 and 35 persons, are termed small villages. baptisms.
Medium island villages ranged between 45 and 70
The four largest island villages may be divided into two
groups based on total number of baptisms.
The number of baptisms from
Cajats (kaxas), Liam (liyam), and Siucsiu (gshiwgshiw) ranged between 100 and 130, while the largest island village, Yshguagel (swaxil) was represented by over 200 baptisms.
The relative sizes of these four
largest villages do not differ from those derived from actual adult population counts provided by Fr. Estevan Tapis for 1804 (Tapis 1805; see Table 11 and the discussion below).
This independently supports
the reliability of the size categories indicated by Figure 4. With the relative sizes of island village established, the next step is to derive original population estimates for the islands prior
110
to missionization.
Table 11 represents an attempt in this direction
by using baptismal data to study the effect of introduced European diseases on the population of native islanders. benchmarks in this study.
Three dates serve as
In 17 82 Miss ion San Buenaventura and the
Santa Barbara ·Presidio were founded, representing the first Spanish colonial institutions established actual
adult
counts
in Chumash territory.
were· obtained
for
the
four
In 1804·
largest
settlements and an overall island population estimated.
island
The third
date, 1812, is just prior to the beginnings of the massive migration of islanders to the missions (see Figure 1).
This migration took
place in a short time, and consequently the counts of Island Chumash baptisms after 1812, excluding children born after that year, provide an approximate "census" of the 1812 population size (Table 11, Column
9). Tapis's 1804 estimate of Island Chumash population and census of adults from the four major island villages provide a useful reference point for population reconstruction (see Table 11, Column 1).
An
independent check on Tapis's estimate for the total island population is provided by the mission registers.
The baptismal totals from Table
8 are expressed as a percentage of Tapis's figures for 1804 (Table 11,
Column 2).
At first glance, Tapis might seem to have overestimated
the total island population since the percentage baptized from the total population is much less than the percentages baptized from the major villages.
However, he was counting only "adults" at the major
Ill
TABLE lh
tsLAHD POPULATION STATISTICS•
!!!! Statistics t. Taptsb
Percent
or 18o'
H1ss1on Converts Born Prior to 1?82
Population Baptized
tll5
140.0
262
51
19.5
124
1011.8
2211
30
13.11
122
95.1
220
112
19.1
120
84.2
217
30
13.8
1800
70.2
3252
537
16.5
2. Baptums as Percent
Population
swaxil aii\ilta
s..
). Estta&ted Population tor l?SZC
Census (tor 1804)
~.
oC 178Z
kaxas
adUI'ta liyu
&'diiiu qsbiwqshlv) Kirq 197$ ---------------------------
TABLB 16t QlltPAif.SCirJ C1t PRWta.J9 Nl"l'fMP'l'S '1.\:;) ti)Qfl'(fY VU.LAGB IJX!A'lt£m
--------
Hlatodc Vllla]e
llenshctw \884
kaxas
"Sl
MScbal
(Juo1n Bstebtn Plm) ~erto
~
S.I\."''I'A CHJIISI'.Nf)
.
_.....,
....,
Brown 1967
Prlsona:s llarboc
O.lnese llarbx
Chinese H:ub:Jr
Pc lsoneca llarbx
•En tUroocloo al oeste•
91u]qleca Cove
Pelican Bay
Pr lsooecs llar"llx
ca. Orbaba or Platt.. s Harbor
l"'alale
•Punta iel Olabto•
•just •· of Dlabto Polnt ts a C)CJO'i harboc 111 (~ya Uarborl
Diablo Point
Dlablo Point
Dhblo Polnt
l'"ak~Yn!
"Has a\ oeJte•
•tiles rot
between Profile Polnt owl We9t Point
not' tb
01. 11azard"a « CUma Valdez (lcx:atlon tentative)
--
Fotnev Cove
'Forney
Fornev
COlle
Cove
•in south of t ab.nd-
Christy
Christy
llarbJr
llarbor
prlnclpa\•
lt
cb'"oloshlsb
lf£n dlreoalon al
auOOMtet'
ts•
IU"'f Yif.!l' e
aide neo.r
We'Jt Point
!!!!!!!.
•r.n dlre:x:clon
Ux•
"Bn tUrex:lon al mte"
"the whole centS' or the inland" "whee e the ranCh now la•
c:."t.
nanawanl
"Mas al este•
ltanot»deiVdbs(Caftada Cena-11.) dh:s:tly
Cocbes Pdet:.c:.ls
Coches Pr 1etoe
srau:nt eca
Scorpion Uarhor at aouth of cc edc b( the beach
San Pedr:o Point (Bast Polntl
oa. 9-mqJla:a
Soorplon .1\nc:twJrage
•on south soore O{lPO!Ilte kaxas•, •The old p~le told r. that lt llitJht (X)Sslbly be Valley Anchoraqe•
&:x>rplon Ancoor&t)e
c'l. So0r9lon
aUt•
al
cbes mt krnt whee e•
t.il\lows
ca. Wll\CIIWS or: Alartm
Wl\lows Clocatlon tmtatlve)
CochesPrletoe (location) tentatlve) Cove
~lte
Rancho de Arrlba of Santa R::lsa 1.
.!!!!ill
•A. la pJnta del
lu"'upsb
"En dlrellon a1
este•
norte•
Ct:we
&1chorage
ca. Cavern Point
TABLB 171
