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Centre for General Studies College of Arts and Sciences Universiti Utara Malaysia (UUM) 06010 UUM Sintok Kedah. Tel: 04-9285581 Fax: 04-9285616 E-mail: [email protected] Website:http://iaha2014.uum.edu .my © 2014 Pusat Pengajian Umum All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission of Pusat Pengajian Umum, UUM CAS, Universiti Utara Malaysia.

ISBN 978-967-0474-93-9

Printed in Malaysia by UUM Press Universiti Utara Malaysia 06010 UUM Sintok Kedah Malaysia.

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TABLE OF CONTENT VOLUME 5

No.

Tittles/Authors

Pages

1.

Bahan Arkib: Pemeliharaan Warisan Budaya Dari Kini Hingga Ke Masa Hadapan

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Habibah Binti Ismail 2.

Penyerahan Pulau Pinang : Satu Pengkhianatan Inggeris Ke Atas Kedah

12

Hasim Bin Sa’ari 3.

Akta Pendidikan: Tinjauan Kesan Terhadap Pembangunan Dan Perpaduan Kaum

26

Khaliza Saidin 4.

Merekonstruksi Sejarah Pelancongan Malaysia: Kajian Awal

35

Od. M. Anwar Mohd. Zambri Jaafar Zulayti Bte Zakaria 5.

Bahasa Melayu Sebagai Bahasa Agama: Daripada Klasik Kepada Moden

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Munif Zarirruddin Fikri Bin Nordin Ismail Bin Yusoff 6.

Penerapan Nasionalisme Dalam Pendidikan Sejarah

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Noorhasliza Binti Mohd Nordin Mohd Mahzan Bin Awang 7.

Majlis Amanah Rakyat (Mara) : Peranan Dalam Pendidikan Masyarakat Melayu (1950-2000) Noorain Binti Ahmad Sahim Dr. Mohd Ali Seman

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8.

Penglibatan Belia Dalam Aktiviti Sukarela Yang Berunsur 113 Kenegaraan: Kajian Perbandingan Belia Malaysia Dan Belia China Noraini Binti Abdul Rahman Noorhasliza Binti Mohd Nordin Mohd Mahzan Bin Awang

9.

Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah (Kps) Dalam Kalangan Pelajar Universiti Di Malaysia Dan China

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Osman Muamat Shawani Zakaria Norila La Ulu, Mohd. Mahzan Awang Abdul Razaq Ahmad 10.

Nilai Patriotisme, Sikap Dan Kemahiran Komunikasi Sejarah Dalam Kalangan Pelajar Di Malaysia Dan China

141

Peter Ling Huo Hang Kokila A/P Senappan Noor Idayu Bt Md Nasir Mohd. Mahzan Awang Abdul Razaq Ahmad 11.

Sutan Puasa: Problematizing The Founding Of Kuala Lumpur

160

Abdur-Razzaq Lubis 12.

Religion And Belief Towards Human Development

185

Ahmed Yunus Elbahloul Muhammad Hussain 13.

Changing Circumstances And Strategies: A New Era Of Business In Newly Independent Indonesia

198

Frank Ochsendorf Mark Van De Water 14.

Mak Yong Stories: Myths, Legends Or Folk Tales? Ghulam-Sarwar Yousof

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230

15.

Change And Continuity –Preserving The Cultural Heritage Of Tibet In Era Of Diaspora

240

Karubaki Datta 16.

250

The Chulias Of Kedah And Penang Khoo Salma Nasution

17.

The Making Of Malaysian Heterogeneous Society And Theories Of The Origin Of Malays

272

Norliza Mohd Isa Ismawi Hj Zen 18.

288

Dol Ramli Tokoh Penyiaran Malaysia (Wira Yang Tidak Didendangkan) Rohani Hj. Ab Ghani Che Su Mustafa

19.

The Fall Of Malacca In 1511 Ad: A Comparative Study From Malay And Portuguese Sources.

298

Wan Ali Wan Mamat 20.

Islamic Resurgence And Nation Building In Malaysia: A Historical Overview

305

Rashidah Mamat Azlah Sham Rambely 20.

Oral History Association Of Malaysia And Oral History Programmes In Malaysia:Issues And Challenges Zahidi Dato’ Zainol Rashid

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PREFACE Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh Greetings and Salam 1Malaysia All praise be to the Almighty that the 23rd International Association of Historians of Asia Conference 2014 (IAHA 2014) has successfully convened at the TH Hotel & Convention Centre, Alor Setar, Kedah, Malaysia. The conference’s theme of Asia History, Historiography and Heritage: Managing Experience and Future accomodates twelve (12) subthemes encompassing History and Historiography, Politics, Business History, Societies in Asia, Heritage and Cultural Preservation, Education and The New Challenge of Historical Discipline, Architecture and Tourism in Asia, Biography, Religion and Belief, Literature, Colonialism and Civilization and Public History. Kedah, the venue of IAHA 2014, has her own uniqueness. With priceless historical values, it is appropriate for this state to be honorably titled as The Cradle of Malaysia History, not just for being the oldest Malay kingdom-sultanate of Malaysia but also for her civilizational heritage sites such as the Bujang Valley and the Kilim Geopark Langkawi. It is in the Bujang Valley that the oldest human-built monument ever recorded in Southeast Asia history has been discovered. Meanwhile in natural history, the Kilim Geopark of Langkawi has been dated to be in existence for more than 220 million years ago. Thus it is only befitting for this Geopark to be proclaimed by as the first UNESCOendorsed Geopark in Southeast Asia. To end this preface, the IAHA 2014 Secretariat are proud to congratulate and express warmest gratitude and thanks to the presenters, participants and to all individuals that has contributed directly as well as indirectly to the success of IAHA 2014. May IAHA 2014 be truly beneficial and successful to all of you. Panel of Editors: Zulhilmi Paidi Rohani Ab Ghani Solahuddin Abdul Hamid Syed Sultan Bee Packeer Mohamed Siti Alwaliyah Mansor Mohamad Faizal Abd Matalib

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BACKGROUND

The International Association of Historians of Asia (IAHA) was established in 1960 as a professional organization dedicated to promoting research on the history of Asia and the world. IAHA Conference has been held regularly since its inception in 1960. The latest IAHA Conference (IAHA 22) was hosted by Indonesia in 2012. In every two or three years, IAHA conference will be held to provide a platform for Asian and international historians to meet and share their knowledge. During the 22nd IAHA Conference in Solo, Indonesia, Malaysia has been chosen to host the next IAHA Conference. Kedah has been suggested as the location of IAHA 2014 and the organizing committee has decided that the conference will take place in Alor Setar from 23 to 27 August 2014. More than 300 academics and independent researchers from universities and organizations; local and international institutions are expected to participate in the IAHA Conference 2014. This conference will be organized by Universiti Utara Malaysia in collaboration with the Malaysian Historical Society (Persatuan Sejarah Malaysia PSM). In many ways, the IAHA Conference is unique in its scope, goals, and history. The conference laid the groundwork for a continuation of the effort to provide a platform for academics and consultants on the history, historiography and heritage in Asia. In this regard, this present conference is officially drafted as the 23rd IAHA conference. Significantly, the conference will also serve as a platform for discussion and debate about the challenges and the future of history, historiography and heritage in Asia in particular and in the world in general. Through international discussion, the delegations of 22nd IAHA in Solo, Indonesia has agreed to choose Alor Setar as the next location of IAHA conference. As Kedah is the oldest Malay traditional kingdom in this country, it seems that this location has much to gain from, and offer to the conference participants. Furthermore, Kedah Sultanate is the only power that proves the durability of the Malay sultanate since 1000 years ago. This aspect is perhaps one of the most prominent examples of the uniqueness of Kedah. In addition, the location is set to introduce to all participants the ‘heritage trails’ in the city of Alor Setar especially the heritage of the Kedah monarchy. At the same time, the glory of the Lembah Bujang civilization in Merbok, Kedah can also be experienced. Furthermore, Lembah Bujang is regarded as one of the main icons of Malaysia’s archeology, not only at national level but also around the world. Other than that, Kedah is commonly regarded as an attractive tourist location that has the distinction of being the "Rice Bowl of Malaysia". Therefore, the IAHA 23 conference would highlight the remarkable features, both of Lembah Bujang and Kedah to the international history scholars and researchers. Above all, the willingness of Universiti Utara Malaysia to host the IAHA 23 will bring a new dimension in the international academic development. We foresee considerable benefits from engaging this international conference by UUM especially in leading higher education Malaysia.

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BAHAN ARKIB: PEMELIHARAAN WARISAN BUDAYA DARI KINI HINGGA KE MASA HADAPAN Hajah Habibah binti Ismail Arkib Negara Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur [email protected]

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PENDAHULUAN

Bahan arkib adalah antara bahan warisan penting sebagai bahan rujukan dan penyelidikan yang unggul untuk tujuan penghasilan pensejarahan ketamadunansosiobudaya sesebuah negara bangsa. Bahanbahan ini mengandungi maklumat yang bernilai informatif dan bukti (evidential) yang sahih dan boleh dipertanggungjawabkan. Oleh itu, sudah menjadi tanggungjawab sesebuah institusi arkib memastikan bahan arkib dipelihara bermula daripada pewujudan sehingga menjadi simpanan kekal di sesebuah institusi Arkib. Untuk menjamin kelangsungan kandungan maklumat bahan arkib terus dapat dirujuk pada bila-bila masa oleh setiap lapisan masyarakat, maka proses penjagaan dan pemeliharaan bahan arkib amat dititik beratkan oleh sesebuah institusi arkib. Kaedah yang diamalkan adalah mengikut piawaian antarabangsa dan amalan terbaik dunia. Pada asasnya proses penjagaan dan pemeliharaan bahan arkib adalah denganmelaksanakan proses pemeliharaan pencegahan. Proses ini bertindak untuk mengurangkan proses kemerosotan ketahanan fizikal rekod. Tindakan yang diambil ialah dengan mengendalikan bahan arkib dengan baik, mengawal kebersihan kawasan simpanan, menstabilkan suhu dan kelembapan bandingan tempat simpanan, mencegah unsur-unsur vandalisma, bencana alam dan lain-lain lagi. Manakala rekod-rekod yang ketahanan fizikalnya amat rendah akan pulihara dengan kaedah awet dan jilid. Hasil daripada proses ini akan memberi kekuatan baru kepada fizikal rekod. Selain itu, kandungan rekod juga boleh dipelihara denganmenggunakan teknologi moden, iaitu dengan melalui proses pendigitalan dan migrasi data.

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BAHAN ARKIB

Bahan arkib ialah bahan-bahan yang mempunyai nilai kekal kepada organisasi, perniagaan dan kerajaan. Ia terdiri daripada bahan yang diwujudkan dan diterima oleh orang perseorangan, sesebuah keluarga, sesebuah organisasi awam atau persendirian dalam mengendalikan urusan mereka, kemudiannya dipelihara oleh sebab kandungan maklumatnya bernilai kekal, atau sebagai bukti fungsi dan tanggungjawab pewujudnya (Pearce Moses,R 2005). Akta Arkib Negara 2003 [Akta 629] memberi tafsiran bahawa bahan arkib adalah rekod yang dipelihara bagi nilai kebangsaan atau sejarahnya yang kekal dan lama bertahan atau kedua-duanya dapat 1

terkandung dalam sesuatu rekod, dan memerlukan penjagaan dan pemeliharaan maklumat yang terakam kandung dalam kedua-dua kategori ini. Rekod tersebut adalah terdiri daripada bahan dalam bentuk kertas, dokumen, bahan bercetak, bahan pandang dengar, rakaman bunyi, peta dan pelan, mikro grafik serta rekod elektronik. Justeru maklumat yang terakam dalam bahan arkib mempunyai nilai yang tinggi tentang pengalaman dan ilmu pengetahuan yang diwarisi oleh sesebuah masyarakat dan juga organisasi yang mewujudkannya. Maklumat ini saling berkait antara satu kumpulan dengan kumpulan rekod yang lain di mana akhirnya dapat memberi gambaran secara menyeluruh tentang nilai sesuatu budaya, ekonomi, dan sosial sesuatu masyarakat. Oleh itu, bahan arkib atau rekod adalah bahan bukti yang dapat memberi maklumat tentang kesatuan sesebuah masyarakat atau organisasi (Sue McKemmish, 1993). Ia satu memori yang hidup untuk sejarah masa sekarang dan juga menjadi kunci kepada memori yang kolektif untuk mempertahankan hak dan keistimewaan sebuah negara dan warganya (Terry Cook 1997). Alasan ini memberi justifikasi yang kukuh tentang keperluan penjagaan dan pemeliharaan bahan arkib.

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KEPERLUAN PENJAGAAN DAN PEMELIHARAAN BAHAN ARKIB

Bahan-bahan arkib bukan hanya memberi maklumat tentang perkara yang lepas tetapi adalah lebih bermakna untuk memahami tentang apa yang berlaku sekarang. Justeru penjagaan dan pemeliharaan adalah menjadi tanggungjawab utama sesebuah institusi arkib dan menjadi keutamaan dalam semua aktiviti pentadbiran arkib.Ini kerana institusi Arkib itu adalah tempat penyimpanan dan pemeliharaan memori masyarakat. Bahan-bahan arkib amat bernilai kepada masyarakat kerana bahan-bahan itu adalah sumber yang dipercayai kerana mempunyai nilai-nilaiberikut (International Council of Archive, www.ica.org):

i.

Sahih (authentic) Kesahihan ini bermaksud maklumat yang dirakamkan oleh seorang itu adalah pada waktu sebenarnya perkara itu didokumentasikan dan pada masa rekod itu perlu dihasilkan.

ii.

Boleh dipercayai (Reliable) Kandungan maklumat dalam sesebuah rekod adalah benar kerana ia memberi penjelasan sebenar tentang sesuatu perkara tersebut.

iii.

Utuh (integrity) Kandungan rekod yang dihasilkan sudah dapat memberi gambaran yang jelas dan lengkap tentang sesuatu perkara yang telah berlaku.

iv.

Boleh digunakan (usability) Bahan-bahan arkib boleh dirujuk bila-bila masa diperlukan.

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Justeru apa yang penting dalam konteks untuk memastikan bahan arkib itu sentiasa sahih dan boleh dipercayai, maka bahan-bahan itu perlu dipelihara dengan memahami hubungan antara bagaimana rekod itu dihasilkan, kenapa dan siapa pewujudnya, serta format dan kandungannya. Ini amat penting kerana bahan arkib itu boleh digunakan untukperkara-perkara berikut (Public Records Office Northen Ireland, www.proni.gov.uk) :

a. Mengetahui dan memahami sejarah Bahan arkib adalah sebahagian daripada sumber bukti yang boleh digunakan untuk mengetahui perkara yang terjadi di masa lampau atau menghasilkan sesuatu pensejarahan. Maklumat yang dirakamkan dalam sesuatu rekod perlu dianalisa dan dibuat keputusan tentang apa yang sebenarnya dimaklumkan oleh bahan bukti tersebut. Cara ini dapat membuktikan sesuatu perkara yang berlaku dengan benar dan tepat. b. Membantu memahami kewujudan kita sebagai individu, masyarakat dan negara bangsa Bahan arkib dapat memberi maklumat dan pengetahuan tentang rentetan perkaraperkara yang berkaitan dengan kewujudan sesebuah keluarga, masyarakat serta pembentukan sebuah negara bangsa. Selain itu bahan arkib juga dapat memberi maklumat tentang persekitaran geografi dan politik sesebuah negara. c. Sebagai bukti Arkib telah menjadi tempat penyimpanan bahan-bahan bukti untuk digunakan daripada aspek perundangan untuk mempertahankan hak dan kelayakan sama ada seorang atau sesebuah badan atau negara. Sebagai contoh :Bahan arkib sebagai bukti warisan  Hak milik tanah yang dikeluarkan oleh Pejabat Tanah contohnya membuktikan hak milik sesebuah tanah individu, syarikat atau organisasi.  Pendaftaran kelahiran, perkahwinan dan kematian adalah diperlukan untuk pelbagai kegunaan seperti urusan pasport, kewarganegaraan, pendidikan, perubatan dan sebagainya. d. Pendidikan dan pembelajaran Bahan arkib juga dapat merangsang dan memberi keterujaan kepada persekitaran pembelajaran tentang pelbagai bidang dalam kalangan pelajar sekolah, universiti dan juga pembelajaran secara berterusan. Maklumat daripada bahan arkib akan dapat memperkaya dan menambah baik semua peringkat pengajaran. e. Kepentingan individu Bahan arkib juga dapat dijadikan sebagai sumber maklumat untuk penyelidikan dan kajian bagi tujuan penghasilan filem, penerbitan buku, majalah, dekorasi dan salasilah keluarga. f. Menyumbang kepada kebertanggungjawaban kerajaan Sebahagian besar bahan arkib yang terdapat dalam simpanan sesebuah institusi arkib adalah terdiri daripada rekod-rekod kerajaan. Dalam sesebuah negara demokrasi rakyat 3

adalah berhak untuk merujuk kepada maklumat tentang aktiviti yang dijalankan oleh semua agensi kerajaan. Oleh itu, bahan-bahan arkib daripada sumber rasmi adalah dibenarkan untuk diakses oleh semua warganegara mengikut tempoh yang dibenarkan oleh kerajaan. Contoh di Arkib Negara Malaysia, bahan-bahan arkib yang terdiri daripada fail rasmi kerajaan hanya boleh diakses selepas 25 tahun ia diwujudkan. Manakala bahan terbitan dan audio visual boleh diakses selepas ia didaftarkan di dalam sistem pengkatalogan arkib.

4.0 STRAREGI PEMELIHARAAN DAN PENJAGAAN BAHAN ARKIB Pada amnya rata-rata institusi Arkib di dunia mengambil langkah-langkah yang seragam dalam menghalang berlakunya kemerosotan nilai fizikal dan kandungan bahan arkib daripada berlakunya kerosakan yang teruk sehingga tidak dapat dirujuk. Di samping itu, keselamatan rekod juga diberi keutamaan. Berikut ialah langkah-langkah yang standard diambil oleh semua institusi Arkib dalam melaksanakan strategi pemeliharaan dan penjagaan bahan arkib : 4.1 Tapak dan Bangunan(Ted Ling, 2000)

i.

Pemilihan tapak bangunan yang selamat  bangunan arkib hendaklah terletak di kawasan yang selamat daripada sebarang ancaman bahaya bencana alam seperti gelongsoran tanah, banjir, angin taufan, tsunami dan sebagainya. Pemilihan tapak ini perlu dilakukan dengan teliti dan terancang, serta perlu dibina konkrit.  Sebelum kerja-kerja pembinaan dijalankan, pemeriksaan tanah perlulah dilakukan supaya bebas daripada ancaman serangga terutama anai-anai  Kawasan sekitar juga tidak berdekatan dengan ladang, hutan dan semak samun. Ini mengelakkan berlaku kebakaran.  Tapak bangunan juga hendaklah jauh dari kawasan perkilangan untuk mengelakkan berlakunya pencemaran udara.  Seluruh kawasan perlu dikawal rapi dan di pagar untuk mengelak pencerobohan orang-orang yang tidak bertanggungjawab.  Sistem parit dan longkang hendaklah baik supaya air dapat disalirkan dengan baik untuk mengelakkan berlakunya banjir.

ii.

Bangunan  Bangunan hendaklah dibina berasaskan konkrit dan di sebelah bawahnya dipasang plastik untuk menghalang berlaku kelembapandi bahagian lantai.Dinding bangunan hendaklah menggunakan batu bata dan konkrit  Untuk mengurangkan impak haba kepanasan matahari, kedudukan bangunan hendaklah selari dengan perjalanan matahari iaitu

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 

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timur-barat. Seboleh-bolehnya kurangkan kawasan bangunan menghadap matahari jatuh sebelah petang. Secara idealnya bangunan menempatkan ruang penyimpanan bahan arkib hendaklah mempunyai bilangan tingkap yang sedikit. Bumbung bangunan hendaklah dibina secara mencuram sedikit supaya memudahkan air hujan mengalir dan tidak bertakung. Lantai hendaklah menggunakan plastik jenis vinyl dan penggunaan hamparan tidak digalakkan.

iii.

Alat penyaman udara Alat penyaman udara hendaklah dipasang untuk menstabilkan keadaan persekitaran terutama bagi negara-negara yang bercuaca panas.

iv.

Lampu Bangunan hendaklah menggunakan lampu kalimantang dan lampu kecemasan juga perlu disediakan. Semua lampu hendaklah dipasang penutup plastik untuk mengurangkan silau dan menyebarkan cahaya dengan serata. Di bahagian ruang penyimpanan bahan arkib lampu hendaklah sentiasa ditutup kecuali semasa pengesanan bahan untuk rujukan dilakukan.

Ruang dan Peralatan Simpanan Rekod yang Bersesuaian Penyediaan peralatan perlulah bersesuaian dengan jenis bahan kerana bahan arkib adalah kompleks dan memerlukan penjagaan dan pemeliharaan yang berbeza. Sebagai contoh penggunaan rak sama ada rak terbuka atau, diperbuat daripada kayu atau besi. Bahan-bahan dalam bentuk jilidan tebal memerlukan kekuatan rak yang berbeza berbanding rak menyimpan bahan terbitan yang nipis. Begitu juga dengan bekas penyimpan bahan perlulah bebas daripada asid dan tidak mengandungi bahan kimia yang tinggi. Persekitaran ruang penyimpanan seperti suhu dan kelembapan bandingan juga perlu distabilkan dengan menyediakan peralatan yang bersesuaian seperti dehumidifier dan alat penyukat suhu. Kestabilan persekitaran perlu dikawal setiap hari supaya suhu tidak melebihi 22°C dan kelembapan bandingan tidak melebihi ±55%. Walau bagaimana pun kesesuaian suhu dan kelembapan bandingan berbeza mengikut jenis bahan arkib berkenaan. Oleh itu, bahan arkib hendaklah disusun dan disimpan dalam kumpulan yang sama. Sebagai contoh, bahan-bahan dalam bentuk kertas tidak sesuai disimpan dalam ruang bahan audio visual kerana keperluan suhu untuk kertas tidak sama dengan bahan audio visual.

4.3

Polisi Pemeliharaan Adalah amat penting sesebuah institusi arkib atau mana-mana institusi yang bertanggungjawab menyimpan bahan arkib mempunyai polisi pemeliharaan. Strategi polisi hendaklah menyeluruh merangkumi kesemua aktiviti yang iaitu perolehan bahan,

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proses pemilihan dan pemisahan bahan, pemindahan bahan, pengurusan gedung atau repositori, akses, keselamatan bangunan, pengendalian bahan serta penyelidikan dan latihan. 4.4

Program Pengurusan Serangga Serangga seperti anai-anai, lipas, tikus, ulat buku, dan gegat adalah antara agen perosak yang boleh menyebabkan kemerosotan nilai dan ketahanan rekod. Oleh itu, setiap institusi arkib akan melaksanakan pengwasapan bahan arkib sebaik sahaja dipindahkan dari institusi pewujud atau orang persaorangan. Manakala program pengwasapan gedung simpanan rekod akan dilaksanakan secara berkala. Ini bertujuan untuk membunuh serangga daripada membiak dan memusnahkan rekod secara senyap. Setelah diwasap bahan-bahan arkib itu akan disimpan dan dikotakkan menggunakan kotak tanpa asid.

4.5

Pengurusan Koleksi Pengurusan koleksi merupakan asas dalam proses penjagaan dan pemeliharaan bahan arkib. Ia merangkumi semua aspek pengurusan bahan termasuk penyediaan klasifikasi rekod, Jadual Pelupusan Rekod , penentuan media yang digunakan khusus untuk rekodrekod elektronik, polisi dan prosedur perolehan dan pemindahan bahan, serta penyusunan dan pendeskripsian bahan. Oleh itu, tanggungjawab pemeliharaan ini wajar dikongsi oleh kedua-dua pihak iaitu pewujud dan seterusnya oleh agensi penyimpan.

4.6

Perubahan media Mengubah format dan media adalah di antara langkah-langkah yang diambil untuk memastikan salinan asal bahan arkib tidak susut nilai akibat daripada aktiviti rujukan dan pameran. Memandangkan bahan arkib semula jadinya agak kompleks dan terdiri daripada pelbagai format seperti kertas, audio visual, optical dics, kulit, buluh dan sebagainya maka kaedah mengubah bentuk dan media itu hendaklah bersesuaian dengan keadaan semula jadi bahan tersebut. Antara kaedah yang sering digunakan ialah dengan melaksanakan kaedah fotokopi, penghasilan mikrofom, migrasi data dan pendigitalan.

4.7

Pelan Tindakan Bencana Setiap pengurusan bahan arkib perlu disokong dengan Pelan Tindakan Bencana. Pelan ini disediakan untuk memberi panduan menangani masalah berlakunya bencana. Langkah ini amat penting untuk melindungi bahan arkib daripada rosak dan musnah akibat berlakunya bencana. Pelan ini merangkumi langkah-langkah pencegahan, persediaan menghadapi bencana, bertindak semasa berlaku bencana dan langkah-langkah pemuliharaan selepas berlaku bencana.

4.8

Latihan Secara Berterusan Latihan secara berterusan adalah faktor penting dalam memastikan pemeliharaan dan penjagaan bahan arkibdapat dilaksanakan denganjayanya.Individu yang menguruskan bahan arkib perlu diberi latihan asas tentang pengendalian dan pengurusan bahan arkib.

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Latihan ini perlu merangkumi semua elemen pengurusan bahan arkib termasuklah kaedah pengendalian, penstabilan persekitaran, kaedah menguruskan koleksi, ancaman musuh rekod dan pelan tindakan bencana.

5.0

CABARAN KEPADA PENJAGAAN DAN PEMELIHARAAN BAHAN ARKIB Bahan-bahan arkib adalah bahan-bahan yang telah berumur dan sebahagiannya amat uzur. Oleh itu menjadi satu cabaran kepada sesebuah institusi arkib itu untuk mengekalkan keutuhan bahan dan membolehkan bahan itu digunakan pada bila-bila masa. Ini adalah kerana kandungan pembuatan bahan arkib itu sendiri akan bertindak balas dengan keadaan persekitaran yang mana menyebabkan berlaku kemerosotan nilai bahan tersebut, contoh rapuh, kepudaran tulisan, koyak, patah dan sebagainya. Pada umumnya kerosakan bahan tersebut adalah berpunca daripada dua perkara berikut:

i.

Keadaan semula jadi yang diwarisi oleh bahan tersebut dalam proses penghasilannya. Ini berpunca daripada bahan kimia atau lain-lain komposisi yang digunakan semasa pembuatannya, contoh kertas. Asas kepada pembuatan kertas adalah terdiri daripada serat selulus seperti lignin, kanji atau damar. Bahan-bahan ini akan ditambah dengan bahan kimia seperti sodium hidroksid, sodium sulphate, magnesium dan sebagainya. Semasa merekodkan maklumat di atas kertas, bahan-bahan ini akan bercampur dengan komposisi kimia yang terdapat dalam dakwat pen atau karbon pensel. Gabungan bahan-bahan ini akhirnya akan bertindak balas dengan keadaan persekitaran seperti suhu, kelembapan, dan habuk di mana akhirnya mengakibatkan kemerosotan nilai yang mana menyebabkan bahan menjadi kuning, kepudaran tulisan, dan ketahanan serat yang menurun.

ii.

Kemerosotan nilai dan kerosakan fizikal bahan arkib juga disebabkan oleh agen ekstrinsik seperti beban tekanan, perbuatan jenayah, api, air, serangga, cahaya, pancaran ultra violet, suhu dan kelembapan yang tidak bersesuaian, tindakan manusia dan kelalaian semasa penyenggaraan.

Oleh kerana komposisi bahan-bahan yang terkandung dalam media bahan arkib amat sensitif dengan keadaan persekitaran, maka proses penjagaan dan pemeliharaannya telah menjadi agenda utama dalam penyelenggaraan bahan-bahan arkib daripada mula pewujudan rekod tersebut sehinggalah disimpan kekal di Arkib. Proses penjagaan dan pemeliharaan ini dilaksanakan secara berterusan dan berkekalan. Peringkat awal proses penjagaan dan pemeliharaan ini dinamakan sebagai pemeliharaan pencegahan dan pemuliharaan fizikal dilakukan sekiranya perlu fizikal rekod itu dibaikpulih. Kedua-dua proses ini saling berkait rapat dan dilaksanakan secara terancang. Sehubungan dengan ini Arkib Negara Malaysia menjalankan dua kategori program pemeliharaan iaitu:

i.Pemeliharaan Pencegahan American Institute for Coservationmenjelaskan pemeliharaan pencegahan adalah bermaksud “ The mitigation of deterioration and damage to cultural property 7

through the formulation and implementation of policies and procedures for the following: appropriate environmental conditions, handling and maintenance procedures for storage, exhibition, packing, transport, and use; intergrated pest management; emergency preparedness and response; and reformatting/duplication” (Brown, Karen E.K,, 1993). Oleh itu, pemeliharaan pencegahan ini adalah satu tindakan proaktif yang mana memfokuskan kepada tindakan meminimakan proses kemerosotan dan menghadkan penampakan kerosakan rekod berkenaan. (Harvey, Ross, 1993). ii.

Pemuliharaan fizikal rekod atau restorasi Proses inidilaksanakan sekiranya rekod-rekod berkenaan didapati rosak dengan teruk dan memerlukan perhatian yang serius secara persendirian oleh pakar pemuliharaan. Biasanya keutamaan diberikan kepada rekod yang telah berumur, rapuh dan kerap dirujuk oleh penyelidik. Aktiviti membaik pulih ini akan melibatkan proses pengenyahan asid dan restorasi secara tradisional atau pun menggunakan teknik salut mati.

Justeru untuk menghadapi cabaran dalam menguruskan program penjagaan dan pemeliharaan bahan arkib maka faktor-faktor berikut perlu diambil kira.

a. Kewangan Faktor kewangan adalah penting dalam usaha memastikan program dan aktiviti pemeliharaan dan penjagaan bahan arkib berjalan dengan lancar. Kewangan yang mencukupi adalah diperlukan untuk memperolehi bangunan yang sesuai dan menepati piawaian, penyediaan peralatan dan kemudahan penyimpanan, melaksanakan kerja-kerja penyenggaraan dan kawalan keselamatan bahan. b. Personel yang mahir Kerja-kerja pemeliharaan dan penjagaan bahan arkib amat memerlukan tenaga kerja yang mahir dan terlatih. Ini kerana bahan arkib adalah unik dan nadir yang mana memerlukan kepakaran dalam mengurus, mengendali dan memulihara. Selain itu, kaedah dan teknologi pemeliharaan dan penjagaan juga sentiasa berubah seiring dengan perkembangan teknologi moden. Oleh itu pelan latihan secara berterusan perlu dirangka untuk melengkapkan tenaga kerja dengan perubahan dari segi kaedah kerja dan penggunaan teknologi moden. c. Polisi, tatacara dan piawaian Polisi, tatacara dan piawaian dalam memelihara bahan-bahan arkib perlu disediakan untuk memberi garis panduan kepada pengurusan bahan. Ini adalah untuk memastikan kesinambungan dan keseragaman kaedah dan tatacara yang digunakan.

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d. Mengurangkan aktiviti rujukan ke atas salinan asal bahan arkib Salinan asal bahan arkib adalah dihadkan rujukannya. Oleh itu, bagi tujuan rujukan dan peragaan adalah wajar salinan pendua digunakan. Maka aktiviti mengubah format dan media bahan arkib sama ada dalam bentuk mikrofom atau digital atau fotokopi adalah penting yang mana akan dapat membantu mengurangkan masalah kemerosotan nilai bahan arkib tersebut. 6.0

PENUTUP Sebagai kesimpulannya pemeliharaan dan penjagaan bahan arkib amat penting dalam menentukan supaya maklumat yang direkodkan dapat digunakan semula untuk tujuan sama ada pembelajaran, pembuktian kuasa, hak dan kepentingan individu, pengembangan industri kreatif dan sebagainya. Walau bagaimana pun dalam melaksanakan program dan aktiviti pemeliharaan dan penjagaan rekod atau bahan arkib itu terpaksa menghadapi cabaran. Oleh itu, pemeliharaan dan penjagaan rekod memerlukan kesungguhan dan usaha yang konsisten. Pengurusannya adalah sama penting dengan lain-lain pengurusan yang mana perlu diberi keutamaan agar bahan-bahan arkib itu tidak uzur dimamah usia sehinggakan maklumat yang terkandung di dalamnya tidak dapat digunakan.

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BAHAN RUJUKAN 1. Akta Arkib Negara 2003 [Akta 629], Arkib Negara Malaysia 2003. 2. Bettington Jackie, Etherland Kim, Loo Rowena and Smith Clive, Keeping Archives 3rd Edition, Australian Society of Archivist Inc., Canberra, 2008. 3. Bradsher, James Gregory, Managing Archives and Archival Institutions,The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1988. 4. Brown,Karen E.K.,The Preservation Basics, http://www.nmrls.org/enha.ppt, 30/10/2010 5. Cook, Michael, Archives Administration: Manual for Intermediate and Smaller Organizational for Local Government,Rom Dowson & Sons Ltd.,Kent, 1977. 6. Forde Helen, Preserving Archives, Facet Publishing London, 2007. 7. Guide to Restoration of Documents, National Archives of IndiaNew Delhi, 1991.

8. International Council of Archive, www.ica.org 9. Jenkinson Hilary,A Manual of Archives Administration, Percy Lund, Humphries & Co. Ltd, Bedford Square, London 1966. 10. Lagrama, Eimee Rhea C., Preservation and Access:Achieving the Best of Both Worlds, http://www 11. Organisational Activities-Storage and http://www.dpconline.org/advise/preservationhandbook/organisationalactivities/storage...,30/10/2010

Preservation,

12. Plumbe Wilfred J.,The Preservation of Books in Tropical & Subtropical Countries, Oxford University Press, 1966. 13. Preservation Policy Library and Archives http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/presevation/003003-3210-e.html, 30/10/2010

Canada,

14. Public Records Office Northen Ireland, Why Do We Keep Archives,www.proni.gov.uk, 27/05/14 15. Randall Gregor Trinkaus,Protecting Your Collections: A Manual of Archival Security,The Society of American Archivists, Chicago, 1995. 16. Ted Ling, Archives Buildings on a Shoestring, ACARM Newsletter N0 23-26, 1999 -2000. 17. Terry Cook, What is Past is Prologue: A Historvof Archival Ideas Since 1898, and the Future Paradigm Shift, Archivaria 43 (Spring 97), Canada 1997.

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18. The 4th Regional Training Workshop on the Preservation of and Access to Documentary Heritage in Asia and the Pacific, Preservation and Utilization of Digital Heritage, CheongjuCity, 2009. 19. Wainwright, Eric,Culture and Cultural Memory: Challenges of an Electronic Era, Proceedings of the Second National Conference of the National Preservation Office Brisbane 28-30 November 1995, National Library of Australia, Canberra, 1996. 20. Weber Hartmut and Dorr Marianne, Digitization as a Method of Preservation?, European Commission on Preservation and Access, Amsterdam, 1997.

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PENYERAHAN PULAU PINANG : SATU PENGKHIANATAN INGGERIS KE ATAS KEDAH Hasim bin Sa’ari Institut Pendidikan Guru Kampus Darulaman Jitra, Kedah Darul Aman. [email protected] Abstrak Kertas Kerjaini akan memfokuskan perbincangan isu pengkhianatan Inggeris terhadap Kerajaan Kedah bermula dengantindakan menyerahkan Pulau Pinang. Tempoh masa di antara 1786 hingga 1826 dijadikan asas memandangkan bagi tempoh tersebut pelbagai kemelut yang menjadi isu diperbincangkan dalam kertas kerja ini.. Isu berkenaan penyerahan Pulau Pinangmenjadi fokus memandangkan peranan Inggerismelalui Francis Light mendapatkanhak untuk bertapak di Pulau Pinang seterusnya menjadi satu permulaan untuk pelbagai peristiwa yang menunjukkan pihak British akan melakukan apa sahaja demi mencapai matlamat yang lebih besar kemudiannya.Matlamat kertas kerjaini tidaklah sepenuhnya memperincikan susur galur setiap pengkhianatan yang dilakukan Inggeris tetapi hanya mengupas isu dan persoalan-persoalan bagaimana suatu bentuk hubungan persahabatan bertukar menjadi pengkhianatan yang sangat keji. Pulau Pinang adalah sebahagian negeri Kedah sebelum 1786. Seberang Perai sebelum 1800juga adalah sebahagian Kedah. Kemelut yang berpanjangan ini semakin meluas dengan termeterainya Perjanjian Burney dalam tahun 1826 memberi implikasi yang sangat besar terhadap Kerajaan Kedah. Kertas kerja ini menggunakan pendekatan historiografi. Sumber yang menjadi rujukan terdiri daripada sumber awalan iaitu manuskrip-manuskrip dan juga sumber sekunder iaitu tulisantulisan dan kajian awal yang menyentuh tentang topik ini. Kertas kerja ini menyimpulkan bahawa pengkhianatan Inggeris terhadap Kedah adalahamat tidak wajar dan membawa implikasi yang tragis bagi sebuah kerajaan berdaulat. Kata kunci: Kerajaan Kedah, Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris, Pulau Pinang, Francis Light, Seberang Perai Pengenalan “Sudah-lah gerangan nasib kekanda Janji suratan demikian ada Menanggong mashrol berganda-ganda Bagai kan bekah di-dalam dada Ya’ Allah tulonglah hamba Bermimpi bulan jatoh ka-riba

Sa-orang mahlok sangat haloba Bernang di-laut hendak di-chuba

Ya’ Rasulallah lihat-lah umat mu Pohon-kan penunjok jalan bertemu Berkat junjongan cherpu duli

Beri sufaat kurnia-kan ilmu Jangan kira-nya terkena semu Sekira apa-lah lepas kembali

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Berkaul kapada nabi dan wali

Utama jiwa ku pohon sekali”1

(Syair Duka Nestapa – Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin) Demikianlah rintihan sengsara Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin2, seorang Sultan yang terpaksa hidup dalam pembuangan sedangkan takhta sendiri telah dirampas. Bukan sahaja takhta , malah sebahagian negeri menjadi hak milik orang lain. Seterusnya dalam satu titahnya, “Akan Pulau Pinang ini pun tanah ayah beta, Paduka Marhum beri sewa akan kompeni Inggeris sebab inilah maka beta mau dating singgah di Pulau Pinang. Di dalam pada itu pun jika beta tiada boleh naik ke Pulau Pinang daripada dibawa beta pergi ke Melaka atawa Singapura seperti orang banduan, terlebih baiklah beta digantung atawa di aras dengan meriam pada kesi beta ini.”3 Kesengsaraan ini adalah bertitik tolak daripada jajah takluk Kesultanan Kedah yang semakin mengecil angkara pelbagai kemelut yang terpaksa dihadapi. Penyerahan Pulau Pinang kepada Inggeris menjadi puncak segala permasalahan yang seterusnya memberi kesan yang sangat mendalam terhadap takhta kesultanan dan negeri Kedah amnya. Sejarah awal negeri Kedah yang dianggap sebagai paling lama4 wujud mengatasi negeri-negeri lain di Tanah Melayu tercatat dalam banyak tulisan samada bersumber barat mahupun sumber tempatan. Tambahan pula dengan sifatnya sebagai kota pelabuhan pastinya sangat menarik perhatian pelbagai pihak.5 Kewujudan sebuah negeri Melayu mempunyai hubungkait dengan raja atau sultan. Tidak diketahui dengan tepat bilakah institusi raja wujud di Kedah kerana tidak ada sumber yang dapat mengesahkan perkara ini. Bagaimanapun tidak dapat dinafikan Kesultanan Kedah merupakan yang tertua dan paling lama hayatnya.6 Mengikut sumber Melayu, wilayah kedah berada pada zaman puncaknya semasa pemerintahan Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainul Azilin Muazzam Syah II 1710-1778/1122-1192H.7 Dikatakan wilayah kekuasaannya meliputi di sebelah utara dari Pulau Ujong Salang dan Mergui hingga di sebelah selatan melimpasi Lembah Kerian.8 Membayangkan keadaan ini sahaja menunjukkan Kesultanan Kedah begitu gah dan terkenal. Faktor ekonomi perdagangan yang melibatkan pihak luar menjana pendapatan negeri Kedah yang 1

Syair Duka Nestapa, hasil karangan Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin yang disalin semula dari manuskrip asal oleh Wan Ibrahim Wan Yahaya 2 Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin adalah Sultan Kedah yang ke-23. 3 Warkah bertarikh 26 Muharram 1252 Hijrah bersamaan 3 Mei 1837 (Selasa) adalah salah sepucuk warkah Diraja Kedah Darul Aman yang ditulis di atas keci (kapal kecil) di Pelabuhan Pulau Pinang. Penulisnya Sultan Ahmad Tajudddin Halim Shah II (1804-1845) ditujukan kepada rakan karibnya Thomas Beighton (Paderi Pulau Pinang). 4 “Kedah has the rightful and the unchallengeable claim to be the most ancient state in the Federation of Malaya”. Lihat seterusnya dalam Roland Braddel, ‘Most Ancient Kedah’,Malaya in History, Vol.IV, Pt. 1, Julai (1958) hal. 18 5 Ibid, hal. 19 6 Mohd. Isa Othman,’Pengalaman Kedah Perlis Zaman Penjajahan British, Kuala Lumpur : Utusan Publications & Distributors Sdn. Bhd., 2001, hal.6 7 Mior Ahmad Noor Mior Hamzah,’Ke Arah Pembentukan Sempadan Bersama’, Kertas kerja yang dibentangkan dalam Majlis Wacana Warisan : 100 Tahun Perjanjian Bangkok 1909, Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia, 12-13 Mei (2009),hal. 20 8 Ibid, hal. 20

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dianggap strategik dan mendapat perhatian pelbagai kuasa perdagangan. Justeru antara pihak yang turut dating berdagang ke Kedah adalah pihak Inggeris. Dikatakan perhubungan perdagangan di antara Inggeris dengan Kedah telah bermula sejak abad ke-16 lagi.9 Perhubungan yang pada mulanya hanya bersifat perdagangan ini secara beransur-ansur bertukar corak kepada imperialisme yang menjadi sifat pihak Eropah apabila melibatkan kepentingan untuk memonopoli mengikut hak masing-masing. Secara khusus, peluasan Eropah yang pada mulanya berbentuk perdagangan dan kemudiannya imperialisme telah mewujudkan beberapa perubahan penting di negeri Kedah, perubahan yang dilaksanakan oleh golongan pemerintah terutamanya.10Dengan hanya bertujuan untuk meminta bantuan atas kepentingan keselamatan Kerajaan Kedahyang tersepit dalam adu-tenaga Siam-Burma, akhirnya sedikit demi sedikit jajah takluk Kedah dipecah-pecahkan semata-mata berlakunya pengkhianatan11yang tidak terduga oleh pihak yang sangat diharapkan untuk membantu iaitu pihak Inggeris. Dan ianya sangat jelas sebermula daripada penyerahan Pulau Pinang kepada Inggeris pada tahun 1786. Latar Belakang Penyerahan Pulau Pinang Pengambilan Pulau Pinang oleh Francis Light pada 11 Ogos 1786 merupakan titik penting dalam catatan sejarah Negara ini kerana pengambilan ini menandakan bermulanya kemasukan kuasa British12 ke negeri-negeri Melayu.13Sebenarnya Pulau Pinang bukanlah nama yang penting sebelum 1786 sehinggalah Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Adilin Muazam Shah II mula menawarkan kawasan di perairan Kuala Kedah hingga ke Pulau Pinang kepada Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris pada November 1771.14 Tawaran yang sangat menarik ini pastinya tidak akan dipersiakan oleh pihak Inggeris yang amat memerlukan tapak untuk terus berkembang sebagai kuasa perdagangan yang unggul mengatasi saingan kuasa Eropah yang lain. Penyerahan Pulau Pinang kepada Inggeris pada dasarnya bukanlah penyerahan yang tidak ada timbal-baliknya. Segalanya bermula dengan kemelut dalaman di Istana Kedah. Sultan yang memerintah pada masa itu, Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Adilin Muazam Shah II telah bertambah tua, timbullah beberapa puak dalam Negeri Kedah menentang pemerintahan baginda terutama kerana baginda telah memilih dan melantik Tunku Abdullah sebagai bakal yang akan menggantikan baginda menjadi Sultan Kedah.15Penentangan yang sangat keras ini turut melibatkan pihak luar terutama orang-orang Bugis yang diminta bantuan oleh penentang-penentang Sultan. Kemuncaknya pada bulan Mac 1771, angkatan 9

Ahmad Jelani Halimi,’Surat-surat Perdagangan Kedah-Inggeris Pada Suku Akhir Abad ke-18,’ dalam Mahani Musa & Ahmad Jelani Halimi (Peny.). Warisan Mahawangsa Kedah, Alor Setar : Persatuan Sejarah Malaysia Cawangan Kedah, 2006, hal.13 10 Khoo Kay Jin,’Kedah di antara Imperialisme dan Kolonialisme : 1880-1909’,dalam Cheah Boon Kheng dan Abu Talib Ahmad (Peny.), Kolonialisme di Malaysia dan Negara-negara Lain, Petaling Jaya: Penerbit Fajar Bakti Sdn. Bhd., 1990, hal.179 11 Maksud pengkhianatan adalah perihal (perbuatan, tindak tanduk, dsb.) mengkhianati (berbuat khianat kepada mencelakakan, memperdaya, membelot terhadap, tidak setia kepada). Lihat dalam Kamus Dewan (Edisi Keempat), Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 2005. 12 British dalam artikel ini juga adalah merujuk kepada nama lain bagi pihak Inggeris. 13 Mahani Musa,’Sejarah Awal: Pulau Pinang Sebelum 1786’,dalam Muhammad Haji Salleh (Editor), Sejarah Awal Pulau Pinang, Pulau Pinang: Universiti Sains Malaysia, 2008, hal.19 14 Ibid, hal.19 15 Buyong Adil, Sejarah Kedah, Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1980, hal. 36

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perang orang-orang Bugis telah bergabung dengan orang-orang Kedah yang memusuhi Kerajaan Kedah lalu menyerang dan menawan kota di Kuala Kedah.16Seterusnya apabila Alor Setar jatuh ke tangan penentang, Sultan dibawa ke Kangar. Dalam menghadapi penentangan ini, Sultan Muhammad Jiwa telah mengirim surat kepada Gabenor Jeneral Kompeni Inggeris di Madras meminta Kompeni Inggeris menolong mengembalikan baginda semula ke atas takhta Kerajaan Kedah.17Utusan juga turut dihantar ke Aceh meminta bantuan kepada saudagar-saudagar Inggeris yang ada di Aceh. Utusan yang dihantar ke Aceh telah kembali bersama-sama dengan Kapten Francis Light18 Francis Light, yang pada waktu itu seorang country trader, bercita-cita memenuhi impian Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris dan kerajaan di Britain dengan berusaha mencari pengkalan yang strategik untuk perdagangan dengan China.19Kesempatan atas perundingan dengan Sultan Muhammad Jiwa ini juga pada hakikatnya adalah keghairahan Francis Light untuk kepentingan dirinya.20 Perkara ini boleh ditelah melalui surat-surat yang dikirimkannya kepada penguasanya.21 Jelas disini kemelut istana menjadi pendorong utama untuk permulaan pertapakan Inggeris. Tetapi bagi pihak Sultan Kedah pula berpendapat, Kedah perlu mewujudkan hubungan dengan pihak yang dilihat kuat pada waktu itu dalam usaha menjauhkan ancamanmusuh tradisi yang amat digeruni, Siam dan Burma.22 Pengaruh Burma atau Siam berkembang mengikut peredaran masa. Lebih-lebih lagi kedua-dua kerajaan ini saling berperang antara satu sama lain di kawasan sebelah utarayang menjadi sempadan mereka bersama. Persaingan adu-tenaga Siam-Burma telah mewujudkan suasana perlindungan-pertuanan antara kerajaan kecildengan dua kuasa tersebut. Disinilah Kedah terpaksa tunduk kepada tuntutan tersebut mengikut kepada mengikut kepada mana kuasa yang terkuat pada masa itu.23

16

Ibid, hal. 36 Ibid, hal. 37 18 Francis Light dilahirkan di Woodbridge, Suffolk, England. Mendapat pendidikan di Seckford's Grammar School. Memasuki angkatan laut ketika berusia 19 tahun. Tahun 1763 mula berkhidmat dengan firma Jourdain, Sullivan dan de Souza, Madras. Francis Light kemudiannya dilantik sebagai kapten yang berdagang dengan negeri-negeri Kepulauan Melayu. Untuk bacaan lihat Steuert, A.F., The Founders of Penang and Adelaide: a Short Sketch of the Lives of Francis and William Light , (London, 1901) Clodd, H.P., Malaya's First British Pioneer: the Life of Francis Light , (London, 1948). 19 Mahani Musa,’Sejarah Awal: Pulau Pinang Sebelum 1786’, 2008, hal.20 20 “There is remarkable resemblance between Francis Light and his greater successor, Sir Stamford Raffles. They were alike in their devotion to British interests, in their hatred of the Dutch, and in the liberal yet wise and firm manner in which they conducted their administration. Both had also a wide knowledge of Malayan languages and customs, and very great influence over the natives, the result of the respect and affection inspired by their firm but just and sympathetic attitude towards them. Light’s reputation has been much over-shadowed by the more brilliant attainments and greater service of the founder of Singapore…” lihat seterusnya dalam L.A. Mills, British Malaya 1824-67, MBRAS, Vol.33, 1960, hal. 36-37 21 Surat-surat yang bertarikh 18 Ogos 1771 dan 25 November 1771 yang dikirimkan oleh Light kepada firmanya di Madras. Lihat dalam Richard Winstedt, Notes on the History of Kedah, MBRAS, Vol. 14, Part. 3, 1986, hal. 179 22 Mahani Musa,’Sejarah Awal: Pulau Pinang Sebelum 1786’, hal. 20 23 Mior Ahmad Noor Mior Hamzah,’Ke Arah Pembentukan Sempadan Bersama’, , Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia, 12-13 Mei (2009),hal. 20 17

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Apabila Sultan Abdullah menaiki takhta menggantikan Sultan Muhammad Jiwa yang mangkat pada tahun 1778, Kerajaan Kedah semakin ditekan oleh pihak Siam tentang pertuanannya. Dalam masa yang sama pengaruh Burma juga masih perlu ditangani. Pada 31 Ogos 1785 Kapten Light datang ke negeri Kedah berjumpa Sultan Abdullah meminta baginda memberikan Pulau Pinang yang dalam perintah Kerajaan Kedah kepada Kompeni Inggeris.24 Kelicikan Light sangat terserlah dalam hal ini kerana mengambil sikap berlengah-lengah terhadap permintaan Sultan Abdullah untuk melindungi Kedah. Manakala bagi pihak Kedah pula tekanan semakin memuncak dari pihak Burma dan Siam. Dan tanpa menghiraukan syarat-syarat25 yang telah dikemukakan oleh Sultan Abdullah, Francis Light bagi pihak Syarikat Kompeni Hindia Timur Inggeris menduduki Pulau Pinang pada 11 Ogos 1786 dan bermulalah segala permasalahan kerana Pulau Pinang kini merupakan satu daripada koloni Inggeris. Peristiwa-peristiwa Pengkhianatan Pada dasarnya hubungan yang terjalin pada peringkat awal di antara pihak Inggeris dengan Kedah adalah semata-mata melibatkan perdagangan. Walaupun pihak Kedah memperakui pertuanan Siam tetapi persepsi tentang status hubungan jelas kabur. Kesultanan Kedah tetap dapat meneruskan pemerintahan dan berhubungan dengan pihak lain tanpa perlu merujuk terlebih kepada pihak Siam.26 Berhubung dengan pengkhianatan demi pengkhianatan yang dilakukan oleh pihak Inggeris, bukanlah sebenar-benarnya bermula tepat pada 1786 setelah penyerahan Pulau Pinang. Justeru, adalah wajar untuk diperjelaskan siri pengkhianatan ini telah bermula sebaik sahaja terjalin perhubungan di antara pihak Inggeris dan pihak Kedah semasa pemerintahan Sultan Muhammad Jiwa. Pengharapan untuk melepaskan belenggu cengkaman Siam dan Burma dengan meminta pertolongan pihak yang dilihat lebih kuat ternyata memakan diri dan memberi kesan yang sangat tragis bagi negeri Kedah dan kesultanannya. Pengkhianatan Inggeris jika boleh diterjemahkan sebegitu mula menunjukkan riaknya daripada peristiwa yang melibatkan Sultan Muhammad Jiwa yang sedang menghadapi kemelut perang saudara yang turut 24

Buyong Adil, Sejarah Kedah, 1980, hal. 40 Syarat-syarat Sultan Abdullah kepada Francis Light :

25

i. Kompeni Inggeris akan menjaga pantai laut Kedah. Sebarang musuh yang menyerang Sultan Kedah ialah musuh kepada Kompeni Inggeris dan perbelanjaan melawan musuh itu tertanggung Kepada Kompeni Inggeris. Syarat seterusnya lihat Buyong Adil, Sejarah Kedah, 2008, hal. 40-41. Ibrahim Ismail, Sejarah Kedah Sepintas Lalu, Jitra: Universiti Utara Malaysia, 1987, hal. 59-60 26 Walaupun negeri-negeri tersebut menjalinkan hubungan dengan Siam tetapi tidak terdapat pembahagian kuasa politik yang jelas antara negeri-negeri Melayu yang di bawah pertuanan Siam itu secara langsung atau tidak langsung dengan negeri-negeri Melayu yang lain. Bagi negeri-negeri Melayu Utara dan sultan mereka, penghantaran bunga mas dan perak ke Siam adalah untuk tujuan persahabatan dan diplomatik. Oleh itu, British menganggap negeri-negeri Melayu tersebut adalah negeri yang bebas dan merdeka daripada mana-mana kuasa asing. Dengan itu, pihak British berhasrat untuk menguasainya. Lihat Ho Hui Ling, ‘Ke Arah Perjanjian 10 Mac 1909’, Kertas Kerja yang dibentangkan dalam Majlis Wacana Warisan: 100 Tahun Perjanjian Bangkok 1909, Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia, 12-13 Mei (2009), hal. 5

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melibatkan orang-orang Bugis. Persubahatan27waris-waris dengan orang-orang Bugis begitu mengancam kedudukan sultan di atas takhta. Menghadapi keadaan ini Sultan Muhammad Jiwa telah menghantar utusan baginda yang diketuai oleh seorang wanita ke Aceh untuk menemui Kapten Francis Light yang membuka firma perdagangan di sana. Tujuannya untuk mendapatkan bantuan Inggeris bagi menamatkan pengaruh Bugis di Kedah dan mendapatkan kembali meriam dan lain-lain harta yang dirampas oleh Bugis dari Selangor.28 Pertapakan Inggeris bermula dengan perjanjian yang diperbuat di antara Sultan Muhammad Jiwa dengan Kapten Francis Light yang datng untuk membantu tetapi pada masa yang sama berharap mendapat kebenaran mendirikan loji perniagaannya di Kuala Kedah. Kapten Francis Light hakikatnya telah menghidu peluang yang ditawarkan oleh Sultan Muhammad Jiwa. Permintaan Sultan Muhammad Jiwa kepada Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris tidak mendapat jawapan yang pasti atas sebab-sebab yang hanya diketahui oleh mereka. Tetapi bagi Francis Light ini adalah tawaran yang sangat hebat dan tidak perlu dilepaskan. Keghairahan Francis Light dalam hal ini terserlah apabila terus memberikan sokongan kuat kepada surat peringatan kedua yang dihantar oleh pihak Sultan Muhammad Jiwa kepada Kompeni Inggeris untuk bertanyakan tentang status permintaan yang diutarakan terdahulu dengan memberikan gambaran yang tidak selari dengan apa yang sebenarnya berlaku di Kedah pada masa itu.29 Dalam perkembangan yang berkaitan, pihak berkuasa Madras melantik Edward Monckton untuk dihantar ke Kedah untuk berunding dengan Sultan. Namun dikatakan misi Monckton ditakdirkan gagal dari awal-awal lagi. Dia masih muda dan gagap serta pada mula-mula lagi dia memberikan tanggapan yang tidak baik kepada Sultan.30Keterangannya tentang misinya jelas agak keterlaluan, namun kedudukan Sultan yang tidak stabil dan pengaruh Francis Light menyebabkan Sultan bersetuju untuk menandatangani satu perjanjian dengan Monckton sebagai wakil Kompeni Inggeris.31 Dengan bantuan Light juga, Monckton memperolehi deraf perjanjian yang mengulangi permintaan Sultan untuk perikatan yang bersikap menentang.32Namun pendirian pihak berkuasa di Madras tidak berubah iaitu kekal hanya untuk bertahan. Apa yang tidak diketahui Sultan, Kompeni Inggeris tidak mahu memberi sebarang pertolongan kepada Sultan.33 Sangat jelas di sini ketidak jujuran pihak Inggeris dalam berurusan dengan pihak yang menganggap mereka sebagai sahabat. Sultan Muhammad Jiwa yang sebelum itu sempat pula 27

Persubahatan dirujuk kepada mekanisme kerjasama pensubahat-pensubahat tempatan dengan penjajah Wan Shamsudin Mohd.Yusof, Sejarah dan Perkembangan Kota Kuala Kedah: Menurut Kronologi Zaman Pemerintahan Sultan-sultan Kedah Darul Aman. Kertas Kerja tidak diterbitkan. 29 James F. Augustine, Kedah Zaman Silam, Alor Setar: Muzium Negeri Kedah Darul Aman, 1996,hal. 38 30 Ibid, hal. 39-40 31 Perjanjian Awal Kedah-Inggeris, Pada hari Ahad 19 April 1772 (16 Muharam 1186) Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Adilin Mu’adzam Shah, Sultan Kedah Darulaman yang ke-19 (1710-1778) telah membenarkan pihak Syarikat Inggeris India Timur melalui wakilnya Edward Monckton menduduki Kuala Bahang (Kuala Kedah) di kedua kawasan tebingnya hingga ke Batin. Mereka juga diberi kuasa mengenakan cukai ke atas perahu dan kapal asing yang masuk di Kuala Bahang dan Kuala Perlis.. Lihat Wan Shamsudin Mohd. Yusof, Perjanjian Awal Kedah-Inggeris, dalam Warta Darul Aman, Siri Bulan Ini Dalam Sejarah, April (1989) 32 James F. Augustine, Kedah Zaman Silam, 1996,hal. 40 33 Buyong Adil, Sejarah Kedah, 1980, hal. 31 28

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menawarkan kawasan di sepanjang perairan Kuala Kedah hingga ke Pulau Pinang akhirnya menyedari Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris tidak pernah berhasrat untuk memberikan bantuan.34Ini terutamanya apabila pada penghujung bulan Julai tahun 1772, Edward Monckton telah menerima surat perintah dari ketuanya di Madras. Kegagalan misi Edward Monckton terhurai apabila Sultan memansuhkan perjanjian awal yang dipersetujui akibat krisis peribadi antara mereka.35 Kegagalan misi Monckton tidak menjejaskan tujuan dan cita-cita Francis Light untuk mencari tapak mengembangkan pengaruh Inggeris. Pada tahun 1785, iaitu sewaktu pemerintahan Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Shah, suatu tawaran untuk memajakkan Pulau Pinang kepada Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris diperbaharui.36Sekali lagi apabila melihat akan motif disebalik perancangan ini jelas ianya tetap untuk mengambil kesempatan atas masalah yang dihadapi oleh Kerajaan Kedah yang menghadapi permasalahan dalaman dan luaran. Motif pengkhianatan lebih jelas terserlah dalam peristiwa penyerahan Pulau Pinang kepada Inggeris oleh Sultan Abdullah. Sultan Abdullah yang menggantikan ayahandanya Sultan Muhammad Jiwa jelas sangat tidak berpuas hati apabila pihak berkuasa Inggeris telah menolak untuk memberikan bantuan ketenteraan sekiranya Kedah diserang oleh Siam. Namun kelicikan37 Light dalam mempengaruhi Sultan Abdullah untuk mempercayai bahawa Syarikat dan Kerajaan British akan memberi bantuan ketenteraan telah menyebabkan Sultan Abdullah bersetuju untuk memajakkan Pulau Pinang dengan beberapa syarat yang ditetapkan.38 Pendudukan Francis Light di Pulau Pinang sebenarnya bersifat sementara.39Tiada sebarang perjanjian rasmi dibuat berhubung pendudukan sementara itu. Harapan masih disandarkan dan tanpa berputus asa, Sultan Abdullah mengharapkan pihak Inggeris terutama Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris memberi bantuan ketenteraan. Namun segalanya adalah pengkhianatan atas kepercayaan dan pengharapan kerana pada bulan Jun 1788, buat pertama kali, Sultan Abdullah menyedari Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris tidak pernah berhasrat untuk memberikan bantuan ketenteraan.40 Menyedari hakikat dikhianati dengan sikap Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris yang sangat jelik dalam berurusan, hubungan baik yang terjalin di antara Kedah dan Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris telah berubah. Sikap Francis Light sendiri sangat berubah kepada menunjukan sifat kolonialisme yang sangat ketara. Hubungan dengan Sultan Abdullah menjadi sangat renggang dan tidak menghadap Sultan walaupun dijemput untuk berbincang. Sedangkan ianya sangat berbeza sebelum itu. Oleh sebab Kompeni Inggeris tidak mahu memberi apa-apa bantuan kepada Kedah dan mereka masih juga menduduki Pulau Pinang, Sultan Abdullah pun menjalankan ikhtiar untuk mendapatkan pertolongan daripada mana-mana pihak bagi mengukuhkan pertahanan perang di negeri Kedah. Kalau boleh mereka hendak menghantar orang Inggeris keluar dari daerah kerajaan Kedah.41Pada awal tahun 34

Mahani Musa,’Sejarah Awal: Pulau Pinang Sebelum 1786’, hal. 21 Wan Shamsudin Mohd. Yusof, Perjanjian Awal Kedah-Inggeris, April (1989) 36 Mahani Musa,’Sejarah Awal: Pulau Pinang Sebelum 1786’, hal. 21 37 Kelicikan Light bersandarkan kebolehannya yang mampu bertutur dan menulis dalam bahasa Melayu. Ini pastinya sangat mengujakan pihak yang berurusan dengannya. 38 Lihat Buyong Adil, Sejarah Kedah, 1980, hal. 59-60 39 Mahani Musa,’Sejarah Awal: Pulau Pinang Sebelum 1786’, hal. 22 40 Ibid, hal. 22 41 Buyong Adil, Sejarah Kedah, 1980, hal. 59-60 35

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1790, Sultan Abdullah mengumpul kekuatan untuk merampaskan kembali Pulau Pinang. Tetapi dengan strategi yang silap menyebabkan pihak Francis Lightterlebih dahulu menyerang dan mengalahkan pihak Sultan Abdullah. Dalam menghadapi keadaan ini, Sultan Abdullah terpaksa menandatangani satu perjanjian yang memberi pengesahan undang-undang terhadap pengambilan Pulau Pinang pada 1 Mei 1791. Dengan ini terpisahlah satu daerah ketuanan Kedah dan hubungan yang terjalin juga berubah corak kepada antara kerajaan dengan kerajaan bukan lagi sebagai pajakan. Dan lebih menyedihkan lagi di pihak Sultan Abdullah ganti rugi yang dijanjikan sebelum ini diturunkan lagi dengan tidak munasabah.42 Dari segi adatnya, selepas kemangkatan Sultan Abdullah pastinya anakanda baginda akan mengambil alih takhta. Namun disebabkan Tunku Ahmad Tajuddin (Tunku Pangeran) masih kecil maka adinda Sultan Abdullah iaitu Tunku Dhiauddin diangkat menjadi pemangku Sultan Kedah yang kedua puluh satu bergelar Sultan Dhiauddin Mukarram Shah II (1798-1804).43Walaupun jangkamasa pemerintahannya boleh dikatakan singkat tetapi suatu peristiwa penting turut tercatat dalam lipatan sejarah. Keluasan Kedah semakin mengecil dengan penyerahan satu lagi daerah iaitu Seberang Perai di sebelah tanah besar yang bertentangan dengan Pulau Pinang. Pihak berkuasa Pulau Pinang melihat suatu keperluan yang sangat penting untuk mengawal sepenuhnya kedua-dua pantai selat untuk tujuan strategi.44Manakala dari segi kepentingan ekonomi, Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris sangat memerlukan kawasan luas yang dapat menampung keperluan penduduk Pulau Pinang dan tanpa bergantung kepada pihak lain terutamanya Kedah dari segi bekalan makanan.45Kompeni juga mahu menyekat pelabuhan Kuala Prai yang pesat berkembang menyaingi Pulau Pinang.46 Bagi pihak Sultan Dhaiuddin yang sedar akan kedudukannya hanya sebagai pemangku raja sahaja, terus berusaha dengan mengambil kesempatan dan sanggup berunding dengan Kompeni.47 R. Bonney (1974) mencatatkan perkara ini dengan mengatakan perjanjian ini akan mengiktiraf Sultan Dhiauddinsebagai Raja Kedah oleh Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris. Pastinya ini akan menaikkan taraf dan darjatnya di kalangan rakyat. Seterusnya dikatakan faktor yang tidak kurang pentingnya adalah dengan kedudukannya, baginda akan menerima geran tahunan yang berjumlah ribuan ringgit.48 Perundingan pengambilan Seberang Perai diusahakan oleh Leftenan Gabenor Pulau Pinang, Sir George Leith. Pada peringkat awalnya beliau menghantar wakilnya bernama Mr. Caunter untuk 42

Perjanjian damai yang ditandatangani pada 1 Mei 1791 akhirnya menamatkan tuntutan ganti rugi Sultan Abdullah yang kini terpaksa menerima 6,000 dolar Sepanyol, iaitu jauh lebih rendah daripada tawaran asal 10,000 dolar Sepanyol. Lihat lebih lanut dalam Mahani Musa,’Sejarah Awal: Pulau Pinang Sebelum 1786’, hal. 22 43

Buyong Adil, Sejarah Kedah, 1980, hal. 50 Mohd. Isa Othman, Hubungan Kedah-Pulau Pinang, Pulau Pinang: Universiti Sains Malaysia, Kertas kerja tidak diterbitkan. 45 Mahani Musa,’Sejarah Awal: Pulau Pinang Sebelum 1786’, hal. 22 46 Mohd. Isa Othman,Hubungan Kedah-Pulau Pinang, Pulau Pinang: Universiti Sains Malaysia, Kertas kerja tidak diterbitkan. 47 Ibid, 48 R. Bonney, Kedah 1771-1821 The Search for Security and Independence, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1974, hal. 109 44

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berunding dengan Sultan Dhiauddin. Walaupun pada mulanya beberapa menteri membantah tentang permohonan itu tetapi akhirnya mereka telah bersetuju. Maka pada hari Rabu 6 Jun 1800 (12 Muharram 1215H) termeterai perjanjian yang ditandatangani oleh Sultan Dhiauddin Mukarram Shah II bagi pihak Kerajaan Kedah dan Sir George Leith bagi pihak Kompeni Inggeris. Perjanjian sebanyak 14 Fasal itu merangkumi soal-soal subsidi tahunan, luas sempadan49, masalah hamba juga orang berhutang dan penjenayah yang lari di antara kedua-dua buah negeri itu.50 “Pada mukadimahnya ada disebutkan: “…dua buah negeri itu (Kedah dan Pulau Pinang) bersahabat di laut atau di darat selalu dan selagi adalah bergerak dan bercahaya matahari dan bulan.” Sementara pada akhir perjanjian itu ditegaskan bahawa, “Barangsiapa mungkir dan ubahkan barang suatunya janji dank ka(h)ul ini Tuhan Allah boleh hokum dan rosakkan dianya dan tiada boleh dapat baik di dalam dunia…”51 Dengan perjanjian ini seolah-olah negeri-negeri Perlis, Kedah dan Pulau Pinang tercantum menjadi sebuah negeri. Perjanjian ini telah diluluskan dan disahkan oleh Gabenor Jeneral yang bertugas dalam bulan November 1802. Sesuatu yang amat ketara dari perkembangan berkaitan perjanjian, harapan utama Kedah untuk mendapatkan perlindungan Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris sebenarnya hanya tinggal harapan sebelah pihak kerana Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggerisjika dirujuk kepada fasal 2 dalam perjanjian penyerahan Seberang Perai hanya berjanji untuk menjaga keselamatan “Province Wellesley” (Seberang Perai) bukannya Kedah.52 Maka pengkhianatan Inggeris terus berjalan dengan tanpa menunjukkan secara jelas kepada pihak Kedah. Jika diimbau sepintas lalu rentetan daripada penyerahan Seberang Perai kepada pihak Inggeris, ianya sangat mencemaskan suatu pihak yang sangat berkepentingan ke atas takhta Kesultanan Kedah. Tunku Ahmad Tajuddin (Tunku Pangeran) melihat bapa saudaranya Sultan Dhiauddin semakin cuba mengukuh kedudukannya pada takhta diraja Kedah. Baginda lalu berangkat ke Siam untuk mendapatkan bantuan. Lalu ia pun pergi berjumpa dengan Gabenor Singgora di antara tahun 1801-1802. Tindakan ini ialah sebagai saluran untuk menarik perhatian Kerajaan Bangkok.53 Rentetan daripada peristiwa ini

49

Pembentukan sempadan bermula dengan perluasan British Pulau Pinang (lepas ini disebut EIC sahaja) ke tanah besar di Seberang Perai. Mereka menamakan kawasan ini Province Wellesley. Lihat dalam Mior Ahmad Noor Mior Hamzah,’Ke Arah Pembentukan Sempadan Bersama’, 12-13 Mei (2009),hal. 22-23 50 Wan Shamsudin Mohd. Yusof, Seberang Perai Diduduki Inggeris, dalam Warta Darul Aman, Siri Bulan Ini Dalam Sejarah, Jun (1994) 51

Wan Shamsudin Mohd. Yusof, Seberang Perai Diduduki Inggeris, dalam Warta Darul Aman, Siri Bulan Ini Dalam Sejarah, Jun (1994) 52 Mahani Musa,’Sejarah Awal: Pulau Pinang Sebelum 1786’, hal. 48 53 Tunku Pangeran sungguh bernasib baik. Raja Rama I yang bernama Phra Putta Yot Fa Chulalok (Jeneral Chakkri 1782-1809), pengasas dinasti yang menubuhkan ibu negara di Bangkok, memang berhasrat untuk meluaskan pengaruhnya ke Kedah. Lebih-lebih lagi ia sendiri tidak berpuas hati di atas tindakan Tunku Dziauddin menyerahkan Seberang Perai kepada Inggeris. Lihat Ibrahim Ismail, Sejarah Kedah Sepintas Lalu, Jitra: Universiti Utara Malaysia, 1987, hal. 65

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akhirnya Tunku Ahmad Tajuddin (Tunku Pangeran) ditabalkan menjadi Sultan Kedahyang kedua puluh dua, bergelar Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Shah II (1803-1845).54 Setelah Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin ditabalkan menjadi Sultan Kedah dan askar-askar Siam yang ramai datang ke Kedah itu pun bertolak balik meninggalkan negeri Kedah.55Kemelut lama istana Kedah kembali berulang. Saudara-saudara Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin bangkit bertelingkah sesama sendiri. Di Pulau Pinang pula berlaku tukar ganti Leftenan Gabenor. Manakala di sebelah pihak Siam, meskipun mereka yang mengangkat Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin menjadi pemerintah, namun rasa curiga Siam dan cemburu Raja Ligor terhadap Sultan tidak pernah padam.56 Tekanan demi tekanan yang diterima oleh Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin memaksa beliau mempelbagaikan strategi dengan dasar yang bercampur-baur. Hubungan dengan Burma dijalinkan tetapi pada masa yang sama memperakui pertuanan Siam. Bantuan Inggeris tetap ditagih demi memastikan kelangsungan pemerintahan baginda. Namun rasa curiga pihak Siam semakin memuncak dengan terus memberi tekanan yang tidak mampu ditanggung oleh Sultan Kedah. Bagi menghadapi masalah ancaman Siam, Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin sekali lagi cuba mendapat perlindungan Inggeris dengan mengutuskan iparnya Tunku Long Putih, Tunku Ahmad, Maharaja Lela dan Seri Paduka Tuan ke Pulau Pinang untuk membuat rundingan. Sikap Inggeris yang tidak mahu campur tangan menggagalkan usaha ini. Lagipun Inggeris sedar pertelingkahan dengan Siam sangat merugikannya, terutama di saat-saat ia menghadapi masalah dengan Burma.57 Kemuncaknya adalah serangan Siam ke atas Kedah pada tahun 1821 dalam keadaan Kedah sangat tidak bersedia. Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin berjaya menyelamatkan diri dengan lari ke Pulau Pinang dan menerima suaka politik daripada pihak Inggeris. Dalam hal ini jelas sekali, pihak Inggeris sangat tidak mengenang budi dan menunjukkan sifat pengkhianatan yang sangat ketara. Memandangkan pihak Siam lebih kuat dan berwibawa, setiap permohonan dan permintaan Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin untuk membantunya akan dikesampingkan. Malah turut membantu pihak Siam mengekang kebangkitan dan perjuangan rakyat Kedah. Buat pertama kalinya dalam sejarah Kedah, sultannya terpaksa tinggal di luar negeri selama hampir 18 tahun.58Dalam konteks politiknya Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin, Sultan Kedah terpaksa berkelana

54

Merujuk kepada kenaikan Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin ke atas takhta: Pada bulan September tahun 1803, Raja Siam telah menghantar satu angkatan tentera Siam seramai 5,000 orang menghantar Tunku Ahmad Tajuddin balik ke negeri Kedah serta membawa surat perintah dari Raja Siam menyuruh Orang-orang Besar Kedah menabalkan Tunku Ahmad Tajuddin (Tunku Pangeran) menjadi Sultan Kedah, dan sepucuk surat lagi dari King Rama I memerintah Tunku Dhiauddin turun dari takhta kerajaan Kedah. Lihat dalam Buyong Adil, Sejarah Kedah, 1980, hal. 53 55 Ibid, hal. 53 56 Mior Ahmad Noor Mior Hamzah,’Ke Arah Pembentukan Sempadan Bersama’, 12-13 Mei (2009),hal. 24 57

Muhammad Isa Othman, Elite Politik dan Pentadbir Tradisional Kedah – Tinjauan Zaman Pemerintahan Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah II, Kertas kerja yang dibentangkan dalam Konvensyen Sejarah Negeri Kedah, Alor Setar: Wisma Negeri, 1981, hal.13 58 Shamsuddin Mohd Yusof, Kebangkitan rakyat Kedah di awal kurun ke-19 Tentang Penjajah, Berita Minggu, Kuala Lumpur: Berita Publishing & Distributor, 29 Jun (1986)

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dan mengemis di bumi sendiri. J. M. Gullick turut mengulas tentang hal ini dan menyatakan tentang Inggeris dan Siam seolah-olah bekerjasama menutup ruang-ruang bagi pemulihan kuasa Sultan.59 Namun terdapat sedikit usaha dari pihak Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris untuk membantu sultan mengembalikan takhtanya.60Tetapi kesan yang lebih buruk menanti Kedah dengan termeterainya Perjanjian Burney pada tahun 1826.61 Tidak ada seorang pun yang mewakili Kerajaan Kedah, sebaliknya perjanjian ini hanya melibatkan Henry Burney mewakili Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris dan pihak Siam. Walaupun pada peringkat awalnya terdapat halangan atas misi ini tetapi Henry Burney berjaya menandatangani perjanjian dengan Kerajaan Siam pada 20 Jun 1826 untuk membolehkan pihak Inggeris mengekalkan persahabatan dan perdagangan dengan Siam termasuk bekalan makanan yang diperolehi dari Kedah sebelum 1821. Salah satu syarat yang ditandatangani terutamanya yang terkandung dalam Artikel 13 yang berbunyi : "The Siamese engage to the English, that the Siamese shall remain in Quedah, and take proper care of that country and of its people; the inhabitants of Prince of Wales Island and of Quedah shall have trade and intercourse as heretofore; the Siamese shall levy no duty upon stock and provisions, such as cattle, buffaloes, poultry, fish, paddy, and rice, which the inhabitants of Prince of Wales Island, or ships, there,' may have occasion to purchase in Quedah, and the Siamese shall not farm the mouths of rives, or any streams in Quedah, but shall levy fair and proper import and export duties, The Siamese further engage, that when Chow Phya, of I,igor, returns from Bangkok, he shall release the slaves, personal servants, family and kindred, belonging to the former Governor of Quedah, and permit them to go and live wherever they please. The English engage to the Siamese that the English do not desire to take possesion of Quedah,'that they will not attack, or-disturb it, nor permit the foi'mer Governor of Quedah,.or any of his followers to attack, disturb, or injure in any manner, the territory of Quedah, or any other territory subject to Siam. The English engage that they will make arrangements for the former Governor of Quedah, to go and live in some other country, and not Prince.of Wales, England, or Prye, or in Perak, Selangore or any Burmese country. If the English do not let the former Governor of Quedah go and live in some other country as here engaged, the Siamese may continue to levy and export duty upon paddy and rice in Quedah. The English will not prevent any Siamese, Chinese, or other Asiatics at Prince of Wales Island, from.going to reside in Quedah if they desire it"62

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“There were doubts, as already stated, on whether it would be legal to remove the Sultan by force from one British settlement (Penang) to another (Malacca). It was known that he might move to Sumatra or some other nonBritish territory in order to launch an attack on Kedah from there. This would embarass British relations with Siam.” Lihat dalam J.M. Gullick, “Kedah 1821-1855-Years of Exile and Return”, JMBRAS, Vol. 56, pt. 2, 1983, hal. 41 60 Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris bertindak menghantar misinya untuk mengadakan rundingan dengan pihak berkuasa Siam di Bangkok diketuai John Crawford (1822) diikuti oleh Henry Burney (1825). Kedua-duanya gagal untuk mendapatkan persetujuan Siam bagi membenarkan Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin dikembalikan ke takhta semula.” Lihat Wan Shamsudin Mohd. Yusof, Perjanjian Burney 1826, dalam Warta Darul Aman, Siri Bulan Ini Dalam Sejarah, Jun (2001) 61 Tentang perjanjian ini boleh dirujuk kepada W. G. Maxwell & W.S. Gibson (ed.), Treaties and Engagements Affecting the Malay States and Borneo, Sulffolk Lane: Jas. Truscott & Son Ltd., 1924, hal. 77-82 62 T. J. Newbold, British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1971, hal.467468

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Sangat jelas di sini syarat di atas sangat merugi dan mengecewakan Kedah. Intipati dari Artikel 13 ini menyebabkan Sultan Kedah, Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin terpaksa menjadi pelarian dengan pengkhianatan Inggeris ini. Implikasi Pada dasarnya pengkhianatan Inggeris ke atas Kedah dari segala krisis dan kemelut yang terjadi ini hakikatnya meninggalkan implikasi yang amat ketara terutamanya kepada Kesultanan Kedah, pihak Inggeris dan pihak Siam sendiri. Bagi pihak Kedah kerugiannya sangat jelas. Wilayah-wilayahnya dipecahkan mengikut kehendak pihak Siam dan Inggeris. Setul, Perlis dan Kubang Pasu63 serta Pulau Pinang tidak lagi bertanggungjawab kepada Kedah tetapi terus kepada Siam dan Inggeris. Bagi pihak Inggeris, pendudukan ke atas Pulau Pinang menjadi titik tolak kepadanya untuk terus berkembang di Tanah Melayu melalui pelbagai cara. Manakala bagi pihak Siam pula pertuanannya ke atas negeri-negeri Melayu diperakui dengan penghormatan yang ditunjukkan oleh Inggeris. Kesimpulan Persoalan tetap timbul disebalik peristiwa penyerahan Pulau Pinang kepada Inggeris sama ada ianya sah mahupun sebaliknya. Tetapi hakikat yang paling nyata adalah amat jelas sekali Kedah dikhianati oleh kuasa yang sangat diharapkan untuk membantunya iaitu pihak Inggeris melalui Syarikat Hindia Timur Inggeris. Dipetikcatatan yang dinukilkan oleh sarjana Sharom Ahmat untuk renungan kita bersama: This whole experience taught both Siam and Kedah some very valuable lessons which to a large extent guided their policies for the rest of the 19th century. . Siam learnt that direct involvement in the internal affairs of Kedah would only bring about Malay resistance and this would be too costly to put down unless it obtained help from the British. But the British had made it clear that they were not willing to continue playing this role and in the context of European activity in the region in the late 19th century, Siam realized that she could not afford to alienate the British. The end result was the virtual independence of Kedah over the internal administration of the country. Kedah, for its parts learnt the futility of resistance against a more powerful country and the unhappy years of Siamese occupation made it decide that such an experience should not occur again. Hence, Kedah consciously strove to avoid any such recurrence and the result was a very stable, organized government which made it a model Malay state.64

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Kubang Pasu telah dikembalikan kepada kekuasaan Kedah apabila pihak Siam menganugerahkannya kepada Tunku Anom yang kemudian kembali bergabung dengan Kesultanan Kedah. 64 Sharom Ahmat, Kedah-Siam Relations, 1821-1905, The Journal of the Siamese Society, Jil.59, Bhg. 1, 1971, hal. 100

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RUJUKAN Ahmad Jelani Halimi,’Surat-surat Perdagangan Kedah-Inggeris Pada Suku Akhir Abad ke-18,’ dalam Mahani Musa & Ahmad Jelani Halimi (Peny.). Warisan Mahawangsa Kedah, Alor Setar : Persatuan Sejarah Malaysia Cawangan Kedah, 2006 Buyong Adil, Sejarah Kedah, Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1980 Clodd, H.P., Malaya's First British Pioneer: the Life of Francis Light , London, 1948 Ho Hui Ling, ‘Ke Arah Perjanjian 10 Mac 1909’, Kertas Kerja yang dibentangkan dalam Majlis Wacana Warisan: 100 Tahun Perjanjian Bangkok 1909, Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia, 12-13 Mei 2009 Ibrahim Ismail, Sejarah Kedah Sepintas Lalu, Jitra: Universiti Utara Malaysia, 1987 J.M. Gullick, “Kedah 1821-1855-Years of Exile and Return”, JMBRAS, Vol. 56, pt. 2, 1983 James F. Augustine, Kedah Zaman Silam, Alor Setar: Muzium Negeri Kedah Darul Aman, 1996 Kamus Dewan (Edisi Keempat), Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 2005. Khoo Kay Jin,’Kedah di antara Imperialisme dan Kolonialisme : 1880-1909’,dalam Cheah Boon Kheng dan Abu Talib Ahmad (Peny.), Kolonialisme di Malaysia dan Negara-negara Lain, Petaling Jaya: Penerbit Fajar Bakti Sdn. Bhd., 1990 L.A. Mills, British Malaya 1824-67, MBRAS, Vol.33, 1960 Mahani Musa,’Sejarah Awal: Pulau Pinang Sebelum 1786’,dalam Muhammad Haji Salleh (Editor), Sejarah Awal Pulau Pinang, Pulau Pinang: Universiti Sains Malaysia, 2008 Mior Ahmad Noor Mior Hamzah,’Ke Arah Pembentukan Sempadan Bersama’, Kertas kerja yang dibentangkan dalam Majlis Wacana Warisan : 100 Tahun Perjanjian Bangkok 1909, Kuala Lumpur: Arkib Negara Malaysia, 12-13 Mei 2009 Mohd. Isa Othman, Hubungan Kedah-Pulau Pinang, Pulau Pinang: Universiti Sains Malaysia, Kertas kerja tidak diterbitkan. Mohd. Isa Othman,’Pengalaman Kedah Perlis Zaman Penjajahan British, Kuala Lumpur : Utusan Publications & Distributors Sdn. Bhd., 2001) Muhammad Isa Othman, Elite Politik dan Pentadbir Tradisional Kedah – Tinjauan Zaman Pemerintahan Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah II, Kertas kerja yang dibentangkan dalam Konvensyen Sejarah Negeri Kedah, Alor Setar: Wisma Negeri, 1981 R. Bonney, Kedah 1771-1821 The Search for Security and Independence, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1974

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Richard Winstedt, Notes on the History of Kedah, MBRAS, Vol. 14, Part. 3, 1986 Roland Braddel, ‘Most Ancient Kedah’,Malaya in History, Vol.IV, Pt. 1, Julai 1958 Shamsuddin Mohd Yusof, Kebangkitan rakyat Kedah di awal kurun ke-19 Tentang Penjajah, Berita Minggu, Kuala Lumpur: Berita Publishing & Distributor, 29 Jun 1986 Sharom Ahmat, Kedah-Siam Relations, 1821-1905, The Journal of the Siamese Society, Jil.59, Bhg. 1, 1971 Steuert, A.F., The Founders of Penang and Adelaide: a Short Sketch of the Lives of Francis and William Light , London, 1901 Surat Menyurat Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Syair Duka Nestapa, hasil karangan Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin yang disalin semula dari manuskrip asal oleh Wan Ibrahim Wan Yahaya T. J. Newbold, British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1971 W. G. Maxwell & W.S. Gibson (ed.), Treaties and Engagements Affecting the Malay States and Borneo, Sulffolk Lane: Jas. Truscott & Son Ltd., 1924 Wan Shamsudin Mohd. Yusof, Perjanjian Awal Kedah-Inggeris, dalam Warta Darul Aman, Siri Bulan Ini Dalam Sejarah, April 1989 Wan Shamsudin Mohd. Yusof, Perjanjian Burney 1826, dalam Warta Darul Aman, Siri Bulan Ini Dalam Sejarah, Jun 2001 Wan Shamsudin Mohd. Yusof, Seberang Perai Diduduki Inggeris, dalam Warta Darul Aman, Siri Bulan Ini Dalam Sejarah, Jun 1994 Wan Shamsudin Mohd.Yusof, Sejarah dan Perkembangan Kota Kuala Kedah: Menurut Kronologi Zaman Pemerintahan Sultan-sultan Kedah Darul Aman. Kertas Kerja tidak diterbitkan.

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Akta Pendidikan: Tinjauan kesan Terhadap Pembangunan dan Perpaduan Kaum Khaliza Saidin [email protected] School of Education & Modern Languages Colleage of Arts and Sciences Universiti Utara Malaysia

Abstrak Objektif kajian ialah untuk meninjau sejauh manakah kewujudan akta pendidikan mampu mencapai objektif meningkatkan pembangunan negara dan perpaduan dikalangan rakyat.Kajian meninjau pengenalan Akta Pendididikan 1996 bagi menggantikan Akta Pelajaran 1961.Kajian dilakukan menerusi analisa dokumen serta kajian-kajian yang lalu berkaitan Akta pendidikan di Malaysia.Dapatan kajian mendapati pengenalan Akta Pendididikan 1996 mampu mencapai objektif pengenalannya dalam membangunkan negara menerusi pendidikan dan merapatkan hubungan diantara kaum.Walaubagaimanapun, dapatan kajian juga menemui isu-isu berkaitan yang menjadi cabaran kepada kejayaan Akta Pendididikan 1996.Kajian-kajian yang lebih bersifat emperikal harus lebih banyak dilakukan bagi menyokong hasrat kerajaan dalam memajukan negara dan memupuk perpaduan dikalangan rakyat menerusi pengenalan akta pendidikan.

Kata kunci: Akta Pendidikan, Pembangunan Negara; Perpaduan Pendahuluan Malaysia adalah sebuah negara yang unik kerana bukan sahaja mempunyai kepelbagaian rakyat yang bersifat majmuk, tetapi kemampuannya mewujudkan keharmonian dalam negara (Syed Othman Alhabshi, 2005) justeru dapat menumpukan usaha kearah kemajuan negara.Walaubagaimanpun, usaha pemupukan keharmonian menerusi sikap toleransi diantara kaum bukanlah sesuatu yang mudah dan singkat. Umumnya, sejak negara Malaysia mencapai kemerdekaan pada tahun 1957, usaha ke arah kemerdekaan telah pun mewujudkan sikap toleransi menerusi rundingan-rundingan diantara parti-parti politik berlainan kaum iaitu UMNO, MCA dan DAP dengan pihak British sehinggalah kemerdekaan diperolehi (Nadzan Haron & Rozeman Abu Hassan, 2010).

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Pembangunan Negara Pembangunan dan keamanan negara merupakan kunci kepada kesejahteraan rakyat dan negara. Salah satu aspek penting dalam membangunkan negara samada dari segi ekonomi ataupun sosial adalah menerusi pembangunan ekonomi yang baik dan berkesan serta kestabilan politik yang memerlukan rakyat yang bersatu padu, bertoleransi dan saling bantu membantu diantara satu sama lain (Syed Othman Alhabshi, 2005). Justeru itu, adalah tidak dapat dinafikan, dalam usaha Malaysia ingin membangunkan negara, terutama dalam menyahut cabaran menjadi sebuah negara maju menjelang tahun 2020, perlunya kita berusaha dalam membangunkan ekonomi negara standing dengan negaranegara maju yang lain dan dalam masa yang sama bagi mencapai hasrat tersebut, memerlukan kita untuk mengekalkan keharmonian di dalam negara. Pendidikan bermaksud satu usaha memperkembangkan pemikiran manusia secara bersistematik, tidak kira samada ia bersifat formal ataupun tidak formal. Ini bermakna, seseorang individu itu dikatakan mendapat pendidikan sekiranya telah melalui suatu proses tertentu bagi mengembangkan akal pemikiran dalam usaha mendapat ilmu pengetahuan dan kemahiran. Manakala, perpaduan pula merupakan satu unsur bersatu-padu diantara kaum yang mengamalkan satu sikap toleransi, harmoni serta kerjasama diantara pelbagai kaum. Harmoni di sini bermaksud tiadanya konflik fizikal dan kacau bilau (Abu Hassan Othman, 2005).Khusus merujuk kepada negara Malaysia, kepelbagaian bukan sahaja di antara pelbagai kaum, tetapi juga merujuk kepada kepelbagaian di dalam sesuatu kaum itu sendiri.Sebagi contoh, di kalangan kaum Melayu sendiri ada kepelbagaiannya seperti bangsa Banjar, Bugis, Jawa, Boyan, Minagkabau dan Arab serta India.Manakala bagi bangsa Cina sendiri juga mempunyai kepelbagaian kaum seperti Kantonis, Hokkien, Hakka dan Foo Chow (Syed Othman Alhabshi, 2005). Tragedi 13 Mei, 1969 merupakan satu titik hitam di dalam sejarah negara akibat berlakunya perselisihan kaum yang bukan sahaja menggangu aktiviti ekonomi Negara, bahkan meragut banyak nyawa yang tidak berdosa (Mohd. Taib Osman, 2003; Nadzan Haron & Rozeman Abu Hassan, 2010). Sehubungan dengan kejadian hitam tersebut, beberapa langkah drastik telah dilaksanakan oleh negara, diantaranya ialah menerusi pengenalan Dasar Pembangunan Negara bagi memperbaiki jurang ekonomi serta dasar dalam pendidikan bagi pemupukan keharmonian yang dimulakan sejak dari bangku persekolahan lagi.

Akta Pendidikan. Sistem pendidikan adalah salah satu alat dalam membantu negara mencapai kemajuan (Tikly& Barrett, 2011) dan dalam masa yang sama, sistem pendidikan juga merupakan satu proses pembudayaan dan pemasarakatan sesebuah negara yang menjadi tunjang bagi mewujudkan perpaduan di kalangan rakyat yang berbilang kaum (Nadzan Haron & Rozeman Abu Hassan, 2010; Zainal Kling, 2003). Sebelum negara mencapai kemerdekaan, para pemimpin negara sudahpun mempunyai kesedaran dan peka terhadap kepentingan sistem pendidikan bagi memenuhi hasrat dan keperluan Negara. Justeru, tidak dinafikan wujudnya Penyata Razak 1956 yang dijadikan input dalam penggubalan Ordinan Pelajaran 1957, diikuti oleh Laporan Rahman Talib pada tahun 1960 yang disusuli oleh Ordinan Pelajaran 1961 yang digunapakai. Walaupun dibuat kajian semula oleh Jawatankuasa Kabinet pada tahun 1974 terhadap perlaksanaannya, akan tetapi Ordinan Pelajaran terus digunapakai sehinggalah ia digantikan dengan Akta Pelajaran 1996 (INTAN, 1994).

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Bagi melaksanakan agenda kemajuan menerusi pendidikan, beberapa undang-undang digubal bagi memastikan tindakan-tindakan yang dilakukan samada diperingkat persekutuan, negeri, daerah dan sekolah menurut lunas-lunas undang-undang yang dibenarkan. Justeru itu, penggubalan akta sebagai panduan perundangan dalam memandu sistem pendidikan merupakan satu asas keperluan bagi membangunkan sesebuah negara dan Malaysia tidak terkecuali melalui permulaan pengenalan akta pendidikan pada tahun 1961 yang dikenali sebagai Ordinan Pelajaran 1961 atau juga dikenali sebagai Akta Pendidikan 1961. Kewujudan Akta serta dasar pendidikan bukan sahaja memperuntukkan undang-undang bagi membantu membangunkan negara, malah yang tidak kurang pentingnya adalah merupakan salah satu usaha kearah mewujudkan perpaduan di kalangan kaum di sesebuah Negara (Lee Lam Thye, 2005). Sebelum negara Malaysia mencapai kemerdekaan lagi pada 31 Ogos 1957, usaha-usaha memantapkan sistem pendidikan diberi penekanan utama oleh pihak penjajah dan juga pemimpin-pemimpin Negara seperti laporan yang terdapat di dalam Penyata Razak 1956 dan Laporan Rahman Talib pada tahun 1960 yang digunakan sebahagian asasnya bagi menggubal Ordinan Pelajaran 1961ataupun juga dikenali sebagai Akta pendidikan 1961. Diantara objektif penubuhan Akta tersebut ialah bagi meningkatkan kemajuan di dalam pembangunan negara seperti yang termaktub seperti di bawah iaitu;

Objektif kepada Akta Pelajaran 1961 adalah seperti berikut “ BAHAWASANYA dsar pelajaran seperti yang diistiharkan dalam Ordinan Pelajaran 1957 ialah untuk menubuhkan satu sistem pendidikan yang akan dapat memenuhi keperluan negara dan menggalakkan kebudayaan, sosial, ekonomi dan politiknya…. Akta Pendidikan 1996 merupakan kesinambungan daripada 1961 dari sudut dasar serta perlaksanaan, walau bagimanapun terdapat beberapa tambahan kepada akta sebelumnya. Walaubagaimanapun, penekanan terhadap pembangunan dan perpaduan tetap menjadi agenda utama. Penekanan Akta Pendidikan 1996 terhadap aspek pembangunan serta perpaaduan seperti yang dinyatakan di bawah;

“DAN BAHAWASANYA pendidikan mempunyai peranan penting dalam menjayakan wawasan negara demi untuk mencapai taraf negara maju sepenuhnya dan segi kemajuan ekonomi, keadilan sosial, dan kekuatan rohani, moral dan etika, ke arah mewujudkan suatu masyarakat yang bersatupadu, demokratik, liberal dan dinamik: “DAN BAHAWASANYA adalah menjadi suatu misi untuk menghasilkan sistem pendidikan yang bertaraf dunia dan segi kualiti bagi memperkembangkan potensi individu sepenuhnya dan mencapai aspirasi negara Malaysia…..

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Justeru itu, semenjak Akta Pendidkan 1961 diperkenalkan sehinggalah diganti oleh Akta Pendidikan 1996, hasrat dan cita-cita kedua-dua Akta berkenaan telah diaplikasi dalam beberapa cara ataupun melalui beberapa strategi diantaranya ialah dengan menjadikan Bahasa Kebangsaan iaitu Bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa pengantar yang utama di sekolah-sekolah Rendah Bantuan Kerajaan dan Menengah Bantuan Kerajaan; manakala Bahasa Inggeris pula dijadikan sebagai mata pelajaran wajib diajar. Adalah dipercayai identiti Melayu mampu merapatkan hubungan diantara kaum yang dikenali sebagai proses asimilasi. Contohnya menerusi penggunaan Bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa pengantar yang wajib diajarkan diajarkan di semua sekolah adalah merupakan satu cara penyatuan dilakukan bagi masyarakat pelbagai kaum seperti Melayu, Cina, India & lain-lain bangsa Nadzan Haron & Rozeman Abu Hassan. (2010). Justeru itu, Bahasa Melayu telah dipilih sebagai bahasa pengantar utama di semua sekolah seluruh negara. Bagi menghormati dan mengamalkan sistem toleransi, bahasa-bahasa ibunda lain dibenarkan diajar di sekolah-sekolah tersebut.Menerusi Akta Pelajaran 1961 dan 1996, penggunaan Bahasa Melayu telah diwajibkan untuk digunakan sebagai bahasa pengantar utama di sekolah. Strategi ini adalah diharapkan akan dapat memupuk semangat perpaduan dikalangan rakyat menerusi satu bahasa yang sama. Manakala, sekolah-sekolah Rendah Jenis Kebangsaan dibenarkan menggunakan bahasa ibunda, sehinggalah ke peringkat Menengah barulah Bahasa Melayu diwajibkan.Kedua-dua Akta berkaitan juga membenarkan diajar subjek mata pelajaran ibunda jika terdapat permintaan melebihi daripada 15 orang waris dan jika didapati keperluan bagi mengadakannya. Dapat dikatakan bahawa, peruntukan perundangan yang jelas dan membantu memandu negara dalam menekankan aspek perpaduan dijelaskan menerusi penggunaan bahasa pengantar yang sama dapat memupuk persefahaman dan interaksi sesama rakyat yang dipupuk sejak dari bangku persekolahan lagi. Seterusnya, menerusi Akta Pendidikan 1961 juga telah mewajibkan semua sekolah di seluruh negara menggunakan Kurikulum Kebangsaan yang sama bagi semua jenis sekolah;berbeza dengan sebelum negara mencapai kemerdekaan dimana kebanyakkan sekolah-sekolah Cina dan Tamil menggunakan kurikulum daripada negara asal mereka. Justeru itu, penggunaan Kurikulum Kebangsaan diseluruh negara memastikan setiap sekolah menggunakan kurikulum yang sama, iaitu sukatan pelajaran yang sama bagi setiap murid, dimana mereka akan belajar mata pelajaran yang sama di seluruh negara. Kalau sebelum itu, iaitu di dalam Akta Pendidikan 1961, terdapat tiga aspek iaitu pendidikan di peringkat rendah, pendidikan di peringkat menengah dan pendidikan tinggi berhasrat bagi memastikan semua rakyat Malaysia menggunakan sukatan pelajaran yang sama dan berpeluang melanjutkan pelajaran di peringkat tinggi. Usaha ini dapat menghasilkan membangunkan Negara dengan melahirkan modal insan bagi membentuk generasi akan dating. Dalam masa yang sama, penggunaan sukatan ini dapat membentuk perpaduan di kalangan rakyat yang diberi peluang sama rata untuk melanjutkan pelajaran sehingga ke menara gading menerusi sukatan dpelajaran yang diseragamkan. Walaupun, terdapat beberapa pembaharuan di dalam Akta Pendidikan 1996 yang memasukkan tiga aspek baru di dalam Kurikulum Kebangsaan iaitu Pendidikan khas, Pendidikan Pra Sekolah dan Pendidikan selepas menengah. Hasrat yang sama terlihat dalam usaha negara mencapai status negara maju dalam pertambahan aspekaspek berkaitan bermula daripada peringkat yang paling bawah sekali iaitu di peringkat pra dan memberi peluang yang sama rata bagi golongan yang tidak berpeluang ke institusi pengajian tinggi menerusi program-program selepas menengah seperti mewujudkan kolej komuniti dan menganjurkan kursuskursus di peringkat sijil dan diploma oleh badan-badan kerajaan dan swasta. Adalah diharapkan bukan sahaja negara Malaysia mempunyai rakyat yang professional tetapi juga berkemahiran tinggi.

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Jika dilihat dari segi usaha kerajaan dalam memantapkan ekonomi dan pembangunan negara menerusi pendidikan, Akta Pendidikan 1996 meletakkan Menteri berkuasa penuh dalam urusan sistem pendidikan tinggi negara dan impaknya, jika dilihat selepas pewartaan Akta Pendidikan 1996 telah menaiktaraf beberapa instituisi tempatan kepada universiti seperti UPSI kepada Universiti Perguruan Sultan Idris dan UiTM sebagai universiti pada tahun 1997 dan 1999. Bagi merancakkan lagi pemesatan dalam perkembangan pendidikan, Akta Pendidikan juga memberi ruang kepada penyertaan sektor swasta.Diantara university-universiti yang telah ditubuhkan ialah seperti Universiti Telekom Malaysia, Universiti Tenaga Nasional dan Universiti Terbuka Malaysia pada tahun 2000 (Sufean Hussin, 2004). Bukan sahaja terbatas kepada badan-badan swasta yang separa kerajaan, malahan penyertaan juga dibuka bagi pihak swasta yang berminat bagi mengadakan program-program berkembar seperti Monash University, Curtin University dan cawangan University of Nottingham menerusi peruntukan yang dibenarkan dalam Akta Pendidikan 1996 selaras dengan usaha menjadikan Malaysia sebagai hub pendidikan antarabangsa (Sufean Hussin, 2004). Disamping itu, sistem peperiksaan yang sama bagi semua sekolah digunapakai di seluruh negara menerusi peruntukan perundangan di dalam Akta Pendidikan 1961 dan Akta Pendidikan 1996. Ini bermakna, melalui perlaksanaan Kurikulum Kebangsaan; murid-murid juga akan mengambil peperiksaan yang sama yang bersifat Kebangsaan berasaskan sukatan pelajaran yang sama diajar di seluruh negara.Menerusi undang-undang yang termaktub di dalam Akta Pendidikan 1961, semua rakyat berhak untuk mendapat peluang pendidikan. Justeru, akta ini memperuntukkan peluang yang samarata kepada semua golongan rakyat bagi menikmati peluang mendapat pendidikan asas selama 9 tahun di seluruh negara bermula dari darjah 1 hingga tingkatan 3. Menerusi Akta Pendidikan 1961, semua orang berhak mendapat peluang serta kemudahan belajar seawal usia 6 tahun selama 6 tahun di peringkat sekolah rendah dan 3 tahun lagi dengan menyambung pendidikan di peringkat sekolah menengah. Menerusi peruntukan undang-undang peluang belajar selama minima 9 tahun ini, ia dilihat mampu memberi impak terhadap pembangunan negara. Oleh kerana Tanah Melayu baru sahaja mencapai kemerdekaan, penumpuan terhadap pembangunan negara dititik beratkan dan ke arah tersebut memerlukan rakyat yang mempunyai ilmu pengetahuan dan berkemahiran. Peluang untuk mendapatkan pendidikan boleh membantu kerajaan dalam mencapai hasrat tersebut dan ia boleh direalisasikan menerusi Akta Pendidikan yang mewajibkan serta memberi peluang pelajaran kepada setiap orang tanpa mengira bangsa, agama dan tempat tinggal. Seterusnya, peluang untuk mendapat pendidikan tidak akan berkesan jika kekurangan bilangan sekolah untuk dijadikan tempat belajar ataupun kurangnya kemudahan asas yang disediakan. Menyedari akan hak peluang sama rata harus diberikan kepada setiap orang, maka Akta Pendidikan 1961 dan Akta Pendidikan 1996 juga telah memperuntukkan agar agihan yang sama rata diberikan oleh pihak kerajaan bagi pembangunan sekolah samada di bandar ataupun luar bandar agar semua rakyat menikmati keselesaan (INTAN, 1994).Dengan ini, individu-individu terutama yang berada di luar bandar dapat merasi nikmat persekolah seterusnya berjaya mencapai objektif persekolahan mereka.

Prestasi & impak Dari masa ke semasa, selaras dengan peredaran zaman dan kehendak semasa, reformasi terhadap sistem pendidikan adalah merupakan satu perkara yang perlu dilakukan.Justeru, bagi meninjau kesan perlaksanaan Akta Pelajaran 1961, kerajaan telah menubuhkan satu Jawatankuasa khas bagi mengkaji

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perlaksanaannya.Hasilnya, pada tahun 1974 ditubuhkan Jawatankuasa Kabinet yang mengkaji Perlaksanaan Dasar Pendidikan. Laporan hasil kajian telah dikeluarkan pada tahun 1979 dan berdasarkan kajian mendapati bahawa impak keberkesanan perlaksanaan Akta Pelajaran 1961 agak sukar dikenalpasti samada ia berjaya memenuhi hasrat yang diinginkan kerana kekurangan kajian-kajian yang dibuat sebelumnya. Walaubagaimanapun, tidak dapat dinafikan bahawa hasil daripada siasatan berjaya menemui kesan positif perlaksanaan Dasar Pelajaran Kebangsaan yang berjaya mewujudkan sifat perpaduan di kalangan rakyat yang dilihat Berjaya memupuk rasa kekitaan dan kecintaan terhadap Negara Malaysia (INTAN, 1994).Impak daripada keputusan laporan daripada Jawatankuasa telah membuat beberapa pembaharuan seperti pengenalan Falsafah Pendidikan Negara dan juga pengenalan Kurikulum Baru Sekolah Rendah (KBSR) dan Kurikulum Baru Sekolah Menengah (KBSM).Menerusi sistem persekolah ini, penekanan kepada 3 aspek iaitu Membaca, menulis dan Mengira diambil perhatian berbanding dengan sistem persekolahan sebelumnya. Dapatlah dinyatakan bahawa, melalui peruntukan undang-undang yang terdapat di dalam Akta Pelajaran 1961 dan 1996, ini memudahkan kerajaan dalam menguruskan sistem pendidikan secara sah bagi membangunkan negara dan kesejahteraan rakyat. Sistem pendidikan yang berkesan, sistematik dan terancang bukan sahaja menjamin kejayaan dalam mencapai objektif, bahkan dapat menjelaskan halatuju Negara sebagai persediaan dalam mencapai status Negara maju kelak.Seperti yang kita maklum, majunya system pendidikan di sesebuah Negara itu, maka majulah Negara tersebut.Di dalam konteks Negara Malaysia, bukan sahaja aspek pembangunan Negara yang ditekankan, tetapi juga menekankan aspek perpaduan sebagai asas dalam mewujudkan keharmonian di kalangan rakyat pelbagai bangsa. S Cabaran Pembangunan dan Perpaduan Selaras dengan perubahan zaman dan keperluan semasa, penambahan dan perubahan terhadap akta pendidikan amatlah diperlukan supaya ia seiring dengan hasrat dan aspirasi negara Walaupun Malaysia Berjaya mengekalkan keamanan, keharmonian dan kesejahteraan rakyatnya menerusi pembangunan dan pemesatan ekonomi, adalah satu keperluan agar negara kita tidak leka dengan apa yang ada. jika dilihat kepada beberapa buah negara jiran kita seperti Singapura, adalah didapati bahawa negara tersebut telah berjaya meletakkan negara mereka dengan jayanya dipersada antarabangsa. Begitu juga dengan negara Korea, yang suatu ketika dahulu agak sama dalam persaingan ekonomi dengan negara kita juga telah melonjak dalam membangunkan negara mereka dan. contoh yang amat ketara ialah dalam perkembangan pengeluaran outomatif, yang mana suatu ketika dahulu kereta nasional kita iaitu Proton Saga dikeluarkan dalam tempoh yang agak sama, tetapi jenama KIA dripada Korea telah berjaya menembusi pasaran antarabangsa berbangding dengan produk negara kita. Justeru, dalam pembentukan kurikulum masa depan, adalah perlu kepada perubahan-perubahan semasa bagi memenuhi keperluan negara seperti melahirkan modal insan yang berilmu pengetahuan serta berkemahiran tinggi ( Saedah Siraj, 2003). Dalam masa yang sama, perubahan dan rombakan dalam Kurikulum Kebangsaan juga diperlukan agar ia lebih mantap dan sempurna, dari segi dasar, matlamat dan kurikulumnya (Mak Soon Sang, 2010).

Selaras dengan zaman, juga didapati isu-isu sosial dan juga telah meningkat dari masa ke semasa. Kemajuan dalam zaman teknologi maklumat juga boleh menimbukan isu-isu sensitif yang berkait dengan bahasa, agama, bangsa dan kebudayaan dan adat resam pelbagai kaum. Justeru, amat pelu diberi penekanan terhadap aspek-aspek berkaitan nilai-nilai murni dan pnambahan nilai-nilai kemahiran berfikir secara kreatif dan kritis.Justeru itu, cabaran-cabaran dalam membangunkan negara dan

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membentuk perpaduan haruslah ditangani dengan bijak dan berkhemah serta sifat toleransi oleh semua pihak, terutama di pihak kerajaan khasnya dan amnya rakyat keseluruhannya. Kesimpulan Akta pendidikan memperuntukan satu rang undang-undang bagi melaksakan dasar-dasar pendidikan Negara. Umumnya, pembentukan suatu akta dalam pendidikan adalah berlandaskan usaha ke arah membangunkan Negara.Bagi sebuah Negara yang mempunyai berbilang kaum, pembentukan akta juga berhasrat bagi mewujudkan perpaduan dikalangan rakyatnya.Justeru, dapatlah disimpulkan iaitu keduadua hasrat utama ini Berjaya di capai dan diharapkan kemamuran dan keharmonian ini dapat terus dikekalkan demi keamana dan kemakmuran negara yang kita cintai ini.

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Bibliografi

Abu Hassan Othman.(2005). Hubungan Harmoni Antara Kaum Kunci Kestabilan Negara.Dlm Malaysia Sebagai Sebuah Negara Islam, IKIM, (Hlm 493-502). Kuala Lumpur.IKIM.Institut Kefahaman Islam. Institut

Tadbiran Awan Negara. (1994). Lumpur.Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia.

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Pembangunan

Malaysia.

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Lee Lam Thye.(2005). Dasar dan Hala Tuju Dalam Usaha Menyatukan Masyarakat Berbilang Kaum.Dlm Malaysia Sebagai Sebuah Negara Islam, IKIM, (Hlm 569-584). Kuala Lumpur.IKIM.Institut Kefahaman Islam. L. Tikly & A.M. Barrett. (2011). Social Justice, Capabilities and TheQuality of Education in Low Income Countries. International Journal of Educational Development. 31, 3–14. Mohd. Taib Osman. (2003). Matlamat dan Perkembangan Falsafah Pendidikan.Dlm Abd Rahim Abd Rashid (Ed), Falsafah Budaya dalam Pendidikan. Kuala Lumpur. Penerbitan Universiti Malaya. Mak Soon Sang. (2010). Falsafah Pendidikan, Kurikulum dan Profesionalisme Keguruan. Penerbitan Multimedia Sdn. Bhd: Selangor. Nadzan Haron & Rozeman Abu Hassan.(2010). Malaysia Melangkah ke Hadapan. Penerbitan Multimedia Sdn. Bhd: Selangor. Rosnani Hashim. (1996). Educationl Dualism in Malaysia: Implications for Theory and Practice. Kuala Lumpur. Oxford University Press. Saedah Siraj. (2003). Pengajian Kurikulum Masa Depan: Ke Arah Penyediaan Falsafah Pendidikan Negara. Dlm Abd Rahim Abd Rashid (Ed), Falsafah Budaya dalam Pendidikan. Kuala Lumpur. Penerbitan Universiti Malaya. [email protected] Marzuki; Zainun Ishak, Lee Pau Wing dan Saedah Siraj.(1993). Pendidikan di Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur. Utusan Publications & Distributors Sdn. Bhd. Sufean Hussin. (2004). Pendidikan di Malaysia: Sejarah, Sistem dan Falsafah. Kuala Lumpur. Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia. Syed Othman Alhabshi. (2005). Kepelbagaian Kaum: Aset Pembangunan Negara Ke Arah Mencapai Matlamat Wawasan 2020. Dlm IKIM (ed.) Malaysia Sebagai Sebuah Negara Islam, (hlm. 449460). Kuala Lumpur.Institut Kefahaman Islam. Zainal Kling. (2003). Falsafah Budaya dan Pembudayaan Dalam Pendidikan. Dlm Abd Rahim Abd Rashid (Ed.), Falsafah Budaya dalam Pendidikan. Kuala Lumpur. Penerbitan Universiti Malaya.

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1

Khoo Kay Kim, Kuala Lumpur: The Formative Years, Kuala Lumpur: Berita Publishing Sdn. Bhd., 1996, hlm. 1. 1 SSF 6525/96, Surat daripada Collector and Magistrate kepada Residen Selangor, 24 Oktober 1890, terlampir dalam ‘Recommend That The Medical Officer in His District Should be Supplied With Appliance For Analysing Poisons or Water’. 1 Annual Report the State of Selangor 1889, Singapore: The Singapore and Straits Printing Office 1889 & 1890, hlm.8. 1 Ibid. 1 Annual Report the State of Selangor 1889, Singapore: The Singapore and Straits Printing Office 1890, hlm. 9. 1 SSF 2588/1892, Kuala Lumpur Water Supply, 13 Jun 1892. 1 SSF 4244/1894 Kuala Lumpur Water Work, Further Joint Report by Colonial and Municipal Engineer Singapore, hlm. 6 1 PWD 7134/91, Surat Jurutera Negeri Selangor kepada Kerajaan Negeri Selangor, 14 Disember 1891, terlampir dalam ‘Forward Two Bottles of Water From Reservoir Site of K.L Water Work Ask That They May be Forwarded to Singapore for Analysis’. 1 SSF 4244/1894 Kuala Lumpur Water Work Further Joint Report by Colonial and Municipal Engineer Singapore, hlm. 1 11 SSF 4244/1894 Kuala Lumpur Water Work Further Joint Report by Colonial and Municipal Engineer Singapore, hlm .2. 1 Annual Report the State of Selangor 1889, Singapore: The Singapore and Straits Printing Office 1890, hlm. 7. 1 SSF 4244/1894 Kuala Lumpur Water Work Further Joint Report by Colonial and Municipal Engineer Singapore, hlm. 2. 1 Ibid., hlm. 2-3 1 SSF 4244/1894 Kuala Lumpur Water Work Further Joint Report by Colonial and Municipal Engineer Singapore, hlm. 4. 1 Selangor Government Gazette, No. 5, 19 Jun 1896, hlm. 396. 1 Ibid. hlm.,400.

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Merekonstruksi Sejarah Pelancongan Malaysia: Kajian Awal Od. M. Anwar Mohd. Zambri Jaafar Zulayti bte Zakaria

Abstrak Makalah ini merupakan satu usaha awal untuk merekonstruksi bagaimana pelancongan Malaysia boleh wujud seperti adanya pada hari ini dan apakah isu-isu yang timbul di sebalik pembangunan sektor industri ini. Sebahagian besar sumber penulisan makalah ini adalah terdiri daripada sumber-sumber primary. Ianya terdiri daripada pelbagai catatan abad ke-19 dan rekod-rekod dari arkib. Makalah ini menghujah bahawa secara kronologinya pelancongan Malaysia terasas daripada “by-product” kegiatan merkantilisasi, kolonialisasi British pada sekitar akhir abad ke19, dan kemudahan didominasi oleh migrasi orang Cina pada pertengahan abad ke-19. Pada mulanya komponen-komponen pelancongan itu terasas dan berkembang di Negeri-Negeri Selat kerana negeri-negeri tersebut merupakan tempat terawal menerima dampak Revolusi Perindustrian yang tiba melalui kemaraan kuasa-kuasa Barat, terutamanya ekoran daripada pendudukan British. Kemudiaan, selepas Perjanjian Pangkor 1874, aspek-aspek pelancongan berkembang pula ke beberapa buah bandar utama di pantai barat Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Tempat pertama terasasnya pelancongan di Negeri-Negeri Melayu adalah di Taiping kerana bandar tersebut merupakan tempat yang mempunyai kepentingan ekonomi dan pentadbiran bagi golongan imprealis, merkantalis dan kolonis di Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Analisis dari sudut sejarah menzahirkan hakikat bahawa pembangunan pelancongan merupakan salah satu contoh bagaimana berlakunya pembangunan bersifat ‘pemisahan secara struktural’ antara wilayah bandar dengan luar bandar dan antara kaum-kaum di negara ini. Sejak selepas merdeka, pentadbiran kerajaan telah diterajui oleh elit administokrat Melayu. Golongan ini telah mengadakan dasar-dasar untuk mengatasi masalah tersebut. Dasar-dasar masih berjalan dalam sektor industri pelancongan pada hari ini.

Kata Kunci:

Komponen-komponen pelancongan, dampak Revolusi Perindustrian, Negeri-Negeri Selat, Negeri-Negeri Melayu dan ‘pemisahan secara struktural’

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Pengenalan Sejarah merupakan salah satu cabang ilmu paling penting dalam pelbagai sektor industri, termasuk sektor industri pelancongan, kerana ia dapat menyediakan premis atau landasan konkrit dalam proses penggubalan dasar dan perancangan pembangunan yang mantap. Ini kerana apa yang ada pada hari ini tidaklah lahir dari kekosongan, sebaliknya, lanjutan daripada perkembangan-perkembangan masa sebelumnya, dan dalam realiti ini sejarah merupakan bidang kajian yang hanya mengemukakan keterangan apabila adanya bukti-bukti sahih dan dapat disemak oleh orang lain tentang kesahihannya. Oleh itu, kajian sejarah dengan sendirinya merupakan kajian mengenai profile sesebuah industri berasaskan fakta-fakta sahih dan berwibawa. Ini akan menzahirkan kekuatan, kelemahan, peluang, ancaman dan potensi-potensi di sebalik sesebuah sektor industri itu. Jelasnya, kajian sejarah dapat menyediakan data yang sahih bagi melakukan analisis SWOT (Strength, Weaknesses, Opportunity and Threat). Di samping itu, kajian sejarah akan mendorong proses penggubalan dasar dan perancangan pembangunan berasaskan lunas-lunas yang realistik, baik dalam merangka objektif yang ingin dicapai mahupun hala-tuju misi dan visi pembangunan itu, kerana ia disandarkan hakikat dan pengalaman sebenar pada zaman masa sebelumnya. Selanjutnya, kajian dari sudut ini akan juga dapat memberi iktibar, panduan dan aspirasi kepada penggubalan dasar dan perancangan seterusnya agar menjadi lebih mantap. Ia juga dapat menukili isu-isu secara realistik kerana diasaskan fakta-fakta sebenar; bukan bersifat teoretikal atau persepsi. Sebenarnya, berbanding dengan topik-topik lain, seperti keusahawan, pengurusan, perundangan dan impak pelancongan (negatif atau positif), kajian dari sudut sejarah merupakan salah satu topik paling sukar dalam pengajian pelancongan. Kesukaran tersebut bukanlah untuk mendapatkan fakta-fakta mengenai bilakah sesuatu aspek di dalamnya bermula, misalnya, hotel dan agensi pelancongan manakah yang mula-mula dibuka. Sebaliknya, kesukaran paling asasi dalam bidang pengajian ini ialah untuk menentukan apakah yang dimaksudkan dengan ‘pelancongan’ itu sendiri. Ini kerana pelancongan adalah bersifat amorphous (tidak berbentuk), longgar dan luwes hingga menyebabkan lingkup kajian mengenainya (area of study) amat luas. Di samping itu, subject-matternya begitu banyak, meliputi hampir semua perkara. Ekoran daripada itu, timbul kesukaran untuk menentukan secara tuntas apakah sebenarnya teras ilmu dan aspek-aspek yang mencirikannya. Ekoran daripada itulah terdapatnya pelbagai sudut pandangan mengenainya. Misalnya, ada pihak yang menanggapi sejarah pelancongan bermula dengan keberadaan kegiatan ‘merantau.’ Ada juga pengkaji menanggapi sejarah pelancongan bermula dengan pembukaan hotel. Ada pula pengkaji yang menanggapi sejarahnya bermula dengan keberadaan pelawat luar dan penyediaan tempat penginapan, kemudahan dan keperluan kepada orang yang melakukan perjalanan itu. Selain itu, ada pengkaji yang menanggapi sejarah pelancongan bermula dengan penerbitan buku panduan perjalanan. Harus ditekankan bahawa sejarah pelancongan bukanlah sejarah kegiatan merantau, pembukaan hotel, promosi dan sebagainya yang dilihat secara berasingan, sebaliknya, ia adalah gabungan (amalgam) kesemua aspek tersebut. Soalnya, bagaimanakah sejarah kesemua aspek tersebut dapat digarapkan secara bersepadu sehingga dapat dijelaskan sejarah pelancongan dalam satu definisi tunggal? Menurut Mathieson dan Wall (1982: 3) walaupun amorphous namun tidaklah menghalang pelancongan dapat muncul sebagai suatu disiplin ilmu dengan kesatuan konsep (unified concept) yang tersendiri. Walaupun berliku-liku namun secara keseluruhannya konsep pelancongan itu dapat ditanggapi dari dua sudut pandangan utama iaitu: 1) definisi konseptual dan 2) definisi teknikal.

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Penjelasan yang sering dirujuk oleh para pengkaji tentang hal ini adalah seperti mana diberikan oleh Burkart dan Medlik1 (1981: 41) yang menyatakan: In endeavouring to define tourism it is helpful to distinguish between the concept and the technical definitions. The concept of tourism provides a broad notional framework, which identifies the essential characteristics, and which distinguishes tourism from similar, often related, but different phenomena. Technical definitions, evolved through experience over time, provide instruments for particular study, statistical, legislative and administrative, and industrial purposes; there are different technical definitions appropriate for different purposes. Kenyataan ini bermaksud, definisi konseptual menjelaskan pengertian pelancongan sebagai suatu fenomena. Ini meliputi ciri-ciri asasinya yang berbeza daripada fenomena-fenomena lain. Manakala definisi teknikal pula menyediakan “peralatan” (instruments) untuk melakukan penyelidikan, perkiraan perangkaan, penggubalan polisi (legislatif dan pentadbiran) dan hal-ehwal keusahawanan (industri). Burkart dan Medlik (1981: 41) menjelaskan dengan lebih terperinci lagi tentang definisi teknikal itu iaitu: A clearer concept and a more precise technical definitions is required for various purposes. First, for the purpose of study: in order to examine any phenomenon systematically, it is necessary to define what it cover. Secondly, for statistical purposes: when a phenomenon is to be measured, it must be defined; in practice available techniques of measurement frequently determine what is possible to measure and in turn tend to define tourism for particular purposes. Thirdly, for legislative and administrative purposes: legislation may apply to some activities and not to others. Fourthly, for industries purposes: particular economic activities give rise to market studies and provide the basis for the formation of industrial organization. Penjelasan sejarah pelancongan dalam makalah ini adalah berpandukan kenyataan Burkart dan Medlik ini dengan melihat pelancongan dari dua wajah iaitu sebagai buah industri dan suatu fenomena sosial. Sebagai sesebuah industri: Pelancongan adalah sebuah industri gabungan (amalgam) pelbagai industri bagi menyediakan (to chater) keperluan dan kehendak pelancong (atau pengembarabersenggang/traveler at leasure) seperti untuk bersenggang, bereadah, berhibur, memperoleh pengetahuan dan apa saja kegiatan selain daripada untuk bermestautin tetap, berkerja dan mendapatkan pendapatan di destinasi yang dikunjungi. Antara industri-industri yang membentuk pelancongan ialah industri pengangkutan, industri penginapan, destinasi kunjungan pelawat, agen-agen intermediary, kemudahan dan itineri perjalanan pelancong. Dari sudut ini, kajian mengenainya lebih menekankan bidang pengajian ekonomi, politik (dasar dan perundangan), pengurusan, pentadbiran, sejarah, alam persekitaran dan komunikasi. Sebagai suatu fenomena sosial: Pelancongan adalah kegiatan dan gaya-hidup yang timbul dalam masyarakat industri/moden yang melakukan perjalanan atau/dan pengembaraan ke luar dari tempat kediaman lazim untuk tujuan bersenggang, bereadah, berhibur, memperoleh pengetahuan dan apa saja kegiatan selain daripada untuk bermestautin tetap, berkerja dan mendapatkan pendapatan di destinasi yang dikunjungi. Dari sudut ini, kajian mengenainya lebih menekankan bidang-bidang pengajian sains sosial amnya terutamanya sosiologi, psikologi (dorongan, perlakuan, tingkah-laku) dan kebudayaan.

1

Ini kerana penjelasan yang diberikan oleh pengkaji-pengkaji lain sering merujuk tulisan Burkart dan Medlik ini (lihat Smith, S.L.J. 1988: 581-582).

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Berdasarkan kedua-dua wajahnya yang utama ini maka: Sejarah pelancongan dalam makalah ini adalah bermaksud kenyataan berasaskan bukti-bukti sahih dan dapat dibuktikan kesahihannya dan dikonstruksikan secara kronologi (dan juga harus secara diakronik/diachronic, bukannya secara asynchronistic) tentang bila dan bagaimana komponen-komponen yang menyediakan (to chater) kemudahan, keperluan dan kehendak kepada pelancong (pengembara bersenggang). Komponenkomponen yang menyediakan (to chater) kemudahan, keperluan dan kehendak kepada pelancong (pengembara bersenggang) itu adalah terdiri daripada pengangkutan, industri penginapan, destinasi kunjungan pelawat, agen-agen intermediary, kemudahan dan itineri perjalanan pelancong. Pelancong adalah dirujuk sebagai pengembara-bersenggang (traveler at leasure) untuk tujuan-tujuan bersenggang, bereadah, berhibur, memperoleh pengetahuan dan apa saja kegiatan selain daripada untuk bermestautin tetap, berkerja dan mendapatkan pendapatan di destinasi yang dikunjungi. Penulisan sejarah pelancongan dalam pengertian sebenar atau secara holistik adalah seharusnya dikonstruksikan berasaskan berasaskan wajah-wajahnya (pelancongan) ini. Makalah ini berusaha merekonstruksi sejarah Malaysia berasaskan kenyataan. Sebagai satu kajian sejarah, penjelasan mengenai persoalan ini tidak dapat dielakkan daripada memperkatakan tentang sejak bila dan bagaimanakah pelancongan Malaysia (dalam gabungan komponen-komponen) boleh wujud seperti adanya pada hari ini. Selain itu, akan ditelusuri apakah isuisu pada zaman lampau yang mencorak pembangunan dan keusahawan dalam sektor industri ini? Adakah isu-isu pada zaman lampau itu masih menjadi isu-isu pada hari ini?

Bingkai Besar Persejarahan Berdasarkan sumber-sumber yang diselidiki (seperti mana disenaraikan dalam Rujukan), dapat dihipotesiskan bahawa evolusi pembangunan pelancongan Malaysia tidaklah menuruti skema “five successive stages of economic growth” yang diajukan oleh W.W. Rostow (1960). Skema beliau menggagaskan bahawa pembangunan ekonomi sesebuah masyarakat berkembang dalam lima tahap secara kesinambungan seperti mana berikut: 1) Traditional Stage, 2) Transitional Stage, 3) Take-Off Stage, 4) Maturity Stage, dan 5) High Mass Consumption Stage. Walau bagaimanapun, dalam realiti sejarahnya, evolusi pelancongan Malaysia hanya berkembang dalam tiga tahap berikut: 1) Tahap Pengasasan (Germinal Stage) yang berlangsung dari akhir abad ke-18 hingga Perang Dunia Kedua; 2) Tahap Pemacuan (Take-off Stage) yang berlangsung dari akhir tahun-tahun 1950-an hingga akhir tahuntahun 1970-an); dan Tahap Pembangunan (Developmental Stage) yang berlangsung dari tahun-tahun awal 1970-an sehingga kini. Hakikat evolusi pembangunan pelancongan Malaysia melalui jalan pintas, iaitu tidak melalui Tahap Tradisional dan Tahap Transisi, sebaliknya, terus bermula dengan Tahap Pengasasan, dapat diabsahkan dengan dua hakikat berikut: Pertama, hampir tidak ada satu pun komponen pelancongan Malaysia yang ada pada hari ini, kecuali sebahagian daripada unsur-unsur daya tarikan, berasal dari tradisi warisan masyarakat tempatan. Amat jelas hampir kesemua komponen yang membentuk pelancongan, seperti hotel, pengangkatan, sebahagian besar destinasi, agen-agen intermediary, imej, gaya-hidup, penampilan dan itineri kemudahan dalam perjalanan adalah berasal dari tradisi peradaban Barat.

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Kedua, para sarjana (seperti Sutton 1967: 220, Lanfant 1993, Pemple 1987: 34, dan Burkart dan Medlik 1981: 15) bersepakat dengan kenyataan bahawa di negara mana sekalipun, pelancongan moden yang wujud di seluruh dunia pada hari ini adalah berakar umbi daripada peradaban masyarakat industri di Barat yang telah mengalami tahap modeniti daripada dampak Renaissance dan Revolusi Perindustrian di Barat sejak abad ke-15. Agak sukar untuk menafikan apa yang disepakati oleh para sarjana dalam bidang pelancongan itu. Di Barat, terutamanya dalam masyarakat Eropah Barat, bibit-bibit (rudimentary forms) kemunculannya yang ketara sejak abad ke-16 itu adalah ditandai dengan The Grand Tour, iaitu kegiatan pengembaraan dalam kalangan para elit bangsawan dan intelektual mereka ke tempat-tempat yang mempunyai bekasbekas peninggalan tamadun Rom-Yunani, terutamanya di sekitar Laut Mediterranean. Kata kunci pengasasan pelancongan di mana-mana negara ialah dampak Revolusi Perindustrian. Dalam konteks Malaysia, sebagaimana sudah menjadi pengetahuan umum (misalnya, seperti digambarkan oleh Wright and Cartwright, 1908; Swettenham, 1948; Innes, 1974, Part 1 & 2; Braddel, 1982; Lim 1978; Khoo 1972; Ginsburg dan Roberts, 1958), tempat yang mula-mula mengalami modenisasi atau menerima dampak Revolusi Perindustrian adalah di Negeri-Negeri Selat, meliputi Melaka, Pulau Pinang dan Singapura. Rebakan (extention) dan pengembangan (expansion) pengaruh Barat boleh ditandai dengan pendudukan Portugis di Melaka dari tahun 1511 (hingga 1643), dan diikuti pendudukan Belanda, juga di Melaka, dari tahun 1643 hingga 1800. Seterusnya, diikuti pula oleh pihak British yang bermula bertapak di Pulau Pinang pada tahun 1786 di Pulau Pinang dan terus menduduki tanah air ini sehingga tahun 1957 (iaitu tahun diistiharkan kemerdekaan Persekutuan Tanah Melayu). Pendudukan Portugis meninggalkan di sekitar Bukit St. Paul. Manakala pendudukan Belanda pula meninggalkan Stadthuys. Bangunan Merah itu pada asalnya dibina oleh orang Belanda sebagai pejabat pentadbiran mereka (Government House). Pada zaman pendudukan British di Melaka (sejak tahun 1800), bangunan tersebut dijadikan tempat penginapan utama bagi para pelawat dalam kalangan orang Eropah (Begbie 1967; Cameron 1965; Mohamed Ibrahim Munshi 1980; Innes 1974). Walau bagaimanapun, rebakan dan pengembangan peradaban Barat secara meluas dan mendalam di Malaysia ketara pada zaman pendudukan British. Pendudukan Portugis dan Belanda hanya meninggalkan beberapa objek daya tarikan; itupun hanya ketara di Melaka dan beberapa serpihan peninggalan Belanda di Pulau Pangkor dan di Kuala Selangor (di atas Bukit Melawati). Pendudukan kedua-dua kuasa kolonis awal itu tidak meninggalkan aspek-aspek yang menjadi asas pembangunan pelancongan di Malaysia pada hari ini seperti establishmen penginapan berbayar (hotel dan resi-house), pengangkutan (laut dan darat) pelawat secara regular, kemudahan-kemudahan dan itineri perjalanan lainnya. Misalnya, menurut catatan an Cameron (1965: 375) yang berada di Melaka pada tahun-tahun 1830-an, “In Malacca, however, there are no hotels.” Sebaliknya, selama kira-kira 170 tahun pendudukan mereka itu (bermula di Pulau Pinang pada tahun 1786), pentadbiran British telah meninggalkan kesan bukan sahaja dalam ekonomi, pentadbiran, politik, sistem persekolahan, infrastruktur, tetapi juga ke atas pelancongan.2 Antara aspek-aspek pelancongan

2

Sungguhpun begitu, apabila diperhatikan, kesan pendudukan kuasa-kuasa Barat ke atas masyarakat watan lebih banyak dampak Revolusi Perindustrian berbanding dengan dampak Renaissance. Ini kerana rebakan dan pengembangan dampak peradaban Barat ke atas masyarakat watan tidak begitu ketara dari segi falsafah, fahaman, ideologi, intelektual dan keagamaan. Sebaliknya, lebih ketara dari segi aspek-aspek kebendaan, terutamanya pada

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yang ditinggalkan pendudukan British ialah establishmen penginapan berbayar (seperti hotel dan resthouse), pengangkutan pelancong (ke destinasi-destinasi pelancong), infrastruktur dan rangkaian perjalanan ke destinasi-destinasi pelancong, agensi-agensi intermediary, landskap budaya (buatan manusia) yang kemudiaannya menjadi destinasi-destinasi kunjungan pelawat pada hari ini (seperti hiasan taman di tepi pantai, Cameron Highlands, Fraser’s Hills, taman-tasik bunga) dan kemudahan serta itineri perjalanan. Pengasasan pelancongan Malaysia yang terawal dapat dikesan sejak berkibarnya bendera Union Jack oleh Fransis Light pada 1786 di Pulau Pinang. Kemudiaannya, ia berkembang Negeri-Negeri Selat lain (iaitu di Singapura dan Melaka). Seterusnya, selepas lebih daripada 80 tahun bendera Union Jack berkibar di Pulau Pinang, aspek-aspek pelancongan barulah berkembang di Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Kemunculannya di Negeri-Negeri Melayu dapat dikesan sejak termeterainya Perjanjian Pangkor pada tahun 1874. Selari dengan kedudukannya sebagai tempat terawal menerima dampak Revolusi Perindustrian secara agak mendalam dan menjadi fenomena secara berterusan sehingga ke hari ini, dapatlah dihipotesiskan bahawa pelancongan Malaysia adalah bermula di Pulau Pinang sejak sekitar awal abad ke-19. Hipotesis ini diasaskan pada kenyataan bahawa di situ dan pada era itulah buat pertama kalinya negara ini menerima impak Revolusi Perindustrian dan terbitnya komuniti industri. Sekali gus di situlah juga buat pertama kalinya terasas komponen-komponen pelancongan (baik ia sebagai industri mahupun sebagai fenomena sosial) dalam suatu gabungan (amalgam) agak bersepadu. Pengasasan aspek-aspek pelancongan di Negeri-Negeri Selat berlangsung dalam sistem ekonomi laissezfaire. Selain itu, dari situlah golongan kapitalis dan kolonis menyerap ke Negeri-Negeri Melayu. NegeriNegeri Selat merupakan ‘pintu masuk’ dan ‘pengkalan’ bagi kemasukan golongan imprealis, merkantalis, kolonis serta gaya-hidup dan pelbagai institusi kewangan dan perkhidmatan serta teknologi moden (Khoo 1972: 79). Ginsburg dan Roberts (1958: 37) mencatatkan: The primary importance of the Straits Settlements lies in their strategic position as bases for the extension of British power and control — the basis of Pax-Brintanica in the region — over the Malay States and the centres for introduction and distribution of Western institutions, concepts and technology. (Ginsburg dan Roberts (1958: 37). Menurut Lim (1978: xix), Singapura dan Pulau Pinang merupakan “jambatan” penghubung antara NegeriNegeri Melayu dengan dunia luar. Malah, sehingga Perang Dunia Kedua (pertengahan tahun-tahun 1940an) Singapura masih menjadi ‘ibu negara’ bagi Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Mengenai keadaan pada masa sebelum Perang tersebut, Braddel (1982: 116-117) yang membuat catatan pada tahun-tahun 1930-an menyatakan:

aspek-aspek ekonomi dan infrastruktur. Memang terdapat sedikit sebanyak dampak Renaissance Barat ke atas masyarakat watan iaitu hanyalah dari segi penggunaan tulisan (abjab Rumi), kalendar (mengikut takwim Masihi), organisasi dan sistem pentadbiran (ala-Montesquieu), sistem persekolahan, perbendaharaan kata (hanya sebahagian iaitu yang berkait dengan perkara-perkara moden).

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Now, the Governor of the Colony is also the High Commissioner of the King for all the Malay States, federated and unfederated. As every one of these States is bound by treaty to follow his advice, which he is never is the least bashful in giving, and as he lives at Government House in Singapore, surrounded by many supermen, it is nowadays said that Singapore is the political capital of Malaya. If you have any doubts as to its being also the financial capital, your banker will dispel them. Kenyataan ini menjelaskan kedudukan Singapura sebagai pusat penggerak segala roda modenisasi termasuk pusat politik, kewangan dan bank bagi golongan kapitalis dan kolonis menyerap ke NegeriNegeri Melayu. Senario ini berlanjutan sehingga tahun-tahun 1950-an. Misalnya, sehingga beberapa dekad selepas Perang Dunia Kedua, Ginsburg dan Roberts (1958: 50) mencatatkan “Singapore, in the respects, the entrance and exit oleh Malaya as well as a major city in Southeast Asia and world affairs.” Secara teoretikalnya, evolusi sejarah pembangunan pelancongan Malaysia adalah natijah daripada rebakan (extension) dan pengembangan (expansion) modenisasi yang bersifat ‘extended-core’ (pengembangan dari pusat), iaitu berpusat di Barat dan sekali gus Barat menjadi ‘pusat’ modenisasi dunia. Manakala negara-negara bukan-Barat (atau negara-negara di luar benua Eropah), termasuk Malaysia, merupakan ‘kawasan pinggiran.’ Walaupun pada hari ini keadaan tersebut telah berubah ― iaitu dominasi Barat sudah menjadi pudar dan masyarakat-masyarakat yang dahulunya berada ‘di pinggiran’ telah mengeksport barangan, perkhidmatan, modal dan kepakaran ke wilayah ‘Pusat’ atau ke dunia Barat, misalnya, kereta buatan Malaysia sudah memasuki pasaran Eropah ― namun pengembangan modenisasi yang bersifat ‘extended-core’ (pengembangan dari pusat) itu merupakan senario universal di seluruh dunia pada zaman lampau, dan ia ketara di koloni-koloni imprealisasi dan kolonialisasi kuasa-kuasa Barat (Sutton 1989: 85-99). Senario tersebut begitu ketara di Malaysia. Sehubungan itu, perkembangan sejarah pelancongan pada zaman lampau dapat dianalisis dengan mengaplikasikan teori-teori neo-marxist, meliputi Teori Pergantungan (Dependency Theory oleh Cardoso & Faletto E., 1979) dan The World-Systems Theory (oleh Wallerstein, 2004). Dampak ketara Revolusi Perindustrian yang tiba seiringan dengan kemaraan imprealisasi, merkantalis dan kolonialisasi ke atas pengasasan pelancongan Malaysia itu meninggalkan dua kesan yang berkekalan. Pertama, ia membawa munculnya aspek-aspek yang mengasaskan pembangunan komponen-komponen pelancongan yang ada di Malaysia pada hari ini. Aspek-aspek tersebut terdiri daripada establishmen penginapan berbayar, pengangkutan pelancong, agensi-agensi intermediary, destinasi-destinasi kunjungan pelawat dan kemudahan serta itineri perjalanan. Kedua, dampak Revolusi Perindustrian yang tiba seiringan dengan kemaraan imprealisasi dan kolonialisasi itu membawa munculnya golongan-golongan mekantalis, kolonis dan kapitalis Barat. Dalam kerangka ini juga, ia membawa dominasi keusahawan orang Cina di Negeri-Negeri Selat, kemudiaan Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Golongan-golongan inilah yang menjadi ‘aktor’ atau pemain utama dalam keusahawan aspek-aspek yang mengasaskan pembangunan komponen-komponen pelancongan yang ada di Malaysia pada hari ini itu. Lantaran ia diasas dan dibangunkan oleh golongan ini telah membawa wujudnya pembangunan sosioekonomi dalam bentuk ‘pemisahan struktural’ iaitu pembangunan yang tidak sama rata antara di bandar dengan di luar bandar, dan juga antara kaum terutamanya antara orang Cina dengan masyarakatmasyarakat watan. Pada era sebelum merdeka, pembangunan aspek-aspek pelancongan adalah tertumpu di beberapa buah bandar yang menjadi pusat kegiatan dan kepentingan golongan merkantils,

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imprealis dan koloni Barat bersama dengan golongan pengusaha kapitalis Cina. Aspek-aspek tersebut tidak terbangun di luar bandar kerana tidak ada kepentingan dalam kalangan golongan tersebut. Oleh kerana undang-undang pemilikan tanah pada zaman kolonial masih wibawa sehingga ke hari ini maka pembangunan sosioekonomi dalam bentuk ‘pemisahan struktural’ itu berkekalan sehingga ke hari ini. Inilah isu paling utama dalam pembangunan pelancongan Malaysia pada hari ini yang dicorak oleh peristiwa-peristiwa sejarah.

TAHAP PENGASASAN DI NEGERI-NEGERI SELAT Seperti telah dinyatakan, Tahap Pengasasan pertama pelancongan di Malaysia bermula di Negeri-Negeri Selat. Tempat terawal pengasasan pelancongan Malaysia adalah di Pulau Pinang kerana bandar pelabuhan merupakan tempat mula-mula diduduki oleh golongan imprealis, merkantalis dan koloni ― ditandai pendudukan Fransis Light pada tahun 1786. Kenyataan ini diasaskan kepada dua realiti. Pertama, sebahagian besar aspek-aspek yang membangunkan sektor industri pelancongan Malaysia pada hari ini, seperti establishmen penginapan, sanatorium, kelab sosial, taman awam (botanical gardens), pengangkutan pelawat (kapal laut dan ke tempat peranginan), itinerari, agensi intermediari, kemudahan, itineri serta ancillaries layan tamu lainnya adalah bermula di Pulau Pinang. Kemudiaan, pada bahagian kedua abad ke-19 aspek-aspek tersebut terbangun di Singapura, dan seterusnya ianya terbangun di Melaka. Kedua, Negeri-Negeri Selat telah menjadi tempat terawal menerima dampak Revolusi Perindustrian melalui pendudukan British dan menjadi ‘pintu masuk’ dan seterusnya menjadi ‘pengkalan’ bagi pengembangan modenisasi Barat ke Negeri-Negeri Melayu khususnya dan ke rantau Asia Tenggara amnya. Antara aspek-aspek pelancongan yang terasas di Pulau Pinang adalah seperti berikut. Sanatorium terawal di Malaysia adalah resort-bukit di Bukit Bendera, Pulau Pinang, yang dibina sejak zaman Francis Light lagi. Misalnya, pada tahun 1796 Lennon (1796: 54) mencatatkan kawasan puncak bukit itu sudah dihubungkan dengan sebatang jalan laluan kereta kuda. Pada tahun 1805 Johnson (1807: 225) mencatatkan kawasan tersebut sebagai tempat “where Europeans occasionally retire to enjoy the country air, as a relaxation after business in town.” Hotel terawal yang terbuka kepada semua pelawat di negara ini juga di Pulau Pinang. Ini kerana The Government Gazette bertarikh 16 Ogos 18063 menyiarkan berita tentang Hotel Nicoll, milik Mr. Nicoll seorang merkantilis British, yang didiami oleh pelbagai bangsa. Kelab-sosial yang terawal juga muncul di pulau tersebut. The Government Gazette (Volume 5), bertarikh 19 Mac 1806, menyiarkan berita tentang perjumpaan ahli-ahli Prince of Wales Club di sebuah kedai minuman keras (tavern) milik seorang pengusaha yang bernama Mr. Porter.

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The Government Gazette adalah akhbar terawal di negara ini. Keluarannya (Volume) yang pertama diterbitkan pada 19 Mac 1806. Akhbar ini kemudiannya ditukar nama The Prince of Wales Island. Dari resensi yang telah dilakukan terhadap pelbagai sumber sezaman, termasuk terbitan The Government Gazette sebelumnya, dalam fail CO 717 serta CLC, dan travelogues serta tulisan pegawai British sebelum itu didapati tidak ada catatan mengenai kewujudan hotel di negara ini.

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Catatan-catatan ini menjelaskan komponen-komponen utama pelancongan telah wujud dalam satu kesatuan (amalgam) adalah bermula di Pulau Pinang. Selepas ianya berkembang di Pulau Pinang, komponen-komponen tersebut berkembang pulau di Singapura dan Melaka. Pada zaman sebelum merdeka, sejarah Malaysia meliputi juga di Singapura. Ini kerana Singapura merupakan sebahagian daripada Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Kewujudan leisure class moden terawal bermula di Singapura sejak sebelum pertengahan abad ke-19 lagi.4 Menurut Turnbull (1977: 66) “Change came over Singapore in mid-1840’s, in her appearance, in commerce, and in the attitudes of the upper class. Visitors were amazed at the physical improvement but complained that much of her exotic charm and he friendliness had gone. This reflected changes in her pattern of life.” Sukan dan rekreasi moden juga merupakan fenomena orang Eropah par excellence. Kegiatan-kegiatan tersebut diadakan di kelab-sosial, esplanade, government houses dan dalam kawasan banglo golongan tersebut. Wright dan Cartwright (1908: 198) mencatatkan “Europeans have to a large extent, to make their own amusement, almost every house has its tennis court and they organised cricket, football, tennis, golf, swimming and rowing.” Kebanyakan jenis sukan itu diperkenalkan melalui kelab-sosial terutamanya di Singapura. Bola sepak diperkenalkan oleh kakitangan pentadbiran British pada tahun 1885. Wright dan Cartwright (1908: 289) mencatatkan “Government permission was granted to use a portion of old goal site for tennis and the Raffles’ reclamation for football.” Kemudian diperkenalkan polo, tenis, hoki, badminton, golf dan lumba kuda. Kegiatan sukan juga diadakan melalui pertubuhan YMCA. Kegiatan sukan itu hanya terbatas di kalangan orang Eropah (Wright dan Cartwright 1908: 289).

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Misalnya, Swettenham (1948: 6-7) memberi gambaran pada mula-mula beliau tiba di Singapura pada tahun 1872: The social life of Singapore was gay enough. Every man had work and office generally closed at 5 p.m. The town, the banks, the mercantile firms, and all the busy life of this Far Eastern Clapham Junction, were on one side of the side of the Singapore river, with further away, while Government offices, the Esplanade, cricket and tennis ground, the Law Courts, cathedral and hotels were on the other. Three miles inland was the Tanglin district with most of the residencies of the European community. From 5 p.m. Till dark, cricketers and tennis players patronised the Esplanade, while others, most wives, sat in their carriages spectating and waiting for their husbands to find them and be driven home. The older residents, especially heads of firms, who owned and occupied comfortable houses with well-kept gardens, were very hospitable and, in the evening, there were constant dinner parties and occasional dances, while concerts, theatrical and travelling shows of many kinds helped to counteract the unavoidable depression of a perpetual high temperature just over one degree from Equator. The Annual Race Meetings, enthusiastically supported by Maharaja of Johore, by Chinese and other rich Asiatics, meant a week’s festivities; and there were constant week-end parties to various seaside bungalows, where bathing was made safe from sharks, crocodiles and jelly fish by staking a reach of water. There was such a bungalow and swimming bathe on an island in New Harbour, and it was there that we found real joy. It was this time, early 1872, that I had my first experience of life in Malay States and it came about this way.

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Kegiatan hiburan popular di bandar juga dimulai oleh golongan merkantilis dan para tadbir kolonial. Sejak 1840-an mereka telah menganjurkan persembahan drama. Misalnya, dalam The Straits Times and Singapore Journal of Commerce (14 Oktober 1845) dilaporkan: THE THEATER.—We hear that the lovers of the Drama will probably have an opportunity of witnessing at the end if the month the opening of the Theater. Active preparations are going on for the purpose of completing the property arrangement. We trust our amateurs are ‘brushing up’ for the occasion.5 Resort-laut terawal di negara ini dibuka oleh pentadbir kolonial di Pulau Pangkor sejak 1870-an lagi. Misalnya, pada tahun 1876 Innes (1974, Part 2: 96-117) sudah pergi bercuti ke sana untuk tujuan “to recuperate my health, to stay at the seaside with Captain Lloyd, the administrator of Pangkor Island off the coast of Perak.” Kegiatan pergi melancong juga bermula di Negeri-Negeri Selat sejak sebelum pertengahan abad ke-19 lagi. Misalnya, Straits Times and Singapore Journal of Commerce (30 September 1845) melaporkan tentang adanya apa yang disebut “le tours de baton” iaitu orang-orang yang mengembara untuk tujuan bersenggang. Pada masa tersebut pelancong disebut sebagai ‘invalid.’ Sejak era penggunaan kapal layar lagi sudah terdapat perkhidmatan kapal secara regular antara NegeriNegeri Selat dengan Eropah dan China (termasuk Hong Kong).6 Kapal wap pertama yang tiba di perairan Nusantara ialah kapal Vander Capellan pada tahun 1827 milik kapal Gabenor Belanda di Batavia (Singapore Chronicle 26 April 1827). Firma perkapalan wap pertama ialah cawangan P. & O. Co. (Peninsular & Orient Steam Navigation Company) yang dibuka di Singapura pada tahun 1852 (Tregonning (1965: 275). Bilangan kapal wap semakin banyak selepas Terusan Suez dibuka pada tahun 1869.7 Sejak itu bilangan kapal wap pesisir (coastal steamers) bersaiz kecil milik persendirian juga bertambah, antaranya seperti Sri Sarawak, Phy Pekket, Cesarewith, Arabia, Ringdove, Rainbow, Thistle, Dragon, 5

Dalam Straits Times and Singapore Journal of Commerce (27 Mei 1846) diiklankan “On Friday, the Amateur contributed to enliven the Settlements by performing at the theater. The first piece was ‘The Little back Parlour.’” Dalam Straits Times and Singapore Journal of Commerce (17 January 1846) diiklankan “Theatre Royal Singapore. On th Tuesday the 27 Inst. her Majesty Servants will perform the much Admired Comedy of MEET ME BY MOONLIGHT, to include with the Laughable Farce of MY WIFE’S FLOOR. Boxes $ 2 / Gallery 1.” 6

Contoh pelayaran antarabangsa pada 1840-an seperti dilaporkan dalam Straits Times and Singapore Journal of Commerce terbitan 14 Oktober 1845: …. this flattering announcement, following immediately on the establishment of the regular monthly Steam communication with Hong Kong, raised our expectations to the highest pitch. These already, and to be, established arrangements were matters for congratulation inasmuch as they designed to give and would really impart to Singapore those facilities which her importance, commercial prosperity, and geographical situation eminently merit. A more frequent communication with the system Settlements, Penang and Malacca, appeared only to be wanting to render our Steamer arrangement complete. 7 Tregonning (1965: 275-276) menjelaskan: Steam replaced sail. There had been steamers in the Straits since 1827, but these were few and very small. The long haul round Africa and across the India Ocean, and the primitive engine which demanded large quantities of coal, made it largely uneconomic to run steamers to Asia until the Suez Canal was cut. With it open, steamers immediately established a predominance. In 1869 before the Canal opened, the sailing tonnage in Singapore was 347,596 tons, with steam tonnage 246,790. By 1872 the figure were: sail, 313,018 tons, steam 748,322. Four years later it was: sail, 163,385 tons to 1,291,304 steams.

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Modeste, Himalaya, Sri Malacca, Benmore, HMS Hart, SS Kedah, Avon, dan Telegraph. Kesemua kapal tersebut adalah milik firma British, Belanda dan saudagar Cina. Penyediaan kemudahan di atas kapal yang memenuhi kriteria kapal pelancong moden telah wujud di perairan Selat Melaka sejak 1840-an lagi seperti oleh firma perkapalan P. & O.8 Agensi-pelancong pertama di negara ini adalah cawangan agensi pengembaraan Messrs. Allen Dennys & Co. dan Thomas Cook & Sons di Singapura pada 1910-an (Harrison 1910/1923: 26). Thomas Cook & Sons di Singapura adalah cawangan kepada firma James Cook & Co. di Midlands (England) yang sememangnya sudah tersohor di seluruh dunia sebagai pelopor dalam penubuhan agensi pelancongan dunia. Ia ditubuhkan pada tahun-tahun 1850-an. Penubuhan agensi pelancongan di Singapura itu merupakan salah satu petanda pengembangan the Grand Tour yang berpusat di Eropah ke benua luarnya. Buku panduan pelancong yang terawal adalah Picturesque and Busy Singapore yang ditulis oleh T.J. Keaughran dan diterbitkan oleh penerbit Straits Times pada tahun 1887. Pada tahun 1890, B.E. D’Aranjo menerbitkan Stranger’s Guide to Singapore. Pada tahun 1892, kedua-dua buah buku ini dikemaskinikan oleh seorang padri bernama G.M. Reith dengan memberi judul baharu G.M. Reith’s Handbook to Singapore. Lima belas tahun kemudian buku itu disemak semula oleh Walter Makepeace. Walau bagaimanapun, buku-buku berkenaan hanya memberi fokus mengenai Singapura. Jelasnya, hanya terdapat dua pihak dalam kegiatan perjalanan-bersenggang, layan tamu dan beriadah dalam Tahap Pengasasan pelancongan di Negeri-Negeri Selat, iaitu orang Eropah dan kaum Cina. Masyarakat tempatan hampir tidak wujud sama sekali dalam keusahawan sektor industriini.

Pengasasan Di Negeri-Negeri Melayu: Pengasasan Tahap Kedua Setelah lebih daripada 80 tahun komponen-komponen pelancongan terasas di Pulau Pinang (sejak tahun 1786), ia terasas pula di Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Dapat dihujahkan bahawa tempat yang mula-mula terasasnya pelancongan di Negeri-Negeri Melayu adalah di Taiping. Ini diasaskan kepada bandar tersebut merupakan tempat pertama menerima dampak Revolusi Perindustrian di Negeri-Negeri Melayu kerana ia merupakan pusat bandar pertama yang menjadi pusat pentadbiran moden/British dan pusat kegiatan ekonomi perlombongan utama pada abad ke-19. Sebagaimana telah dinyatakan, pelancongan moden, baik sebagai sebuah industri mahupun sebagai suatu fenomena sosial, hanya muncul dalam masyarakat moden atau masyarakat industri. Banyak perkara yang dibuka di bandar tersebut menjadi ‘perkara pertama’ di Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Ini sekali gus berkait secara langsung dengan pengasasan komponenkomponen pelancongan di Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Antara perkara-perkara tersebut seperti berikut: Landasan dan perkhidmatan kereta api (pada tahun 1885), jalan raya moden (1884), European Club (Taiping New Club) (1885), muzium (1883), esplanade (1890), resort bukit/sanatorium (1880), Rest House (1870), taman tasik (1880), padang golf (1894), kelab lumba kuda (1885), kolam renang awam (1870),

8

Misalnya, dalam Straits Times and Singapore Journal of Commerce (28 Oktober 1845) terdapat iklan firma perkapalan P. & O. menyebut: Passenger to Europe: —In the P. & O. Steamer Hinduostan, Bentink, and Precursor there are certain cabins reserved for passenge and lowest after cabins each containing 1 berth and 1 sofa. Precursor two poop cabins; 2 berths; one saloon cabin with 2 berths. And one first class forward containing 4 berths.

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taman rekreasi (Coronation Park, 1920), lapangan terbang (1930), Clock Tower (1890), bangunan Government Offices Building (1892). Selain itu, perkara-perkara lain yang melengkapkan komponenkomponen pelancongan ialah pembukaan perkhidmatan pos dan telegraf (1884), surat-surat khabar (Melayu pada tahun 1893 dan Inggeris pada 1890). Perkara yang berkait dengan keselamatan pelancong, bandar tersebut merupakan tempat pertama ditubuhkan pasukan polis di Negeri-Negeri Melayu (iaitu The Malay States Guides 1896). Dapat ditegaskan bahawa berdasarkan keberadaan aspek-aspek yang berkait dengan pengangkutan, penginapan, daya tarikan, perhubungan dan kemudahan-kemudahan lain secara bersepadu maka dapat dirumuskan bahawa tempat pertama berlakunya pengasasan pelancongan di Negeri-Negeri Melayu adalah di Taiping. Berdasarkan perkembangan-perkembangan dan kriteria-kriteria seperti dinyatakan di atas, dapat dihujahkan bahawa Tahap Pengasasan pelancongan di Negeri-Negeri Melayu adalah implikasi daripada termeterainya Perjanjian Pangkor pada tahun 1874. Ini kerana dengan pemeteraian Perjanjian itulah yang membawa tiba-tiba dampak Revolusi Perindustrian di Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Perjanjian tersebut telah memperkenalkan sistem pentadbiran kolonial yang dinamakan “Her Majesty’s Service” (Innes 1974, Part 2: 231 dan 248). Ia diimplimentasikan melalui Sistem Residen. Para pegawai mereka dinamakan “Native States Officers.” Oleh itu, Perjanjian Pangkor 1874 itu telah menyebabkan berlakunya pemastautinan orang Eropah dalam jumlah secara relatifnya agak besar di Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Ini terutamanya di Taiping. Menurut Wright dan Cartwright (1908: 195) mereka umumnya terdiri daripada “Government servants, capitalists, professionals, merchants and ‘agreement men’ in mercantile houses.” Menurut Swettenham (1948: 236), orang-orang Eropah itu terdiri juga daripada para pengusaha dan pemodal dari pelbagai negara termasuk “California, Australia and other parts of the world had come to this country.” Golongan kapitalis itu terdiri daripada pengusaha ladang, pengusaha lombong bijih, pedagang dan pemodal (Wright and Cartwright, 1908: 150-350). Sebagaimana berlaku di Negeri-Negeri Selat, pengasasan komponen-komponen pelancongan di Taiping juga berlangsung dalam sistem ekonomi laissez-faire. Dari situlah golongan imprealis, kapitalis dan kolonis mula-mula bertapak ke Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Pada mulanya telah bertapak di Negeri-Negeri Selat. Walau bagaimanapun, agak berbeza daripada di Negeri-Negeri Selat, pengasasan pelancongan di NegeriNegeri Melayu adalah tradisi yang dimulakan oleh kegiatan “Native State Officers” itu. Golongan inilah yang memulakan amalan melancong di Negeri-Negeri Melayu apabila mereka melakukan ‘lawatan sambil kerja,’ iaitu mengembara dari sebuah negeri Melayu ke Negeri-Negeri Melayu lain. Di samping itu, sejak bahagian kedua abad ke-19 lagi mereka telah melakukan kegiatan melancong ke negeri-negeri luar dari Tanah Melayu seperti ke Jawa, Rangoon, India, Thailand dan China. Pengasasan kemudahan dan itinerari pelancongan di Negeri-Negeri Melayu juga dilakukan oleh golongan ini. Mereka membuka rest-house, hill-stations (sanatorium), kelab-sosial, muzium, hotel, dan kemudahan-kemudahan lain. Ada dua sebab utama kenapa kemudahan dan itinerari tersebut diadakan. Pertama, sebagai “infrastruktur pentadbiran kolonial” (colonial administration tools). Kedua, sebagai langkah untuk menjimatkan kos. Menurut Swettenham (1948: 267) rest-house dan hill-stations dibangunkan oleh pentadbiran kolonial telah “saved many a man a long and expensive journey to Europe.”

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Rest-house membawa tiga maksud iaitu 1) merujuk sanatorium, seperti resort-bukit dan resort-laut, 2) tempat penginapan kakitangan pentadbiran kolonial semasa melakukan tugas di luar pejabat (outstation), dan 3) establishment berbayar, iaitu ia berfungsi sebagai hotel. Rest-house pertama di Negeri-Negeri Melayu adalah di Taiping; dibina pada tahun 1870 oleh merkantilis Eropah. Ini diikuti di tempat-tempat lain. Rest-house pertama di Kuala Lumpur dibuka pada tahun 1879. Di bandar Ipoh rest-house dibuka pada tahun 1894. Pada tahun-tahun 1920-an terdapat lebih daripada 50 buah rest-house di Negeri-Negeri Melayu (Harrison 1910/1923, dan Sidney 1926: 132). Pada akhir dekad 1950-an bilangannya adalah 112 buah dengan jumlah bilik sebanyak 582 buah (Department of Tourism 1961). Secara evolusinya, pembangunan kemudahan dan itinerari perjalanan itu menuruti perkembangan tahap-tahap kemajuan ekonomi dan pelebaran daerah pentadbiran kolonial. Sejak akhir abad ke-19, setelah termeterainya Perjanjian Negeri-Negeri Melayu Bersektu pada tahun 1895, pusat pentadbiran utama bagi Negeri-Negeri Melayu adalah Kuala Lumpur. Sejak itu berlaku pelebaran pentadbiran ke Kuala Kangsar, Kota Tinggi, Seremban, Kuala Lipis, Kuala Krai hinggalah ke Kuala Ketil (Kedah). Perkembangan ini mendorong berlakunya pengembangan rest-house, club-house, kelabrekreasi, pusat riadah, padang golf dan sebagainya. Rest-house yang asalnya tempat penginapan pegawai kolonial menjalankan tugas di luar daerah itu dijadikan juga tempat penginapan berbayar dalam kalangan pelawat. Harrison (1911/1923: 121) mencatatkan: The rest-houses are complete in every respect and provide, or can procure, everything needed, but people who are wise enough to be particular as to their bedding will never regret bringing with them a roll containing a couple of sheets, a couple of pillow cases, a mosquito net and their favourite shape and size in pillows. Many a good night’s rest can be lost and the next day rendered less pleasant by finding that one’s own private idiosyncrasies in these respects have not been studied in detail. Terdapat beberapa buah rest-house di Kuala Kangsar, Ipoh dan Kuala Pilah yang mempunyai padang golf (Robson 1911/1923: 223). Selain itu, terdapat juga rest-house yang dibina oleh para merkantilis Eropah. Misalnya, di Alor Setar, Kangar dan Satun telah dibina rest-house tauke-tauke Cina sejak tahun 1899 (Kadir Haji Din 1990: 115). Hill-station yang pertama di Negeri-Negeri Melayu dibuka di Bukit Taiping pada tahun 1884 oleh Hugh Low. Selanjutnya, menurut Hale (1908: 251) sehingga tahun 1907 terdapat sekurang-kurangnya lapan buah Government bangalows di atas bukit tersebut. Seterusnya, lebih banyak hill-stations dibuka di tempat-tempat lain seperti di Gunung Kledang (1892) (Butcher, 1979: 72-73), Bukit Kutu (1893) dan Gunong Bubu. “The Gab” iaitu sebuah rest-house yang dijadikan tempat peranginan dibuka di Genting Sepah, sebuah tempat antara Selangor dengan Pahang, pada awal abad ke-20 (Hale 1908: 252). Resort-laut terawal di Negeri-Negeri Melayu dibuka di Pulau Angsa (Hale 1908: 252) dan Port Dickson sejak akhir kurun ke-19. Selain itu, terdapat dua buah rest-house tempat bersenggang air panas (sulphur springs) yang dibuka oleh pentadbir British di Dusun Tua (Wright dan Cartwright 1908: 880, 939) dan di Melaka (Hale 1908: 252).

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Sanatorium dan rest-house itu adalah begitu ekslusif iaitu hanya dikhaskan kepada pegawai tadbir kolonial British, ekspatriat, missionary Kristian dan merkantilis Eropah (Stockwell, 1993 dan Butcher 1979). Hale (1908: 252) mencatatkan “At present there is very little chance for the general public to get a holiday on the hills, because, although the government bungalows are designed for their use on payment of a small rent, as well as for officers of the service, the latter naturally have the first option, and there is very rarely room for anybody else.”

Hotel di Negeri-Negeri Melayu Amat besar kemungkinannya hotel pertama di Negeri-Negeri Melayu adalah Victoria Hotel di Jalan Brickfields, Kuala Lumpur, yang dibuka pada tahun 1896 oleh Puan Harper. Hotel kedua tertua di NegeriNegeri Melayu adalah Empire Hotel di Jalan Tangsi (asalnya dinamakan Barrack Road), Kuala Lumpur yang dibuka pada tahun 1908 oleh Loke Chow Kit (Gullick, 2000: 208). Pada tahun 1910, FMS Hotel dibuka oleh pihak Federated Malay States. Hotel ini asalnya Victoria Hotel milik Puan Harper tadi. Namanya ditukar menjadi FMS Hotel iaitu ringkasan kepada Federated Malay States Hotel. Pada tahun 1911 pihak FMS Railway membuka Station Hotel di Kuala Lumpur. Pada tahun yang sama (1911) pihak FMS Railway membuka Station Hotel di Ipoh. Kedua-dua hotel ini merupakan hotel yang terkenal pada masa tersebut. Kedua-duanya mempunyai lampu elektrik dan kipas angin elektrik. Ia juga mempunyai “high class restaurant” (Harrison 1911/1923: 216). Kadar sewanya adalah dari $4 (14s.) (Harrison 1911/1923: 217). Robson (1911/1923: 218) mencatatkan “The hotel at Ipoh is often full, so it is advisable to enquire by wire from Penang if rooms will be available on the day required.” Pada tahun 1915 Great Eastern Hotel dibuka oleh saudagar Cina di Jalan Pasar, Kuala Lumpur. Di Kuala Lumpur juga, pada tahun 1921 dibuka Hotel Coliseum di Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman. Pada tahun 1932 Hotel Majestic dibuka oleh pentadbiran British. Menurut Gullick (2000: 100), selama 20 tahun sejak hotel-hotel tersebut dibuka (sejak awal abad ke-20), tidak banyak perubahan yang berlaku dalam sektor perhotelan: “In the ups and downs of the Malayan economy, there was no substantial further progress until 1932, when the Majestic Hotel opened its doors.” Dalam pada itu, tidak semua hotel atau rumah tumpangan menjadi tempat penginapan pelawat. Hanya Empire Hotel, FMS Hotel dan Station Hotel yang menjadi tempat penginapan dalam “lingkaran pelancong” (tourist circuit), khususnya, dalam kalangan “kelas pentadbiran menengah” Eropah. Di antara hotel-hotel tersebut, menurut Gullick (2000: 278) sehingga tahun 1932 “Station Hotel and Empire Hotel were the only first class hotels ini Kuala Lumpur.” Sejak era tersebut akomodasi dalam kalangan orang Cina seperti kongsi, hotel, rumah tumpangan dan rumah penginapan sementara (mansions for short term accommodation) di Negeri-Negeri Melayu juga berfungsi untuk memenuhi keperluan pelawat. Walau bagaimanapun, para pelawat berkenaan adalah terdiri daripada ‘pengembara-busines’ dalam kalangan orang Cina. Ini memandangkan pelbagai syarikat milik orang Cina sudah berkembang pesat pada era tersebut. Misalnya, dalam Telephone Directory 1939 tersenarai pelbagai syarikat perniagaan orang Cina di merata tempat di Negeri-Negeri Melayu.

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Keusahawanan tersebut adalah ‘akomodasi kelas bawahan’ (lower circuit accommodations). Harrison (1911/1923: 92) menamakannya sebagai ‘a rabbite warren’: Chinese of Kuala Lumpur still lived in a rabbite warren, in contrast to European inhabitants who occupy the white bangalows, each in its garden which dot the hill beyond the native town (Harrison 1911/1923: 92-93). Gullick (1993: 100) pula menamakannya sebagai “down-at-heel lesser hotels.” Menurut Gullick lagi tempat tersebut bukanlah tempat penginapan “manusia bertamadun” jika dibandingkan dengan hotel yang dibuka oleh pentadbiran British seperti Station Hotel dan Majestic Hotel― “The Station Hotel and Majestic Hotel, until the 1950’s, offered more civilized lodging to temporary visitors than rather down-atheel lesser hotels which were the only alternative” (Gullick 1993: 100). Selain itu, hotel-hotel juga dibuka di Sabah sejak akhir abad ke-19. Misalnya, dalam The British North Borneo Herald and Official Gazette9 (16 February 1900) dilaporkan “North Borneo dinner at Hotel Cecil.” Majlis tersebut dihadiri oleh 270 orang, dalam kalangan merkantilis Barat dan orang Cina yang kaya. Akhbar tersebut (BNBHOF, 16 February 1900) juga melaporkan bahawa pada tahun 1889 terdapat orang Cina memohon sebuah kawasan tanah di Sandakan, Sabah, untuk membina hotel. Di tempat-tempat tersebut juga berlaku pembukaan tempat penginapan. Sejak tahun 1890 sudah ada Hotel Cecil di Sabah yang didiami oleh Barat dan orang Cina. Di Kedah, menurut Kadir Haji Din (1990: 109) di Alor Setar sejak 1910-an sudah terdapat Kheng Lan Hotel (1918) dan Tye Tong Hotel (1929). Kedua-duanya dibina di tempat yang strategis iaitu berhampiran sungai dan jeti. Hotel-hotel ini dimiliki oleh orang Cina sepenuhnya.

Pelancongan dan Fenomena Orang Cina Seperti telah dijelaskan, selain daripada imprealis, merkantalis dan kolonis Barat, satu lagi ‘aktor’ penting dalam sejarah pelancongan Malaysia ialah orang Cina. Berbeza daripada kaum-kaum pendatang lain, seperti orang-orang dari India, penghijrahan orang Cina ke negara ini tidaklah diurus oleh pentadbiran kolonial kerana mereka tidak dianggap ‘British subject.’ Ekoran daripada itu, mereka terpaksa menyedia dan mengurus sendiri tempatan penginapan, pengangkutn dan segala keperluan-keperluan lain. Di samping itu, dalam keperitan hidup itu, orang Cina mempunyai budaya layan tamu yang berakar umbi dari peradaban Tanah Besar China yang panjang zaman berzaman. Sejak zaman purba kala lagi mereka sudah mempunyai pengalaman perkhidmatan layan tamu, misalnya, mereka mempunyai amalan penyediaan ‘hotel’ yang disebutkan ke zhan dalam bahasa Mandarin, hak zhan dalam dialek Kantonis, kak zham dalam dialek Hakka dan k zham dalam dialek Hokkien. Di samping itu, dalam kalangan orang Cina terdapat penginapan ‘kongsi’ iaitu penginapan yang disediakan oleh mereka yang datang lebih awal penginapan sementara kepada keluarga dan ‘orang sekampung’ dari Tanah Besar China. Selanjutnya, terdapat kedai kopi yang menjadikan tingkat atasnya sebagai rumah tumpangan disebutkan li Tian (Mandarin). Kuil-kuil Cina juga menyediakan tempat penginapan bagi orang dari luar. Pendatang 9

The British North Borneo Herald and Official Gazette diterbitkan oleh East Borneo Company; mempunyai dua fungsi iaitu 1) sebagai akhbar umum, dan 2) warta pemerintah (government gazette).

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Cina itu membuka rumah kongsi, rumah tumpangan, hotel kecil dan tempat hiburan serta bersenggang di bandar sebagai infrastruktur dan itinerari mereka menjalankan keusahawanan perlombongan bijih timah itu. Keusahawanan tersebut membangun seiringan dengan evolusi urbanisasi yang dibangunkan kaum itu. Ini dapat dilihat pada lokaliti kemunculan komponen-komponen pelancongan pada hari ini, seperti hotel, pusat pengangkutan, pusat perkhidmatan, restoran, barang-barang keperluan dan kepakaran. Hampir kesemua perkara ini adalah terasas dan kekal berkembang di beberapa buah bandar utama yang dibuka dan dibangunkan oleh pentadbiran British dan orang Cina. Ini ketara di negeri-negeri pantai barat yang kaya dengan bijih timah dan perladangan seperti Kuala Lumpur, Ipoh, Johor Bahru dan Seremban.

Pemilikan dan Sebaran Wilayah Pembangunan Pelancongan Dalam Tahap Pengasasan: Pada Zaman Kolonial Sebagaimana telah digambarkan, industri pelancongan Malaysia terasas dan membangun dalam sistem laissez-faire yang diperkenalkan oleh golongan imprealis, merkantilis dan kolonis di beberapa buah bandar yang menjadi pusat kepentingan ekonomi mereka. Kemudiaan ianya dikuasai orang Cina. Masyarakat watan tidak terlibat langsung dalam sektor ini sejak detik pengasasannya. Ini kerana mereka tidak mempunyai peluang untuk terlibat sama dalam sistem laissez-faire. Malah kegiatan layan tamu itu adalah sesuatu yang asing bagi mereka. Keadaan ini timbul kerana masyarakat watan tinggal di luar bandar dan mengamalkan cara hidup bersifat tradisionalisme. Salah satu bahan yang boleh dijadikan sumber rujukan utama tentang perkembangan-perkembangan yang berlaku dalam industri ini pada zaman sebelum Perang Dunia ialah Telephone Directory 1939—buku direktori telefon pertama di negara ini. Berdasarkan direktori tersebut, tidak semua negeri (di Semenanjung) mempunyai hotel, rumah tumpangan dan hostel pada zaman sebelum Perang Dunia Kedua. Perkhidmatan-perkhidmatan tersebut hanya wujud di beberapa buah bandar utama di pantai barat Semenanjung. Hanya lima buah negeri yang mempunyai establishment ini iaitu Pulau Pinang, Kuala Lumpur, Perak, Melaka dan Pahang. Lokaliti yang menjadi tumpuan pembangunannya ialah di Pulau Pinang dan Kuala Lumpur. Ini kerana perkembangan establishment tersebut adalah didorong oleh faktor pembangunan perbandaran ekoran daripada pembangunan ekonomi moden. Bandar-bandar tersebut menjadi pusat ekonomi, politik dan sosial. Perkhidmatan-perkhidmatan tersebut diadakan untuk memenuhi fungsi perbandaran, bukannya kerana daya tarikan. Dalam pada itu, walaupun tidak ada data yang lengkap namun dapat dirumuskan hotel dan rumah tumpangan di bandar adalah dimonopoli hampir sepenuh oleh orang Cina. Keusahawanan tersebut dijalankan secara kecil-kecilan dalam kalangan keluarga Cina (Chinese family small town run hotels). Sebahagian besar bandar di Malaysia dibuka oleh orang Cina. Berlatarbelakangkan budaya dari Tanah Besar China itu dan keperluan perjalanan dan perkhidmatan hiburan, mereka membuka perkhidmatan layan tamu di negara ini yang berlaku seiringan atau bersama-sama dengan pembukaan bandar. Pemilikan orang Cina dalam bidang perhotelan itu berkekalan sehingga ke hari ini. Ini kerana mereka memilki kawasan tanah di bandar-bandar sejak zaman sebelum merdeka lagi. Pentadbiran kolonial British telah mengadakan sistem pendaftaran tanah dengan memberi kawasan-kawasan tanah terhadap

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kepada orang Cina. Pendaftaran itu dimulai dengan pengenalan Sistem Torrens di Perak oleh W.E. Maxwell pada 1879. Sistem ini kemudian dijadikan asas penggubalan Selangor Land Regulations (or Code) pada tahun 1891. Selangor Land Regulations (or Code) itu disebarkan ke Negeri-Negeri Melayu Bersekutu (meliputi Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan dan Pahang). Ia laksanakan oleh State Council (di bawah Residen). Selari dengan ‘semangat’ Perjanjian Pangkor 1874, Residen merupakan ‘wakil’ sultan untuk mengurusi hal-ehwal tanah di negeri-negeri berkenaan (Ahmad Nazri Abdullah 1985: 28). Dalam situasi orang Cina sudah menguasai tanah bandar itulah pihak kolonial mengadakan pendaftaran hakmilik tanah. Hampir kesemua kawasan tanah di bandar dimiliki oleh kaum berkenaan. Sebaliknya, orang Melayu tidak memiliki harta-tanah di bandar, terutamanya di kawasan strategik dan mempunyai nilai komersial. Dominasi orang Cina dalam pemilikan harta-tanah di bandar itu berkekalan sehingga ke hari ini kerana undang-undang tanah zaman kolonial masih berfungsi dan berwibawa selepas terbentuknya Persekutuan Tanah Melayu atau memperoleh pemerintahan-sendiri (ditandai dengan pengistiharan kemerdekaan pada 31 Ogos 1957) sehingga ke hari ini. Di samping itu, sistem laissez-faire yang diasaskan pada zaman kolonial itu juga masih menjadi amalan di negara ini. Undang-undang tanah dan amalan laissez-faire itu merupakan ‘faktor-faktor’ penting yang menyebabkan secara keseluruhannya sejak zaman kolonial lagi pelancongan adalah memiliki dan dikuasai oleh pihak pentadbiran kolonial dan orang Cina. Dalam situasi tersebut, orang Melayu bermestautin di luar bandar, tidak mempunyai harta-tanah di bandar dan hidup dalam keadaan tertutup dengan gaya-hidup tradisionalisme. Ekoran daripada masalah pemilikan dan penguasaan pihak-pihak tersebut dan juga pemisahan secara struktural itu, orang Melayu tidak dapat terlibat dalam proses sejarah pengasasan pelancongan. Orang Melayu tidak mempunyai ruang dan peluang untuk terlibat sama dalam keusahawanan pelancongan. Perkembanganperkembangan sejarah tersebut membawa berlakunya pemisahan struktural iaitu taraf pembangunan antara bandar dengan luar bandar dan juga antara kaum (antara orang Cina dari orang Melayu) sehingga ke hari ini.

TAHAP PEMACUAN Tahap Pemacuan pembangunan pelancongan Malaysia muncul pada akhir tahun-tahun 1950-an hingga akhir tahun-tahun 1960-an. Sehubungan itu, perkembangannya adalah seiringan dengan proses pembangunan negara yang baharu memperoleh pemerintahan-sendiri (disebut Kemerdekaan Persekutuan Tanah Melayu yang diistiharkan pada 31 Ogos 1957). Hujah untuk menyatakan Tahap Pemacuan pembangunan pelancongan Malaysia pada masa tersebut adalah kerana wujud ciri-ciri yang berbeza daripada masyarakat sebelumnya, misalnya, komponen-komponen pelancongan semakin bercirikan sebuah sektor tersendiri. Antara ciri-ciri Tahap tersebut adalah berikut: 1. Munculnya ciri-ciri komponen pelancongan yang lebih bersifat kontemporari; berbeza daripada era sebelumnya yang lebih bercirikan pentadbiran kolonial dan penginapan murah orang Cina. 2. Jumlah bilangan aspek-aspek pelancongan, seperti hotel dan destinasi bertambah

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3. Pembangunan pelancongan tidak bersifat dalaman semata-mata. Ia tidaklah digerakkan hanya oleh faktor-faktor, sebaliknya, oleh pihak-pihak luar juga 4. Pelancongan diiktiraf sebagai sebuah industri yang tersendiri oleh pihak kerajaan 5. Pelancongan dijadikan oleh pihak kerajaan sebagai salah satu wahana pembangunan sosioekonomi bagi mengatasi masalah ‘pemisahan-struktural’ Kemunculan Tahap Pemacuan pelancongan Malaysia adalah kesan daripada perkembanganperkembangan di peringkat dunia. Impak di luar negara itu amat besar ke atas pembangunan pelancongan di Malaysia sehingga membawa munculnya era baharu iaitu Tahap Pemacuan. Di samping itu, kemunculan era baharu dalam sektor industri pelancongan di Malaysia pada masa tersebut adalah digerakkan juga oleh perkembangan-perkembangan politik, ekonomi dan sosiobudaya dari dalam negara sendiri. Sebahagian besar pembangunan pelancongan dalam Tahap Pemacuan adalah digerak dan dibangunkan oleh pihak kerajaan. Ini amat ketara dalam pembangunan infrastruktur dan destinasi di luar bandar. Jelasnya, faktor-faktor yang mendorong munculnya Tahap Pemacuan pelancongan Malaysia terdiri daripada faktor-faktor luar negara dan dalam negara. Antara perkembangan-perkembangan yang menandakan Tahap Pemacuan pelancongan sedunia pada masa tersebut adalah seperti berikut: munculnya Era Jumbo-Jet iaitu era mula-mula kapal terbang kuasa jet menjadi pengangkutan utama; berlakunya pertambahan jumlah pelancong dunia secara mendadak, termasuk di rantau Asia Pasifik; berlakunya peningkatan kemajuan infrastruktur perhubungan (darat, laut dan udara); berlangsungnya Persidangan Pelancongan Sedunia di Rome (1963); tertubuhnya SoutheastAsia Travel Commission (SATC) dan BOAC (sejak 1948); seterusnya, munculnya pertubuhan-pertubuhan antarabangsa yang khas dalam hal-ehwal pembangunan pelancongan seperti PATA (1960) dan IUOTO (yang diserap ke dalam Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu pada 1961) (Burkart dan Medlik 1981: 24-25, dan Lanfant 1993). Antara tanda-tanda Tahap Pemacuan pelancongan Malaysia ekoran daripada perkembanganperkembangan di luar dan di dalam negara adalah seperti berikut: Perhotelan: Pada akhir tahun-tahun 1950-an itulah munculnya era baharu dalam sektor perhotelan di negara ini. Era tersebut ditandai oleh pembukaan hotel besar bertaraf antarabangsa, jumlah bilangan hotel dan bilik penginapan berbayar yang lebih banyak dan perkhidmatan hotel yang membawa ciri-ciri kontemporari seperti adanya kelengkapan penyaman udara (air conditions), restoran, shopping-arcades dan kolam renang, di samping adanya bar dan kabaret. Ciri-ciri aspek perhotelan di Kuala Lumpur pada era tersebut dapat digambarkan dengan catatan James Kirkup (1963: 33), seorang pensyarah di Universiti Malaya sejak tahun-tahun 1950-an hingga sekitar awal 1960-an: “There are a number of Swiss modern air-conditioned hotels with their own shopping-arcades, restaurants, bars and cabarets.” Catatan ini dapat menggambarkan telah berlaku anjakan baharu (shifted-changes) yang tidak pernah berlaku pada masa sebelumnya dalam aspek-aspek perhotelan di Malaysia sejak tahun-tahun 1950-an. Malah, menurut beliau lagi, pada era tersebut hotel-hotel yang dianggap kelas satu pada zaman sebelum Perang Dunia Kedua (seperti Majestic Hotel dan Station Hotels) telah dianggap ‘tidaklah sehebat mana lagi’ (Kirkup, 1963: 33). Misalnya, hotel-hotel ternama dan tercanggih pada zaman sebelum itu masih tidak mempunyai alat penyaman, sebaliknya, hanya menggunakan kipas angin elektrik. Pembukaan hotel besar bertaraf antarabangsa bersifat kontemporari―seperti berhawa dingin, kolam renang dan bersama restoran―adalah bermula sejak tahun-tahun akhir 1950-an di beberapa buah 52

bandar utama. Hotel bertaraf antarabangsa pertama di negara ini adalah Federal Hotel di Jalan Bukit Bintang, Kuala Lumpur. Ia dibuka oleh pemodal Cina, bernama Low Yat, pada 31 Ogos 1957 sebagai penyediaan tempat kediaman bagi para pelawat dari dalam dan luar negara yang datang untuk meraikan sambutan kemerdekaan pertama itu. Hotel ini mempunyai 700 bilik, berhawa dingin sepenuhnya dan dibina dengan kos RM 28 juta. Hotel-hotel bertaraf antarabangsa lain yang dibuka pada era tersebut ialah Union Hotel di Jalan Sultan Ismail, Kuala Lumpur (dibuka pada 8 April 1958); Hotel Merlin di Kuala Lumpur (23 Mei 1959); Hotel Merlin di Kuantan (13 Mei 1959); Hotel Merlin di Cameron Highlands (29 September 1959); dan Equatorial Hotel di Kuala Lumpur (1963). Hotel-hotel ini dimiliki oleh para pelabur antarabangsa dan kapitalis Cina tempatan. Dalam Rancangan Malaysia Kedua (1972: 187) dilaporkan bahawa: “Bilangan bilek2 di-hotel2 yang bertaraf antarabangsa telah bertambah dari kira2 1,900 dalam tahun 1965 kepada 6,000 dalam tahun 1970.” Pada era tersebut sudah mulai dijalankan pengutipan data perangkaan tentang bilangan hotel dan bilik hotel pelbagai jenis. Ini dapat dilihat dengan serta merta pada laporan tentang bilangan hotel dan bilik hotel dalam Rancangan Malaysia Keua di atas.

Faktor-faktor Dalam Negara Satu lagi ciri ketara dalam Tahap Pemacuan pembangunan pelancongan di Malaysia ialah berlakunya intervensi pemerintah bagi membantu masyarakat watan terlibat dalam keusahawan sektor industri ini. Intervensi tersebut begitu ketara hinggakan pihak kerajaan menjadi sebahagian daripada ‘aktor’ atau ‘pengusaha’ dalam sektor industri ini. Kemerdekaan merupakan salah satu ‘eventual period’ dalam pembangunan di negara ini amnya, termasuk dalam industri pelancongan. Ia bukan hanya suatu proses permindahan kuasa politik secara teknikal dari kuasa kolonial ke tangan anak watan tetapi lebih penting lagi ia merupakan peralihan kuasa (succession of power) dari pentadbiran kolonial ke elit administokrat Melayu berpendidikan Inggeris. Elit ini memain peranan cukup besar bukan sahaja dalam pentadbiran dan pemerintahan tetapi juga dalam pembangunan. Mereka berperanan dalam pembangunan hotel, infrastruktur dan destination di luar bandar sehingga mendorong terbitnya era baharu dalam sektor industri pelancongan. Dari satu sisi, pengan perolehan pemerintahan-sendiri itu telah membolehkan elit administokrat Melayu berada pada kedudukan ‘commanding position’ dalam pentadbiran dan pemerintahan negara (Untuk keterangan lanjut sila lihat Means 1976; Ratnam 1967; Hickling 1978; Purcell 1957; Sheridan 1964; Ness 1965; Puthucheamy 1978; Vasil 1985; Crouch 1996; Mohamed Salleh Abbas 1968; Mohamed Suffian Hashim 1976; Mohamed Suffian et al. 1984). Mereka inilah yang memulakan ‘tradisi’ atau amalan affirmative actions—iaitu dasar intervensi atau ‘campur tangan pemerintah yang ketara’ dalam sektor-sektor ekonomi untuk membantu orang Melayu dan Bumiputera lain (Gomez dan Jomo 1997: 2, Jomo 1999: 8588, Jesudason dan Hing 1997: 196-197, Hoi 1997: 219-220). Matlamat utama dasar afirmatif itu adalah untuk merekonstruksikan atau menyusun semula ketidaksamarataan sosioekonomi ekonomi antara kaum dan wilayah melalui pembangunan pelancongan sebagai wahananya. Tindakan elit administokrat Melayu adalah legitimat kerana diasaskan lunas-lunas perundangan yang sah, iaitu Artikel 153, Perlembagaan Persekutuan Malaysia.

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Dari sisi yang lain, peranan golongan elit administokrat ini cukup besar dalam pembangunan sektor industri pelancongan. Dengan bersandarkan lunas-lunas perundangan itu, golongan elit administokrat Melayu telah menjadikan kerajaan sebagai salah satu ‘aktor’ penting dalam keusahawan pelbagai sektor industri, termasuk sektor industri pelancongan. Peranan kerajaan sebagai ‘aktor’ atau ‘pengusaha’ dalam sektor pelancongan dapat dirujuk ucapan Tun Abdul Razak, Timbalan Perdana Menteri, yang bertajuk “Free Malaya Surges Ahead in Economic Progress” (pada 22 Ogos 1961): The importance of tourism as a major industry has not been overlooked by the Government, a Tourist Promotion Section being established two years ago. The Federation is a member of the Pacific Area Travel Association (PATA), the International Union of Official Travel Organisation (IUOTO) and the Southeast-Asia Travel Commission (SATC). A practical result of the increased attention to tourism is the construction today of new airstrips at Kuala Terengganu, on Pulau Langkawi, and near the National Park, with the object of opening up direct air links to these centres. Planned publicity has created a great impact resulting in a marked increase in tourist traffic in Malaya (Ucapan-Ucapan Tun Haji Abdul Razak Bin Hussein, 1975: 195). Berasaskan kenyataan ini, ada empat asas penting yang membawa berlakunya perubahan secara menganjak (shifted change) dalam sektor pelancongan di negara ini sejurus memperoleh kemerdekaan itu. Pertama, kerajaan menggubal polisi dan mengadakan program pembangunan pelancongan negara. Kedua, pada era kemerdekaan, kerajaan Malaysia sudah mengadakan hubungan dengan pelbagai agensi di luar negara. Hubungan tersebut merupakan salah satu mekanisme yang memesatkan pembangunan pelancongan sehingga munculnya Tahap Pemacuan dalam sektor industri ini. Ketiga, kerajaan telah menubuhkan agensi khas untuk mengurusi hal-ehwal pembangunan pelancongan negara iaitu Tourist Promotion Section pada tahun 1959—sebuah unit di bawah Kementerian Perdagangan dan Pengindustrian; kemudian namanya ditukar menjadi Department of Tourism (DOT). Agensi tersebut merupakan tapak asas penubuhan TDC10 (pada tahun 1972) dan KKKPM (1987). Keempat, pada masa yang sama kerajaan telah merancang untuk menggunakan sektor industri pelancongan sebagai wahana untuk mengatasi masalah ‘pemisahan struktural’ dengan memberi penekanan terhadap pembangunan luar dan pemberian peluang penglibatan orang Melayu dan bumiputera lain dalam keusahawan sektor industri ini. Di dasar perancangan sektor industri pelancongan ini terbenam ‘dasar afirmatif’ kerajaan (di bawah elit administokrat Melayu) yang membawa matlamat untuk merekonstruksikan atau menyusun semula ketidaksamarataan sosioekonomi ekonomi antara kaum dan wilayah melalui pembangunan pelancongan sebagai wahananya. Antara langkah-langkah yang telah dijalankan untuk tujuan tersebut pada era ini ialah pembinaan lapangan terbang Kuala Terengganu, Pulau Langkawi dan Taman Negara Pahang. Selain itu, pihak kerajaan membangunkan infrastruktur dan mengadakan promosi dan penggalakan dengan imej-imej luar bandar. Langkah-langkah lain berkait dengan dasar ini akan dijelaskan nanti. Jelasnya, ‘dasar afirmatif’ telah dijalankan oleh pihak kerajaan sejak awal perolehan pemerintahansendiri (kemerdekaan) lagi. Seterusnya, prinsip ‘dasar afirmatif’ ini dijadikan asas penggubalan polisi pembangunan negara amnya dan sektor industri pelancongan khususnya hingga ke hari ini. Ia diterapkan dalam semua Rancangan Lima Tahun Malaysia sejak Rancangan Malaya Kedua (1960-1965). Seterusnya, prinsip ini dijadikan asas DEB (Dasar Ekonomi Baru) yang diistiharkan secara rasmi melalui Rancangan Malaysia Kedua (1971-1974). Sejak tahun 2010, ia dijenamasemula dengan nama Model Ekonomi Baru 10

TDC: Tourism Promotion Board, dan KKKPM: Kementerian Kebudayaan, Kesenian dan Pelancongan Malaysia.

54

(MEB). Dasar ini dijadikan Dasar Induk Pembangunan Negara hingga ke Rancangan Malaysia Ke-10 (20112015) yang masih berjalan pada hari ini. Selain itu, sejak Kemerdekaan itu juga kerajaan mengiktirafkan kedudukan pelancongan secara satu industri yang penting bagi negara ini. Sejak itu telah kerajaan melibatkan pelbagai agensi supaya berperanan dalam sektor industri ini. Ekoran daripada itu, selain DOT, agensi-agensi kerajaan lain yang dilibatkan dalam sektor ini ialah Jabatan Kerja Raya (JKR), Kementerian Kebudayaan, Belia dan Sukan, Kementerian Dalam Negeri (Jabatan Imigresen), Kementerian Luar Bandar, Kementerian Pertanian dan Jabatan Perhiliran. Pada tahun 1959 Setiausaha Kementerian Perdagangan dan Perindustrian membuat saranan berikut: Practically all Departments of Government can play a part in combined effort to encourage tourists to visit Malaya. Department directly in contact with visitors e.g. Immigration, Customs and Police have a particularly important role especially in the creation of a good first impression to visitors. Travel departments, for example, in ensuing a high standard of service to the travelling visitor (dipetik dari Chew, 1965: 4). Dari segi perancangan, Tahap Pemacuan pembangunan pelancongan itu melibatkan dua Rancangan Lima Tahun Malaya/Malaysia iaitu Rancangan Malaya Kedua (1960-1965) dan Rancangan Malaysia Pertama (1966-1970). Dalam Rancangan Malaya Kedua (1960-1965) kerajaan telah memberi peruntukan sebanyak RM 0.25 juta (dari seluruh jumlah bajet sebanyak RM 2,150,34 juta) untuk sektor ini (Second Malaya Plan, 1960: 97). Sejak Rancangan tersebut juga kerajaan (melalui JKR) telah mengadakan pelan untuk membangunkan Genting Highlands pada tahun 1963. Malangnya, rancangan tersebut tidak dapat dilaksanakan kerana pada masa tersebut negara sedang menghadapi masalah Konfrantasi dengan Indonesia dan Filipina. Seterusnya, dalam Rancangan Malaysia Pertama (1966-1970) kerajaan memperuntukkan sebanyak RM 2 juta dalam sektor industri ini. In the coming years, the government will take greater efforts, in association with private enterprise, to facilitate and promote tourist travel to and within Malaya throughout the provision of better facilities. For this purpose a sum of $2 million has been allocated. Tourist information centres in Kuala Lumpur and Port Swettenham will be improved and more recreational activities will make available in Kuala Lumpur area (First Malaysia Plan, 1965: 189). Sejak Rancangan Malaysia Pertama itu juga kerajaan tidak mengabaikan Sabah dan Sarawak dalam pembangunan pelancongan. Ini disebutkan dengan tuntas dalam First Malaysia Plan (1965: 189): “The potential of tourist industry in Malaya and the Borneo States will be carefully appraised to serve as a basic for further promotional and development work.” Sejak Rancangan Malaysia Pertama (1965:187-188) itu juga kepentingan sektor ini telah dianggap setaraf dengan sektor keselamatan dalam negara, dasar perhubungan luar negara, pembangunan luar bandar, pembangunan infrastruktur, pendidikan, perusahaan getah, perlombongan, pertanian, kelapa sawit, perdagangan, kewangan, perbankan dan sebagainya. Dalam Rancangan Malaysia Pertama (1966-1970) digariskan matlamat pembangunan pelancongan iaitu: To help Malaysia to become better known to the world at large and promotes closer ties with other countries. At the same time the increasing amount of foreign exchange is being earned from tourism. In the coming years, the government will make efforts, in association with private 55

enterprise, to facilitate and promote tourist travel to and within Malaysia through provision of better facilities (First Malaysia Plan, 1965: 189). Ada dua matlamat utama yang tersulam dalam Rancangan Malaysia Pertama itu. Pertama, kerajaan berusaha menjadikan pelancongan sebagai “diplomatic barometer” kedamaian dan persahabatan dengan negara-negara lain. Kedua, menggalakkan pihak swasta agar turut terlibat dalam pembangunan di luar bandar. Kerajaan mengharapkan proses penstrukturan semula sosioekonomi dapat berlaku secara tidak langsung kerana objek-objek daya tarikan seperti pantai, pulau dan bukit-bukau itu berada di luar bandar. Dalam Rancangan Malaysia Kedua (1966-1970) itu kerajaan menubuhkan Jawatankuasa Mohar 1967 (Mohar’s Commission Report Mohar 1967) dan menggubal Akta Galakan Pelaburan 1968. Kedua-duanya membawa matlamat khusus untuk menggalakkan pihak swasta menjadi agen pengagihan sektor pelancongan ke luar bandar dan antara kaum. Antara pengesyoran oleh Jawatankuasa Mohar ialah supaya kerajaan mengadakan kemudahan pelancong di Batu Caves, membina Kompleks Pelancong di Bukit Nanas, menaik-taraf kemudahan di Templer Parks, membuka Restoran Rasa Sayang, mengadakan Pasar Malam (Mohar’s Commission Report Mohar 1967: 32). Ia juga mengesyorkan diadakan pembangunan projek di luar bandar seperti pembinaan motel di Bukit Pak Apil dan pembinaan motel dan pusat pelancong di Rantau Abang. Selain itu, Jawatankuasa tersebut juga membuat pengesyoran agar sektor pelancongan domestik dibangunkan. Secara keseluruhannya semua projek yang dirancang Jawatankuasa tersebut membawa objektif untuk menjadikan pembangunan pelancongan sebagai wahana pembangunan sosioekonomi yang seimbang antara wilayah (bandar dengan luar bandar) dan kaum. They should also generate a number of economic activities and provide employment opportunities which would eventually raise the standard of living and to bring about national unity among the various races in the country, as envisaged by Government’s accelerated industrialisation programme. Apart from those considerations, the projects are also geared to provide adequate facilities and attractions to induce international tourists to stay longer in this country and also provide recreational facilities to local population” (Mohar’s Commission Report Mohar 1968: 34). Matlamat yang sama menjadi asas penggubalan Akta Galakan Pelaburan 1968. Akta ini adalah dikawal secara langsung oleh Kementerian Kewangan. Insentif taraf perintis akan diberikan, iaitu dalam bentuk pengecualian cukai Acceleration Depreciation Allowance for Plant, Machinery and Equipment, kepada mana-mana pihak yang menempat dan menjalankan keusahawanan mengikut wilayah-wilayah yang ditentukan oleh kerajaan mengikut empat zon berikut: Zon A :

Kuala Lumpur dan Pulau Pinang

Zon B :

Selangor, Perak, Negeri Sembilan, Melaka, Johor dan Kota Kinabalu

Zon C :

Pahang, Terengganu, Kelantan, Perlis, Sabah (kecuali Kota Kinabalu) dan Sarawak

Zon D :

Pulau, resort-bukit dan wilayah-wilayah seumpamanya seperti digariskan oleh Kementerian Kewangan

56

Acceleration Depreciation Allowance for Plant, Machinery and Equipment diberikan dengan kadar-kadar seperti berikut: bagi Zon A sebanyak 15 peratus, Zon B 20 peratus, Zon C 25 peratus dan Zon D 30 peratus. Bagi Zon A (Kuala Lumpur dan Pulau Pinang) insentif tersebut hanya diberikan kepada manamana pihak yang menjalankan keusahawanan dalam pelbagai bidang dalam masa lima tahun selepas Akta tersebut digubal, iaitu dari 1 Januari 1968 hingga 31 Disember 1973. Zon-Zon lain dikuatkuasakan serta merta pada masa tersebut. Pembangunan pelancongan dalam Tahap Pemacuan pada era pascamerdeka (dari akhir 1950-an hingga akhir 1960-an) itu adalah era sebelum DEB. Sektor pelancongan masih belum membangun dengan pesat lagi pada era tersebut. Walaupun dilakukan dalam dua Rancangan Malaysia namun pembangunan projek pelancongan Malaysia tidak banyak berubah daripada keadaannya pada era sebelum merdeka. Misalnya, masih belum ada destinasi pelancong yang dibuka. Faktor utamanya adalah kerana hampir kesemua projek yang dirancang oleh kerajaan pada era pascamerdeka itu tidak dapat disiapkan. Hampir kesemua rancangan kerajaan masih dalam proses pembinaan (TMRA 1971:17-18). Projek-projek berkenaan diteruskan pada tahun-tahun 1970-an di bawah Rancangan Malaysia Kedua (1971-1975) ― serentak dengan pelancaran DEB (1971). Pada era sebelum DEB itu pihak bukan-kerajaan masih tidak mengadakan sebarang usaha dan pelaburan untuk membangunkan destinasi di luar bandar walaupun terdapat beberapa buah tempat yang mempunyai daya tarikan pelancongan. Hanya syarikat Genting Highlands Sdn. Bhd ― setelah mengambil alih projek JKR ― yang memulakan pembukaan Genting Highlands sejak tahun 1965. Projek ini siap pada tahun 1972. Akomodasi zaman kolonial masih beroperasi pada zaman selepas merdeka itu. Pihak kerajaan merupakan pihak pemilik ke atas rest-house, hill-stations (sanatorium) dan hotel-stesyen. Pemilikan tersebut dilakukan melalui proses ‘pindah milik’ dari tangan pentadbiran kolonial. Ianya menjadikan harta negara. Taburan dan bilangan akomodasi-akomodasi milik Kerajaan mengikut negeri di Semenanjung pada awal tahun-tahun 1960-an adalah seperti Jadual 1. JADUAL 1: Akomodasi milik kerajaan, 1961 NEGERI

BILANGAN

Kedah

7

Kelantan

6

Melaka

2

Perlis

1

Negeri Sembilan

12

Pahang

26

Kuala Lumpur

0

Selangor

5

57

Terengganu

5

Perak

23

Pulau Pinang

7

Sumber: Telephone Directory 1961-1964 Sebagaimana telah dibayangkan, pada akhir 1950-an itu telah muncul era baharu dalam sektor perhotelan negara ini apabila beberapa buah hotel besar bertaraf antarabangsa dibuka seperti Federal Hotel, Union Hotel, Hotel Merlin dan Equatorial Hotel. Hotel-hotel tersebut merupakan hotel milik orang Cina. Selain daripada hotel-hotel tersebut, masih terdapat hotel milik kaum Cina yang dibuka sejak selepas Perang Dunia Kedua. Dari semakan fail-fail di Pejabat Pendaftaran Pertubuhan (ROC) didapati antara hotel-hotel yang didaftarkan pada tahun-tahun 1940-an dan pertengahan 1950-an adalah terdiri daripada Tong Ah Hotel di Jalan Sultan Ismail Kuala Lumpur, didaftarkan pada 8 Disember 1947; Eastern & Oriental Hotel (didaftarkan semula pada 18 Oktober 1951); Shui Kat Hotel, Penang Road, Penang (1 Januari 1955). Hampir kesemua hotel kecil, rumah tumpangan dan lojing bersaiz dari lima hingga 20 bilik di bandar adalah dimiliki oleh orang Cina dalam bentuk ‘hotel kecil milik keluarga Cina’ (small Chinese family town hotels)11 (lihat Jadual 2). Landskap akomodasi berbayar pada Tahap Pemacuan terus dicirikan oleh ‘hotel bandar lingkaran bawahan’ (lower circuit town hotels). Ciri-ciri keusahawanan hotel kecil milik keluarga Cina itu tidak banyak berubah daripada keadaannya pada zaman sebelum Perang Dunia Kedua. Keusahawanan tersebut dibuka untuk memenuhi keperluan pasaran pengembara domestik yang umumnya terdiri daripada pengembara-busines (business-travellers) dalam kalangan orang Cina. ‘Pengembara’ itu terdiri daripada wakil atau agen jualan, juru jual, pembekal dan pengedar pelbagai syarikat dan perkhidmatan perniagaan. Jadual 2 menunjukkan juga sejak awal 1960-an terdapat beberapa buah hotel kecil di bandar yang dimiliki oleh orang Melayu, iaitu, Hotel Razak (1960) di Kota Bharu; mungkin hotel milik orang Melayu yang pertama dalam jenisnya (iaitu hotel kecil di bandar) di negara ini. Hotel-hotel lain milik orang Melayu yang awal ialah Hotel Irama (1963) di Kota Bharu, Hotel Aman (1965) di Kota Bharu, Shah’s Village di Petaling Jaya (1968) dan Hotel Kesina di Kota Bharu (1971). Shah Village dibuka dari bantuan UDA. Hotel Irama di Kota Bharu dibuka secara usahasama orang Cina dan Melayu.

11

Terdapat hotel-hotel yang diusahakan dalam bentuk ‘hotel milik keluarga Cina’ (Chinese family hotels) itu yang dibuka di bandar-bandar lain sejak selepas Perang Dunia Kedua. Antara contoh hotel-hotel berbentuk begitu di Melaka ialah Majestic Hotel, Suan Kee Hotel, Westernhay Hotel, Chin Nam Hotel dan Hotel Capitol. Hampir kesemuanya dimiliki oleh Cina Baba dan Hailan, kecuali Westernhay Hotel yang dimiliki orang Eropah yang membuka ladang getah di negeri tersebut. Kesemua hotel ini masih wujud sehingga kini, kecuali Capitol Hotel. Pada dekad 1950-an, Westernhay Hotel telah diambil alih (succession) oleh orang Cina. Pada pertengahan 1980-an Chin Nam Hotel dinamakan Hotel New Chin Nam. Hotel-hotel ini menyediakan restoran, bar dan kaunter minuman keras.

58

JADUAL 2: Hotel dan Rumah Tumpangan di Semenanjung (Kesemua Saiz), 1964

NEGERI

JUMLAH dan TABURAN LOKALITI/ WILAYAH

MILIK WATAN

MILIK BUKANBUMIPUTERA

1

Pulau Pinang 33

0

33

2

Kuala Lumpur

32

0

32

3

31 (18 di Ipoh, 7 di Taiping, 1 di Sungai Siput, 2 di Tanjung Malim, dan 2 di Teluk Anson)

0

31

4

Pahang

18 (5 di Mentakab, 4 di Kuantan, 2 di Raub, 2 di Jerantut, 1 Endau, 1 di Rompin, 1 di Kuala Lipis, 1 di Temerloh, dan 1 di Bentong).

0

18

5

Johor

17 (5 di Kluang, 4 di Johor Bahru, 2 di Batu Pahat, 3 di Muar, 2 di Segamat, dan 1 di Pontian)

0

17

6

Negeri Sembilan

7 (6 di Seremban, 1 di Kuala Pilah)

0

7

7

Kelantan

6 (semua di Kota Bharu)

3

9

8

Kedah

6 (4 di Alor Star, dan 2 di Sungai Petani)

0

6

9

Selangor

5 (4 di Klang, 2 di Kuala Selangor, dan 1 di Petaling Jaya)

1

5

10

Melaka

4 (3 di Bandar Melaka, dan 1 di Bukit Tanah)

0

4

11

Terengganu

1 (di Kuala Terengganu)

0

1

12

Perlis

0

0

0

Perak

Sumber: Telephone Directory 1964

59

Sejak akhir 1960-an kerajaan telah mengadakan kerjasama dengan syarikat bukan-Melayu dan pelabur asing dalam sektor perhotelan. Antara yang terawal ialah dengan Shangri-La Hotel KL (1969), Shangri-La Hotels di Pulau Pinang (1971), Hilton Hotel (1971), dan Golden Sands Beach Resort (1972) (Rekod di ROC, 2001). Sehingga era awal kemerdekaan terdapat empat negeri yang mempunyai penginapan peranginan resortbukit iaitu Pulau Pinang, Pahang, Perak dan Selangor. Resort-bukit berkenaan dimiliki oleh dua pihak utama, pertama, kerajaan, dan kedua, orang Cina. Resort-bukit milik Kerajaan pada asasnya terdiri daripada rest-house dan sanatorium peninggalan pentadbiran kolonial. Jadual 3 menunjukkan taburan lokasi resort-bukit milik kerajaan pada tahun 1964. Manakala Jadual 4 menunjukkan lokasi resort-bukit milik bukan-kerajaan pada tahun 1964. Sama seperti resort-bukit, resort-laut dimiliki oleh dua pihak utama, pertama, kerajaan, dan kedua, orang Cina. Taburan lokasi resort-laut milik kerajaan adalah seperti Jadual 5. Taburan lokasi resort-laut bukanmilik bukan-kerajaan adalah seperti Jadual 6. Selain itu, sehingga awal kemerdekaan terdapat tujuh buah negeri yang mempunyai tempat penginapan peranginan laut (termasuk rest-house yang boleh dianggap resort-laut) iaitu Negeri Sembilan, Selangor, Melaka, Johor, Pahang, Terengganu dan Perak. Sejak era pengasasannya lagi Port Dickson bukanlah tempat bagi masyarakat tempatan. Ia dianggap tempat “pegawai tadbir British.” Pada era pascamerdeka ia dianggap tempat “pelaburan orang kaya” dari luar, khusus orang Cina dari Singapura (Nicol 1977: 76).

JADUAL 3: Resort-bukit milik kerajaan di Semenanjung, 1964 NEGERI

BILANGAN

LOKASI

Pahang

18

Semua di Fraser’s Hill, kecuali sebuah di Cameron Highlands

Pulau Pinang 8

Semua di Bukit Bendera

Perak

9

Semua di Bukit Maxwell

Selangor

2

Kuala Kubu Rest Hse (jalan ke Fraser Hill), dan the Gap Rest Hse

Sumber: Telephone Directory 1964

60

JADUAL 4: Resort-bukit milik bukan-kerajaan di Semenanjung, 1964 NEGERI

JUMLAH WILAYAH

dan

TABURAN

LOKALITI/ BUMIPUTERA

1 Pahang

15 (10 di Cameron Highlands, 3 di Fraser’s 0 Hill, dan 2 di Ringlet)

2 Pulau Pinang

4 (semua di atas Bukit Bendera)

0

BUKANBUMIPUTERA 15

4

Sumber: Telephone Directory 1964

JADUAL 5: Resort-laut milik kerajaan di Semenanjung, 1964 NEGERI

JUMLAH dan TABURAN LOKALITI/ WILAYAH

1.

Negeri Sembilan

7 (di Port Dickson dan Teluk Kemang)

2.

Selangor

2 (1 di Port Swettenham, dan 1 di Kuala Selangor)

3.

Johor

4 (1 di Johor Bahru, 1 di Batu Pahat, 1 di Pontian, dan 1 di Muar)

4.

Melaka

1 (di Tanjung Kling)

5.

Pahang

1 (di Teluk Sisek)

6.

Terengganu

1 (di Batu Buruk)

(Sumber: Telephone Directory 1964)

61

JADUAL 6: Resort-laut milik bukan-kerajaan di Semenanjung, 1964

NEGERI

BUMIPUTERA

BUKANBUMIPUTERA

JUMLAH dan TABURAN WILAYAH 1

Negeri Sembilan

10 (semua di Port Dickson dan Teluk 0 Kemang)

10

2

Pulau Pinang

3 (semua di Batu Feringghi)

0

3

3

Perak

3 (2 di Lumut, dan 1 di Pangkor)

0

3

4

Melaka

2 (1 di Klebang Besar, 1 di Tanjung 0 Kling)

2

Sumber: Telephone Directory 1964

Pada akhir dekad 1960-an tidak banyak hotel baharu yang dibina. Menurut Syed Abdul Rasyid (1982: 49) “The hotel investors in the 1960s and early 1970s were compelled to build hotels rather than attracted to do as they did not have other alternative use of their valuable land. And that time, the demand for office space and multi-storeyed shopping complex was not great, thus had discouraged the investors from putting these types of commercial buildings as it would have ended up as ‘nonperforming’ assets.” Secara keseluruhannya, pada era sebelum DEB hampir seluruh sektor akomodasi di negara ini adalah dimiliki oleh orang Cina, dan sedikit sebanyak oleh pelabur asing. Hanya empat buah akomodasi yang dimiliki oleh orang Melayu. Bilangan pemilikan orang Melayu terlalu kecil hinggakan tidak mempunyai apa-apa signifikan dalam pengimbangan pemilikan ekuiti. Dalam pada itu, kewujudan keusahawanan tersebut hanya tertumpu di bandar-bandar utama, terutamanya di pantai barat, iaitu di Selangor, Pulau Pinang, Perak, Johor, Pahang dan Negeri Sembilan. Di Selangor, tumpuan utama ialah di Kuala Lumpur. Di Perak tumpuannya ialah di Ipoh, Taiping dan Kuala Kangsar. Di negeri Johor tumpuannya ialah di Johor Bahru, Batu Pahat dan Muar. Di Pahang tumpuannya ialah di Bentong, Mentakab dan Kuantan. Di Negeri Sembilan tumpuannya ialah di Seremban. Senario yang sama berlaku dalam sektor intermediari seperti agensi-perjalanan dan agensi-pelancongan. Pada 1961-1964 terdapat sekarang 17 buah syarikat intermediari (Telephone Directory 1960-1964). Sebagaimana ditunjukkan dalam Jadual 7 syarikat-syarikat berkenaan hanya terletak di dua bandar utama iaitu Kuala Lumpur dan Pulau Pinang. Sebahagian besar daripadanya (kira-kira 80 peratus) adalah dimiliki oleh orang Cina, dan sebahagian lagi, kira-kira 20 peratus, adalah dimiliki oleh syarikat Eropah.

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Antara syarikat intermediari milik entiti luar negara yang menjalankan perkhidmatan untuk pelancong ialah Socfin Co Ltd dan Mansfield & Co Ltd. Syarikat-syarikat berkenaan mempunyai cawangan berangkaian dengan destinasi-destinasi peranginan pelancongan, misalnya Socfin Co Ltd mempunyai cawangan di Kuala Lumpur (Ibu pejabat di Jln Damansara), Fraser’s HILL, Bukit Bendera Pulau Pinang dan Port Dickson. Mansfield & Co Ltd mempunyai cawangan di Kuala Lumpur (ibu pejabat di Bangunan Loke Yew) dan Bukit Bendera, Pulau Pinang. Walaupun bilangannya tidak banyak berbanding dengan syarikat orang Cina tetapi ruang legar perkhidmatan mereka amat luas. Mereka mengadakan perkhidmatan antarabangsa. Selain itu, terdapat juga agensi-agensi intermediari milik (atau tajaan) kerajaan. Antaranya, Kuala Lumpur Tourist Association (di Bangunan Kwang Tunggu), Penang Tourist Association (di King Edward Place). Penang Tourist Association merupakan persatuan pelancongan terawal di negara ini. Ia ditubuhkan di bawah Kerajaan Negeri Pulau Pinang.

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JADUAL 7:

Agensi-perjalanan dan wakil pengusaha pengembaraan di Semenanjung 1964

Federal Travel Agency Ltd 1. —Kuala Lumpur, 41 Princes Road, Sales Rep (Mohd Tahir), 12 Jln 65 Petaling Jaya International Shipping Agency Penang 2. —Penang, 51 Beach St Mansfield & Co Ltd 3. —Kuala Lumpur, Kuala Lumpur Office Loke Yew Bdg — Penang, Penang Office Chartered Bank Chbrs Outside Office Hours Mutiara Travel Agencies Ltd 4. —Penang, 20-A Penang St SOCFIN CO LTD 5. —Kuala Lumpur, Headqrs Jln Damansara —Fraser’s HILL Bnglw ‘Villa Adrien Hallet’ —Penang Bgnlw ‘Villa Aremi’ —P Dickson Bnglws —Port S’hampir Branch 6.

E & O Travel Service Ltd, 5 Jln Pasar Bahru

7.

Kuala Lumpur Tourist Asasnya, Kwang Tung Berdagang

8.

Mayfair Trading, 16 Jln Bt Bintang

9.

Mayflower Tours, 44 Jln Pudu

10.

Meempat Agencies, 131 Jln T A Rahman

11.

Orient Travel & Express Agency, 1 Jln Damansara

12.

Selangor Baggage Bureau, 142 Jln Petaling

13.

Wong Travel Svce, 61 Jln Sultan

14.

Timor Tours & Traders, 59 Beserah Rd

15.

Jeddah Pilgrim, 87 Acheen St

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16.

Penang Tourist Asso, King Edward Place

(Sumber: Telephone Directory 1960-1964) Terdapat hanya sebuah syarikat intermediari milik orang Islam, iaitu, Jeddah Pilgrim yang tujuan asasinya hanya untuk perkhidmatan membawa umat Islam ke Jeddah bagi menunaikan Fardhu Haji ke Mekkah. Intermediari khusus untuk pelancongan milik Bumiputera tidak wujud pada masa itu. Sebagaimana dijelaskan, syarikat agensi-perjalanan Bumiputera yang pertama ialah KRIS MAS Sdn. Bhd yang ditubuhkan pada tahun 1968 dari bantuan Kerajaan, iaitu, UDA dan MARA. Ia menjalankan kegiatan menjual tiket, reservation dan melakukan kegiatan “outbound.” Syarikat ini merupakan syarikat peniagaan-pelancong milik Bumiputera pertama mempunyai coach berhawa-dingin. Agak menariknya, beberapa syarikat milik orang Cina yang wujud pada hari ini telah wujud sejak awal 1960-an lagi. Ini termasuk syarikat Mayfair Trading, Mayflower Tours dan Reliance. Pada hari ini syarikat Reliance merupakan syarikat terulung di negara ini dalam perkhidmatan intermediari. Pada masa awalnya ia merupakan syarikat yang menjual barangan elektrik dan syarikat bas.12

TAHAP PEMBANGUNAN Dapat dihujahkan bahawa tapak asas pembangunan pelancongan Malaysia yang ada pada hari ini adalah terbentuk daripada peristiwa-peristiwa bersejarah yang berlaku pada awal 1970-an. Ia merupakan Tahap Pembangunan sektor industri pelancongan di negara ini. Kemunculan tahap tersebut dicirikan oleh darjah intensiti yang lebih tinggi dari segi pengikhtirafan pelbagai pihak terhadap sektor pelancongan, penglibatan secara aktif pihak kerajaan Malaysia dalam pertubuhan antarabangsa berkait dengan pembangunan pelancongan, buat pertama kalinya pelancong antarabangsa yang datang ke Malaysia melebihi satu juta orang (sejak 1973), pembangunan kepelbagaian produk (diversity of products), pembangunan pesat aspek-aspek pengangkutan (termasuk penggunaan pesawat jet), kepesatan agenagen intermediary, pengurusan pelancongan yang lebih efisyen, jumlah akomodasi pelbagai kelas yang lebih banyak, dan mutu kemudahan dan itinerari yang lebih baik. Selain itu, satu lagi aspek yang mencirikan tahap ini ialah pembangunan sektor pelancongan mulai menyebar ke seluruh negara. Misalnya, sejak pertengahan 1960-an sudah mulai dibangunkan motel dan chalet di kawasan perpantaian Terengganu dan Pahang. Pembangunan ini dilakukan oleh pihak kerajaan. Walaupun Malaysia telah menjadi anggota pertubuhan sedunia sejak awal kemerdekaan (1957) namun hanya sekitar awal 1970-an negara ini menjadi ‘anggota aktif’ dalam PATA dan WTO. Pertubuhanpertubuhan ini memberi bantuan dari segi promosi, kerjasama, perundingan, kepakaran dan kewangan (TMRA 1970 dan Rancangan Malaysia Ketiga: 76). Pada tahun 1972 diadakan persidangan PATA buat pertama kalinya di Kuala Lumpur. Persidangan ini sangat penting kerana ia menjadi pemangkin kepada kemunculan Tahap Pembangunan pelancongan di Malaysia. Ia mendorong pelancongan diterima sebagai

12

Dalam Telephone Directory 1964, dinyatakan syarikat Reliance Electric (Malaya) Ltd. dan cawangan-cawangannya iaitu di: Kuala Lumpur, C-29 Suleiman Court, Jln T Abd Rahman; Kuala Lumpur, Reliance Office Supplies 270 Jln Pudu; Perak, Ipoh, Reliance Omnibus Co Ltd; dan Perak, Kuala Kangsar, Bus Station Jln Kangsar

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salah satu sektor utama dalam pembangunan negara. A Report of the Advisory Panel on Tourism Development in Malaysia (1976: 6) menyatakan: Although it was known to exist in pre-war Malaya, it can be said that tourism to have achieved a meaningful status only after the PATA Conference which was held in Malaysia in 1972. Ekoran daripada persidangan tersebutlah kerajaan menubuhkan TDC pada tahun 1972. Ia merupakan sebuah perbadanan di bawah Kementerian Perdagangan dan Perindustrian bagi menggantikan DOT (1959) yang hanya sebuah unit kecil (jabatan). Pada awal 1970-an juga berlakunya ledakan pelancong global (global tourism boom). Perkembangan di luar negara itu memulakan ‘tradisi’ penerimaan kedatangan pelancong antarabangsa ke negara ini melebihi angka satu juta orang, iaitu kira-kira 1,083,500 orang pada tahun 1973, dan 1,165,270 orang (dengan pendapatan RM 353.9 juta) pada 1974. Seterusnya, dari tahun 1980 hingga 1997, berlaku pertumbuhan jumlah pelancong dan pendapatan dari pelancong antarabangsa. TDC menjalankan promosi dan penggalakan di dalam dan di luar negara dengan lebih hebat. Pada awal tahun-tahun 1980-an perbadanan ini mengintesifikasikan lagi aktiviti tersebut di seberang laut. Ini termasuk di pasaran negara-negara Scandinavia. Pada masa yang sama, usaha dijalankan untuk memperkukuhkan kedudukan pelancongan Malaysia dalam pasaran-pasaran tradisional seperti Amerika Syarikat, Jepun, Hong Kong, Singapura, Australia, German dan Britain. Awal dekad 1970-an memulakan Era Jumbo-Jet di dalam negara ini apabila MAS mula menggunakan kapal terbang jenis Boeing 737 pada tahun 1972. (Era Jumbo-Jet yang berlaku pada tahun-tahun 1960-an hanya berlaku di luar negara). Dari segi prasarana, kerajaan menaiktarafkan lapangan terbang agar pesawat berkuasa jet dapat mendarat. Pada era itulah infrastruktur, kemudahan awam dan itinerari pelancong mula melebar ke seluruh negara. Kerajaan mengadakan langkah-langkah untuk memudahkan pengaliran perjalanan (traffic flow) di Lapangan Terbang Antarabangsa Subang ekoran daripada volume penerbangan semakin bertambah. Ini termasuk mengadakan airline bridges, sistem informasi penerbangan dan sistem pemantauan berkomputer (computerised monitoring systems). Pembesaran terminal dijalankan untuk menampung dan memberi perkhidmatan kepada 2,600 orang penumpang pada waktu kemuncak (TMRA, 1971). Lapangan-lapangan terbang di pelbagai negeri juga dinaiktarafkan. Ini termasuk pemasangan sistem peralatan mendarat di lapangan terbang Senai (Johor Bahru), pemanjangan landasan mendarat di lapangan terbang Langkawi dan Sandakan, dan membina terminal baharu dan memanjangkan landasan lapangan terbang Kuala Terengganu untuk membolehkan pesawat Boeing 737 dapat mendarat. Di Sarawak, selain menaik-taraf lapangan terbang Kuching, sebuah lapangan terbang baharu dibina di Sibu pada tahun 1980 (Laporan Tahunan & Penyata Kira-kira 1981). Di samping itu, pada era itulah berlakunya penglibatan pihak swasta dengan agak aktif dalam sektor industri ini. Pada tahap tersebutlah insentif yang ditawarkan oleh Akta Penggalakan Pelaburan 1968 mula mendapat sambutan oleh para pelabur dari dalam dan luar negara. Akta tersebut mensyaratkan hanya hotel-hotel dan keusahawanan perkhidmatan lain yang dimulakan sebelum 31 Disember 1973 yang layak diberikan taraf perintis dan alauan penggalakan (accelatioan allowance) serta tax-free holiday selama lima tahun itu. Seterusnya, pada dekad 1980-an Kerajaan mengadakan beberapa insentif lain seperti Akta Penggalakan Pelaburan 1986 dan Tabung Pelaburan Baru 1986.

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Antara projek-projek pelancongan umat yang dibuka sekitar awal 1970-an sehingga pertengahan 1980an adalah seperti berikut: 1.

Kompleks Pelancong di Bukit Nanas (yang dirancang oleh Jawatankuasa Mohar 1967 dan dibina oleh TDC) dibuka pada tahun 1974

2.

Motel Desa di Kuala Terengganu (dibina oleh DOT dan JKR) sejak pada pertengahan 1960-an dibuka pada tahun 1972 (diambil alih oleh TDC)

3.

Motel di Bukit Pak Apil, Kuala Terengganu (dibina oleh TDC dan JKR sejak tahun 1966) dibuka pada tahun 1969

4.

Pusat Pelancong Rantau Abang (dibina oleh TDC dan JKR) dibuka pada tahun 1977.

5.

Pusat Penerangan Pelancong dan Muzium Laut Rantau Abang dibuka pada tahun 1980

6.

Zoo Negara dan taman-taman binatang lain dinaiktaraf

7.

Tempat berkelah (di ulu sungai, air terjun dan pantai), taman bunga dan taman awam semakin banyak dibuka di merata negeri

8.

Gua Gelap, Perlis, dimaju dan dikelolakan oleh TDC telah dibuka pada tahun 1972

9.

Restoran Rasa Sayang dan Gazebo di Kampung Baru dikelolakan oleh TDC dibuka pada tahun 1974

10.

Kedai Bebas Cukai dibuka di Kompleks Membeli-Belah Ampang pada tahun 1974 oleh TDC

11.

Kedai Bebas Cukai dibuka di Bukit Nanas pada tahun 1978 oleh TDC

12.

Kedai Bebas Cukai dibuka di Lapangan Terbang Bayan Lepas pada tahun 1978 oleh syarikat Cina

13.

Kedai Bebas Cukai dibuka di Kompleks Tun Abdul Razak (KOMTAR) di Pulau Pinang pada tahun 1978 oleh syarikat Cina

14.

Genting Highlands dibuka pada 8 Mei 1972 oleh syarikat Genting Highlands Sdn. Bhd.

15.

Mediterranee Club dibuka pada 1979 oleh TDC dengan usahasama dengan Club Mediterranee Paris dan PKEN Pahang

16.

Langkawi mula dibangunkan di bawah Rancangan Malaysia Kedua (1976-1980) oleh kerajaan pusat

17.

Hotel-Resort Tanjong Jara dibuka pada tahun 1980 oleh usahasama TDC dengan PKEN Pahang

18.

Pulau Tioman mula dibangunkan fasa pertama pada pertengahan 1970-an

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19.

Desaru, Johor, mula dibangunkan pada tahun 1975 oleh KEJORA

20.

Pesta dan pameran: di Changkat Pavilion dan Pesta Pulau Pinang pada tahun 1974

21.

Pembangunan di Melaka: Zoo Melaka, Taman Buaya, Taman Ular, Taman Mini Malaysia, Taman Mini ASEAN dan Taman Orang Asli di Ayer Keruh dibangunkan pada 1980-an. Di Bandar Hilir dibangunkan Muzium Budaya dan Lights and Sounds

22.

Feri dan cruise pelancong: Feri Malaysia dilancarkan pada 31 Ogos 1986 oleh TDC dan kerajaan negeri Pahang (dihentikan pada 1991)

23.

Pembangunan di Sabah dan Sarawak:

a.

Imej flora-fauna di Malaysia Timur dipertonjolkan dalam brosyur dan pamplet terbitan DOT sejak tahun 1963 lagi

b.

Tiga buah hotel besar bertaraf antarabangsa dibuka pada tahun 1976—Hotel Holiday Inn di Kuching, dan Kinabalu International Hotel di Kota Kinabalu

c.

Perbadanan Penggalakan Pelancongan Sabah (Sabah Tourism) ditubuhkan pada 1976

d.

Lembaga Pelancongan Sarawak (Sarawak Tourism Board) ditubuhkan pada 1970-an

Sejak awal 1970-an itu lebih banyak hotel bertaraf antarabangsa yang dibuka di negara ini. Antara hotel-hotel tersebut terdapat milik syer kerajaan iaitu di Kuala Lumpur Shangri-La Hotel KL (1969) dan Hilton Hotel (1971), dan di Pulau Pinang Shangri-La Hotels (Malaysia) (1971) dan Golden Sands Beach Resort (1972) (Sumber: ROC 2002). Seterusnya pada awal dekad 1980-an pembangunan ekstensif dijalankan oleh kerajaan-kerajaan negeri. Antaranya, di Terengganu PKEN meneruskan pembangunan projek yang telah dijalankan oleh DOT seperti projek motel dan resort di Rantau Abang, Tajung Jara dan Kuala Terengganu. Kerajaan Negeri itu menjalankan usahasama dengan TDC membangunkan Tanjung Jara Beach Resorts. Pada pertengahan 1980-an Kerajaan tersebut membina Hotel Primula. Matlamat pembangunan projekprojek tersebut adalah supaya “...Terengganu a must in tourist itinerary” (The Star 19 April 1984). Tindakan yang sama dijalankan oleh Kerajaan-Kerajaan Negeri lain. Antaranya, Kerajaan Pahang memperuntukkan dana kira-kira RM1 juta untuk mempromosikan negeri tersebut dengan perasaan optimis bahawa “...facelift for potential tourist spots” (New Straits Times 22 November 1984). Jawatankuasa Pembangunan Negeri Pahang mengadakan kerjasama dengan MAS untuk menjadikan lapangan terbang Kuantan sebagai transit perjalanan antara Bangkok dengan Kuala Lumpur (New Straits Times 7 Jun 1985). Di Johor, PKEN dan KEJORA membangunkan Desaru sebagai salah satu destinasi pelancongan yang utama. Kerajaan negeri berkenaan juga mengadakan perkhidmatan feri antara Desaru dengan Changi, Singapore (New Straits Times 24 Jun 1985). Di Perak, Kerajaan negeri pernah merancang membina mini Disneyland di Ipoh. Pada masa yang sama kerajaan Negeri tersebut mengembangkan pembangunan di Pulau Pangkor sebagai destinasi resort laut utama supaya “on par with the world’s best” (New Straits Times 5 January 1985). Walau bagaimanapun, di antara kerajaan-kerajaan tersebut, kerajaan yang paling ambitious adalah kerajaan Kedah. Kerajaan berkenaan merancang projek RM 2 billion untuk menukar Pulau Langkawi “into a tourist paradise” (Malaysian Business September 1984).

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Kerajaan Pulau Pinang mengadakan lebih promosi untuk bersaingan dengan negeri-negeri lain (New Straits Times 27 June 1987). Masih banyak perkembangan yang berlaku pada Tahap Pembangunan itu yang tidak dijelaskan di sini. Walau bagaimanapun, senario yang dipaparkan dapat memberi gambaran bahawa telah berlaku perubahan drastis dalam sektor industri ini sejak pelancaran DEB hingga kini. Satu lagi ‘peristiwa bersejarah’ dari perkembangan pesat ini ialah penubuhan Kementerian Kebudayaan, Kesenian dan Pelancongan Malaysia (KKKPM) pada tahun 1987.

Kesimpulan Keberadaan pelancongan Malaysia pada hari ini boleh digarapkan secara teoretikal iaitu sebagai sebuah industri dan fenomena sosial yang terasas dan membangun dalam bingkai ‘pengembangan pusat-pinggir’ (extended centre-core) dalam ertikata ia berasal dari Barat dan negara-negara Barat menjadi ‘pusat’ pembangunan pelancongan dunia. Ini terzahir pada hakikat hampir segala aspek pembangunan di seluruh dunia, termasuk modal, model, teknologi, ilmu pengetahuan dan ciri-ciri pengurusan adalah berpaksi di Barat. Negara-negara lain (bukan-Barat) merupakan ‘daerah pinggiran.’ Di bekas-bekas koloni Barat, termasuk Malaysia, perkembangan dari ‘pusat’ ke ‘pinggiran’ itu berlaku melalui aktivitiaktiviti yang dimainkan oleh golongan merkantalis, imprealis dan kolonis. Demikian juga pengasasan dan pembangunan aspek-aspek pelancongan, meliputi penginapan, pengangkutan pelancong, sanatorium, kelab sosial, taman awam (botanical gardens), agen-agen intermediary, itinerari dan ancillaries layan tamu lainnya dan juga pengurusan model, gaya dan penampilan dalam sektor ini. Kesemuanya tidaklah terasas atau berbenih, bercambah dan membangun secara organik dari warisan peradaban masyarakat watan. Sebaliknya, Pengasasan sektor ini di Malaysia adalah rebakan (extension) dan pengembangan (expansion) dampak Revolusi Perindustrian di Barat dalam bentuk ‘by-product’ kegiatan merkantalis, imperialis dan kolonialis British dan kegiatan kaum penghijrah Cina. Ianya berkembang seiringan dengan kemaraan kolonialisasi dan pembentukan sistem ekonomi laissez-faire di negara ini. Agak ketara bahawa sektor pelancongan di negara ini adalah fenomena masyarakat industri yang telah mengalami modenisasi dari Revolusi Perindustrian. Sehubungan itu, sejarah kemunculan pelancong di negara ini adalah di tempat yang mula-mula menerima dampak rebakan dan pengembangan Revolusi Perindustrian itu. Sudah dimaklumi bahawa tempat yang mula-mula menerima ketibaan kolonial adalah di Negeri-Negeri Selat. Walau bagaimanapun, dampak pengaruh Barat yang paling kuat dan mendalam ke atas aspekaspek pembangunan pelancongan di negara ini adalah dari pendudukan British di Pulau Pinang sejak sekitar awal abad ke-19. Terbukti bahawa di pulau itulah buat pertama kali munculnya komponenkomponen pelancongan di negara ini secara bersepadu (amalgam). Ini termasuk tempat peranginan, pengangkutan, tempat penginapan, destinasi dan sebagainya. Kemudiaan, perkembangan tersebut berkembang di Singapura dan Melaka. Selain itu, Negeri-Negeri Selat merupakan tempat yang menggerakkan pengasasan pelancongan Malaysia kerana ianya merupakan ‘pintu masuk’ dan pengkalan bagi kemasukan aspek-aspek yang membangunkan pelancongan di Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Ini termasuk tempat bertapaknya golongan imprealis, merkantalis dan kolonis dan juga orang-orang Cina. Dari situ aspek-aspek tersebut meresap ke Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Tahap Pengasasan pelancongan Malaysia kali kedua berlaku di Negeri-Negeri Melayu sejak termeterainya Perjanjian Pangkor pada tahun 1874, iaitu selepas lebih daripada 80 tahun komponen-komponen pelancongan terasas di Negeri-Negeri Selat. Makalah ini menghujah bahawa tempat yang mula-mula terasasnya komponen-komponen pelancongan secara bersepadu (amalgam) di Negeri-Negeri Melayu adalah di Taiping kerana di situlah tempat yang

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mula-mula menerima ketibaan moden atau pengaruh Barat yang yang membentuk komponenkomponen pelancongan, termasuk tempat penginapan, pengangkutan, tempat-tempat peranginan dan pelbagai kemudahan lain bagi memenuhi kehendak pengembara-bersenggang (atau pelancong) wujud secara bersepadu (amalgam). Sama seperti berlaku di Negeri-Negeri Selat, pengasasan komponenkomponen pelancongan di Taiping juga berlangsung dalam sistem ekonomi laissez-faire. Dari situlah juga golongan imprealis, kapitalis dan kolonis mula-mula bertapak ke Negeri-Negeri Melayu. Kajian sejarah menzahirkan hakikat bahawa isu paling utama dalam pembangunan pelancongan di negara ini ialah pembangunan berlaku dalam bingkai ‘pemisahan secara struktural’ iaitu ketidaksamarataan kemajuan antara wilayah (antara bandar dengan luar bandar) dan juga antara kaum. Keadaan ini berlaku kerana pemain utama dalam sektor industri ini, terutamanya semasa Tahap Pengasasan dan Tahap Pemacuan, adalah terdiri daripada imprealis, mekantalis dan kolonis dan British dan orang Cina. Kedua, ia adalah disebabkan oleh pengasasan dan pemacuannya tertumpu hanya di bandar-bandar. Kawasan-kawasan tanah strategik yang mempunyai nilai komersial di bandar-bandar tersebut hanya memiliki oleh orang Cina. Masyarakat watan tidak terlibat dalam keusahawan sektor industri ini kerana sektor ini membangun di beberapa buah bandar yang memiliki oleh pihak-pihak luar itu. Anak watan tidak tidak memilki tanah di bandar. Mereka tidak terlibat dalam sistem ekonomi moden berasaskan laissez-faire. Malah, mereka tidak mempunyai golongan kapitalis (pemodal). Mereka juga tidak terdedah dengan pengalaman hubungan dalam rangkaian antarabangsa. Mereka umumnya bermestautin di luar bandar dan secara tertutup dan dalam keadaan tradisionalisme. Situasi ‘pemisahan secara struktural’ berterusan dalam masa begitu, dari sejak akhir abad ke-19 hingga pertengahan tahun-tahun 1950-an ― meliputi Tahap Pengasasan dan Tahap Pemacuan. Situasi ini mulai ditangani apabila anak watan memperoleh pemerintahan-sendiri (diistiharkan secara rasmi pada 31 Ogos 1957). Sejak itu muncul elit administokrat Melayu yang berada pada ‘commanding position’ dalam pemerintahan-sendiri yang telah menjalankan dasar-dasar bagi mempertahankan kedudukan hak keistimewaan orang Melayu melalui penggubalan Perlembagaan Persekutuan dengan mengadakan Artikel 153. Seterusnya, pada awal tahun-tahun mereka mengadakan polisi ‘tindakan afimatif’ (affirmative actions) melalui pelancaran Dasar Ekonomi Baru (DEB). Dalam pelaksanaan pembangunan, mereka menggunakan jentera kerajaan bagi membantu penglibatan orang Melayu dan bumiputera lain. Tindakan-tindakan tersebut membawa munculnya satu lagi ‘aktor’ atau pemain dalam industri pelancongan iaitu kerajaan sendiri. Melalui intervensi kerajaan itu telah membolehkan anak watan turut pembangunan sektor industri ini. Iktibar daripada perkembangan ini ialah sama ada mereka digelar ‘masyarakat bermentaliti subsidi’ mahupun ‘masyarakat yang memerlukan tongkat’ dan pihak kerajaan dilabelkan sebagai menjalankan dasar ‘diskriminasi kaum’ ― malah, juga disebut bersikap perkauman ― namun bukanlah alasan bagi pihak kerajaan tidak menolong masyarakat watan dalam keusahawan sektor industri ini. Apa yang jelas terzahir ialah tindakan-tindakan mereka terbukti telah mulai merombak situasi ‘pemisahan secara struktural’ itu.

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Rujukan A Report of the Advisory Panel on Tourism Development in Malaysia. December 1976. Kuala Lumpur: Ministry of Commerce and Industry. Ahmad Ibrahim. 1974. Malaysia as a Federation. Journal of Malaysia and Comparative Law I. Mei. Pp. 17. Ahmad Nazri Abdullah. 1985. Melayu dan tanah: tumpuan khusus kepada Tanah Simpanan Melayu. Petaling Jaya: Media Intelek. Akta Galakan Pelaburan 1968. Kuala Lumpur: Kementerian Perdagangan dan Perindustrian. Begbie, P. J. 1967. The Malayan Peninsula. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. [Ditulis pada tahun 1833; merupakan salah sebuah tulisan objektif yang terawal mengenai Malaysia dan kawasan-kawasan sekitarnya]. Braddel, R. 1982. The lights of Singapore. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. [Originally published in 1933). Burkart, A. J. and Medlik, S. 1981. Tourism: Past, present and Future. London: Heinemann. Cameron, J. 1965. Our tropical possessions in Malayan Indies. London: Oxford University Press. (Asalnya ditulis pada1860-an. Cameron adalah editor The Straits Times di Singapura dari 1830-an hingga 1860-an. Tulisan beliau memberi tumpuan terhadap Singapura, Pulau Pinang dan Melaka pada masa itu. Pada masa beliau menulis buku ini pentadbiran Negeri-Negeri Selat belum lagi dipindah dari Benggala, India ke London—1867). Cardoso, F. H. & Faletto, E. (1979). Dependency and development in Latin América. University of California Press. Chew, Sing Buan. 1965, Tourism in Malaya. Unpublished B. A. honours thesis, Faculty of Economics. University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur. Crouch, H. 1996. Government and Society in Malaysia. Cornell: Cornell University Press. Department of Tourism Review of Activities. Kuala Lumpur: Department of Tourism, Ministry of Trade anCommerce. Semuanya dari 1965 hingga 1971. First Malaysian Plan. 1965. Kuala Lumpur: The Government of Federated of Malaya Press.Fourth Malaysian Plan. 1981. Ginsburg, N. and C. F. Roberts. 1958. Malaya. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Gullick, J. M. 1989. Malay society in the late nineteenth century: the beginnings of change. Singapore: Oxford University Press. Gullick, J. M. 2000. A history of Kuala Lumpur, 1857-1939. Kuala Lumpur: MBRAS Monograph No. 29. [Originally published in 1956]. Hale, A. 1908. Hill-stations and sanitaria. Dalam Wright, A. and H. A. Cartwright (editors). Twentieth century impression of British Malaya. London: D’Lloyd Greater Britain Publishing Company Ltd. Pp. 251-252.

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Harrison, C. W. 1911/1923. An illustrated guide to the Federated Malay States. Singapore: Oxford University Press (Asalnya diterbitkan pada tahun 1911 dan disemak semula oleh pengarangnya pada tahun 1923). (Diterbitkan semula oleh Oxford University Press pada 1985). Hickling, R.H. 1978. An overview of the Constitutional changes in Malaysia, 1957-1977. Dalam Mohamed Suffian Hashim, N.P. Lee and F.A. Trinade (eds.). Development and underdevelopment in Southeast Asia. Ontario: Canadian Society for Asian Studies. Pp. 198-217. Innes, E. (Part 2 & 2), 1974. The chersonese with the gilding off. Vols. 1 and 2. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. (Asalnya diterbitkan pada tahun 1885). Jafar Jahari 1983. Anatomy of travel industry. The Cornell H. R. A. Quaterly, May, pp. 71-77. Johnson, J. 1807. The oriental voyager or description sketches and country remarks on a voyage to India and China in His Magesty’s Ship Caroline. London: James Asperne. Kadir Haji Din. 1990. Bumiputra Entrepreneurship in the Penang and Langkawi Tourist Industry. Honolulu: University of Hawaii. Unpublished PhD thesis. Keaughran, T.J. 1887. Picturesque and Busy Singapore. Singapore: Straits Times. Khoo, Kay Kim. 1972. The western Malay States 1850-1873: the effects of commercial development on Malay politics. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. Kirkup, J. 1963. Tropic temper—a memoir of Malaya. London: Collins [dalam Gullick 1993. pp. 103-104]. Lanfant, M-F. 1993. Methodological and conceptual issues raised by the study of international tourism: a test for sociology. Dalam D.G. Pearce and R.W. Butler (eds.). Tourism Research. Critiques and Challenges. London: Routledge. pp.70-87. Lennon, W. C. 1965. Journal of a voyage through the Straits of Malacca on an expedition to the Molucca Islands under command of Admiral Rainier. JBRAS. No. 7 (reprint 1881). London: Kraus Ltd. Vadus. Pp 51-74. Lim, Heng Kow. 1978. The evolution of the urban system in Malaya. Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Malaya. Malaysian Business: “Tourism Heading for a Slump” 1 December 1984; “Terengganu Quiet Development of a Tourist Haven” 1 Febuary, 1985; “In Need of Tour de Force” 1 Febuary, 1985; “Directory Sans Co-ordination” 1 Febuary, 1985; “Hotel & Tour Agencies, Bull Chasers and Cowed Looks” 1 Febuary, 1985; “Direct Sans Co-ordiation” 1 Febuary 1985. Mathieson A. and Wall, G. 1982. Tourism: Economic, Physical and Social Impacts. London: Longman. Maxwell, W. E. 1885. Notes and Queries. JBRAS, Vol. 15. Means, G. P. 1976. Malaysian politics. London: Hodder & Stouhgton. Mohamed Salleh Abbas. 1968. Prinsip Perlembagaan dan Pemerentahan Di-Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

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Mohamed Suffian Hashim. 1976. An Introduction to the Constitution of Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: Jabatan Percetakan Negara. Mohamed Suffian, Lee H. P. dan F. A. Trindade (penyelenggara). 1984. Perlembagaan Persekutuan Malaysia: Perkembangannya, 1957-1977. Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Fajar Bakti. Mohar’s Commission Report. 1968. Kuala Lumpur: Ministry of Commerce and Industry. Ness, G.D. 1965. Modernization and indigenous control bureaucracy in Malaysia. Dalam Asian survey. Vol. 5, No. 9. Pp. 467-473. Nicol, G. 1977. Malaysia and Singapore. London: B. T. Batsford Ltd. Pemple, J. 1987. The Mediterranean passion: Victorians and Edwardians in the South. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Perbadanan Kemajuan Pelancongan Malaysia (PKPM) Purcell, V. 1957. After Merdeka: the Constitutional outlook in Malaya. Dalam Parliamentary Affairs, Vol. 10, No. 4 (August). Pp. 390-402. Puthucheamy, M. 1978. The politic of administration: the Malaysia experience. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. Rancangan Malaysia. Kedua hingga Kelapan. Ratnam, K. J. 1967. Communalism and the political process in Malaya. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press. Reith, G.M. & Walter Makepeace (Editor). 1986 (asal diterbitkan pada 1892). Handbook to Singapore. Australia and New Zealand : Oxford University Press. Rekod di ROC, 2001 (Kajian lapangan pada tahun 2001). Rostow, W. W. 1960. The stages of economic growth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Sheridan, L.A. 1964. Constitutional problems of Malaysia. Dalam International and comparative law quarterly, Vol. 13, No. 4. Pp. 1361-1379. Stockwell, A. J. 1993. Early tourism in Malaya. In M. Hitchcock, V. King and M. J. G. Parnvell (eds.). Tourism in South-East Asia. London and New York: Routledge. Sutton, W. A. 1967. Travel and understanding: Notes on the social structure of touring. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 8: 218-213. Swettenham, F. A. 1948. British Malaya: an account of the origin and progress of British influence in Malaya. London: Allen and Unwin. [Asal ditulis pada tahun 1906] Syed Abdul Rasyid. 1982. A strategy study of bumiputra participation in the hotel industry in Peninsula Malaysia. Thesis in partial fulfillment of Master Degree in Management in Asian Institute of Management, Manila. Tabung Pelaburan Baru 1986. Kuala Lumpur: Kementerian Perdagangan dan Industri. Telephone Directory 1939 dan 1950-an

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TMRA (Tourism in Malaysia: Review of Activities). Dari 1967 hingga 1972. Kuala Lumpur. Department of Tourism, Ministry of Commerce and Industry. Turnbull, C. M. 1977. A history of Singapore. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. Ucapan-Ucapan Tun Haji Abdul Razak Bin Hussein, 1975. Kuala Lumpur: Arkibt Negara Malaysia. Vasil, R.K. 1985. Alliance. Dalam Harushiro Fukui (ed.). Political parties of Asia and the Pacific. Westport: Greenwood Press. Pp. 705-726. Wallerstein, I. (2004). World-systems analysis: an introduction (5. print. ed.). Durham: Duke University Press. Wright, A. 1908a. The Straits Settlements. Dalam Wright, A. and H. A. Cartwright (editors). Twentieth century impression of British Malaya. London: D’Lloyd Greater Britain Publishing Company Ltd. Pp. 13-73. Wright, A. and H. A. Cartwright (editors). 1908. Twentieth century impression of British Malaya. London: D’Lloyd Greater Britain Publishing Company Ltd.

Surat khabar The Straits Times, 1887. The Government Gazette, 19 March 1806. The Government Gazette, 16 August 1806. Singapore Chronicle, 26 April 1827. The Star, 19 April 1984. New Straits Times, 5 January 1985. New Straits Times, 7 June 1985. New Straits Times, 24 Jun 1985. New Straits Times, 27 June 1987. The British North Borneo Herald and Official Gazette, 16 February 1900. The Straits Times and Singapore Journal of Commerce, 30 September 1845. The Straits Times and Singapore Journal of Commerce, 14 October 1845.

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BAHASA MELAYU SEBAGAI BAHASA AGAMA: DARIPADA KLASIK KEPADA MODEN Munif Zarirruddin Fikri bin Nordin Ismail bin Yusoff Pusat Pengajian Umum Universiti Utara Malaysia 06010 Sintok Kedah [email protected] [email protected]

Abstrak

Kertas kerja ini membincangkan kedudukanbahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama di Malaysia pada tiga periode pertahapan, iaitu klasik, peralihan dan moden, dengan objektif(1) mengenal pasti fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama dalam ketiga-tiga periode tersebut, dan (2) menilaiperubahan fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama sepanjang periode tersebut. Perbincangan memberikan tumpuan kepadapenggunaan bahasa Melayu dalam sejarahperkembangan agama Hindu/Buddha, Islam dan Kristian dalam ketiga-tiga periode tersebut. Sebahagian besar data adalah bersifat sekunder dan dianalisismenggunakan pendekatan linguistik, antropologi dan falsafah agama.Dapatan perbincangan menunjukkan bahawa terdapat hubungan antara perbezaan agama yang menjadi pegangan dan kepercayaan masyarakat di Malaysia dengan perbezaan fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama dalam ketiga-tiga periode berkenaan.Perbezaan tersebut, khususnya dalam periode moden, menyebabkan fungsi bahasa Melayu dibataskanhanya kepada agama Islam sahaja. Fungsi bahasa Melayu dalam agama Hindu/Buddha dan Kristian pula bukan sahaja tidak jelas, bahkan sering dipertikaikan.Dapatan juga memperlihatkan bahawa hubungan antara perbezaan agama dengan perbezaan fungsi bahasa Melayu tersebut meninggalkan pengaruh dari segi perubahanfungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agamadalam ketiga-tiga periode berkenaan. Fungsi terancang bahasa Melayu, khususnya dalam periode moden, mengalami cabaran yang lebih besar berbanding dengan fungsi terancang pada dua periode sebelumnya.Perubahan tersebut perlu diperincikan lagi, terutama dari sudut perundangan dan toleransi antara agama, dalam menangani isu-isu yang melibatkan bahasa dan agama, seperti isu kalimah ‘Allah’.

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Katakunci: Linguistik sejarawi, analisis wacana agama, bahasa dan agama

PENDAHULUAN Simbiotisme bahasa dengan agama memperlihatkan hubungan timbal balik yang saling lengkap melengkapi antara satu sama lain. Jika agama diibaratkan sebagai asas, maka linguistik pula ialah pengawalnya. Sesuatu tanpa pengawal adalah sia-sia, dan sesuatu tanpa asas akan binasa. Dengan demikian, agama tanpa linguistik adalah sia-sia, manakala linguistik tanpa agama pula akan binasa (kepupusan bahasa) (Munif, 2007). Simbiotisme ini antara lain terpamer dalam sejarah perkembangan bahasa Melayu.Agama-agama besar yang dibawa masuk sebagai anutan masyakarat Melayumemberikan ciri dan citra yang tersendiri kepada bahasa Melayu. Islam sebagai agama yang paling berpengaruh dikaitkan umpamanya dengan evolusi dan revolusi kebahasaanyang dilalui oleh bahasa Melayu.Bahasa Melayu pula sebaliknya menjadi bahasa agama yang bernilai tinggi,meskipun tiada agama besar yang pernah lahir atau kitab suci yang pernah diturunkan kepada bangsa Melayu. Oleh kerana terdapat banyak perubahanyang berlaku hasil daripada perkembangan agama, maka terdapat juga perubahan fungsi yang dialami oleh bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama.Perubahan fungsi yang dimaksudkan adalah merujuk kepada keperluan agama-agama berkenaan kepada bahasa Melayu sebagai alat dakwah dan medium penyebaran mesej keagamaan kepada masyarakat pelbagai agama di Malaysia. Makalah ini membincangkan kedudukan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama di Malaysia pada tiga periode pertahapan, iaitu klasik, peralihan dan moden. Objektif makalah adalah (1) mengenal pasti fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama dalam ketiga-tiga periode tersebut, dan (2) menilai perubahan fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama sepanjang periode tersebut. Bahasa agama adalah merujuk kepada wahana yang digunakan dalam penyampaian ilmu agama, seperti penulisan.

Perbincangan memberikan tumpuan kepada penggunaan bahasa Melayu dalam sejarah perkembangan agama Hindu/Buddha, Islam dan Kristian dalam ketiga-tiga periode tersebut. Sebahagian besar data adalah bersifat sekunder dan dianalisis menggunakan pendekatan linguistik, antropologi dan falsafah agama.

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AGAMA DALAM PERKEMBANGAN BAHASA MELAYU Menurut Amat Juhari Moain (1996), bahasa Melayu sehingga hari ini telah melalui lima tahap perkembangan, iaitu tahap purba (– abad ke-2), kuno (abad ke-2 – abad ke-13), klasik (abad ke-14 – abad ke-18), peralihan (abad ke-19) dan moden (abad ke-20). Dalam beberapa tahap, salah satu ciri utama perkembangannya ditandai oleh ‘reformasi agama’. Sebelum kedatangan agama Hindu, kepercayaan masyarakat Melayu adalah berasaskankepada animisme-dinamisme Kepercayaan ini dapat dikesan melalui bahasa Melayu, seperti ungkapan-ungkapan yang berkisartentang nyawa atau roh, semangat, kesaktian dan pantang larang (Ismail, 1985). Ciri animisme-dinamisme ini telah mempengaruhi keseluruhan tahap purba dan sebahagian kecil tahap kuno bahasa Melayu. Agama Hindu pula melalui bahasa Sanskrit telah membawa evolusi yang pertama kepada bahasa Melayu. Ismail Hussein (1981:10) menggambarkan pengaruh bahasa Sanskrit seperti berikut: “Pengaruh itu adalah pengaruh yang sangat luas sekali, lebih luas dari pengaruh satu-satu bahasa atau kebudayaan yang lain di dalam sejarahnya. Untuk melihat betapa besar ertinya bahasa Sansekerit kepada bahasa Melayu, dapat kita perhatikan di dalam sebuah kamus Melayu yang lengkap ribuan jumlah kata Sansekerit yang dimasukkan ke dalam perbendaharaan kata kita. Dari bahasa masyarakat yang agak rendah kebudayaan serta ilmu pengetahuannya, bahasa Melayu mengalami perubahan pertama ke arah bahasa sarjana, yang sanggup menyampaikan idea baharu yang tinggi-tinggi”. Dari satu sudut, agama Hindu juga telah membawa reformasi kepada kepercayaan masyarakat Melayu. Agama Hindu berjaya mengukuhkan lagi kepercayaan animisme-dinamisme yang sekian lama diterapkan dalam amalan adat resam dan tradisi masyarakat Melayu. Menurut Amran Kasimin (1995:135) yang memetik pandangan R. O. Winstedt, sinkretisme pengukuhan ini dapat diperhatikan daripada istilahistilah bahasa Sanskrit yang disumbangkan oleh agama Hindu yang berkaitan dengan ritual, seperti dosa, puasa, syurga, neraka dan sebagainya. Ciri-ciri agama yang meresapi bahasa Melayu pada zaman ini meletakkan bahasa Melayu di tahap kuno (Darwis 1992:8). Tahap ini bermula pada abad ke-2 dan berlanjutan sehingga ke abad ke-13 (Amat, 1996). Selanjutnya, kedatangan Islam melalui bahasa Arab telah memperkenalkan reformasi baru dalam agama kepada masyarakat Melayu. Aspek yang paling penting di sebalik reformasi itu ialah kepercayaan, iaitu daripada kepercayaan pelbagai Tuhan kepada kepercayaan satu Tuhan kerana asas utama Islam ialah akidah, selain daripada reformasi sosial, politik, perundangan dan pendidikan. Reformasi ini menurut Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas (1984) meninggalkan kesan dan pengaruh yang menyeluruh sehingga dapat dianggap sebagai satu ‘revolusi baru’ bukan sahaja kepada bahasa Melayu, tetapi kepada seluruh institusi penting dalam masyarakat Melayu. Kejayaan bahasa Melayu menjadi lingua franca di Alam Melayu setelah kedatangan Islam menunjukkan bahawa yang diterima oleh bahasa Melayu daripada Islam ialah ‘reformasi’ dan ‘revolusi’ yang ternyata telah membawa bahasa Melayu dan penuturnya maju ke satu tahap tamadun yang lebih tinggi. Bahasa Melayu juga menjadi bahasa baku melalui penggunaannya dalam tulisan kitab-kitab agama. Ciri-ciri ini

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menggambarkan kedudukan bahasa Melayu pada tahap klasik yang bermula pada awal abad ke-14 dan berkembang sehingga ke akhir abad ke-18 (Amat, 1996). Pengaruh Islam terhadap perkembangan bahasa Melayu terus dapat disaksikan pada tahap zaman peralihan dan zaman moden. Dengan kemajuan teknologi moden dalam percetakan dan penerbitan yang sudah mulai kelihatan pada zaman peralihan, Islam terus memberi sumbangan dari sudut pengisian tema dan kandungan ilmu kepada bahasa Melayu dengan kemunculan majalah dan akhbar seperti Bustan Arifin pada tahun 1821. Majalah al-Imam yang diterbitkan di Singapura pada 1906 pada tahap zaman moden juga memaparkan pengaruh Islam apabila berupaya menghidangkan isu-isu agama sebagai bahan dan ramuan penulisan sekaligus menyebarluaskan lagi penggunaan bahasa Melayu (Amat, 1996). Zaman penjajahan Barat pula menyaksikan sumbangan agama Kristian terhadap perkembangan bahasa Melayu, iaitu apabila bahasa Melayu menjadi bahasa yang digunakan untuk pengajaran dan penyebaran Kristian di Asia Tenggara. Buktinya St. Francis Xavier telah menggunakan bahasa Melayu untuk mengajar agama Kristian di Melaka dan Maluku (Amat, 1996). Walaupun boleh dikatakan bahawa sumbangan agama Kristian terhadap perkembangan bahasa Melayu tidak seperti sumbangan agama Islam dan agama Hindu, namun hubungan agama dalam perkembangan bahasa Melayu dalam konteks sosiologi bahasa tidak boleh menafikan sumbangan kecil agama Kristian.

FUNGSI BAHASA MELAYU SEBAGAI BAHASA AGAMA Yang dimaksudkan dengan fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama ialah fungsi yang didukung oleh bahasa Melayu sebagai alatpemahaman, pengamalan dan penyebaran agama-agama yang berinteraksi dan berasimilasi dengannya. Dalam konteks ini, agama-agama yang dimaksudkan ialah Hindu, Buddha, Islam dan Kristian di Malaysia. Terdapat perbezaan antara agama-agama berkenaan. Hal ini disebabkan oleh perbezaan sumber, asas dan sejarah yang melatari agama-agama berkenaan. Islam yang merupakan agama samawi kerana sumbernya ditanzilkan oleh Allah SWT berbeza dengan agama Hindu dan agama Buddha yang bersifat ciptaan manusia kerana sumbernya terhasil daripada proses pentaakulan dan pengalaman manusiawi.Perbezaan agama ini mempengaruhi perbezaan fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama dalam ketiga-tiga periode bahasa Melayu yang dianalisis, iaitu klasik, peralihan dan moden. Pada periode kuno, bahasa Melayu mula berfungsi sebagai bahasa agama Hindu dan Buddha pada zaman pemerintahan kerajaan Melayu Srivijaya (abad ke-7 – ke-11). Pada periode klasik, fungsi bahasa Melayusebagai bahasa agama semakin berkembang dengan kedatangan Islam, sehingga menjadi dominan dan menenggelamkan fungsinya denganagama Hindu dan Buddha. Islam yang diperkenalkan dan diterima oleh Melaka telah disebarkan dengan menggunakan bahasa Melayu melalui pelbagai pendekatan dakwah. Pengembang-pengembang Islam yang menggunakan bahasa pula bukanlah pendakwah tempatan sahaja, bahkan juga pendakwah Arab dan India yang mampu menggunakan bahasa Melayu dengan berkesan. Dengan ini, dalam masa beberapa kurun sahaja, agama Islam telah berkembang ke seluruh rantau ini. Perkembangan Islam ini juga telah mengubah bentuk bahasa Melayu itu sendiri. Pada masa agama Hindu dan Buddha, bahasa Melayu menggunakan tulisan Palidari India Selatan dan meminjam sejumlah besar

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perkataan-perkataan Sanskrit. Pada masa itu juga bahasa Melayu menggunakan beberapa sistem tulisan lain, antaranya tulisan Kawi dan tulisan Rejang (Sumatera). Apabila Islam diterima sebagai agama anutan sebahagian besar penduduk di Nusantara, bahasa Melayu telah mengalami perkembangan yang lebih pesat. Orang Melayu telah meninggalkan tulisan Pali, dan sebagai gantinya mereka menggunakan tulisan Jawi yang berasal dari tulisan Arab, yang telah disesuaikan dengan bahasa Melayu. Antara teks terawal dalam bahasa Melayu ialah terjemahan kitab Aqai’d al-Nasafi karya Abu Hafs Umar Najm al-Din al-Nasafi. Kitab bahasa Arab ini diterjemahkan ke bahasa Melayu pada abad ke-16. Kitab bertemakan ilmu tauhid ini menjadi bukti wujudnya karya ilmu Islam terawal dalam bahasa Melayu. Kitab-kitab lain yang diajar di Melaka pada zaman Kesultanannya ialah Bahr al-Lahut (12M) oleh Abdullah Arif, Umm al-Barahin oleh al-Sanusi (Mahayudin, 1994: 3) dan Durr al-Manzum oleh Abu Ishak al-Sirazi pada kurun ke-15. Pada periode peralihan, fungsi bahasa Melayu dengan agama Islam semakin kukuh dan sangat dominan, manakala fungsinya dengan agama Hindu dan Buddha boleh dikatakan beransur-ansur lenyap. Ratusan kitab agama Islam yang ditulis dalam tulisan Jawi dihasilkan untuk memenuhi keperluan pembelajaran tradisi pengajian pondok di merata pelosok Asia Tenggara seiring dengan penyebaran pelbagai tema pengetahuan Islam. Perkembangan pesat ini berlangsung sehingga ke pertengahan abad ke-20. Dari segi percetakan, iaitu ciri utama bahasa Melayu periode peralihan, sebelum abad ke-20 lagi, iaitu pada separuh kedua kurun ke-19, kitab-kitab Jawi telahpun dicetak dan diterbitkan di Makkahdengan editor pertamanya, Syeikh Ahmad Muhamad Zain al-Fatani, dan kemudian di Kaherah serta Bombay dengan editornya, Mustafa al-Babi. Selepas itu, muncullah pula pencetak di Sumatra, Singapura, Jawa, Semenanjung, dan Patani (Bruinessen, 1999: 132). Dianggarkan buku dalam bahasa Melayu berjumlah sekitar 900 judul. Buku-buku berkenaan diniagakan di toko-toko buku Islam di Jakarta, Bogor, Bandung, Purwokerto, Semarang, Surabaya, Pontianak, Banjarmasin, Amuntai, Banda Aceh, Medan, Singapura, Kuala Lumpur, Pulau Pinang, Kota Bharu, dan Patani. Semua buku-buku tersebut kini tersimpan di Perpustakaan KITLV, Leiden (Bruinessen, 1999: 132).

Bruinessen (1999) menyenaraikan lapan disiplin ilmu Islam yang terkandung dalam kitab-kitab tersebut, iaitu fikah (20%), akidah/usuluddin (17%), nahu Arab (12%), hadis (8%), tasawuf dan tariqat (7%), akhlaq (6%), doa, wirid, mujarabat (5%) serta kisah para anbia, maulid dan munaqib (6%). Pada periode ini juga, muncul agama baru, iaitu agama Kristian yang dikembangkan oleh penjajah British. Pengembang-pengembang agama Kristian dengan penuh strategis memilih bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa sebarannya.Walaupunfungsinya terbatas, namun bahasa ini telah memainkan peranan penting dalam penyebaran agama Kristian di Nusantara. Semasa mubaligh-mubaligh Kristian menyebarkan agama Kristian dalam kalangan penduduk di Kepulauan Melayu di Indonesia mahupun di Malaysia, mereka telah menggunakan bahasa Melayu, walaupun mereka mempunyai bahasa mereka sendiri, iaitu bahasa Belanda dan bahasa Inggeris (Ismail, 1997).

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Pada masa itu, kitab Bible telah pun diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa Melayu untuk memudahkan penyebaran agama itu dalam kalangan penduduk tempatan. Kesan daripada penggunaan bahasa Melayu dalam penyebaran agama Kristian, maka bahasa Melayu telah mengambil alih bahasa tempatan. Mubaligh-mubaligh ini akhirnya menjadikan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa pertama mereka. Walau bagaimanapun, terdapat segelintir penduduk tempatan beragama Islama yang masih menggunakan bahasa suku kaum mereka sendiri, yang sangat berbeza dengan bahasa Melayu, seperti yang berlaku di Maluku (Ismail, 1997). Pada periode moden pula,fungsi bahasa Melayu dengan agama Islam semakin jelas, kukuh dan sangat dominan.Fungsinya dengan agama Hindu dan Buddha tidak dapat dikesan, manakala fungsinya dengan agama Kristian tidak jelas dan sering dipertikaikan. Mulai pertengahan abad ke-20, yakni setelah mencapai kemerdekaan dan setelah terbentuknya sebuah negara bangsa, fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama semakin jelas dan kukuh.Hal ini demikian kerana kedudukan bahasa Melayu dari segi perundangan dinyatakan dalam Perkara 152, Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Bahasa Melayu ialah bahasa yang mesti (hendaklah) digunakan dalam semua aktiviti, termasuk dalam penyampaian ilmu agama, lisan dan tulisan. Selain itu, fungsi sebagai bahasa agama juga dinyatakan melalui pengenalan dasar dan agenda nasional yang tertentu. Kepercayaan kepada Tuhan, yakni rukun pertama dalam Rukun Negara memerlukan wahana penyampaian, dan wahana yang dimaksudkan ialah bahasa Melayu. Dengan agama, proses pengidentitian masyarakat, perpaduan dan pengilmuan seperti yang dihasratkan dalam falsafah rukun Negara dapat dilaksanakan. Walau bagaimanapun, dalam hubungannya dengan agama Kristian, bahasa Melayu menghadapi beberapa isu dan cabaran yang dicetuskan oleh pengguna bahasa Melayu itu sendiri. Cabaran ini menjadikan fungsi bahasa Melayu dengan agama Kristian tidak jelas dan mengelirukan. Antara contoh yang dimaksudkan ialah larangan penggunaan sejumlah istilah bahasa Melayu berkaitan Islam yang dikeluarkan oleh pihak berkuasa agama Islam kepada penganut-penganut agama Kristian dan larangan penterjemahan kitab Bible ke dalam bahasa Melayu. Larangan demikian mengaburkan fungsi bahasa Melayu. Dari satu sudut, penggunaan bahasa Melayu amat digalakkan atas sifatnya sebagai bahasa rasmi dan bahasa kebangsaan. Akan tetapi dari satu sudut yang lain pula, penggunaan bahasa Melayu dilarang pula kerana dianggap boleh memberi ancaman kepada keharmonian agama di Malaysia. Lebih mengelirukan lagi ialah larangan berkenaan hanya berkuatkuasa di Semenanjung Malaysia dan tidak melibatkan Sabah dan Sarawak.

PERUBAHAN FUNGSI BAHASA MELAYU SEBAGAI BAHASA AGAMA Seperti yang telah dibincangkan dalam analisis terdahulu bahawa terdapat hubungan antara perbezaan agama dengan perbezaan fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama.Hubungan tersebut telah meninggalkan pengaruh dari segi perubahan fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama dalam ketigatiga periode yang dianalisis, iaitu klasik, peralihan dan moden.

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Dalam analisis bahagian ini, yang dimaksudkan dengan perubahan fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama ialah perubahan daripada fungsi alamiah kepada fungsi terancang. Fungsi alamiah adalah merujuk kepada fungsi semula jadi yang diberikan kepada bahasa Melayu dalam konteks keagamaan, iaitu seperti alat berfikir, alat berkomunikasi, alat menyampaikan maklumat, alat meluahkan perasaan dan alat mempamerkan budi pekerti. Fungsi terancang pula merujuk kepada fungsi penggunaan bahasa yang diberikan kepada bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama berdasarkan perancangan bahasa yang dirangka oleh kerajaan atau pemerintah melaui dasar tertentu.Fungsi ini sejajar dengan pengertian perancangan bahasa yang dikemukakan oleh Haugen pada 1959 (Asmah, 1993), iaitu“aktiviti penyediaan kaedah ortografi, tatabahasa dan perkamusan sebagai panduan kepada masyarakat pengguna bahasa”. Berdasarkan pengertian tersebut, dari segi garis masa sejarah, maka fungsi alamiah pada bahasa Melayu ialah fungsi yang hanya wujud sebelum kedatangan agama Hindu, Buddha dan Islam, yakni pada tahap purba(zaman sebelum abad ke-4 Masihi (Nik Safiah, 2010). Hal ini demikian kerana tahap ini ditandai oleh ketiadaan sebarang bukti sejarah berkaitan bahasa Melayu kecuali dalam bentuk lisan. Oleh yang demikian, fungsi terancang sebagai bahasa agama mula wujud dalam bahasa Melayu setelah kedatangan agama Hindu pada tahap kuno. Tulisan pada batu-batu bersurat dan prasasti menjadi bukti bahawa sistem ortografi dan tatabahasa telah wujud dalam bahasa Melayu. Kedua-dua sisitem berkenaan mengisyaratkan bahawa terdapat fungsi terancang yang diberikan kepada bahasa Melayu. Kedatangan Islam pada tahap klasik memperkukuhkan lagi fungsi terancang bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama. Islam melalui bahasa Arab memperkenalkan korpus bahasa yang berupa sistem tulisan (tulisan Jawi), sistem tatabahasa (nahu Arab), ejaan dan perkamusan. Perancangan tersebut dapat dikesan melalui dua bentuk hubungan, iaitu peranan cendekiawan Melayu dan peranan raja Melayu. Peranan cendekiawan Melayu seperti Hamzah Fansuri dan Nuruddin al-Raniri mempamerkan kefahaman mereka tentang perlunya pemikiran dan tamadun Melayu diisi secara menyeluruh dengan ilmu dan epistemologi yang mantap. Pengisian seumpama ini memerlukan pula bahasa agama yang berupaya mengungkapkan ilmu dan epistemologi berkenaan melalui korpus bahasa yang tepat dan benar, khususnya dari segi peristilahan, penginterpretasian dan pemaknaan. Peranan raja pula adalah dalam bentuk“dari atas ke bawah”. Sebagai contoh, penulisan karya agung Melayu Sulalat al-Salatin ya’ni Perteturun Segala Raja-Raja (Sejarah Melayu) Karangan Tun Seri Lanang pada 1612 mengandungi perancangan tentang penyampaian maklumat dalam bahasa Melayu dari generasi abad tersebut kepada generasi abad seterusnya. Menurut Tun Seri Lanang yang menukilkan perintah penulisan oleh Raja Di Hilir: “Demikian bunyinya tita(h) Yang Maha Mulia itu, “Bahawa hamba minta’ diperbuatkan hikayat pada bendahara perteturun segala raja-raja Melayu dengan isti’adatnya, supaya didengar oleh anak cucu kita yang kemudian dari kita dan diketahuinyalah segala perkataan, syahadan beroleh fa’edahlah mereka itu daripadanya.” Setelah fakir ... menengar titah Yang Maha Mulia itu maka terjunjunglah atas batu kepala fakir dan berlelah atas segala anggota fakir. (Muhammad, 2009: xxviii)

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Penjajahan British pada tahap peralihan melebarkan lagi fungsi terancang bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama. Peranan pentadbir dan pegawai British, seperti yang dihikayatkan oleh Munshi Abdullah (Azhar, 2014) memperlihatkan fungsi terancang yang diberikan kepada bahasa Melayu, termasuk sebagai bahasa penyebaran dakwah Kristian. Di samping itu,sistemtulisan (tulisan Rumi) yang diperkenalkan sebagai alternatif kepada tulisan Jawi serta sistem percetakan berasaskan mesin juga telah memperkukuhkan lagi perancangan yang dimaksudkan. Walau bagaimanapun, fungsi yang dimainkan oleh bahasa Melayu bertukar menjadi cabaran kepada kepada perkembangan Islam. Tokoh pembaharuan seperti Abdullah Munshi dikecam hebat oleh golongan tradisonalis yang mahukan bahasa Melayu bebas daripada pengaruh Barat dan Kristianisasi. Mulai pertengahan abad ke-20, fungsi terancang bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama pada periode moden semakin kukuh dengan apabila kedudukannya dijelaskan dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan dan undang-undang.Fungsi terancang juga dijelaskan melalui pengenalan dasar dan agenda nasional yang tertentu, seperti identiti utama masyarakat Malaysia, alat pemersatu dalam integrasi nasional dan jugabahasa pengantar dalam pendidikan. Dengan fungsi terancang ini, bahasa Melayu melalui proses pengangkatan ke tahap yang lebih maju, dan badan yang dipertanggungjawabkan melaksanakan fungsi berkenaan ialag Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan, undang-undang berkaitan penggunaan bahasa diletakkandi dalam Bahagian 12 Am dan Pelbagaidi bawah Perkara 152 Bahasa Kebangsaan. Peletakan ini memberikan fungsi yang jelas bagi bahasa Melayu, iaitu sebagai bahasa kebangsaan (lambang negara), bahasa rasmi (situasi rasmi) dan bahasa pengantar pendidikan (penyampaian ilmu) (Noriah, 1999). Fungsi ini juga memperlihatkan bahawa bahasa Melayu memiliki dua ciri penting sebuah bahasa agama, iaitu keintelektualan bahasa dan kesempurnaan bahasa. Keintelektualan bahasa merujuk kepada keupayaan bahasa Melayu menyampaikan buah fikiran dengan tepat dan berkesan melalui laras bahasa yang saintifik, kosa kata yang memadai dan sistem tatabahasa yang mantap (Abdul Hamid, 2007). Ciri ini dengan kata lain memenuhi ciri korpus yang diperlukan oleh bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama. Walau bagaimanapun, pada tahap moden ini, fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama kelihatan mengelirukan. Hal ini demikian kerana cabaran utama pada tahap ini ialah sikap dan kefahaman pengguna bahasa tentang fungsi bahasa Melayu dalam konteks agama. Sikap dan kefahaman tersebut perlu dinilai dari sudut perundangan dan toleransi antara agama, dalam menangani isu-isu yang melibatkan penggunaan bahasa dalam agama, seperti isu kalimah ‘Allah’ dan kitab Injil bahasa Melayu. Dari segi perundangan, jelas sekali bahasa Melayu ialah bahasa pendidikan agama, sama ada Islam dan bukan Islam.Perkara 152 menyebut bahawa: Bahasa kebangsaan ialah bahasa Melayu dan hendaklah ditulis dalam apa-apa tulisan sebagaimana yang diperuntukkan dengan undangundang oleh Parlimen: Dengan syarat bahawa-

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(a) tiada sesiapa pun boleh dilarang atau ditahan daripada menggunakan (bagi apa-apa maksud, lain daripada maksud rasmi), atau daripada mengajar atau belajar apa-apa bahasa lain; dan (b) tiada apa-apa jua dalam Fasal ini boleh menyentuh hak Kerajaan Persekutuan atau hak mana-mana Kerajaan Negeri bagi memelihara dan meneruskan penggunaan dan pengajian bahasa mana-mana kaum lain dalam Persekutuan. (Bahagian 12, Perkara 152 (1) Perlembagaan Persekutuan) Perkara 152 menjelaskan bahawa bahasa Melayu ialah bahasa kebangsaan untuk semua aktiviti. Penggunaan ini merangkumi konteks agama sama ada Islam atau bukan Islam. Dengan demikian, tiada wujud larangan atau tegahan penggunaan bahasa Melayu dalam aktiviti keagamaan mana-mana agama. Selain Islam, bahasa Melayu boleh dibenarkan menjadi alat sebaran agama lain, termasuk menjadi bahasa kitab Injil. Justeru, sebarang ketidaksetujuan penganut agama Islam berhubung penggunaan bahasa Melayu oleh penganut agama bukan Islam perlulah dibincangkan dari sudut perundangan. Sekiranya didapati tidak sah dari segi perundangan, jalan penyelesaian dan alternatif linguistik perlu dikemukakan. Pengharaman tanpa penyelesaian bukanlah ciri sebuah bahasa yang dinamis seperti bahasa Melayu. Dari sudut toleransi antara agama, kepercayaan kepada Tuhan, iaitu prinsip pertama Rukun Negara merupakan prinsip yang meletakkan pegangan agama sebagai nilai murni yang didukung oleh masyarakat Malaysia. Alat utama dalam pengukuhan kefahaman dan amalan agama tentunya ialah bahasa Melayu, iaitu satu-satunya bahasa yang dapat difahami dengan meluas kerana statusnya sebagai bahasa kebangsaan, bahasa rasmi dan bahasa pengantar pendidikan agama. Sebagai sebuah negara-bangsa yang bertunjangkan identiti bahasa Melayu sebagai alat pemersatu (Abdul Rahman, 2006), adalah aneh sekiranya toleransi antara agama melalui kepercayaan kepada Tuhan yang dilaung-laungkan dalam Rukun Negara digugat oleh penggunaan bahasa Melayu itu sendiri. Sebagai contoh, isu kalimah ‘Allah’ yang dipadankan dengan terjemahan ‘God’ daripada bahasa Inggeris dalam penyebaran dakwah Kristiantelah menimbulkan kontroversi dan perpecahan antara penganut agama Islam dan Kristian. Oleh yang demikian, isu kalimah ‘Allah’ perlu didialogkan dengan penuh semangat harmoni dan kesedaran. Sama seperti isu pengunaan bahasa Melayu dalam dakwah agama bukan Islam, isu kalimah ‘Allah’ tidak memadai diselesaikan melalui tuntutan pengharaman penggunaannya oleh penganut bulan Islam, tetapi juga perlu ditunjukkan jalan penyelesaian linguistik, termasuk cadangan leksikal alternatif yang dipersetujui bersama. Sebagai badan perancang bahasa, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka perlulah lebih berperanan dalam mengemukakan cadangan leksikal yang sepadan maknanya dengan kalimah ‘God’.

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PENUTUP Dapatan perbincangan menunjukkan bahawa terdapat hubungan antara perbezaan agama yang menjadi pegangan dan kepercayaan masyarakat di Malaysia dengan perbezaan fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama dalam ketiga-tiga periode berkenaan. Perbezaan tersebut, khususnya dalam periode moden, menyebabkan fungsi bahasa Melayu dibataskan hanya kepada agama Islam sahaja. Fungsi bahasa Melayu dalam agama Hindu/Buddha dan Kristian pula bukan sahaja tidak jelas, bahkan sering dipertikaikan. Dapatan juga memperlihatkan bahawa hubungan antara perbezaan agama dengan perbezaan fungsi bahasa Melayu tersebut meninggalkan pengaruh dari segi perubahan fungsi bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa agama dalam ketiga-tiga periode berkenaan. Fungsi bahasa Melayu, khususnya dalam periode moden, berubah menjadi fungsi terancang berbanding dengan fungsi alamiah pada dua periode sebelumnya. Walau bagaimanapun, perubahan tersebut perlu diperincikan lagi, terutama dari sudut perundangan dan toleransi antara agama, dalam menangani isu-isu yang melibatkan bahasa dan agama, seperti isu kalimah ‘Allah’.

Rujukan Abdul Hamid Mahmood. (2007). Bahasa Melayu Sebagai Bahasa Ilmu: Cabaran dan Harapan. Tanjong Malim: Penerbit Universiti Pendidikan Sultan Idris. Abdul Rahman Embong. (2006). Negara-Bangsa: Proses dan Perbahasan. Edisi Kedua. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Al-Attas, Syed Muhammad Naquib. (1984). The Correct Date of the Terengganu Inscription. Kuala Lumpur: Muzium Negara. Amat Juhari Moain. (1996). Sejarah Perkembangan Pertahapan Bahasa Melayu. Jurnal Bahasa Jendela Alam, Jilid 1, 31-44. Amran Kasimin.(1995). Agama dan Perubahan Sosial di Kalangan Penduduk Asli di Semenanjung Tanah Melayu. Diterjemah oleh Padilah Haji Ali. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Asmah Haji Omar. (1993). Perancangan Bahasa dengan Rujukan Khusus kepada Perancangan Bahasa Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Azhar Ibrahim. (2014). Cendekiawan Melayu Penyuluh Emansipasi. Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Centre. Bruinessen, M. (1999). Kitab Kuning: Pesantren dan Tarekat. Bandung: Penerbit Mizan. Darwis Harahap. (1992). Sejarah Pertumbuhan Bahasa Melayu. Pulau Pinang: Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia. Ismail Hamid.(1985). Peradaban Melayu dan Islam. Petaling Jaya: Penerbit Fajar Bakti Sdn. Bhd..

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Ismail Hussein. (1981). Sejarah Pertumbuhan Bahasa Kebangsaan Kita. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Ismail Yusoff. (1997). Politik dan Agama di Sabah. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Mahayudin Hj. Yahya. (1994). Naskah Jawi: Sejarah dan Teks. Jilid 1. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka Muhammad Haji Salleh. (2009). Sulalat al-Salatin ya’ni Perteturun Segala Raja-Raja (Sejarah Melayu) Karangan Tun Seri Lanang. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Munif Zarirruddin Fikri b. Nordin.(2007). Linguistik + Agama: Satu Tinjauan Ringkas dalam Linguistik Melayu. Dalam Prosiding Seminar Antarabangsa Lingusitik dan Pembudayaan Bahasa Melayu Ke-3 2007, anjuran Jabatan Bahasa Melayu, Fakulti Bahasa Moden dan Komunikasi, Universiti Putra Malaysia, di Pusat Pendidikan Luar, Universiti Putra Malaysia, halaman 116 – 121. Nik Safiah Karim. (2010). Panorama Bahasa Melayu Sepanjang Zaman. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Noriah Mohamed. (1999). Perubahan Fungsi Bahasa Melayu di Malaysia. Dalam Jurnal Dewan Bahasa, 43 (6), hal. 538 – 544. Perlembagaan Persekutuan. (2001). Kuala Lumpur: International Law Book Services.

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PENERAPAN NASIONALISME DALAM PENDIDIKAN SEJARAH Noorhasliza binti Mohd Nordin Mohd Mahzan bin Awang Fakulti Pendidikan, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Bangi, Selangor [email protected] [email protected] Abstrak Kertas konsep ini membincangkan mengenai topik yang berkaitan peranan pendidikan Sejarah dalam menerapkan nasionalisme dalam kalangan generasi masa kini ekoran semangat nasionalisme semakin dilupakan.Negara mengalami era globalisasi mengakibatkan aspek nasionalisme dianggap tidak penting kepada generasi masa kini.Generasi masa kini memikirkan negara sudah mengecapi kemerdekaan dan tidak perlu menghayati nasionalisme lagi. Tokoh yang memperjuangkan kemerdekaan negara seperti Tok Janggut, Dato Maharaja Lela, Rentap, Sharif Masahor, Dol Said serta Datuk Bahaman perlu disanjung oleh generasi masa kini. Kertas konsep juga menjelaskan bahawa pentingnya penerapan nasionalisme dalam diri kalangan generasi masa kini. Pendedahan melalui mata pelajaran Sejarah merupakan satu cara yang dapat memenuhi matlamat untuk menerapkan nasionalisme. Nasionalisme yang kurang dalam diri generasi muda khususnya dan semua masyarakat umumnya akan memberi kesan kepada kehancuran sesebuah negara walaupun negara sudah mencapai kemerdekaan melebihi 50 tahun. Kata kunci : Nasionalisme, Pendidikan Sejarah

PENGENALAN Malaysia merupakan sebuah negara bangsa yang terdiri daripada pelbagai kaum yang mana kelompok terbesar adalah Melayu, Cina dan India. Manakala kelompok minoritinya terdiri dari kelompok Singh, Serani dan Siam (Hasnah Hussin,2010). Nasionalisme amat penting bagi sebuah negara yang berbilang kaum dan agama seperti Malaysia (Cheah Boon Kheng, 2002). Ia menjadi bertambah penting lebih-lebih lagi dalam era globalisasi yang membenarkan pengaliran secara bebas dan pantas bukan sahaja maklumat, tetapi juga meliputi pengaliran bebas modal manusia dari pelbagai negara, pengaliran modal, nilai, budaya, kepercayaan, pemikiran dan bermacam-macam lagi. Malaysia perlu membentuk sebuah negara yang beridentitikan rakyat dan negara ini bagi memastikan kewujudannya disegani dan dihormati oleh masyarakat antarabangsa. Sesebuah negara boleh musnah pada bila-bila masa jika ia tidak dipelihara dan dipertahankan. Sesebuah negara juga perlu mempunyai kekuatannya sendiri bagi memudahkan pengurusan hal ehwal negaranya agar negara tidak dikemudikan oleh negara lain (Mahathir, 1991).Kemerdekaan yang telah dicapai ekoran dari pelbagai usaha yang dilakukan oleh pejuang negara pada masa dahulu perlu dihargai dan disanjung oleh masyarakat pada hari ini. Biarpun peristiwa penting ini telah berlalu sejak 50 tahun yang lepas tetapi

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parut dan lukanya masih lagi dirasai. Justeru, sangat penting buat mereka yang ada pada hari ini merenung kembali peristiwa yang berlaku agar ianya dapat memberikan pengajaran kepada generasi masa kini dan yang akan datang. DEFINISI NASIONALISME Nasionalisme merupakan satu sentimen yang ada dalam kalangan penghuni di sesebuah wilayah. Perasaan ini dapat dilihat apabila rakyat di sesuatu wilayah itu menggunakan lambang-lambang tertentu seperti sempadan dan ibu kota bagi menentukan taraf negara bangsa, keperibadian kebangsaan, kewarganegaraan, bahasa kebangsaan, ekonomi, kebudayaan, kesenian, bendera, lagu kebangsaan dan lain-lain (Abdul Latiff,1996). Nasionalisme berkait rapat dengan patriotisme kerana kedua-duanya suatu perkara yang amat besar yang perlu ditanam dalam jiwa warganegara Malaysia.Kedua-duanya bukan sekadar semangat cintakan negara, agama dan bangsa semata-mata.Ia melibatkan seluruh aspek kehidupan seperti keberanian, keyakian, kebijaksanaan, serta kesungguhan dan kecintaan yang tidak berbelah bagi. Nasionalisme selalunya dikaitkan dengan ideologi politik manakala patriotism merangkumi kecintaan dan kesetiaan yang tinggi terhadap negara serta berbangga menjadi rakyat Malaysia (Hasnah Hussin, 2010). Menurut Khoo Kay Kim (1984), nasionalisme merupakan istilah yang walaupun telah diberikan pelbagai takrif, namun masih tetap kabur. Menurutnya lagi, dalam konteks Melayu sebelum merdeka, nasionalisme digunakan untuk merujuk kepada perjuangan orang Melayu bagi mendapatkan kembali keunggulan dalam negara sendiri. Menurut Doob (1964), perbezaan antara nasionalisme dan patriotisme ialah nasionalisme bermaksud ideologi tentang kelebihan bangsa sendiri dan berkait rapat dengan unsurunsur ras, bahasa dan adat. Manakala patriotisme ialah sentimen cintakan negara dan berkait rapat dengan emosi mempertahankan kedaulatan negara, institusi politik dan undang-undang daripada dicerobohi oleh kuasa asing. Pada zaman penjajahan, nasionalisme dipupuk supaya kita sanggup berjuang dan berkorban untuk melepaskan diri kita dari belenggu penjajahan.Rakyat tidak boleh menganggap negara yang sudah merdeka tidak memerlukan semangat nasionalisme lagi.Nasionalisme merupakan roh suatu bangsa, jadi apabila ia pudar akhirnya nanti akan hilang, maka bangsa itu akan mati.Keseluruhannya, nasionalisme adalah bertujuan untuk membebaskan diri daripada cengkaman kuasa asing.Pengertian nasionalisme dalam konteks selepas merdeka lebih merupakan sebagai satu perjuangan bagi mempertahankan maruah dan martabat serta kedaulatan negara. Sebagai contoh menghormati raja dan pemimpin, menghargai jasa dan perjuangan tokoh negara, memahami maksud semangat kebangsaan, menjaga dan mempertahankan maruah bangsa dan negara( Zabedah, 2008).

PENGHAYATAN NASIONALISME DALAM KALANGAN GENERASI SELEPAS MERDEKA Melihat senario yang berlaku sekarang, ramai generasi baru yang bakal menjadi pewaris negara kurang minat untuk mengetahui peristiwa sejarah yang berlaku pada masa dahulu (Zuriani, 2006).Generasi sekarang tidak menghayati semangat nasionalisme dengan sepenuhnya.Sebagai contoh, semasa sambutan kemerdekaan yang disambut pada 31 Ogos setiap tahun, kebanyakannya tidak merasakan apa-apa erti pada hari tersebut dan menganggap tidak ada kaitan dengan mereka.Mereka tidak memikirkan jika tokoh dahulu tidak berjuang mempertahankan tanah air daripada penjajah, maka tidak wujudnya kemajuan seperti hari ini.Mereka seharusnya memastikan negara tidak lagi dijajah. Dalam hal

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ini, generasi ini harus di didik untuk menggunakan apa yang berlaku di masa lampau dijadikan pengajaran supaya mereka berusaha menaikkan nama negara. Selain itu, harus diketahui bahawa peristiwa sejarah adalah elemen pembangunan dan kemajuan sesuatu bangsa.Menurut Abd. Karim (1998), faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan wujud perkara di atas adalah asas pengetahuan sejarah bangsa, agama dan negara yang kurang, sikap yang negatif, mudah terpengaruh dan terpedaya, pengawasan ibu bapa yang semakin berkurangan, masyarakat yang bertambah individualistik serta tumpuan pendidikan agama dan moral yang merosot. Tahap nasionalisme dalam kalangan rakyat-rakyat Malaysia khususnya generasi muda berada pada keadaan yang tidak selesa (Umi Soleha,2011). Ini kerana terdapat beberapa faktor yang mendorong timbulnya masalah ini.Faktor yang mendorong masalah ini berlaku ekoran semangat nasionalisme yang ditonjolkan oleh generasi kini berbeza jika dibandingkan dengan semangat nasionalisme sebelum era kemerdekaan. Jika dahulu mereka bersemangat untuk memperjuangkan kemerdekaan untuk tanah air tercinta daripada dijajah oleh penjajah dengan ini semangat yang dibawa secara tidak langsung dapat membangkitkan kesedaran dan memberi rangsangan kepada masyarakat yang lain supaya bangun membela nasib negara sendiri. Apa yang dapat kita lihat kini, generasi sekarang seolah - olah sudah tiada semangat nasionlisme yang ditanamkan dalam diri mereka. Ini kerana mereka membutakan mata dan menghindari semangat nasionalisme yang sepatutnya dirasai oleh setiap individu.Hal ini terjadi kerana generasi kini tidak merasai bagaimana jerih perit yang dilalui oleh pejuang-pejuang kemerdekaan untuk mengecapi kemerdekaan. Jadi kemerdekaan yang disambut setiap tahun semakin lama ia menjadi semakin tidak bererti kerana erti kemerdekaan telah pudar dek semangat cintakan negara yang semakin hilang. Keadaan negara pada hari ini yang selesa, aman dan makmur telah membuatkan masyarakat berada dalam keselsesaan sehinggakan sebahagaian besar masyarakat lupa akan tanggungjawab kepada negara serta terhakisnya semangat nasionalisme terhadap negara. Kemerdekaan tidak dapat dinilai dan dibandingkan dengan sewenangnya dan juga tidak boleh dinilai dengan wang ringgit.Justeru, sesuai dengan masyarakat berbilang kaum dan agama, maka perlulah sentiasa disematkan perasaan cinta dan bertanggungjawab kepada negara.Kerajaan tidak boleh mengambil jalan mudah dengan menyalahkan rakyat semata-mata tetapi perlu memberi perhatian yang serius dan pengisian kefahaman tentang erti kemerdekaan perlu dilakukan secara berterusan. Menurut Tun Dr Mahathir (2006), cabaran alaf baru amat meruncing dan generasi muda yang tidak dilengkapi semangat nasionalisme akan mudah dihasut orang luar supaya bersubahat menghapuskan kemerdekaan dan kebebasan negara. Menurut beliau lagi, konsep globalisasi menyebabkan negara menjadi hanya sebuah daerah dunia dan pada ketika itu sukar untuk memupuk semangat nasionalisme pada sebuah negara yang tidak lagi wujud.Malaysia pada hari ini semakin hilang generasi yang bersifat patriotik memandangkan generasi sekarang leka dan terpengaruh dengan gejala negatif sehingga tidak ada masa untuk memikirkan hal-hal yang berlaku dalam negara (Hasnah Hussin, 2010).Dalam era globalisasi yang berteraskan sains dan teknologi, generasi muda leka dengan keseronokan dunia dan banyak menghabiskan masa dengan aktiviti tidak bermoral.Zaman yang semakin pesat ekoran wujudnya kemajuan ICT, menyebabkan generasi muda sekarang tidak berminat mempelajari mata pelajaran sejarah (Abdul Ghani, 2008). Keadaan ini berbeza dengan negara maju seperti negara Barat dan beberapa buah negara Asia yang tidak kurang majunya seperti Jepun, Korea dan Taiwan mereka sangat mementingkan pendidikan sejarah atau dikenali sebagai pendidikan patriotisme dalam membangunkan generasinya. Oleh itu,

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misalnya negara Jepun kita dapat lihat walaupun mereka maju dalam teknologi mengatasi negara Barat, mereka tetap bangga menggunakan bahasa ibunda dan mengekalkan nilai-nilai tradisi Jepun (Hasnah Hussin, 2010). Sejarah adalah subjek yang dianggap penting mengatasi subjek lain. Malahan di Jepun mata pelajaran Sejarah sangat penting mengatasi mata pelajaran lain. Ini berbeza dengan yang berlaku di negara kita, mata pelajaran Sejarah sangat tidak dipentingkan tetapi lebih meletakkan mata pelajaran Sains dan teknologi yang paling penting. Menurut Razali (1994), nilai-nilai nasionalisme sememangnya perlu ditanam dalam jiwa generasi kini. Hal ini kerana pada peringkat ini mereka mereka dalam proses menuju ke peringkat dewasa. Nasionalisme dan patriotisme sememangnya dapat mengajar geberasi kini mendisiplinkan diri mereka. Disiplin yang baik akan membantu mereka mencapai kejayaan dalam bidang yang diceburi sama ada alam persekolahan atau pekerjaan. Selain itu, negara memerlukan generasi muda yang berdisiplin dan mampu melahirkan produktiviti yang cemerlang. Generasi muda hari ini akan menjadi kemudi pembangunan dan kepimpinan negara pada masa akan datang. Terdapat pelbagai cara untuk kita membuktikan semangat nasionalisme, menurut Menurut Wong Shui Wah (2005) untuk membuktikan kita menyayangi Malaysia, kita haruslah bersatu padu tanpa menimbulkan perasaan perkauman. Contoh apabila seseorang mencintai negaranya, dia akan menunjukkan penghormatan dan cintanya melalui tingkah laku seperti menghormati bendera negara, lagu kebangsaan, bahasa kebangsaan dan simbolsimbol keagamaan. Tanpa perasaan sedemikian, masyarakat dapat menumpukan terhadap pembangunan dan dengan demikian negara kita lebih maju. Dalam kes ini kita tidak boleh menunding jari kepada sesiapa yang salah tetapi kita perlu mencermin diri sendiri untuk melihat apa yang kita sendiri fahami tentang nasionalisme itu. Kesan kepada fenomena ini, terdapat kecenderungan dalam kalangan sesetengah pihak yang seolah-olah melupakan asas sebenar kejayaan dan pencapaian negara kita hari ini yang berdasarkan persefahaman dan tolak ansur antara semua pihak. Ini kerana terdapat sesetengah pihak dalam masyarakat kita hari ini mengemukakan tuntutan yang berbentuk satu pihak dan mengetepikan kepentingan pihak-pihak lain. Ia juga menunjukkan seolah-olah nasionalisme kompromi itu kian hilang semangatnya. remaja tidak boleh disalahkan sepenuhnya. Memang diakui mereka tidak berminat bercakap tentang nasionalisme (Noha Abdullah,1990). Walau bagaimanapun jika dilihat sekarang, bukan sahaja golongan remaja malah golongan yang lebih senior juga tidak menghiraukan semangat ini.Mereka gagal menunjukkan contoh yang baik kepada generasi kini tentang betapa perlunya nasionalisme.Selain itu, golongan ibu bapa juga gagal mendedahkan betapa pentingnya nasionalisme kepada anak-anak mereka.Mungkin mereka berasa janggal untuk menceritakan perkara ini kepada anak anak.Mereka hanya mendapat pendedahan tentang nasionalisme di sekolah dalam mata pelajaran sejarah. Semangat nasionalisme perlu ada walaupun negara sudah mencapai kemerdekaan melebihi 50 tahun. Walaupun sudah berada pada zaman moden, nasionalisme tetap menjadi senjata perang kerana tanpanya negara boleh runtuh. Sesebuah negara boleh lenyap dan runtuh jika rakyat tidak taat setia kepada negara dan anasir luar senang untuk menjajah negara. Bangsa yang mempunyai semangat nasionalisme akan membentuk perpaduan yang teguh dan sentiasa bertolak ansur. Dalam konteks negara Malaysia yang mempunyai pelbagai kaum, perpaduan dan toloak ansur merupakan elemen penting bagi memastikan keamanan dan kemakmuran negara terjamin pada masa kini dan masa hadapan. Jika tiada penerapan nasionalisme dalam negara yang pelbagai kaum tidak mustahil akan berlaku perbalahan antara kaum satu masa nanti (Zulhilmi dan Rohani, 2003).

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Generasi kini juga tidak memahami apa yang dikatakan dengan nasionalisme dan apakah perbuatan yang boleh mencerminkan semangat cinta kepada negara. Konsep nasionalisme Melayu adalah berbeza dari tafsiran nasionalisme yang digunakan di Barat.Nasionalisme Melayu adalah khusus untuk orang-orang Melayu.Nasionalisme Melayu lahir sebagai manisfestasi cetusan rasa dan keinsafan bangsa Melayu.Nasionalisme Melayu wujud kerana bangsa Melayu telah ditindas.Nasionalisme Melayu lahir kerana bangsa Melayu ditindas oleh penjajah pada masa dahulu.Nasionalisme Melayu lahir sebagai pendorong kepada orang Melayu menyatukan rancangan mereka, untuk membulatkan keputusan mereka serta untuk menjitukan tindakan mereka di dalam menuntut kemerdekaan dari penjajah. Dalam tempoh lima tahun lagi, dua pertiga daripada rakyat Malaysia adalah terdiri daripada generasi muda dan sekarang adalah masa yang sesuai untuk membina dan menyuburkan semangat kemerdekaan dalam kalangan mereka. Pendekatan baru harus dirangka bersesuaian dengan kehendak 60 peratus generasi muda hari ini agar penglibatan mereka dapat dirasai dan diisi dengan perkara yang positif serta melenyapkan stigma yang sering dikaitkan dengan mereka (Utusan Malaysia, 2012). Generasi kini tidak boleh mencemuh kekurangan yang ada pada generasi terdahulu kerana jika itu berlaku, generasi akan datang bakal mencemuh kita pula. Anggaplah perkongsian pengalaman, sejarah dan kisah sebagai legasi yang amat bernilai untuk dipelajari sekiranya remaja hari ini melupakan sejarah orang yang terdahulu, tidak mustahil generasi akan datang meremehkan sejarah kini yang sedang kita bina.Sebagai rakyat Malaysia, kita perlu menyedari bahawa nasionalisme penting dalam mempertahankan negara dari sebarang bentuk ancaman sama ada dari dalam atau luar negara. Kerajaan perlu menjadikan nasionalisme sebagai tunjang kepada perpaduan nasional dan pembinaan bangsa bermaruah.Semangat ini mampu dipupuk melalui pendidikan sejarah, sivik dan kenegaraan Malaysia.Perbincangannya perlu diperluaskan lagi dengan menekankan kepada perkembangan dan sumbangan tokoh-tokoh dalam membebaskan tanah air dari penjajahan dan membangunkan negara.Sebagai contoh, pelajar perlu didedahkan dengan lebih serius sejarah perjuangan menentang penjajah dan penceroboh seperti Tok Janggut, Dato Maharaja Lela, dan sebagainya untuk melahirkan semangat nasionalisme untuk generasi masa kini.

PENERAPAN NASIONALISME DALAM PENDIDIKAN SEJARAH Pendidikan Sejarah memainkan peranan dalam membentuk nasionalisme. Menurut Abdul Razaq (2007), sejarah perlu dipelajari oleh generasi muda kerana dapat membantu meningkatkan kekuatan dan bersatu padu dalam membentuk masa depan. Negara yang sudah mencapai kemerdekaan akan berusaha mempertahankan negara dari dijajah lagi. Manakala, negara yang belum mencapai kemerdekaan berusaha untuk mencapai kemerdekaan.Kemerdekaan bererti tamatnya tempoh penjajahan di Tanah Melayu dan rakyat boleh memerintah mengikut corak kehidupan mereka sendiri tanpa terikat lagi kepada kuasa asing. Di Malaysia, mata pelajaran Sejarah diajar sejak pentadbiran British lagi. Sedikit perubahan terhadap pendidikan Sejarah di Tanah Melayu hanya berlaku pada 1918 susulan pengenalan mata pelajaran Tawarikh di peringkat sekolah dan maktab. Berakhirnya Perang Dunia Kedua dan penubuhan Jabatan Sejarah Universiti Malaya pada 1949 memberikan permulaan baru kepada pendidikan Sejarah di Malaysia (Mohamad Rodzi, 2009). Peristiwa yang berlaku pada 13 Mei 1969 menjadi anjakan kepada sistem pendidikan yang mana ia lebih tertumpu kepada matlamat untuk melahirkan warganegara yang lebih patriotik, toleransi dan cintakan negara berteraskan Rukunegara. Kurikulum yang dirangka bertujuan menanamkan kesedaran individu, ciri-ciri dan nilai rakyat Malaysia yang berfikiran terbuka di

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samping menolak sentimen perkauman, warisan dan perbezaan yang sempit antara mereka (Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia, 1995).Matlamat kemudiannya adalah untuk melahirkan negara bangsa yang bersatu padu dan mengukuhkan kesetiaan dan patriotisme dalam kalangan generasi muda, khususnya murid sekolah. Pendidikan sejarah telah dijadikan mata pelajaran utama dalam sistem pendidikan di Malaysia untuk mencapai matlamat tersebut. Menurut Awang Had Salleh (1983),beliau menyifatkan apa yang hendak dicapai oleh pendidikan dalam hubungannya dengan nasionalisme ialah dengan menyemaikan rasa patriotisme ke dalam jiwa generasi muda, iaitu rasa kesediaan dan kerelaan berkorban nyawa untuk mempertahankan negara. Kedua, menanam ke dalam jiwa generasi muda mengenai penghayatan terhadap cita-cita unggul negara dan untuk membimbing mereka supaya menghayati peristiwa sejarah negara dan membina penghayatan terhadap lambang-lambang, negara.Selain itu, ianya untuk memupuk rasa hormat kepada bahasa negara, iaitu bahasa Melayu, agama Islam dan bendera negara.Semua usaha ini menjurus ke arah penjelmaan gagasan patriotisme dan pembinaan bangsa yang mendasari wawasan negara.(Haminah, 2010). Sejarah memang sifatnya sambung menyambung dan cenderung mengulangi jejak.Mempelajari sejarah silam membolehkan generasi kini memahami suatu zaman di mana mereka belum lagi lahir.Apa yang berlaku pada masa lalu boleh berlaku semula pada hari ini, tetapi dalam bentuk yang lain. Penjajahan Barat pada masa lalu sudah menjadi sejarah tetapi penjajahan pemikiran akibat globalisasi sedang dihadapi oleh generasi muda. Generasi kini harus memahami sejarah silam supaya ia dijadikan sumber teladan memahami masa kini dan memberi unjuran terhadap masa depan. Jurang generasi boleh dirapatkan sekiranya para remaja mempunyai kecenderungan yang tinggi untuk belajar dan reflektif terhadap sejarah silam, jika tidak remaja akan menghadapi kekosongan makna dan ketelusan berfikir bagi memahami perkara silam dan mampu dihubungkan dengan zaman kini. Antara yang menyebabkan jurang berfikir berlaku adalah akibat pendidikan yang berjalan tidak mampu memberi kesan penghayatan kepada generasi muda (Zuriani, 2006).Contohnya, mata pelajaran sejarah yang diajar kepada remaja lebih tertumpu kepada mengingat fakta dan menghafal data untuk keperluan peperiksaan. Jika ia diberi orientasi penghayatan, maka jurang dapat dirapatkan. Dalam mata pelajaran sejarah di sekolah kita belajar mengenai sejarah kebangkitan semangat nasionalisme (atau semangat kebangsaan), yang kita anggap sebagai bermulanya perjuangan kita menuntut kemerdekaan negara kita daripada cengkaman penjajah.Jadi, terdapat nilai yang kita sanjung tinggi dan kita muliakan di dalam istilah nasionalisme atau semangat kebangsaan. Sering juga kita menghubungkan istilah nasionalisme dengan istilah jatidiri. Seseorang yang tidak mempunyai semangat nasionalisme biasanya dia juga tidak mempunyai jati diri atau sebaliknya seseorang yang tidak mempunyai jati diri itu dikatakan dia juga tidak mempunyai semangat nasionalisme.Demikianlah nasionalisme atau semangat kebangsaan itu sudah tertanam di dalam jiwa dan minda kita sebagai sesuatu yang bernilai mulia dan disanjung tinggi. Maka tidak hairanlah apabila dikatakan bahawa kebanyakan orang Melayu yang masih percaya atau menyokong Umno adalah disebabkan oleh semangat nasionalisme dan percayakan bahawa jati diri mereka adalah berhubungkait dengan nasionalisme. Menurut Sartono Kartodirdjo (1992), pendidikan sejarah berperanan sebagai alat didaktik khususnya sebagai teras utama pendidikan nasional. Pengetahuan sejarah akan membolehkan sesuatu bangsa terutama generasi muda menjadi lebih prihatin terhadap bangsa dan pembangunan negara.Sikap prihatin terhadap peristiwa sejarah yang berlaku akan membolehkan seseorang itu menunaikan tanggungjawabnya sebagai seorang warganegara yang baik. Melaui sifatnya sebagai alat memahami

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masa lalu serta fungsinya sebagai iktibar, pengajaran dan panduan membolehkan sejarah diberikan tempat istimewa dalam sistem pendidikan sesebuah negara.Di Malaysia, ia juga bukanlah satu persoalan baru yang mana sejak merdeka sehingga hari ini, isu sejarah dan peranannya dalam pembinaan nasionalisme terus dibahas dan dan dinobatkan sebagai agenda utama negara. Pendidikan sejarah dapat berperanan memupuk semangat nasionalisme yang kuat dalam diri seseorang individu.Pendidikan sejarah yang bermatlamat untuk melahirkan warganegara dan generasi yang berlumba-lumba untuk membangunkan negaranya.Pendidikan sejarah yang berperanan memupuk semangat nasionalisme yang kuat dalam diri seseorang individu.Seperti mana kita tahu, kandungan dalam buku teks Sejarah di sekolah menengah banyak membincangkan topik mengenai nasionalisme. Sebagai contoh, faktor kejatuhan kerajaan Melaka, faktor penjajahan British dan Jepun ke atas Tanah Melayu, faktor Malayan Union ditentang oleh penduduk Melayu, faktor kebangkitan nasionalisme dalam kalangan penduduk Melayu sebelum perang dunia kedua serta faktor penubuhan Malaysia 1963. Isi kandungan tersebut diselitkan bertujuan supaya generasi sedar kepentingan memartabatkan sebuah negara yang semakin mencabar ekoran wujudnya globalisasi.Peristiwa sejarah yang berlaku dapat digunakan sebagai iktibar dan tauladan. Selepas negara mencapai kemerdekaan sehingga kini, pendidikan Sejarah yang dirangka memberikan tumpuan kepada pembinaan dan penyatuan bangsa Malaysia. Matlamat ini menekankan proses pembinaan generasi baru Malaysia yang bersatu padu dan berpengetahuan khususnya melalui elemen bahasa dan kekuatan budaya bangsa. Dasar Pendidikan Kebangsaan menggariskan matapelajaran sejarah sebagai alat utama bagi merealisasikan matlamat tersebut. Penekanan pendidikan sejarah tertumpu terhadap kesedaran sejarah, toleransi dan kepekaan masyarakat untuk berkongsi tanggungjawab terhadap masa depan negara. Pelaksanaan Pelan Induk Pembangunan Pendidikan (PIPP) 2006-2010 yang bertemakan “merintis pembaharuan” menyediakan asas-asas kukuh dalam sistem pendidikan negara.PIPP dirangka untuk menyokong hasrat misi nasional yang menekankan pembangunan modal insan kelas pertama bagi menuju status negara maju melalui penekanan terhadap pembangunan dan penguasaan ilmu pengetahuan serta modal intelektual. Jika generasi muda idak menghayati kepentingan sejarah, pelaksanaan yang diutarakan tidak akan dicapai. Generasi muda di Malaysia sebenarnya perlu tahu asal-usul sejarah perkembangan masyarkat mereka sendiri dan akan memberi inspirasi agar mencipta teknologi mereka sendiri supaya menjadi sumber rujukan pada generasi yang akan datang. Dalam hal ini, generasi yang mempelajari sejarah akan cuba untuk memperkembangkan dan memajukan negaranya dari masa ke semasa. Dalam sistem pendidikan negara antara mata pelajaran yang dapat membantu para pelajar mempunyai kesedaran yang tinggi terhadap perjuangan mempertahankan kemerdekaan negara ialah mata pelajaran Sejarah dan Pendidikan Kenegaraan.Mata pelajaran Sejarah dan Pendidikan Kenegaraan diabaikan akibat memberi tumpuan lebih kepada subjek sains dan teknologi. Ia perlulah diperkasakan lagi dengan teknik penyampaian yang lebih kreatif dan menarik khususnya melalui peralatan teknologi seperti video,tayangan filem-filem perjuangan, patriotik dan lain-lain.Para pelajar juga perlu lebih didedahkan dengan jasa dan perjuangan tokoh-tokoh kemerdekaan negara dan segala pemikiran tokohtokoh yang banyak berjasa kepada negara perlu diajar kepada semua pelajar dengan sukatan pelajaran yang khusus tentang idea dan pemikiran para tokoh tersebut.Ini dapat memastikan legasi pemikiran cerdik pandai negara dapat diteruskan oleh generasi akan datang.

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Di samping itu juga generasi muda Malaysia perlu diberi pendedahan tentang perbandingan antara Malaysia dengan negara-negara lain dari aspek keamanan negara, kestabilan politik dan ekonomi, persoalan kemiskinan,dan musibah bencana yang menimpa sesebuah negara . Pengetahuan mengenai perbandingan antara apa yang berlaku di Malaysia dan apa yang berlaku di luar negara dapatlah menyuntik rasa syukur menjadi rakyat Malaysia dalam kalangan generasi muda.Statistik angka dan kajian penyelidikan tentang permasalahan gejala sosial dan keruntuhan akhlak anak muda Malaysia juga perlu didedahkan kepada generasi kini dan kesannya pada masa depan negara perlu dihuraikan dengan lebih mendalam. Kekurangan pengetahuan generasi kini tentang permasalahan yang berlaku disekeliling dan ancamannya terhadap negara menyebabkan mereka lupa dan leka dan tidak membuat sesuatu yang dapat mengubah dan memperbaiki keadaan sekeliling.Selain itu juga kepentingan perpaduan antara kaum-kaum di Malaysia dan menolak segala bentuk perjuangan perkauman sempit perlu diberi penekanan dalam sistem pendidikan negara disamping memupuk sikap toleransi, saling menghormati segala adat, budaya dan agama dalam kalangan generasi muda.Walaupun Malaysia sudah lama mencapai kemerdekaan, masih ada jurang antara kaum dan agama di Malaysia bahkan masih ada pihak yang mahu memperjuangkan agenda perkauman sempit mereka. Bagi menghayati kemerdekaan juga, generasi selepas merdeka di Malaysia perlu didedahkan dengan pengajian keamanan dan melawan sebarang bentuk peperangan. Generasi muda perlu diberi kesedaran untuk mewujudkan dunia yang lebih baik ,aman damai serta mengetahui betapa bahayanya segala bentuk peperangan di dunia ini.Segala dasar-dasar negara yang telah di sepakati terutamanya berkaitan isu bahasa, budaya dan sosial perlu dipertahankan dan segala penambahbaikan perlu dirujuk kepada pakar-pakar dalam bidang masing-masing.Dasar-dasar negara tersebut juga perlu dihadam oleh generasi muda dan pihak media perlulah memainkan peranan yang lebih luas bagi menanam kefahaman terhadap dasar-dasar tersebut khusus buat generasi muda.Pengahayatan kepada kemerdekaan negara Malaysia bukanlah hanya sekadar mengibar bendera Jalur Gemilang, mengadakan konsertkonsert kemerdekaan,menghitung detik jam 12 malam dan percikan bunga api serta melaung-laungkan slogan merdeka semata-mata.Apa yang lebih penting ialah rakyat Malaysia mempertahankan dan mengisi kemerdekaan dengan semangat dan ruh individu yang merdeka jiwa dan pemikirannya . Generasi masa kini yang mempelajari sejarah akan belajar sesuatu daripada sejarah dimana mereka tidak boleh menggunakan kebijaksanaan dan ilmu yang dimiliki ke arah jalan yang salah kerana ini akan merosakkan negara sendiri. Sebagai contoh kepada pernyataan ini boleh dilihat semasa kegemilangan kerajaan Melayu Melaka di serang musuh ekoran salah seorang pembesar pada waktu itu telah belot dan akhirnya Melaka jatuh ke tangan Portugis. Peristiwa ini perlu dijadikan teladan iaitu dengan ilmu yang ada perlu disalurkan ke arah yang baik dan ke arah kemakmuran dan keamanan negara bukannya merosakkan nama bangsa, agama dan negara.Apa yang membimbangkan ialah generasi hari ini tidak menghayati dan memahami peranan mereka sebagai warganegara Malaysia. Contohnya dapat dijelaskan ketika sambutan hari kemerdekaan.Penghayatan erti kemerdekaan tidak ada dalam diri mereka.Sambutan sepatutnya bukan sekadar laungan penuh semangat tetapi perlu sedar negara sudah tidak dijajah oleh kuasa asing.

KESIMPULAN Nasionalisme sangat penting dan merupakan elemen dalam pembangunan negara dan bangsa. Tanpa semangat nasionalisme, sesebuah negara tidak akan terjadi, berkembang, bebas dan berdaulat.

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kesedaran tentang nasionalisme adalah penting dalam kewujudan sesebuah negara. Nasionalisme dan rasa cinta pada tanah air merupakan intipati keutuhan sesebuah negara.Adalah diharapkan kita semua dapat terus menyuburkan rasa cinta kepada negara dan tanah air berasaskan kepada pepatah melayu “di mana bumi dipijak di situ langit dijunjung”.Sejarah dan pendidikan berupaya menjadi alat bagi mencapai matlamat tersebut seterusnya membentuk bangsa Malaysia yang mempunyai jati diri dan kesetiaan yang tidak berbelah bahagi kepada negara. Media elektronik dapat digunakan dalam membantu menerapkan semangat nasionalisme dalam kalangan generasi kini dengan menyiarkan lagu, pendeklamasian sajak, drama dan forum yang berunsurkan semangat nasionalisme. Media elektronik dapat menyampaikan mesej dengan lebih berkesan. Selain media elektronik, pelbagai kaedah lain juga boleh digunakan untuk memupuk semangat nasionalisme dalam kalangan generasi kini. Generasi kini hendaklah sentiasa memupuk semangat nasionalisme dan tidak melakukan sesuatu yang boleh merugikan bangsa dan negara. Sikap berpuakpuak dan bermusuhan sesama sendiri akan menghancurkan perpaduan negara. Oleh itu, mereka perlu mengamalkan falsafah hidup yang tidak mengutamakan kepentingan diri semata-mata, kepentingan negara hendaklah diambil kira bersama kerana kepentingan negara akan membawa kebaikan yang lebih baik kepada diri sendiri. Pelaksanaan pengajaran dan pembelajaran Sejarah juga perlu diubahsuai oleh guru untuk mempelbagaikan kaedah dan aktiviti pengajaran mereka.Usaha pemupukan semangat nasionalisme dalam kalangan pelajar memerlukan kerjasama semua pihak, kerajaan, penggubal dasar, guru sebagai pelaksana, pentadbir sekolah serta pelajar sendiri. Ini akan memenuhi hasrat Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia untuk membangunkan warganegara dengan ciri-ciri glokal, patriotik dan cintakan negara serta menyanjung dan menjunjung warisan budaya dan kesenian bangsa. Sejarah dan pendidikan berupaya menjadi alat bagi mencapai matlamat tersebut seterusnya membentuk bangsa Malaysia yang mempunyai jati diri dan kesetiaan yang tidak berbelah bahagi kepada negara.Ciri seorang warganegara yang baik sudah semestinya merupakan individu yang menyayangi negaranya sendiri, dan mempunyai semangat patriotik.Pendidikan sejarah boleh dijadikan sebagai pendukung utama pemupukan semangat kewarganegaraan dan patriotisme serta dapat membangkitkan semangat nasionalisme. Rujukan Abdul Ghani Abu. 2008. Sejarah Masih Relevan. Utusan Malaysia 14/01/2008. Abdul Latiff Abu Bakar. 1996. Konsep Patriotisme dan Nasionalisme. Kuala Lumpur : Penerbit Universiti Malaya. Awang Had Salleh. 1983. Pendidikan dan Nasionalisme: Penentuan Konsep dan Pencerobohan Strategi. Konvensyen Pendidikan ke 8.Tanjung Malim. Cheah Boon Kheng. 2002. Malaysia: The Making of a Nation, Institut of Southeast Asian Studis, Singapore. Doob. Leonard. 1964. Patriotism and Nationalism: Their Psychological Foundations. New Haven: Yale University Press. Haminah Suhaibo. 2010. Pemupukan Patriotisme Dalam Pendidikan Sejarah Tingkatan Satu. Jurnal Penyelidikan Institut Perguruan, Jilid 9. Hasnah Hussin. 2010. Isu-isu Negara Bangsa Abad Ke 21. Pahang: Penerbit Universiti Malaysia Pahang.

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Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia. 1995. Amalan-amalan Ke arah Perpaduan Kaum di enam buah Sekolah Kes. Bahagian Perancangan dan Penyelidikan. Kuala Lumpur. Khoo Kay Kim. 1984. Nasionalisme dan Sastera sebelum Perang Dunia ke 2. Kuala Lumpur. Mahathir Mohamad. 1991. Melangkah ke Hadapan. Pelanduk Publications Sdn Bhd. Mahathir Mohamad. 2006. Nasionalisme dalam Era Globalisasi. Petikan Ucapan kepada Young Enterprenuer Assiciation.Himpunan Pengusaha Muda Indonesia (HIPMI). Jakarta: Indonesia. Mohamad Rodzi Abd Razak. 2009. Pembinaan Negara Bangsa Malaysia: Peranan Pendidikan Sejarah Dan Dasar Pendidikan Kebangsaan. Jebat 36. Noha Abdullah.1990. Remaja Dan Nasionalisme. Dlm. Dewan Siswa. Razali Che Mat. 1994. Melahirkan Patriotisme Dalam Jiwa. Dlm. Dewan Siswa. Sartono Kartodirdjo. 1992. Pendekatan Ilmu Sosial dalam Metodologi Sejarah. Jakarta: Pt. Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Umi Soleha Radzali. 2011. Meninjau Tahap Kesedaran Nasionalisme Dalam Kalangan Pelajar Institut Pengajian Tinggi Awam Dan Pelajar Institut Pengajian Tinggi Swasta Sekitar Johor Bahru. Skudai: Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. Utusan Malaysia. 2012. Tingkatkan nasionalisme kepada generasi muda. 31 Ogos 2012.(Di akses pada 25 Mei 2013). Wong Shui Wah. 2005. Nasionalisme Malaysia Di Kalangan Pelajar Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan Dan Pelajar Sekolah Menengah Swasta Sekitar Johor Bahru. Tesis Sarjana Muda. Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. Zulhilmi Paidi dan Rohani Ab. Ghani.2003. Kenegaraan Malaysia Isu-Isu Dalam Pembinaan Negara.Pahang: PTS Publication & Distributor Sdn. Bhd. Zuriani Hj Jamil. 2006. Cabaran Hubungan Etnik Dalam Pembangunan Mayarakat Majmuk Kini di Malaysia: Satu Pengamatan Awal. Seminar Kebangsaan Pengajian Umum.Universiti Teknologi Malaysia.

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MAJLIS AMANAH RAKYAT (MARA) : PERANAN DALAM PENDIDIKAN MASYARAKAT MELAYU (1950-2000) NOORAIN BINTI AHMAD SAHIM1, DR. MOHD ALI SEMAN [email protected] ABSTRAK Perkembangan pendidikan negara telah bermula seawal tahun 1950 namun, peluang pendidikan yang rendah dalam kalangan masyarakat Melayu merupakan satu isu yang sinonim dengan masyarakat Melayu itu sendiri. Peluang untuk mendapatkan pendidikan yang rendah adalah disebabkan oleh faktor kemiskinan masyarakat. Justeru, Rural Industrial Development Authority (RIDA) memainkan peranan penting dalam usaha membantu memberi peluang pendidikan sekaligus meningkatkan taraf ekonomi masyarakat Melayu. Penubuhan Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA) merupakan kesinambungan kepada Rural Industrial Development Authority (RIDA). Makalah ini menilai sejauhmanakah Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA) memainkan peranan dalam membangunkan pendidikan masyarakat Melayu dari tahun 1950 hingga 2000. Penelitian ditumpukan kepada pendidikan masyarakat Melayu dan menilai peranan Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA) dalam membangunkan pendidikan masyarakat Melayu dari tahun 1950 hingga 2000. Hasil kajian mendapati Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA) berjaya memainkan peranan ke atas pendidikan masyarakat Melayu dalam usaha meningkatkan taraf sosioekonomi mereka. Sumber yang digunakan adalah sumber primer dan sumber sekunder. Sumber primer yang digunakan adalahAnnual Report Rural And Industrial Authority,Report on the Education Committee 1956 dan Laporan dan Penyata Tahunan MARA. Program-program yang dijalankan oleh MARA dapat dilihat dengan positif sehingga ke hari inikeberkesanannya. Dalam hal ini Majis Amanah Rakyat telah berjaya mencapai kejayaan melalui peranan peluang pendidikan anjuran MARA serta mewujudkan kebolehan masyarakat Melayu untuk berdikari, berinisiatif dan bersemangat bagi memperbaiki taraf hidup mereka. Kata kunci : Majlis Amanah Rakyat, Rural Industrial Development Authority, pendidikan, masyarakat.

1

Pelajar Sarjana Sastera (Sejarah Malaysia) tahun akhir, Pusat Pengajian Sejarah, Politik dan Strategi, FSSK,

UKM.

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1.1 PENGENALAN Rural Industrial Development Authority (RIDA) atau dikenali dengan Lembaga Kemajuan Kampung dan Perusahaan (LKKP) ditubuhkan oleh British bertujuan untuk membantu mengatasi masalah kemunduran ekonomi dan kemiskinan dalam kalangan masyarakat Melayu. Ia adalah hasil daripada desakan Dato’ Onn Jaafar yang melihat kemunduran ekonomi masyarakat Melayu akan melemahkan kedudukan politik mereka. Desakan ini hanya berjaya setelah Dato’ Onn Jaafar bersetuju memujuk ahli United Malays National Organization (UMNO) bagi melonggarkan syarat Kerakyatan Negeri pada awal tahun 1951.2 Pada tahap awal sistem pendidikan kolonial, anak masyarakat Melayu tidak digalakkan untuk belajar di peringkat lebih tinggi kerana bimbang mereka akan menentang penjajah melalui kepintaran yang diperolehi. Pihak British hanya bermatlamat untuk menghapuskan kadar buta huruf dalam kalangan masyarakat Melayu dan untuk tujuan itu memadai hanya dengan melalui pendidikan yang disediakan sehingga darjah enam atau peringkat sekolah dasar. Pihak British mencorakkan dasar pecah dan perintah dengan menanamkan minat terhadap pekerjaan bagi masyarakat Melayu dengan bekerja sebagai petani atau buruh dan semangat untuk terus tinggal di kampung. Bagi memulakan sejarah perkembangan pendidikan negara, ia tertumpu aspek kemiskinan masyarakat Melayu dengan peluang pendidikan yang diterima. Kemiskinan disifatkan sebagai satu konsep yang emotif dan subjektif. Penjajah menceroboh negara tercinta ini dan melaksanakan dasar perluasan pengaruh dan wilayah secara “pecah dan perintah”. Ianya secara tidak langsung mewujudkan sistem ekonomi kapitalis yang amat jauh berbeza daripada amalan sistem tradisi.3 Dasar “pecah dan perintah” serta sistem ekonomi kapitalis ini telah membawa kepada meningkatnya kadar kemiskinan penduduk di luar bandar.4 Dalam hal ini, walaupun Inggeris telah lama memerintah, namun adalah perkara yang menyedihkan bagi pencapaian sekolah Melayu pada waktu itu. Pendidikan yang diterima oleh masyarakat Melayu sehingga tahun 1957, adalah layak dikatakan bahawa ia merupakan satu aniaya bagi masyarakat Melayu disebabkan pengabaian dari segi pendidikan. Ianya termasuklah sukatan pelajaran yang tidak tersusun, buku-buku yang tidak ditentu arah dan isi pengajaran yang terbiar serta tidak diselia. Apa yang diberikan oleh pihak Inggeris adalah seperti “melepaskan batuk di tangga” sahaja bagi mengadakan propaganda bahawa mereka telah memberi pelajaran kepada anak-anak masyarakat Melayu dengan baik. Namun, sebaliknya pihak mereka tidak bercita-cita langsung untuk memajukan pendidikan bagi masyarakat Melayu.5

2

CO 537/6018, Communities Liasion Committee.

3

Jawatankuasa Kolokium Jabatan Sejarah, Masyarakat Melayu Abad Ke-19, UKM, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1991, hlm. 15-16. Lihat juga Wong Lin Ken, The Economic History of Malaysia: A Bibliographic Essay, The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 25, No. 2, Jun 1965, hlm. 224. 4

Talib Samat, Langit Tinggi Dijunjung: Di Sekitar Permasalahan Orang Melayu dan Remaja Melayu, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala lumpur, 1992, hlm. 1 5

2006/0048653, Ebanos, Dasar Pelajaran Yang Menyedihkan: Pelajaran Baru Yang Dilumpuhkan Minta Nyawa Baru, Pembina, November 1957, Bilangan 4 (Versi Melayu-Jawi), hlm. 7-8.

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1.2 KEMISKINAN DAN PELUANG PENDIDIKAN YANG RENDAH Hubungan antara kemiskinan dengan pendidikan sebagai berada dalam “satu putaran ganas”. Pengabaian, tanggungan hutang, eksploitasi orang tengah terhadap petani, penyewaan tanah, pemecahan tanah, taraf pemakanan dan tahap pendidikan yang rendah menyebabkan daya pengeluaran dan pendapatan yang rendah hingga masyarakat Melayu terperangkap dalam “satu putaran ganas” ini.6 Kemiskinan menyebabkan pencapaian pendidikan yang rendah dan seterusnya bakal diwariskan daripada ibu bapa kepada anak-anak. Dalam Rancangan Malaysia Ketiga 1976-1980 mendapati bahawa masalah kemiskinan yang dihadapi terutamanya oleh masyarakat Melayu dan kaum Bumiputera. Masyarakat Melayu lebih tertumpu di bidang pertanian yang mempunyai daya pengeluaran yang rendah. Sejumlah 74% daripada orang miskin di Semenanjung Malaysia adalah terdiri daripada masyarakat Melayu. Jika dikira mengikut kaum yang utama pula, sebanyak 65% dari semua masyarakat Melayu adalah miskin. Apabila dibandingkan dengan kadar kemiskinan masyarakat Cina pula adalah sebanyak 26% dan masyarakat India pula adalah sebanyak 39%. Kebanyakkan masyarakat Cina yang miskin tinggal di Kampungkampung Baru manakala masyarakat India yang miskin pula tinggal di ladang-ladang.7 Jadual 1 Pendaftaran Murid-Murid Di Sekolah Rendah Bagi Tahun 1976 Hingga 1979 Di Semenanjung Malaysia Darjah

Darjah 1

Darjah 2

Sekolah Aliran

Tahun 1976

1977

1978

1979

Aliran Melayu

177,213

177,120

186,222

187,351

Aliran Cina

82,656

85,248

88,418

86,138

Aliran Tamil

13,245

13,194

12,865

12, 859

Jumlah

273,114

275,865

287,505

12,859

Aliran Melayu

180,596

175,102

176,930

184,133

Aliran Cina

34,666

82,351

84,788

87,869

Aliran Tamil

13,732

13,299

13,105

12,805

6

Awang Had, Aspek Pendidikan Dalam Kemiskinan: Seminar Kemiskinan Luar Bandar, Alor Setar, Kedah, 1983. Lihat juga Chamshuri Siwar dan Mohd. Haflah Piei, Isu Konsep dan Dimensi Kemiskinan, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1988, hlm. 30-41. 7

Rancangan Malaysia Ketiga 1976-1980, Kuala Lumpur, hlm. 84. Lihat juga Just Faaland, DEB: Pertumbuhan dan Ketaksamarataan, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1991 hlm. 54.

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Darjah 3

Darjah 4

Darjah 5

Darjah 6

Jumlah

Jumlah

278,994

270,752

274,752

284,807

Aliran Melayu

170,382

180,130

174,945

175,834

Aliran Cina

84,013

84,323

82,043

84,362

Aliran Tamil

13,912

13,446

13,122

12,966

Jumlah

268,307

277,899

270,110

273,162

Aliran Melayu

175,977

169,560

179,639

173,028

Aliran Cina

82,026

83,329

83,816

80,925

Aliran Tamil

13,445

13,637

13,206

12,929

Jumlah

266,526

266,526

176,526

266,882

Aliran Melayu

162,347

174,263

168,314

178,219

Aliran Cina

78,918

81,291

82,521

82,858

Aliran Tamil

13,284

12,828

13,077

12,804

Jumlah

254,549

268,382

263,912

273,881

Aliran Melayu

168,140

160,510

172,410

169,944

Aliran Cina

75,598

77,267

79,570

80,843

Aliran Tamil

12,485

12,214

12,152

12,650

Jumlah

256,223

250,214

264,132

263,437

1,034,655

1,036,685

1,058,460

1,068,509

Aliran Cina

487,877

493,809

501,156

502,995

Aliran Tamil

80,103

78,841

77,527

77,013

1,602,635

1,609,335

1,609,335

1,648,517

Aliran Melayu

Jumlah Keseluruhan

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Sumber : Educational Statistic of Malaysia, 1976-1979, Ministry of Education Malaysia, 1982, hlm. 19.

Ikatan etnik ini dapat dilihat dengan jelas daripada bilangan murid yang memasuki sekolah rendah setiap tahun. Sebahagian besar masyarakat Cina dan India menghantar anak-anak mereka ke sekolah rendah yang menggunakan bahasa ibunda mereka. Seperti yang dapat dirujuk dalam Jadual 1, bilangan murid yang berdaftar dalam darjah satu hingga ke darjah enam pada tahun 1979 berjumlah 1,648,517 orang. Daripada jumlah ini seramai 1,068,509 berada dalam aliran Melayu, 502,995 orang di sekolah aliran Cina dan 77,013 orang murid dalam aliran Tamil. Maka kemiskinan juga dapat dikaitkan dengan keciciran pelajaran. Kelemahan pelajar yang menyebabkan keciciran daripada sistem pelajaran telah dikaji didalam satu kajian iaitu Kajian Keciciran di dalam tahun 1973.8 Kajian ini antara lain telah membuktikan pertalian di antara sosio-ekonomi dengan pencapaian pendidikan. Langkah-langkah untuk memperbaiki sekolah-sekolah di luar bandar telah dijalankan dan bilangan sekolah berasrama penuh telah ditambah dalam usaha untuk menempatkan pelajar-pelajar yang tidak berkemampuan, juga selari dengan matlamat penubuhan MRSM (Maktab Rendah Sains MARA) dan GIATMARA yang ditubuhkan di luar bandar atau di kawasan pedalaman khas bagi membantu murid-murid yang cerdik namun tidak berpeluang disebabkan taraf sosio-ekonomi keluarga yang rendah.

1.3 PENDIDIKAN AWAL MASYARAKAT MELAYU Usaha pihak British untuk memelihara sifat tradisi masyarakat Melayu tradisional jelas tergambar dari dasar dan perlaksanaannya dalam pendidikan. Pada peringkat awal, keperluan kolonial untuk memperteguh kedudukan politiknya memerlukan kestabilan politik dan sosial terutamanya dalam kalangan masyarakat Melayu. Untuk tujuan itu, pendidikan dilihat sebagai satu alat kawalan kemasyarakatan supaya tidak akan mendatangkan apa-apa kesan tentangan. Pihak British bimbang sekiranya pendidikan diberikan dengan secukupnya kepada masyarakat Melayu, ianya akan mengakibatkan timbulnya satu kelas masyarakat yang tidak berpuas hati yang akhirnya akan menjadi punca kesusahan kepada pihak British.9 Dalam konteks ini, penyebaran pendidikan yang diberi kepada masyarakat Melayu khususnya hanyalah diberikan sekadar ianya memungkinkan tidak akan berlakunya perubahan sosial yang berkesan. Sebelum penjajahan British pendidikan dalam kalangan masyarakat Melayu adalah tertumpu kepada pelajaran agama. Kanak-kanak diajar mengenal huruf jawi dan muqaddam. Selepas itu, diajar pula Al-Quran dan ajaran-ajaran Islam yang lebih tinggi.10Apabila negara dalam persediaan untuk menuju ke arah kemerdekaan, sistem dan dasar pelajaran negara telah mula digubal di atas tapak yang lebih kukuh. Hal ini bertujuan bagi mengikis ciri-ciri ad hoc dalam membina masyarakat yang berasaskan 8

Mohd. Daud Bin Abdul Rahman, Kajian Keciciran, Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1973.

9

Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia, Kajian Keciciran, Kuala Lumpur, 1973, hlm. 9.

10

Chai Hon-Chan, Development Of British Malaya 1896-1909, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1964, hlm. 226.

100

kepada satu dasar pelajaran kebangsaan yang lebih menyeluruh dan mempunyai matlamat jangka panjang serta dapat diterima oleh semua golongan rakyat. Di atas kesedaran ini, satu Dasar Pelajaran Kebangsaan berasaskan kepada Penyata Razak 1956 telah dimaktubkan dalam Ordinan Pelajaran 1957.11 Menjelang kemerdekaan dan selepas kemerdekaan, masyarakat Melayu di luar bandar mula merasakan kepentingan pendidikan dalam penentu kehidupan. Masyarakat Melayu kemudiannya dapat menerima pendidikan sebagai satu perkara wajib sungguhpun pada mulanya ibu bapa masih was-was dan penuh syak wasangka terhadap pendidikan yang diterima oleh anak-anak mereka di sekolah. Kemiskinan menjurus kepada peluang pendidikan yang sempit bagi anak-anak Melayu. Hal ini menyebabkan anak-anak Melayu sukar untuk menceburkan diri dalam bidang pekerjaan professional. Tambahan pula, perkembangan pendidikan negara sendiri amat perlahan sehinggalah apabila negara mencapai kemerdekaan, kesedaran dan peranan pihak tertentu mula menyerlah. 1.4 SEJARAH PENUBUHAN RURAL INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT AUTHORITY(RIDA) Rural Industrial Development Authority (RIDA) atau dikenali dengan Lembaga Kemajuan Kampung dan Perusahaan (LKKP) ditubuhkan oleh British bertujuan untuk membantu mengatasi masalah kemunduran ekonomi dan kemiskinan dalam kalangan masyarakat Melayu.12 Ia adalah hasil daripada desakan Dato’ Onn Jaafar yang melihat kemunduran ekonomi masyarakat Melayu akan melemahkan kedudukan politik mereka. Desakan ini hanya berjaya setelah Dato’ Onn Jaafar bersetuju memujuk ahli United Malays National Organization (UMNO) bagi melonggarkan syarat Kerakyatan Negeri pada awal tahun 1951.13 Bagi mengatasi masalah kemunduran ekonomi masyarakat Melayu, Lembaga Pembangunan Industri Luar Bandar (RIDA) telah ditubuhkan pada tahun 1950 bagi memperkenalkan latihan dan untuk memperkenalkan industri kecil. Namun RIDA dikatakan gagal menyelesaikan masalah tersebut memandangkan kebanyakkan kawasan luar bandar masih lagi memerlukan kemudahan-kemudahan asas seperti sistem pengangkutan, pendidikan asas dan kemudahan kesihatan yang lebih baik.14 11

2007/0025463, Omar Bin Mohd Hashim, Falsafah Pendidikan Negara dan Peranannya Terhadap Pembentukan Displin Individu Dan Masyarakat, hlm. 1-2. 12

Istilah Melayu dari sudut pengkajian tamadun dan bidang antropologi budaya pernah digunakan bagi mencakupi seluruh Alam Melayu yang merangkumi diaspora rumpun bangsa Melayu atau rumpun bangsa Melayu-Polinesia yang bertebar luas dari kawasan Kepulauan Asia Pasifik termasuk Nusantara sehingga ke Madagascar. Namun orang Melayu yang dimaksudkan oleh pengkaji dalam kajian ini adalah kumpulan etnik Melayu yang bermastautin di Semenanjung Malaysia semenjak zaman berzaman. Dari segi perhitungan sejarah, bangsa Melayu telah wujud di Semenanjung Malaysia sebagai kaum Proto-Malaya. Namun, apabila memperkatakan tentang orang Melayu dalam konteks sejarah moden atau dalam konteks kewilayahan Malaysia, ianya berkait rapat dengan agama Islam. Menurut Fasal 160 dalam Perlembagaan Malaysia, orang Melayu ditakrifkan sebagai seseorang yang beragama Islam, menggunakan bahasa Melayu dan lazimnya mengikut adat resam orang Melayu. Lihat Mohd. Taib Osman, Bunga Rampai Kebudayaan Melayu, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1983, hlm. 168-170. Lihat juga 2004/00470, Dr. Khadijah Bt. Zon dan M. Khalid Taib, Penginstitusian Pendidikan Dan Pendidikan Berterusan Di Kalangan Orang-Orang Melayu Semenanjung Malaysia : Sejarah, Falsafah dan Signifikanya, Persidangan Antarabangsa Tamadun Melayu Ke II, Kuala Lumpur, 1989, hlm. 1-2. 13

CO 537/6018, Communities Liasion Committee.

14

Victor T. King dan Nazaruddin Mohd. Jali, Isu-Isu Pembangunan Luar Bandar di Malaysia, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Malaysia, 1992, hlm. 42.

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Antara fungsi RIDA adalah seperti mengatur dan mendirikan usaha bagi memajukan kawasankawasan kampung, menyusun peraturan-peraturan yang lebih elok untuk menyediakan dan membantu memasarkan hasil kampung dengan cara kerjasama yang lebih baik, membangkitkan semangat bagi memajukan kerja-kerja perusahaan pertanian di kawasan kampung dan memberi latihan bagi meningkatkan lagi pendidikan dalam masyarakat. RIDA juga memberi latihan bermanfaat dalam ilmu rumahtangga, menjadi ibu atau ketua keluarga, penjagaan kesihatan dan pertukangan, memberi pendidikan berkenaan dengan hal ehwal rumahtangga dan kemajuan ekonomi di kampung disamping melatih para pegawai RIDA supaya dapat melaksanakan tugas dan tanggungawab dengan berkesan. RIDA atau juga dikenali sebagai Lembaga Kemajuan Kampung dan Perusahaan merupakan satu badan kerajaan yang menolong bumiputera bagi memulakan perniagaan. Antaranya RIDA membantu menyuntik modal bagi memulakan perniagaan.15 Antara program pendidikan yang dianjurkan oleh RIDA adalah Taman Asohan RIDA melalui kursus-kursus latihan mengurus dan jimat cermat rumahtangga bagi wanita yang tinggal di kawasan luar bandar.16 Bagi memperkukuh ilmu pengetahuan dan kemahiran untuk menguasai bidang perniagaan dan perdagangan, pada tahun 1959 seramai 20 orang pelajar Melayu telah dipilih oleh RIDA bagi melanjutkan pelajaran dalam bidang perakaunan di Australia di bawah Rancangan Colombo. Para pelajar tersebut setelah lulus akan mendapat kelayakan “Associate of the Institute of Chartered Accounts”. Biasiswa bagi para pelajar tersebut pula telah diberikan oleh kerajaan Australia.17 Manakala Dewan Latihan RIDA telah ditubuhkanpada tahun 1951.18Tujuan utama Dewan Latihan RIDA adalah untuk memberi latihan kepada pemuda masyarakat Melayu memahami dasar dan selok belok perniagaan dan perusahaan. Dewan Latihan ini memberi latihan dan kursus berkaitan dengan perkara-perkara perdagangan kepada pemuda-pemuda Melayu bagi menceburkan diri dalam bidang perusahaan dan perdagangan dalam usaha untuk mempertingkatkan taraf kehidupan mereka. Antara bidang dan kurus yang dianjurkan adalah perakaunan, menyimpan kira-kira (book keeping), menilai (costing), unsur perniagaan, undang-undang perniagaan, kewangan dan urusan bank. Terdapat juga kursus menaip dan trengkas yang dianjurkan. Dalam tahun 1959, seramai 58 orang pelajar telah mendapatkan kursus di Dewan Latihan RIDA.19

15

Ungku Aziz, Renchana-Renchana Ekonomi dan Kemiskinan, Mikrofis Kha 103, Singapura, 1959, hlm. 49.

16

1978/0004715, Tourist Trade Promotion & Development RIDA. Lihat juga Sunday Mail, Out: Boost Incomes Of The Rural People, 26 Mac 1961, Lihat juga2006/0030635, Annual Report, Rural And Industrial Authority (RIDA) 1956, hlm. 6-7. Lihat juga 2006/0030637, Rural And Industrial Development Authority (RIDA), Federation of Malaya (F.O.M), Annual Report 1958, hlm. 17-18. 17

2006/0030638, Rural And Industrial Authority (RIDA) Federation Of Malaya (F.).M), Annual Report-1959, hlm. 22. Lihat juga 2006/0030635, Annual Report, Rural And Industrial Authority (RIDA) 1956, hlm. 9-10. 18

http://www.arkibmuzium.uitm.edu.my/sejarahUiTM.htm

19

1978/0004715, Tourist Trade Promotion & Development (RIDA). Lihat juga Malayan Times, RIDA’s Training Centre Puts Small Industries In Top Gear, 14 April 1962.

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1.5 PENUBUHAN MAJLIS AMANAH RAKYAT (MARA) Dalam melaksanakan matlamatnya membantu meningkatkan taraf sosio ekonomi masyarakat Melayu, RIDA telah menghadapi beberapa masalah dalam pentadbirannya. Maka bagi mengukuhkan RIDA, kerajaan pada waktu itu telah menukarkannya kepada MARA (Majlis Amanah Rakyat).RIDA ditukar kepada MARA (Majlis Amanah Rakyat) berikutan penerimaan usul yang dikemukakan pada Kongres Ekonomi Bumiputera yang bersidang pada bulan Jun 1965 oleh kerajaan. Ianya juga adalah rentetan hasil daripada Konvensyen Ekonomi Bumiputera 1961 yang diadakan pada 21 Disember 1961 di Kuala Lumpur oleh UMNO kerana masalah kemunduran ekonomi dan kemiskinan masyarakat Melayu pada waktu itu.20 MARA telah dikanunkan pada 1 Mac 1966. Undang-undang MARA tahun 1966 kemudian telah menggantikan undang-undang Lembaga Kemajuan Kampung dan Perusahaan (RIDA). Seksyen 6 Undangundang Majlis Amanah Rakyat telah mencatatkan bahawa adalah menjadi kewajipan Majlis Amanah Rakyat bagi memajukan, menggalakkan, memudahkan dan menjalankan kerja-kerja pembangunan ekonomi dan kemasyarakatan dalam Persekutuan, khususnya dalam kawasan luar bandar. Salah satu agenda utama pendidikan MARA adalah untuk melaksanakan tanggungjawab ke arah peningkatan pendidikan profesional dan separa profesional dalam bidang perakaunan, perdagangan dan pengurusan perniagaan serta kejuruteraan teknologi melalui institusi-institusi pengajian di bawah kawalannya.

1.6 MARA MEMACU PENDIDIKAN MASYARAKAT MELAYU Selaras dengan penubuhan Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA) pada tahun 1960, secara tidak langsung MARA mula meneruskan dan mengukuhkan tugas-tugas pendidikan yang telah dilaksanakan oleh RIDA. Matlamat MARA pada tahun 1960 adalah lebih jelas bagi memajukan masyarakat Melayu melalui pelbagai program yang telah dirancang samada dalam bidang sosial mahupun dalam bidang ekonomi. Program tersebut disusun selaras bagi pembangunan masyarakat Melayu luar bandar khususnya bagi menggerakkan nadi pembangunan di setiap peringkat dan sektor pendidikan Bumiputera. Antara program yang telah disusun termasuklah program usahawan, program pendidikan, program pengangkutan luar bandar dan program pelaburan.21 Secara amnya, kekurangan penyertaan masyarakat Melayu di dalam bidang awam dan swasta adalah berpunca daripada kurangnya calon yang bermutu bagi mengambil peluang latihan yang disediakan oleh MARA. Oleh itu, belia-belia Melayu ini gagal melengkapkan diri mereka bagi memasuki bidang pekerjaan tertentu. Kurangnya kecenderungan anak-anak Melayu terhadap bidang sains dan teknologi menyebabkan kurangnya penyertaan di peringkat teknik dan ikhtisas. Antara puncanya adalah kurangnya alat-alat kelengkapan sekolah dan tiadanya bimbingan yang sempurna. Ini kerana pada waktu tersebut prasarana dalam bidang pendidikan adalah sangat ketinggalan terutamanya bagi bidang sains.

20

J.H. Beaghole 1969. Malay Participation in Commerce and Industry: The Role of RIDA and MARA, Journal of Commanwealth Political Studies. Jld. VIII, No. 3. Lihat juga K46(HEK), Kemajuan MARA, Arkib MARA, 1967, hlm. 7. Lihat juga Nordin Salleh, Kedudukan Ekonomi Bangsa Melayu, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1979, hlm. 65. 21

Tanpa Pengarang, MARA, Unit Perhubungan Korporat, Ibu Pejabat MARA, Kuala Lumpur, n.d.

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Bagi mengatasi masalah ini, MARA telah merancang penubuhan Maktab Rendah Sains MARA (MRSM), GIATMARA dan Institut Teknologi MARA (ITM) sebagai sumber pengeluaran calon-calon Melayu dalam jurusan sains dan teknologi. Disamping itu, bimbingan kerjaya juga dipertingkatkan bagi mengubah sikap penuntut ke arah kehendak keperluan tenaga rakyat dan pemilihan kursus-kursus yang lebih luas.22 Manakala aktiviti kokurikulum institusi pengajian di bawah pentadbiran MARA adalah selaras dengan falsafah dan kehendak Kementerian Pelajaran. Ini kerana aktiviti kokurikulum secara tidak langsung bertujuan untuk melengkapkan para pelajar dengan sebahagian lagi pengetahuan dan kemahiran yang diperlukan.

1.6.1 INSTITUT TEKNOLOGI MARA (ITM) 1965 Bagi mencapai matlamat membentuk satu masyarakat Melayu dalam bidang perdagangan dan perusahaan, Institut Teknologi MARA telah ditubuhkan. Hal ini adalah bagi mempergiat dan menambah bilangan masyarakat Melayu dan Bumiputera terlatih bagi membolehkan mereka mengambil bahagian yang berkesan dalam bidang-bidang perdagangan, perusahaan dan ikhtisas.23Maktab MARA adalah ilham daripada Tun Abdul Razak yang akhirnya membawa kepada kelahiran Institut Teknologi MARA (ITM). ITM merupakan pelopor kepada masyarakat Melayu luar bandar bagi mencapai kecemerlangan dalam pemgajian teknikal dan professional.24 Pada peringkat awal telah dicadangkan supaya kerajaan atau MARA mengambil inisiatif untuk menubuhkan sebuah Kompleks Sekolah-Sekolah berasrama penuh di pekan-pekan kecil sebagai percubaan. Sekurang-kurangnya Kompleks Sekolah-Sekolah berasrama penuh tersebut mestilah dapat menampung 2,500 orang murid dalam 5 sekolah dalam satu kampus. Ianya supaya mudah untuk ditadbir, murah perjalanan mengurus dan mengendalikan serta banyak kemudahan yang dapat dinikmati bersama. Ianya boleh dipanggil “Kampung Ilmu” yang akan diketuai oleh seorang Penghulu dan dibantu oleh Penggawa dan Ketua Kampung.25Selepas siap pembinaan Institut Teknologi MARA tersebut, seramai 4000 orang pelajar akan ditempatkan di Institusi itu.26 Manakala menjelang tahun 1980, Institut Teknologi MARA telah membesarkan lagi keupayaannya dengan pengambilan seramai 9,215 orang pelajar. Pengambilan pelajar diperbanyakkan selaras dengan pembukaan Institut Teknologi MARA kampus Shah Alam, kampus cawangan Perlis, Terengganu, Sabah dan Sarawak.27

22

1999/0021459, Mengenal Dasar Ekonomi Baru Negara, Fakulti Islam UKM, Kuala Lumpur, 1971, hlm. 60-61.

23

Kajian Semula Rancangan Malaysia Kedua 1971-1975, Kuala Lumpur, 1973, hlm. 20.

24

Ahmad Mustapha Hassan, Membina dan Meruntuhkan Malaysia, Strategic Information and Research Development Centre, Selangor, 2008, hlm. 13. 25

Nik Abdul Rashid, Konsep “Social Engineering” Dan Implikasinya Terhadap Pendidikan, Konvensyen Kedua GuruGuru Maktab Rendah Sains MARA, Kedah, 1978, hlm. 6. 26

Penyata Tahunan 1966, Lembaga Kemajuan Kampong dan Perusahaan Tanah Melayu, Kuala Lumpur, 1959, hlm. 22. 27

Rancangan Malaysia Ketiga 1976-1980, Kuala Lumpur, hlm. 462.

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Melalui Akta ITM (pindaan 1996), ianya telah dapat memberi peluang kepada institusi tersebut untuk setanding dengan institusi pendidikan tinggi yang lain di negara ini. Penggunaan nama Institut Teknologi MARA (ITM) masih kekal sehingga 26 Ogos 1999. Pada 26 Ogos 1999, satu perjumpaan yang melibatkan pentadbir, pelajar- pelajar dan bekas pelajar ITM telah dirancang dan diadakan di Stadium Malawati, Shah Alam. Jemputan khas iaitu YAB Perdana Menteri Malaysia, Datuk Seri Dr. Mahathir Mohamad pada waktu tersebut telah membuka lembaran baru bagi ITM. Datuk Seri Dr. Mahathir Mohamad telah mengumumkan bahawa ITM akan dipanggil Universiti Teknologi MARA (UiTM). Melalui pengumuman tersebut, Akta ITM tahun 2000 telah diluluskan oleh Dewan Rakyat pada 25 Februari 2000 dan diikuti oleh Dewan Negara pada 8 Mei 2000.28 1.6.2 MAKTAB RENDAH SAINS MARA (MRSM) 1965 Penubuhan Maktab Rendah Sains MARA (MRSM) merupakan sebahagian daripada hasrat Kongres Ekonomi Bumiputera pada tahun 1965 dan kelangsungan kepada hasrat Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA) dalam membantu perkembangan pendidikan seterusnya memajukan masyarakat Melayu. Ianya adalah bertujuan bagi membolehkan golongan muda dan belia Bumiputera mahir dalam ilmu perniagaan dan perusahaan ke arah melahirkan Bumiputera yang bertauliah dalam bidang sains dan matematik.29 Seiring dengan matlamat MARA dan MRSM, bagi pengambilan pelajar MRSM, tumpuan utama adalah diberikan kepada pelajar-pelajar yang tinggal di kawasan luar bandar. Ianya selaras dengan objektif MRSM antaranya iaitu bagi menambah bilangan pelajar-pelajar bumiputera terlatih terutama dari luar bandar bagi mengikuti pelajaran tinggi berfokuskan kepada bidang sains dan teknologi dalam memenuhi keperluan sektor perindustrian dan perdagangan.30 JADUAL 2 Pengambilan Pelajar MRSM pada tahun 1979 Bil. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Maktan Rendah Sains MARA (MRSM) Bilangan Pelajar Seremban 200 Kota Bharu 99 Kuantan 196 Kulim 172 Kuala Terengganu 223 JUMLAH 890 Sumber : Lapuran Tahunan Bahagian Latihan dan Pendidikan MARA 1979, Unit Perancang MARA, Ibu Pejabat MARA, Kuala Lumpur, hlm. 36.

28

http://www.arkibmuzium.uitm.edu.my/sejarahUiTM.htm

29

Tanpa pengarang, Maktab Rendah Sains MARA, Bahagian Pendidikan Menengah, Ibu Pejabat MARA, Kuala Lumpur, 4 Ogos 1984, hlm. 1. Lihat juga Tanpa Pengarang, MARA: The Council Of Trust Of The Indigenous People, Control No. 000079, LC No. RS 099AM, Arkib MARA, Ibu Pejabat MARA, Kuala Lumpur, hlm. 2. 30

Tanpa Pengarang, Laporan Kajian Perimbangan Pelajaran Melalui SBP: Sekolah Menengah Sains dan Kelas Rancangan Khas, Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia, Kuala lUmpur, 1981, hlm. 83.

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MRSM terus mengukuhkan kedudukan dan kepentingannya dalam arena pendidikan negara. Mengikut laporan MARANIAGA, sehingga tahun 1986, telah terdapat 45 buah MRSM di seluruh negara. Manakala lebih 10,000 orang pelajar diambil bagi meneruskan pengajian di MRSM.31 1.6.3 PENUBUHAN GIATMARA GIATMARA merupakan sebuah institusi latihan peringkat akar umbi yang ditubuhkan di bawah akta syarikat dan dikenali sebagai GIATMARA Sendirian Berhad. Pentadbiran GIATMARA di letak di bawah MARA. Penubuhan GIATMARA bertujuan untuk menyediakan latihan kemahiran teknikal dan vokasional kepada belia-belia di luar bandar bagi membolehkan para belia mendapat kemahiran sebagai persediaan menjadi tenaga mahir dan usahawan teknikal bagi memenuhi keperluan industri, keperluan kegiatan ekonomi dan keusahawanan di daerah setempat dan luar negara. GIATMARA memulakan operasi pada bulan Januari 1986 di Jitra, Kedah yang kini dikenali sebagai GIATMARA Prima Kubang Pasu. Pengambilan pertama pelajarnya adalah seramai 60 orang dalam bidang Elektrik Domestik, Menerap Bata dan Kayu Tanggam dan Bengkuk Besi. Sambutan dan permintaan tinggi terhadap program GIATMARA menyebabkan GIATMARA terus berkembang pesat. Pada masa kini GIATMARA menawarkan 39 jenis kursus di bawah 12 jenis kluster iaitu Mekanikal, Seni Bia, Pengangkutan, Pembuatan, Percetakan, Elektrik, Komputer dan IT, Fabrik, Elektronik/Mekatronik, Kulinari,Hairdressing & Cosmetology dan Hospitaliti. GIATMARA menyediakan latihan Teknikal dan Vokasional yang berkualiti dan memenuhi kehendak negara bagi mewujudkan tenaga kerja mahir dan bakal usahawan bumiputera yang berdaya saing, dan diiktiraf di peringkat negara dan antarabangsa. Objektif penubuhan GIATMARA adalah bermatlamat untuk melahirkan tenaga mahir sesuai dengan keperluan negara. Selain itu, kursus-kursus dan latihan yang ditawarkan kepada para belia dapat mendorong kepada budaya keusahawanan. Hal ini selaras dengan objektif GIATMARA untuk membantu membasmi kemiskinan.32 1.7 KEBERKESANAN USAHA MARA DALAM PENDIDIKAN Mengambil kira sejak penubuhan Rural & Industrial Development Authority (RIDA) atau Lembaga Kemajuan Kampung & Perusahaan (LKKP) pada Julai 1950, pada tahun 2000 Majlis Amanah Rakyat (MARA) telah menyambut ulang tahunnya yang ke 50. Peranan MARA dalam membantu mengubah nasib masyarakat Melayu terutama di kawasan luar bandar melalui institusi pendidikan terutamanya MRSM, ITM dan GIATMARA memang tidak dapat disangkal lagi. Pendidikan merupakan satu alat penting dalam usaha membangunkan masyarakat luar bandar, khasnya bagi pembentukan semula masyarakat melalui mobiliti sosial. Oleh itu, MARA memainkan peranan dengan cuba menyeimbang dan memberi peluang yang sama kepada masyarakat di luar bandar dengan memperolehi kemudahan pendidikan yang relevan melalui institusi ITM, MRSM dan GIATMARA.

31

MARANIAGA, MARA Perlukan $1,800 Juta Teruskan Program Pelajaran, Bil. 1-1998, ISSN 0126-995X, hlm. 21.

32

http://www.giatmara.edu.my/p/maklumat-korporat.html

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1.8 PERANAN BAHAGIAN PENGANJURAN PELAJARAN MARA 2000 Adalah menjadi fokus utama bagi Bahagian Penganjuran Pelajaran untuk melahirkan dan menambah bilangan guna tenaga terlatih Bumiputera di peringkat ikhtisas dan separa ikhtisas dalam pelbagai bidang professional, pengurusan dan teknikal. Hal ini adalah sebagai satu usaha bagi melahirkan tenaga kerja professional selaras dengan keperluan negara membina Masyarakat Perdagangan dan Perindustrian Bumiputera. Bagi mencapai matlamatnya, kemudahan tajaan berbentuk pinjaman pelajaran disediakan bagi para pelajar Bumiputera yang ingin meneruskan pengajian masing-masing ke institusi pengajian tinggi di dalam mahupun di luar negara. Menjurus dalam hal tersebut, MARA telah melaksanakan peranannya dengan begitu baik sekali. Sehingga tahun 2000, MARA telah mengambil pelajar baru seramai 37,949 orang. Pelajar ini telah ditempatkan di Institusi-Institusi Pendidikan MARA di seluruh Malaysia. Antara institusi pendidikan dalam bidang akademik yang terlibat di bawah pentadbiran MARA adalah seramai 8,677 orang ditempatkan di 21 buah Maktab Rendah Sains MARA (MRSM) dan 4 buah Kolej MARA. Dalam bidang kemahiran seramai 19,242 orang pelajar telah ditempatkan di 140 buah Pusat GIATMARA, 3 buah Institut Kemahiran Tinggi Malaysia (IKTM) dan 12 buah Institut Kemahiran MARA (IKM). Dalam bidang pengurusan dan professional pula seramai 10,030 orang telah ditempatkan di 2 buah Kolej Professional MARA (KPM) dan 6 buah Akademi Infotech MARA (AIM). Pada tahun 2000, MARA juga tidak ketinggalan menaja pelajar-pelajar baru seramai 17,907 orang di IPTA, IPTS dalam dan luar negara.33 Sebanyak 140 buah pusat GIATMARA telah dibangunkan diseluruh Malaysia untuk melatih peserta dalam bidang kemahiran Teknologi Binaan, Perabot, Elektrik, Pembuatan, Automotif, Elektronik, Jahitan dan Percetakan. Setakat 31 Disember 2000, Pusat GIATMARA telah berjaya melatih seramai 91,336 pelatih Bumiputera dalam pelbagai bidang kemahiran. Bagi tahun 2000 Pusat GIATMARA telah mengambil seramai 12,639 pelatih baru Bumiputera dan menjadikan jumlah pelatih semasa adalah seramai 13,913 orang pelatih.34Sejak penubuhan GIATMARA pada tahun 1987 sehingga tahun 2000, GIATMARA telah mengambil pelatih seramai 80,432 orang. Melalui jumlah tersebut seramai 80,034 orang pelatih telah berjaya menamatkan latihannya dengan baik.35 Bagi tahun 2000 juga, MARA banyak menaja pelajar-pelajar Bumiputera yang ingin menyambung pengajiannya ke institusi pengajian tinggi swasta (IPTS) di dalam negeri berbanding dengan pelajarpelajar Bumiputera yang ditaja ke luar negara. Tumpuan tajaan adalah dalam bidang-bidang teknikal, professional dan ICT. Pada waktu yang sama, pemberian pinjaman pelajaran kepada pelajar-pelajar Bumiputera dalam bidang pengurusan masih diteruskan. Di bawah tajaan baru, seramai 17,909 pelajar telah ditaja dalam tahun 2000. Daripada jumlah tersebut seramai 17,239 (96.3%) pelajar mengikuti pengajian dalam negeri dan bakinya seramai 668 (3.7%) pelajar mengikuti pengajian di luar negara. Sebanyak enam program tajaan pelajaran telah dilaksanakan dalam tahun 2000 iaitu Program Lepasan 33

________________, Laporan Tahunan MARA 2000, Jubli Emas RIDA MARA, Majlis Amanah Rakyat, Kuala Lumpur, 2001, hlm. 6. 34

________________, Laporan Tahunan MARA 2000, Jubli Emas RIDA MARA, Majlis Amanah Rakyat, Kuala Lumpur, 2001, hlm. 37. 35

Mohd Rifa’e Marican Bin Mohd Ali Marican, Ketua Unit, Jabatan Pembangunan Pelatih, Wisma GIATMARA, Kuala Lumpur. Temu bual, 7 November.2013

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Sijil Malaysia (SPM), Program Teknikal Ordinary National Diploma (OND) atau Higher National Diploma (HND), Program Diploma, Program Ijazah Pertama, Program Professional dan Program Ijazah Sarjana/ Tertinggi/Kepakaran. Berdasarkan kepada enam jenis tajaan tersebut, tajaan pelajar di peringkat diploma adalah yang tertinggi sekali iaitu seramai 10,557 orang pelajar (59%) dan diikuti oleh tajaan pelajar peringkat lepasan SPM seramai 2,935 orang pelajar (16.4%). Bagi tajaan pelajar bilangan yang terkecil adalah Program Professional iaitu seramai 162 orang pelajar (0.9%).36 Hal ini selaras dengan belanjawan MARA dalam Belanjawan Rancangan Ketujuh dan Peruntukan Pembangunan bagi tahun 2000. Jumlah peruntukan yang diterima daripada kerajaan bagi Sektor Pendidikan dan Latihan adalah berjumlah RM624,509,450.00.37 Ianya memperlihatkan kepercayaan kerajaan terhadap fungsi MARA sebagai satu badan dan agensi yang berperanan besar dalam membantu perkembangan pendidikan negara.

1.9 PROGRAM PENDIDIKAN MENENGAH SEHINGGA TAHUN 2000 Menurut Laporan Tahunan Bahagian Latihan dan Pendidikan MARA bagi tahun 1979, objektif bagi Cawangan Biasiswa dan Kerjaya adalah untuk memberi peluang kepada anak-anak Bumiputera. Peluang ini terutamanya bagi mereka yang tinggal di luar bandar dan kurang berada melanjutkan pelajaran tinggi dalam bidang akademi dan ikhtisas di Universiti atau Institusi Pengajian Tinggi samada di dalam dan di luar negara. Bagi tahun 1979 seramai 401 orang pelajar telah berjaya menamatkan pengajian mereka dari dalam dan luar negara. Bagi jumlah 401 orang pelajar ini seramai 170 orang pelajar berjaya menamatkan pengajian di universiti luar negara manakala seramai 231 orang adalah lepasan universiti dalam negara.38 Pemberian biasiswa ini amat penting bagi pelajar yang kurang kemampuan untuk mendapatkan pendidikan yang lebih baik. Inisiatif ini juga adalah bertujuan untuk mempercepatkan proses pembangunan dan merapatkan jurang pendidikan antara penduduk luar bandar dengan penduduk di bandar.39 Program Pendidikan Menengah dikendalikan oleh Bahagian Pendidikan Menengah bertanggungawab untuk menguruskan sebanyak 21 buah Maktab Rendah Sains MARA (MRSM) dan empat buah Kolej MARA berasrama penuh di peringkat Menengah Rendah, Menengah Atas dan PraUniversiti. Dalam tahun 2000 Bahagian Pendidikan Menengah telah menempatkan seramai 8,677 pelajar baru di MRSM-MRSM dan Kolej-Kolej MARA berbanding dengan tahun 1999 seramai 8,607 pelajar iaitu pertambahan seramai 70 ().8%) pelajar. Daripada jumlah tersebut seramai 1,713 (19.7%) pelajar ditempatkan di peringkat Menengah Rendah, 4,575 (52.7%) pelajar di peringkat Menengah Atas dan 36

________________, Laporan Tahunan MARA 2000, Jubli Emas RIDA MARA, Majlis Amanah Rakyat, Kuala Lumpur, 2001, hlm. 25. 37

Laporan Tahunan 2000, Jubli Emas RIDA MARA, Majlis Amanah Rakyat, Kuala Lumpur, 2001, hlm. 1-2.

38

Laporan Tahunan Bahagian Latihan dan Pendidikan MARA, Unit Perancang MARA, Kuala Lumpur, 1979, hlm. 5-8.

39

Ahmad Mustapha Hassan, Membina dan Meruntuhkan Malaysia, Strategic Information and Research Development Centre, Selangor, 2008, hlm. 13.

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2,389 (27.6%) pelajar di peringkat Pra-Universiti. Seramai 1,105 pelajar telah menduduki peperiksaan Penilaian Menengah Rendah (PMR) dan seramai 4,295 pelajar telah menduduki peperiksaan SPM. Keputusan peperiksaan menunjukkan semua MRSM mencapai keputusan 100%. Daripada 4,295 pelajar yang menduduki peperiksaan SPM, seramai 257 pelajar mendapat 9A, 370 pelajar mendapat 8A, 409 pelajar mendapat 7A, 483 pelajar mendapat 6A dan bakinya seramai 2,776 pelajar mendapat 5A dan ke bawah.40 Menurut Laporan Tahunan MARA 2000, pelajar MRSM memperoleh keputusan yang cemerlang bagi peperiksaan PMR dan SPM. Hal ini membuktikan bahawa pelajar-pelajar MRSM mampu untuk mengubah perspektif dan tanggapan masyarakat terhadap mata pelajaran Sains dan Matematik. Di awal penubuhan MRSM, masyarakat amat khuatir dan bimbang mengenai pencapaian para pelajar bumiputera terutama anak-anak Melayu yang dianggap lemah untuk menguasai mata pelajaran sains dan matematik. Ini kerana penubuhan MRSM adalah sejajar untuk mengeluarkan para pelajar mampu menguasai tenaga kerja di bidang sains dan teknologi. Oleh itu mata pelajaran yang begitu ditakuti dan tidak diminati terutama oleh pelajar-pelajar Bumiputera di luar bandar dapat dikuasai dengan baik. Manakala bagi lulusan vokasional & teknikal yang dipandang sebagai kelas kedua pula sudah mula diiktiraf. Penubuhan GIATMARA mula dianggap sebagai laluan kedua setanding dengan laluan akademik. Malah laluan kedua ini juga mampu menjamin kerjaya dan merupakan penyumbang utama dan terbesar dalam pembangunan industri negara. Peranan RIDA di awal penubuhannya dalam memberi kesedaran kepada masyarakat Melayu dalam bidang pendidikan sememangnya tidak dapat disangkal. Taman Asuhan dan Dewan Latihan RIDA banyak memberi peluang memajukan diri kepada masyarakat Melayu yang pada masa itu mempunyai kekangan bagi mendapatkan latihan kemahiran. Penubuhan MARA sehingga tahun 2000 merupakan kesinambungan daripada peranan RIDA dalam usaha membantu masyarakat Melayu mempertingkatkan diri dalam bidang pendidikan dan ekonomi khususnya.

40

________________, Laporan Tahunan MARA 2000, Jubli Emas RIDA MARA, Majlis Amanah Rakyat, Kuala Lumpur, 2001, hlm. 27.

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4.5 Kesimpulan Perubahan merupakan satu keperluan yang akan menentukan kelangsungan sesebuah organisasi. Perubahan perlu dijadikan agenda utama kepimpinan dalam sesebuah organisasi bagi memastikan kelangsungan pengoperasiannya. Kemajuan sesebuah organisasi adalah dipengaruhi oleh beberapa eleman iaitu manusia, struktur, teknologi dan juga persekitaran. Elemen-eleman ini akan mengalami perubahan sama ada terus berkembang atau menghadapi pengecutan. Kepekaan organisasi MARA kepada perubahan membolehkannya sentiasa bersedia untuk menghadapi persaingan, memenuhi citarasa dan tuntutan pelanggan, perubahan polisi perniagaan, perlaksanaan dasar-dasar yang ditetapkan dan juga memenuhi tuntutan persekitaran. Maka, kepekaan MARA yang telah merancang dan terus merancang bagi kaum Bumiputera adalah selaras sejak penubuhan RIDA lagi. Keberkesanan program-program yang dijalankan oleh MARA dapat dilihat dengan positif sehingga ke hari ini. Program pendidikan yang dirancang dan dikelola oleh MARA khususnya adalah untuk menentukan ilmu pengetahuan baru melalui pelbagai cara. Antaranya adalah penyelidikan supaya masyarakat terus bergerak maju dari semasa ke semasa dan taraf kehidupan terus meningkat. Kecemerlangan bidang pendidikan amat penting kepada negara kerana pendidikan adalah alat pembuka mata dan pengembang pemikiran bagi kemajuan masyarakat. Kualiti pendidikan yang rendah hanya akan melemahkan masyarakat, sebaliknya kualiti pendidikan akan meninggikan taraf hidup masyarakat Melayu itu sendiri. Peranan RIDA dan kelangsungannya melalui penubuhan MARA penting dalam membantu memberi peluang kepada pembangunan pendidikan masyarakat peribumi khususnya masyarakat Melayu. Pendidikan memainkan peranan yang penting kerana dapat memperbaiki taraf hidup rakyat. Pendidikan yang diusahakan di bawah pentadbiran MARA amat memainkan peranan penting dalam strategi pembangunan baru. Pendidikan ini secara tidak langsung merupakan suatu alat penting bagi memodenkan masyarakat untuk mencapai matlamat sosial. Ianya juga adalah satu unsure dalam usaha mewujudkan masyarakat Melayu luar bandar yang bersifat elit dari sudut kepimpinan dalam masyarakat. Secara tidak langsung, peluang pendidikan anjuran MARA dapat mewujudkan kebolehan masyarakat Melayu untuk berdikari, berinisiatif dan bersemangat bagi memperbaiki taraf hidup mereka.

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SUMBER RUJUKAN CO 537/6018, Communities Liasion Committee. 1978/0004715, Tourist Trade Promotion & Development RIDA. 1978/0004715, Tourist Trade Promotion & Development (RIDA). 2007/0025463, Omar Bin Mohd Hashim, Falsafah Pendidikan Negara dan Peranannya Terhadap Pembentukan Displin Individu Dan Masyarakat Ahmad Mustapha Hassan, 2008, Membina dan Meruntuhkan Malaysia, Strategic Information and Research Development Centre, Selangor. Annual Report, Rural And Industrial Authority (RIDA) 1956 Annual Report 1958, Rural And Industrial Development Authority (RIDA), Federation of Malaya (F.O.M), Awang Had, 1983, Aspek Pendidikan Dalam Kemiskinan: Seminar Kemiskinan Luar Bandar, Alor Setar, Kedah. Ebanos, November 1957, Dasar Pelajaran Yang Menyedihkan: Pelajaran Baru Yang Dilumpuhkan Minta Nyawa Baru, Pembina, Bilangan 4 (Versi Melayu-Jawi). Chai Hon-Chan, 1964, Development Of British Malaya 1896-1909, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur. Chamshuri Siwar dan Mohd. Haflah Piei, 1988, Isu Konsep dan Dimensi Kemiskinan, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur. Jawatankuasa Kolokium Jabatan Sejarah, 1991, Masyarakat Melayu Abad Ke-19, UKM, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur. Just Faaland, 1991, DEB: Pertumbuhan dan Ketaksamarataan, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur. Kajian Semula Rancangan Malaysia Kedua 1971-1975, 1973, Kuala Lumpur. Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia, 1973, Kajian Keciciran, Kuala Lumpur. Laporan Tahunan Bahagian Latihan dan Pendidikan MARA, 1979, Unit Perancang MARA, Kuala Lumpur. Laporan Tahunan MARA 2000, Jubli Emas RIDA MARA, Majlis Amanah Rakyat, Kuala Lumpur. Malayan Times, 14 April 1962, RIDA’s Training Centre Puts Small Industries In Top Gear.

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Mohd. Daud Bin Abdul Rahman, 1973, Kajian Keciciran, Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur. Mohd. Taib Osman, 1983, Bunga Rampai Kebudayaan Melayu, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur. Nordin Salleh, 1979, Kedudukan Ekonomi Bangsa Melayu, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur. Penyata Tahunan 1966, Lembaga Kemajuan Kampong dan Perusahaan Tanah Melayu, Kuala Lumpur. Rancangan Malaysia Ketiga 1976-1980, Kuala Lumpur. Sunday Mail, 26 Mac 1961, Out: Boost Incomes Of The Rural People. Talib Samat, 1992, Langit Tinggi Dijunjung: Di Sekitar Permasalahan Orang Melayu dan Remaja Melayu, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala lumpur. Tanpa pengarang, 4 Ogos 1984, Maktab Rendah Sains MARA, Bahagian Pendidikan Menengah, Ibu Pejabat MARA, Kuala Lumpur. Tanpa Pengarang, MARA: The Council Of Trust Of The Indigenous People, Control No. 000079, LC No. RS 099AM, Arkib MARA, Ibu Pejabat MARA, Kuala Lumpur.

Tanpa Pengarang, 1981, Laporan Kajian Perimbangan Pelajaran Melalui SBP: Sekolah Menengah Sains dan Kelas Rancangan Khas, Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur. MARANIAGA, MARA Perlukan $1,800 Juta Teruskan Program Pelajaran, Bil. 1-1998, ISSN 0126995X. Tanpa Pengarang, MARA, Unit Perhubungan Korporat, Ibu Pejabat MARA, Kuala Lumpur. Ungku Aziz, 1959, Renchana-Renchana Ekonomi dan Kemiskinan, Mikrofis Kha 103, Singapura. Victor T. King dan Nazaruddin Mohd. , 1992, Jali, Isu-Isu Pembangunan Luar Bandar di Malaysia, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Malaysia. Wong Lin Ken, Vol. 25, No. 2, Jun 1965, The Economic History of Malaysia: A Bibliographic Essay, The Journal of Economic History.

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PENGLIBATAN BELIA DALAM AKTIVITI SUKARELA YANG BERUNSUR KENEGARAAN: KAJIAN PERBANDINGAN BELIA MALAYSIA DAN BELIA CHINA Noraini binti Abdul Rahman, Noorhasliza binti Mohd Nordin, Mohd Mahzan bin Awang Fakulti Pendidikan, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Bangi, Selangor [email protected] Abstrak Kajian ini dijalankan di dua buah negara iaitu Malaysia dan China.Kajian bertujuan untuk mengkaji tahap penglibatan belia dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan.Sampel dipilih secara rawak dalam kajian ini.Seramai 80 orang belia yang terlibat dalam kajian ini yang terdiri daripada 40 orang belia di Malaysia dan 40 orang belia di China.Belia di Malaysia yang terlibat dalam kajian ini berumur antara 21 tahun hingga 32 tahun.Manakala belia di China berumur antara 19 tahun hingga 28 tahun. Kajian ini berbentuk kajian tinjauan yang mana menggunakan set soal selidik sebagai alat kajian. Data yang diperolehi dianalisis menggunakan statistik deskriptif seperti min, peratusan dan statistik inferensi seperti T-test.Dapatan kajian menunjukkan min skor penyertaan golongan belia Malaysia dan China dalam aktiviti sukarela adalah antara 2.06 hingga 3.44.Analisis min tersebut menunjukkan penyertaan belia Malaysia dan China yang terlibat dalam kajian ini berada pada tahap yang sederhana.Dari segi perbezaan antara kedua-dua negara menunjukkan tiada perbezaan yang signifikan antara belia di Malaysia dan China dalam penglibatannya.Satu mekanisme untuk pemupukan penglibatan belia dalam aktiviti berunsur kenegaraan perlu dirangka oleh pihak berwajib agar penyertaan belia dapatditingkatkan. Kata kunci : Belia Malaysia, Belia China, Aktiviti sukarela, kenegaraan PENGENALAN Golongan belia ialah fasa di antara kanak-kanak dan dewasa. Istilah " belia" sentiasa diubah dengan istilah "remaja" dan "pemuda", tetapi mempunyai maksud yang sama. Azizan Bahari (1995) mendefinisikan golongan belia sebagai golongan yang berumur antara 15 hingga 35 tahun. Golongan ini merupakan teras penting yang menggambarkan kewujudan negara pada masa akan datang. Justeru, golongan belia menjadi penggerak untuk sesebuah negara mencapai kemajuan dan keamanan. Penglibatan belia dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan akan dapat memastikan kedudukan negara lebih bersaing dengan negara-negara maju (Fisher dan Cole, 1993).

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Aktiviti sukarela merujuk kepada aktiviti kemasyarakatan di mana kita menyumbang bakti kepada ahli masyarakat yang memerlukan. Apabila menjelaskan tentang aktiviti sukarela, terdapat unsur-unsur penting yang diketengahkan.Pertama, aktiviti tersebut dilakukan secara sukarela tanpa dipaksa. Kedua, aktiviti-aktiviti tersebut dilakukan untuk membantu orang lain. Ketiga, aktiviti yang dilakukan itu merupakan sesuatu yang baik misalnya memberi khidmat bakti atau membimbing ke arah kebaikan.Selain itu, aktiviti ini dilakukan secara berorganisasi dan bukannya bersendirian (Shulman, 2006). PERNYATAAN MASALAH Gejala sosial yang berlaku dalam negara banyak melibatkan golongan belia. Menerusi penglibatan belia dalam aktiviti sukarela akan mengurangkan masalah tersebut dari terus berleluasa (Azizi, 2003). Kajian ini menfokuskan aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan yang mana aktiviti ini bertujuan untuk memupuk persaudaraan antara kaum dan meningkatkan perpaduan dalam kalangan belia.Melalui aktiviti kesukarelaan ini, matlamat jangka panjang yang telah digariskan dan dicapai adalah untuk membentuk kelompok individu, masyarakat, malah peradaban yang adil, makmur, majmuk, harmoni dan sejahtera. Di China, aktiviti sukarela banyak dianjurkan oleh persatuan-persatuan. Kepadatan penduduk yang dianggarkan seramai 1.3 billion menjadikan aktiviti belia di negara China berkembang.Kebiasaannya aktiviti yang dianjurkan oleh pihak komuniti setempat, Persatuan Wushu, Persatuan Gereja dan sebagainya (Geng, 2008).Penglibatan golongan belia di China dalam aktiviti sukarela yang terdapat dalam pelbagai bentuk bergantung kepada minat belia tersebut.Antara bentuk aktiviti yang dianjurkan adalah menjadi sukarela untuk mengajar kanak-kanak yang lemah, menjaga alam sekitar dan kebersihan serta kebajikan untuk anak yatim. Keadaan ini secara langsungnya menyerupai situasi aktiviti sukarela di Malaysia yang juga mementingkan kebajikan orang lain yang memerlukan pertolongan. KAJIAN LITERATUR

i.

Peranan belia dalam pembangunan negara

Golongan belia dapat mencorakkan kemajuan negara ke arah yang lebih unggul.Selain itu, golongan ini berpotensi untuk membantu mengatasi masalah sosial yang sering berlaku.Latar belakang masyarakat Malaysia yang pelbagai kaum memerlukan pemeliharaan perpaduan kaum. Seperti mana dalam Program Latihan Khidmat Negara (PLKN) yang menggariskan Modul Kenegaraan kepada pelatih. Modul ini adalah sebuah modul yang diaplikasikan untuk memperluaskan pengetahuan tentang kenegaraan(nation-building) dan meningkatkan semangat cintakan negara serta menghayati semangat pengorbanan terhadap negara kepada para peserta program. Selain dari itu, Program Ceramah Patriotisme “Jejak Pahlawan” juga diselitkan ke dalam modul ini sebagai perkongsian pengalaman serta tunjuk ajar dan bercerita kisah kehidupan sebenar wira-wira negara bersama pelatih.Modul ini dilaksanakan selama tiga minggu dan bagi menarik minat pelatih, pelbagai kaedah digunakan seperti simulasi, lakonan, dinamik kumpulan, menonton video serta gambar, melukis, berdebat, mentafsir peristiwa dan lain-lain. Satu Program Sukarelawan diwujudkan oleh kerajaan untuk menggalakkan penglibatan golongan belia pelbagai kaum dalam aktiviti-aktiviti sukarelawan yang bersifat kenegaraan dan semangat 1Malaysia. Program yang dikenali sebagi 1Malaysia For Youth (1M4U) itu juga merupakan platform bagi 114

belia di Malaysia untuk mengetengahkan inovasi dan kreativiti mereka menerusi penglibatan dalam program atau aktiviti yang boleh menguntungkan negara dan diri mereka sendiri.

ii.

Kepentingan menyertai aktiviti sukarela

Kepentingan menyertai kegiatan sukarela kepada golongan belia ialah mereka dapat melengkapkan diri dengan ilmu pengetahuan.belia semestinya tahu bahawa ilmu tidak diperoleh hanya di bilik kuliah atau kelas semata-mata. Ilmu itu luas seperti lautan.Ilmu juga dapat diperolehi melalui pengalaman dan penglibatan dalam kegiatan kemanusiaan. Selain itu, golongan belia digalakkan menyertai kegiatan kesukarelawan untuk mengelakkan daripada terjebak dengan gejala negatif.Jika kita lihat senario pada hari ini, ramai golongan belia terlibat dengan gejala negatif seperti lumba haram, lepak, vandalisme, ponteng dan pelbagai lagi aktiviti ynag tidak sihat.Aktiviti tidak sihat seperti ini boleh menghakis moral dan kesantunan remaja sekalian.Alangkah baiknya jika mereka menyertai kegiatan kesukarelawan.Kudrat remaja yang kuat amat diperlukan dalam pertubuhan sukarelawan kerana kebanyakan ahli-ahli pertubuhan merupakan golongan yang berumur lingkungan 40 keatas dan semestinya kudrat mereka tidak sekuat golongan belia.Golongan belia juga dapat mengisi masa lapang dengan aktiviti yang berfaedah serta dapat meningkatkan kesihatan fizikal dan mental. Belia yang menyertai aktiviti seperti ini akan dapat membuka minda tentang kehidupan orang yang di timpa musibah dan dapat melahirkan rasa simpati dan empati. Dengan itu, dapat menjadi contoh yang baik kepada rakan sebaya yang lain. Belia juga dapat mengasah bakat kepimpinan dengan menyertai aktivi kesukarelawan.Aktiviti ini juga penting untuk membentuk jati diri dan persiapan untuk kerjaya pada masa hadapan.Hal ini demikian kerana, kebanyakan generasi muda gagal berkomunikasi dengan baik di khalayak ramai. Mereka gagal untuk meyakinkan orang lain dan orang lain juga susah untuk memberi sesuatu amanah atau tanggungjawab kepadanya. Apabila golongan ini menyertai aktiviti kesukarelawan mereka sebenarnya terdedah kepada suasana luar yang terarah kepada kehidupan sebenar atau realiti kehidupan. Secara tidak langsung golongan beliai dapat melatih diri mereka untuk berkomunikasi dengan orang lain dan dapat membina keyakinan diri. Jika mereka berkeyakinan, mereka boleh memimpin sesuatu organisasi atau kumpulan yang ditubuhkan serta dapat membuta keputusan dengan tepat. TUJUAN KAJIAN Kajian bertujuan untuk mengkaji tahap penglibatan belia Malaysia dan China dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan. OBJEKTIF KAJIAN

i. ii. iii.

Mengenalpasti penyertaan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China dalam aktiviti sukarela. Mengenalpasti penglibatan belia Malaysia dan belia China dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan. Mengenalpasti perasaan golongan belia Malaysia dan belia China apabila terlibat dalam aktiviti sukarela.

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iv.

Mengenalpasti perbezaan antara penglibatan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China yang terlibat dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan.

PERSOALAN KAJIAN

i. Sejauhmanakah penyertaan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China dalam aktiviti sukarela? ii. Sejauhmanakah penglibatan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan? iii. Sejauhmanakah perasaan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China ketika menyertai aktiviti sukarela? iv. Adakah terdapat perbezaan antara penglibatan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China yang terlibat dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan? HIPOTESIS KAJIAN Ho : Tidak terdapat perbezaan yang signifikan antara golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China yang terlibat dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan. METODOLOGI KAJIAN Kajian ini adalah berbentuk kajian deskriptif kuantitatif.Reka bentuk kajian deskriptif dijalankan bertujuan untuk memberi penerangan yang sistematik mengenai fakta dan ciri-ciri sesuatu populasi atau bidang secara fakta dan tepat (Sidek Mohd Noah, 2002).Dalam konteks kajian ini, bentuk kajian yang digunakan ialah kajian tinjauan. Seramai 80 orang pelajar yang terdiri dari 40 orang belia di Malaysia dan 40 orang belia di China terlibat dalam kajian ini. Pemilihan sampel dibuat secara rawak.Sampel yang terlibat dalam kajian berumur antara 19 hingga 32 tahun.Pelajar di Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia dipilih sebagai sampel kajian di Malaysia, manakala pelajar dari Universiti Sun Yat Sen, Guangzhou dipilih sebagai sampel kajian di China. Set soal selidik digunakan sebagai alat kajian. Set soal selidik yang mengandungi 21 item dan terdiri dari 4 bahagian iaitu bahagian A, bahagian B, bahagian C dan bahagian D. Bahagian A mengenai latar belakang diri, bahagian B mengenai penyertaan dalam aktiviti sukarela, bahagian C mengenai perasaan ketika menyertai aktiviti sukarela dan bahagian D meliputi penyertaan dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan.

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KAEDAH PENGANALISISAN DATA Analisis data menggunakan SPSS.Kaedah penganalisisan data bagi kajian dibuat berdasarkan jadual di bawah:

PERSOALAN KAJIAN ANALISIS DATA Sejauhmanakah penyertaan golongan belia di Analisis statistik deskriptif Malaysia dan golongan belia di China dalam ( min, sisihan piawai dan peratusan) aktiviti sukarela? Sejauhmanakah penglibatan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan? Sejauhmanakah perasaan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China ketika menyertai aktiviti sukarela? Adakah terdapat perbezaan antara penglibatan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China terlibat dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan?

Analisis statistik deskriptif ( min, sisihan piawai dan peratusan) Analisis statistik deskriptif ( min, sisihan piawai dan peratusan) Analisis statistik inferensi ( Ujian T-Test)

Manakala, Jadual dibawah digunakan sebagai taksiran min bagi kajian ini: Julat skor Min Tahap kecenderungan 1.00 hingga 2.33

Rendah

2.34 hingga 3.66

Sederhana

3.67 hingga 5.00

Tinggi (Sumber: Lendal, 1997)

DAPATAN KAJIAN Jadual 1:Bilangan sampel kajian Belia / Negara Malaysia China

Bilangan sampel lelaki 16

Bilangan sampel perempuan 24

Jumlah sampel

23

17

40

40

Seramai 80 orang belia yang terlibat dalam kajian terdiri dari 39 orang (48.8%) belia lelaki dan 41 orang (51.2%) adalah belia perempuan. Daripada jumlah 39 orang belia lelaki, 24 orang belia adalah merupakan belia di Malaysia manakala 23 orang belia di China. Bagi belia perempuan, 24 orang

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merupakan belia di Malaysia manakala 17 orang belia di China. Hasil analisis dijelaskan seperti dalam jadual 1 di atas.

Jadual 2:Umur sampel yang terlibat dalam kajian

UMUR

JUMLAH

19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 28 31 32

Negara MALAYSIA CHINA 0 7 0 4 5 6 9 5 13 8 5 5 4 4 1 0 0 1 1 0 2 0 40 40

JUMLAH 7 4 11 14 21 10 8 1 1 1 2 80

Jadual 2 menunjukkan seramai 40 orang sampel di Malaysia terdiri daripada 5 orang yang berumur 21 tahun, 9 orang 22 tahun, 13 orang berumur 23 tahun, 5 orang 24 tahun, 4 orang 25 tahun dan 1 orang berumur 26 dan 31 tahun serta 2 orang yang berumur 32 tahun. Manakala untuk sampel di China terdiri daripada 7 orang yang berumur 19 tahun, 4 orang 20 tahun, 6 orang 21 tahun, 5 orang 22 tahun, 8 orang 23 tahun, 5 orang 24 tahun, 4 orang 25 tahun dan 1 orang yang berumur 28 tahun. Graf di bawah menunjukkan dengan lebih jelas kekerapan umur sampel bagi kedua-dua negara Malaysia dan China yang terlibat dalam kajian ini.

118

ANALISIS MIN PENYERTAAN GOLONGAN BELIA DI MALAYSIA DAN GOLONGAN BELIA DI CHINA DALAM AKTIVITI SUKARELA Jadual 3 : Purata min keseluruhan konstruk pernyertaan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China dalam aktiviti sukarela.

Bil

1 2 3

4

5

6

7

Purata Min Belia Malaysia

Belia China

Keseluruhan

Saya menyertai aktiviti sukarela pada masa lapang

2.55

3.28

2.91

Dalam sebulan, saya kerap menyertai program sukarela

1.93

2.20

2.06

2.73

2.83

2.78

2.50

3.00

2.75

3.15

2.48

2.81

3.23

3.25

3.24

3.38

3.50

3.44

2.78

2.93

2.86

Faktor diri sendiri yang mendorong saya menyertai program sukarela. Ibu bapa saya yang menggalakkan saya menyertai program sukarela. Saya menyertai aktiviti sukarela bersama kawan yang berlainan bangsa. Saya tidak mengharapkan apa-apa ganjaran ketika menyertai aktiviti sukarela Saya ikhlas dalam melakukan aktiviti sukarela

Purata min keseluruhan

Berdasarkan Jadual 3, secara purata min keseluruhan penyertaan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China dalam aktiviti sukarela berdasarkan konstruk yang dikaji adalah di antara 2.06 hingga 3.44. Purata min tertinggi didapati pada item Saya ikhlas dalam melakukan aktiviti sukareladengan min 3.44. Ini bermakna golongan belia menunjukkan keikhlasan dalam melakukan aktiviti sukarela. Penyertaan dalam aktiviti sukarela secara ikhlas akan menjadikan golongan belia berasa seronok dengan apa yang dilakukan berbanding melakukan secara paksa rela yang mendorong belia menjadi bosan untuk melakukannya. Min terendah pula didapati pada itemDalam sebulan, saya kerap menyertai aktiviti program sukarela dengan min 2.06. Ini berkemungkinan, golongan belia yang masih belajar tidak mempunyai kelapangan untuk menyertai program tersebut.Perhatian yang lebih diberikan kepada pelajaran mungkin salah satu sebab golongan belia tidak dapat melibatkan diri dalam aktiviti sukarela.Lain-lain item yang

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dikaji adalah sederhana seperti Saya tidak mengharapkan apa-apa ganjaran ketika menyertai aktiviti sukarela(min 3.24), Saya menyertai aktiviti sukarela bersama kawan yang berlainan bangsa(min 2.81), dan Faktor diri sendiri yang mendorong saya menyertai program sukarela(min 2.78).Purata keseluruhan min penglibatan golongan belia dalam kajian ini ialah 2.86. Perbandingan purata min konstruk penyertaan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China dalam aktiviti sukarela berdasarkan negara mempamerkan pada keseluruhannya purata min belia di Malaysia (min 2.78) manakala purata min belia di China (min 2.93).Didapati bagiitem Saya menyertai aktiviti sukarela pada masa lapang bagi belia di Malaysia menunjukkan min sebanyak 2.55 manakala belia di China menunjukkan min sebanyak 3.28. Ini menunjukkan belia di China lebih banyak terlibat dalam aktiviti sukarela ketika masa lapang. ANALISIS MIN PENGLIBATAN GOLONGAN BELIA DI MALAYSIA DAN GOLONGAN BELIA DI CHINA DALAM AKTIVITI SUKARELA YANG BERUNSUR KENEGARAAN Jadual 4 :Purata min keseluruhan konstruk penglibatan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan.

Bil

1 2

3 4 5 6

7 8

Saya menyertai lawatan ke tempat bersejarah Saya memberikan bantuan kepada golongan miskin yang berlainan bangsa Saya mengadakan gotong royong kawasan bersama etnik lain Saya menyertai perbarisan hari merdeka Saya menyertai konvoi jelajah merdeka Saya memasang bendera di rumah sebagai tanda sayang kepada negara Saya menghormati lagu kebangsaan Saya menjadikan tokoh kemerdekaan sebagai idola dalam kehidupan saya

Purata min keseluruhan

Purata Min Belia Malaysia

Belia China

Keseluruhan

1.30

1.63

1.46

1.73

2.13

1.93

1.78

2.38

2.08

2.03

3.00

2.51

2.53

3.00

2.76

1.73

2.38

2.05

1.00

1.13

1.06

1.93

1.88

1.90

1.75

2.19

1.97

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Berdasarkan Jadual 4, secara purata min penglibatan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraanberdasarkan konstruk yang dikaji adalah di antara 1.06 hingga 2.76. Skala yang digunakan dalam konstruk ini ialah 1 (selalu), 2 (kadang-kadang) dan 3 (tidak pernah).Ini menunjukkan purata min secara keseluruhan antara belia Malaysia dan belia China menunjukkan belia Malaysia lebih banyak terlibat dalam aktiviti sukarela berunsur kenegegaraan yang mencatatkan purata min 1.75 berbanding belia China 2.19. Min tertinggi didapati pada item Saya menghormati lagu kebangsaandengan min 1.06. Ini menunjukkan golongan belia memberikan hormat kepada lagu kebangsaan yamg mana rata-rata sampel menjawab skala 1 bagi item tersebut.Min terendah pula didapati pada Saya menyertai konvoi jelajah merdekadengan min 2.76. Perbandingan purata min konstruk penglibatan golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China dalam aktiviti sukarela berdasarkan negara mempamerkan pada keseluruhannya purata min belia di Malaysia (min 1.75) manakala purata min belia di China (min 2.19).Didapati bagi item Saya memberikan bantuan kepada golongan miskin yang berlainan bangsabagi belia di Malaysia menunjukkan min sebanyak 1.73 manakala belia di China menunjukkan min sebanyak 2.13. Ini menunjukkan belia di Malaysia selalu memberikan bantuan kepada golongan miskin yang berlainan bangsa berbanding belia di China yang hanya kadang-kadang memberikan bantuan kepada golongan miskin yang berlainan bangsa.Ini berkemungkinan di negara China yang mengamalkan sistem komunisme yang menyekat belia di negara itu untuk terlibat dalam aktiviti tersebut dan hanya tertumpu kepada etnik dan bangsa mereka sahaja. ANALISIS MIN BAGI KONSTRUK ASPEK PERASAAN BELIA DI MALAYSIA DAN GOLONGAN BELIA DI CHINA KETIKA MENYERTAI AKTIVITI SUKARELA YANG BERUNSUR KENEGARAAN Jadual 5 : Purata min keseluruhan konstruk aspek perasaan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China ketika menyertai aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan

Bil

1 2 3 4

5

6

Purata Min Belia Malaysia

Belia China

Keseluruhan

Saya bangga menjadi rakyat negara ini

4.00

3.40

3.70

Saya bersemangat menyambut hari ulang tahun kemerdekaan

3.93

3.25

3.59

3.10

3.15

3.13

3.55

3.25

3.40

Saya dapat memotivasikan diri selepas menyertai aktiviti sukarela

3.20

3.40

3.30

Saya berasa bangga dapat menyertai aktiviti sukarela

2.95

3.38

Saya menghayati pengorbanan tokoh kemerdekaan negara Saya berasa sedih apabila ada kawan yang menghina tokoh kemerdekaan

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3.16

Purata min keseluruhan

3.46

3.30

3.38

Berdasarkan Jadual 5, secara purata min keseluruhan aspek perasaan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China ketika menyertai aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan berdasarkan konstruk yang dikaji adalah di antara 3.13 hingga 3.70. Purata min tertinggi didapati pada item Saya bangga menjadi rakyat negara ini dengan min 3.70. Min terendah pula didapati pada itemSaya menghayati pengorbanan tokoh kemerdekaan negaradengan min 3.13. Ini menunjukkan segelintir golongan belia tidak menghormati pengorbanan tokoh kemerdekaan negara yang telah banyak berkorban.Purata keseluruhan min penglibatan golongan belia dalam kajian ini ialah 3.38. Perbandingan purata min konstruk aspek perasaan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China ketika menyertai aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan berdasarkan negara mempamerkan pada keseluruhannya purata min belia di Malaysia (min 3.46) manakala purata min belia di China (min 3.30).Didapati bagi item Saya bersemangat menyambut hari ulang tahun kemerdekaan bagi belia di Malaysia menunjukkan min sebanyak 3.93 manakala belia di China menunjukkan min sebanyak 3.25. Ini menunjukkan belia di China kurang bersemangat menyambut hari ulang tahun kemerdekaan.Hal ini berkemungkinan ekoran kurang pendedahan yang diberikan kepada golongan belia berkaitan bulan kemerdekaan.Ulangtahun kemerdekaam di China yang tidak disambut secara rasmi di sekolah berbanding di Malaysia.Ini menyebabkan belia di China kurang bersemangat menyambutnya berbanding di Malaysia yang di sambut selama sebulan iaitu pada bulan Ogos sehingga September setiap tahun. ANALISIS UJIAN-T Hipotesis dibawah dibuat untuk menguji analisis ujian t: Ho : Tidak terdapat perbezaan yang signifikan antara golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China yang terlibat dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan. Jadual 6 : Perbezaan antara golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China yang terlibat dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan. Belia Malaysia China

N 40 40

Min 1.78 2.38

Sisihan Piawai 0.660 0.705

t (C.I 0.95) 0.279 (-0.904 −− -0.296)

* (P0.05). Ini menunjukkan bahawa hipotesis nol (Ho) tidak terdapat perbezaan yang

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signifikan antara golongan belia di Malaysia dan golongan belia di China yang terlibat dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan. PERBINCANGAN DAN KESIMPULAN Menurut dapatan yang diperoleh mendapati penglibatan belia di Malaysia dan China menunjukkan analisis min adalah di tahap sederhana.Penglibatan belia dalam aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan dilihat kurang disertai oleh mereka. Hal ini berkemungkinan disebabkan kekurangan maklumat mengenai aktiviti sukarela yang dapat disertai telah menghentikan niat untuk menolong mereka itu. Oleh itu, golongan belia hanya bergiat aktif dalam aktiviti sukarela melalui persatuan-persatuan di sekolah sahaja.Sehubungan dengan itu, para penggiat aktiviti sukarela seharusnya mencari jalan untuk menyampaikan maklumat mengenai persatuan mereka kepada golongan belia. Dalam masa yang sama, mereka juga seharusnya pandai memberikan galakan dan dorongan kepada golongan belia untuk menyertai aktiviti mereka itu. Bagi golongan belia, faktor masa mungkin menyukarkan mereka untuk menyertai aktiviti sukarela.Hal ini demikian kerana mereka perlu membahagikan masa antara kerja sukarela dangan belajar.Namun, jika mereka pandai menggunakan masa dengan penuh disiplin, pasti ada masa yang terluang untuk mereka melibatkan diri dalam aktiviti sukarela.Antara aktiviti sukarela yang dapat dilakukan termasuklah melawat ke rumah anak-anak yatim, membersihkan rumah rumah kebajikan, dan sebagainya.Dalam pada itu, kebanyakan ibu bapagagal memupuk semangat sukarela ini dalam diri anakanak mereka (Crouter, A. 1984).Golongan belia inipula tidak mempunyai teladan yang baik untuk diikuti dalam hal-hal sukarela ini.Jadi, kesanggupan beliadalam mengorbankan masa dan tenaga untuk kerjakerja kebajikan masih kurang. Suasana kehidupan kini yang lebih memandang kebendaan menyebabkan segelintir belia menganggap bahawa setiap kerja yang dilaksanakan perlu diberi upah atau balasan yang setimpal (Brown dan Zahrly,1984). Sedangkan, kerja-kerja sukarela tidak menawarkan semua itu. Selain itu, para belia perlu diberi galakan untuk terlibat dalam kerja-kerja sukarela. Melalui penglibatan ini, secara tidak langsung golonganbeliaakan menjadi warganegara yang bertanggungjawab dan tidak mementingkan diri sendiri.Contohnya, untuk menjadi warganegara yang baik golongan belia perlu menunjukkan rasa cinta kepada negara dengan menyertai aktiviti sukarela yang berunsur kenegaraan.Dalam kajian ini yang melihat kepada aspek kenegaraan dapat dilihat segelintir belia tidak menghayati hari ulangtahun kemerdekaan yang berlangsung pada 31 Ogos setiap tahun di Malaysia dan 1 Oktober setiap tahun di China. Hal ini perlu diambil berat agar hari ulangtahun kemerdekaan dihayati sepenuhnya oleh golongan belia terutamanya kerana golongan ini akan menjadi pencetus dalam keamanan dan kemajuan negara pada masa akan datang.

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Rujukan Azizan Bahari. 2005. Menghayati Keja Sukarela. Petaling Jaya: Qarya Sdn Bhd. Azizi Yahaya. 2003. Permasalah sosial di kalangan remaja: Satu Cabaran. Fakulti Pendidikan. Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. Brown, E. P, dan Zahrly, J. 1984. Nomenclature Rewards for Skilled Volunteers: A Look at Crisis Intervention Volunteers.” Crouter, A. 1984.Spillover from Family to Work: The Neglected Site of Worked Family Interface.Human Relation Vol 37. Fisher, JC dan Cole, K.M. 1993.Leadership and Management of Voluntary Programs: A Guide for Volunteer Administrators. San Francisco: Jossey Publishers. Geng.D .2008.Self Organized Volunteerism among University Student for Rural Development. Chinese Education and Society.41(3).pp 72-84. Gidron, B. 1983. Sources of Job Satisfaction Among Service Volunteers. Journal of Voluntary Action Research.Vol 12. Kanter, R. 1997. Work and Family in the United States: A Critical Review and Agenda for Research and Policy. Russell Sage Foundation. New York. Lendal. H. K. 1997. Management by menu. London: Wiley and son Inco. Shulman, Lawrence. 2006. The Skill of Helping Individuals, Families, Groups and Communities.United States: Thomson Brooks/Cole.

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KEMAHIRAN PEMIKIRAN SEJARAH (KPS) DALAM KALANGAN PELAJAR UNIVERSITI DI MALAYSIA DAN CHINA Osman Muamat, Shawani Zakaria, Norila La Ulu, Mohd. Mahzan Awang, Abdul Razaq Ahmad Fakulti Pendidikan, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Bangi, Selangor [email protected] Abstrak

Kajian ini membincangkan tahap Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah dalam kalangan pelajar universiti di Malaysia dan China. Aspek-aspek kemahiran yang dikaji termasuklah 1) kemahiran kronologi; 2) kemahiran meneroka bukti; 3) kemahiran membuat interpretasi; 4) kemahiran membuat imaginasi; 5) kemahiran membuat rasionalisasi. Kajian ini dijalankan dengan menggunakan borang soal selidik yang diberikan secara rawak kepada 40 orang pelajar di UKM mewakili Malaysia dan 40 orang pelajar di Universiti Sun Yat Sen mewakili pelajar China. Analisis data dilakukan dengan menggunakan statistik deskriptif. Hasil dapatan kajian menunjukkan bahawa tahap pemikiran sejarah bagi kelima-lima aspek berada pada tahap yang tinggi bagi pelajar Universiti di Malaysia dan pelajar di China pula berada pada tahap yang sederhana. Kajian ini membuktikan bahawa pelajar Universiti di Malaysia mampu menguasai aspek Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah dan seterusnya menolak dakwaan bahawa sejarah adalah satu mata pelajaran yang membosankan dan hanya mengingat fakta semata-mata. Kata kunci: Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah, pelajar IPTA Malaysia dan China

PENGENALAN Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah merupakan elemen penting dalam Pendidikan Sejarah. Selaras dengan matlamat ini Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia (KPM) (2000) telah menggariskan lima jenis kemahiran yang perlu dikuasai oleh murid dalam pembelajaran sejarah iaitu; kemahiran memahami kronologi, kemahiran meneroka bukti, kemahiran membuat interpretasi, kemahiran membuat imaginasi, dan kemahiran membuat rasionalisasi. Kemahiran ini dapat dicapai jika pelajar diberi peluang untuk melibatkan diri dalam amalan pemikiran sejarah (Wineburg, 2001; Hartmann & Hasselhorn, 2008). Menurut Wineburg (2001), kemahiran pemikiran sejarah tidak wujud secara semula jadi tetapi perlu dipupuk dari luar seperti mengumpul, membaca dan menganalisis pelbagai bahan bukti sejarah. Bagi mencapai kemahiran ini sumber sejarah seperti

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dokumen, artifak, catatan dan dapatan baru yang terdapat di muzium mahupun arkib perlu ditonjolkan dalam pengajaran dan pembelajaran Sejarah (Lee, 2002). Walau bagaimanapun kajian lepas menunjukkan amalan pemikiran sejarah di bilik darjah masih di tahap yang sederhana (Sharifah Nor Puteh, 2010). Hal ini kerana pengajaran dan pembelajaran Sejarah di bilik darjah masih bergantung terhadap buku teks (Gillaspie & Davis, 1997; Van Hover & Yeager, 2004; Siti Hawa Abdullah, 2008). Pelajar jarang diberikan peluang untuk mengeksploitasikan sumber sejarah dari muzium, arkib mahupun tempat bersejarah (Levesque, 2008). Kekangan seumpama ini boleh menjadi penghalang kepada pemupukan amalan pemikiran sejarah di bilik darjah (Fertig, 2005; Scheurell, 2007). Oleh itu, kajian ini dijalankan bertujuan melihat pemikiran sejarah dalam kalangan pelajar Universiti antara Malaysia dan China. Melalui kemahiran pemikiran sejarah, pelajarpelajar di Universiti dirangsang untuk lebih berfikir secara kritis dan analitis. Kajian ini turut memfokuskan sejauh mana penguasaan pelajar-pelajar Universiti Malaysia dan China mengaplikasikan kemahiran pemikiran sejarah serta kesedaran akan pentingnya kemahiran pemikiran sejarah ini dalam kehidupan seharian.

KEPENTINGAN PENDIDIKAN SEJARAH DALAM KURIKULUM KEBANGSAAN Sebagai sebuah negara yang mempunyai masyarakat majmuk, kepentingan pelajaran sejarah ini tidak boleh dipertikaikan lagi. Melalui sejarah seperti yang dinyatakan oleh Davies (1994) dapat memupuk integrasi nasional kerana ia mengajar tentang nilai-nilai politik dan kenegaraan. Pendidikan sejarah mampu mengembangkan pengetahuan, kemahiran dan sikap pelajar agar melibatkan diri dengan masyarakat yang lebih kompleks. Situasi ini secara tidak langsung dapat menanamkan semangat patriotik dalam kalangan generasi muda. Kepentingan pendidikan sejarah dalam mewujudkan perpaduan kaum dan keharmonian di samping memperkasakan semangat patriotism dalam kalangan rakyat pelbagai kaum diberi penekanan dalam Sukatan Pelajaran Sejarah (KPM: 2003). Mata pelajaran ini digubal agar dapat “memupuk dan memperkukuhkan semangat setia negara dan jati diri sebagai warganegara Malaysia dan warga dunia”. Ia juga berhasrat untuk mewujudkan semangat perpaduan dan kekitaan bangsa dan negara Malaysia dalam kalangan masyarakat pelbagai kaum (KPM:2003).

KONSEP PEMIKIRAN SEJARAH Marzano et all. (1998) menjelaskan pemikiran sejarah melibatkan satu set operasi mental yang dikenali sebagai proses. Proses ini merangkumi pembentukan konsep, pembentukan prinsip, kefahaman, penyelesaian masalah, membuat keputusan, penyiasatan dan penggabungan yang melibatkan beberapa kemahiran berfikir. Proses pemikiran di peringkat awal adalah lebih

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kepada pemerolehan pengetahuan, sementara di peringkat akhir ia lebih kepada penghasilan dan aplikasi ilmu. Peranan pemikiran sangat penting kepada seseorang pengkaji dan penyelidik sejarah dan bukannya pemikiran itu sendiri sebagai gejala dalam sejarah. Oleh itu beliau menyamakan sejarah itu dengan pemikiran apabila beliau menyatakan bahawa semua sejarah itu adalah sejarah pemikiran. Beliau menyatakan bahawa sejarah tidak dapat ditulis secara saintifik kecuali sejarah itu dapat menggambarkan kembali di dalam akalnya akan pengalaman orang-orang yang tindakannya sedang dikaji oleh sejarawan berkenaan (Yusof Ibrahim, 1985). Furet (1983), menyatakan bahawa Sejarah merupakan satu bidang ilmu yang boleh dibuat pelbagai interpretasi dari semasa ke semasa. Guru tidak perlu lagi menyediakan pelajar dengan segala fakta dan penjelasan sejarah, malah dalam kerangka pemikiran sejarah era ‘new history’ ia lebih kepada penumpuan untuk mengasah intelek pelajar secara kritikal dan analitikal (Jenkins, 1992). Jadi, konsep pemikiran sejarah perlulah difahami oleh pelajar agar mereka dapat dilatih menjadi sejarawan. Pemikiran Sejarah pula berdasarkan Huraikan Sukatan Pelajaran Kurikulum Bersepadu Sekolah Menengah (2002), merupakan satu bentuk proses kognitif yang murid-murid meneroka idea yang kompleks dan abstrak dengan bimbingan guru. Kenyataan ini selari dengan takrifan pemikiran Sejarah yang dibuat oleh Wineburg (2001) ialah satu cara berfikir yang unik. Beliau juga berpendapat pemikiran Sejarah merupakan bentuk yang paling mendalam, merupakan proses yang asli disebabkan perkembangan psikologi. Beliau turut menyatakan pemikiran Sejarah ialah “goes against the grain of how we ordinal think..” Pemikiran sejarah juga menunjukkan pengajaran yang bertumpu kepada usaha mempertajamkan pemikiran menjadi perkara yang sangat penting dalam perubahan pendidikan kini. Ini disebabkan pemikiran berkait rapat dengan unsur intelek yang diberi penekanan dalam KBSM (Kamarudin Haji Husin, 1994).

KEMAHIRAN PEMIKIRAN SEJARAH Antara kemahiran pemikiran Sejarah yang digariskan dalam Huraian Sukatan Pelajaran Sekolah Menengah (2002) yang dikeluarkan oleh Pusat Perkembangan Kurikulum untuk diterapkan oleh guru-guru Sejrah kepada para pelajar ialah:i. Memahami kronologi. Memahami kronologi bermaksud melihat masa lalu, kini dan masa akan datang mengikut urutan sesuatu peristiwa sejarah yang berlaku. Sebagai contoh pelajar tingkatan satu yang telah belajar tentang zaman pra sejarah, dapat melakar carta masa yang menunjukkan kehidupan zaman pra sejarah seperti Paleolitik, Neolitik dan Logam. Melalui pemahaman kronologi ini para pelajar dapat membuat perkaitan antara masa lalu dengan masa kini.

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ii. Meneroka bukti Kemahiran ini mengenal pasti sumber pertama dan kedua serta membuat perbandingan antara kedua-dua sumber tersebut, di samping mendapat maklumat daripadanya. Antara aktiviti yang boleh dijalankan oleh guru bagi menerapkan kemahiran meneroka bukti ialah dengan mengarahkan pelajar berfikir dan meneroka bukti tentang mengapa kerajaan-kerajaan maritim wujud di tepi pantai. iii. Membuat interpretasi Bermaksud membuat tafsiran terhadap sesuatu peristiwa dengan memberi ulasan dan kupasan. Dengan itu pelajar akan lebih memahami perkaitan antara fakta Sejarah dan tafsiran Sejarah dengan baik. Kemahiran membuat interpretasi ini juga bermakna masa lalu yang boleh difahami melalui pemerhatian dan interpretasi yang sistematik dapat membantu kita hidup dengan lebih baik pada masa hadapan (Paul & Elder, 2006). Sebagai contoh pelajar dikehendaki membuat tafsiran tentang konsep tamadun mengikut pandangan Barat dan Islam. Dengan membandingkan kedua-dua pandangan ini pelajar telah membuat tafsiran dan ulasan serta perbandingan tentang perbezaan kedua-dua pandangan Barat dan Islam.

iv. Membuat imaginasi Merupakan kemahiran pemikiran Sejarah. Ia merupakan satu usaha melibatkan pelajar dengan sesuatu situasi dalam peristiwa Sejarah yang dikaji. Kemahiran imaginasi ialah secara visual dan empati. Empati misalnya merujuk kepada seseorang yang menilai sejarah menurut kaca mata sumber atau subjek sejarah yang terlibat, contohnya untuk menilai tindakan kenapa Tunku Abdul Rahman mengeluarkan Singapura dari Malaysia, maka kita perlu meletakkan diri kita pada tempat Tunku pada ketika keputusan penting tersebut hendak diambil. Cara ini boleh menjelaskan kepada kita mengapa tindakan itu diambil. v. Membuat rasionalisasi Melibatkan penggunaan akal dalam membuat pertimbangan yang wajar dalam menyelesaikan sesuatu permasalahan. Para pelajar perlu mempunyai kemahiran mengumpul data, membuat hipotesis, menentukan signifikan bukti dan membuat inferens daripada data yang dikumpul. Kemahiran ini membolehkan kita mendapat pengetahuan yang penting daripada kajian masa lalu yang seterusnya membimbing kita untuk membuat keputusan yang lebih baik pada masa hadapan (Paul & Elder, 2006). Contoh yang boleh diambil untuk membuat rasionalisasi ialah mengarahkan pelajar untuk membincangkan tentang Perang Dunia Kedua yang membawa banyak kemusnahan atau mengapa Rancangan Malaya Pertama diperkenalkan. Kelima-lima kemahiran tersebut adalah kemahiran-kemahiran yang sangat melibatkan proses-proses Sejarah atau kemahiran procedural guru dan pelajar. Para guru akan membimbing pelajar untuk membuat perkaitan antara masa lalu dan masa kini, menganalisis, menyelidik dan memproses bukti-bukti, membuat hipotesis, memahami dan memberi penerangan serta membuat pertimbangan. Seterusnya, ia pula akan terlaksana apabila para

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guru Sejarah melibatkan pelajar secara aktif dalam proses pembelajaran Sejarah. Dengan itu, secara tidak langsung para pelajar akan memperoleh kelima-lima kemahiran yang dinyatakan (Zahara & Nik Azleena, 2007). Menurut Peter Seixas (1996), beliau telah mengenal pasti enam elemen spesifik dalam disiplin Sejarah bagi membentuk satu rangka kerja tentang pemikiran Sejarah yang perlu diterapkan kepada para pelajar. i. Kepentingan (Significance) Dalam unsur kepentingan sejarah ini, pelajar-pelajar perlu mempunyai kemahiran membezakan antara peristiwa yang remeh dan penting. Dalam hal ini pemilihan kepentingan sejarah bergantung kepada minat dan nilai yang terdapat dalam masyarakat tersebut. Oleh itu pelajarpelajar disarankan untuk mengkaji sejarah tentang masyarakat, kehidupan dan perkara-perkara yang mempunyai kepentingan kepada mereka. Misalnya dalam kajian yang dilakukan oleh Barton dan Levstik (2004) dan oleh Yeager, Foster dan Greer (2002) mendapati pelajar amat dipengaruhi oleh identiti nasional mereka dalam membuat pemilihan tentang peristiwa yang penting. ii. Epistemologi dan bukti (Epistemology and evidence) Ia melibatkan pemahaman bagaimana kita mengetahui masa lampau. Apakah bukti yang kita ada? Sejauh mana bukti tersebut boleh dipercayai? Bagaimana kita boleh menjelaskan tentang kewujudan tafsiran sejarah yang berbeza dan bertentangan. Sebagai contoh kanak-kanak tidak sepatutnya dibiarkan dengan pandangan bahawa hanya ada satu kisah benar sahaja pada masa lampau. Sedangkan pada hakikatnya sejarawan membuat pelbagai inferens berdasarkan bukti, justeru itu wujud pelbagai tafsiran tentang sesuatu peristiwa masa lalu. iii. Kesinambungan dan perubahan (Continuity and Change) Unsur ini menekan pemahaman tentang perubahan masa lalu yang merupakan pusat pemikiran Sejarah. Umur merupakan faktor untuk memahami keadaan ini; iaitu seseorang yang berumur dikatakan lebih memahami perubahan yang berlaku pada masa lalu misalnya perubahan dari segi teknologi dan nilai berbanding dengan mereka yang lebih muda. Namun begitu terdapat juga pengkaji yang menolak pendapat ini. Menurut mereka umur bukanlah satu faktor utama dalam memahami perubahan masa lalu. Menurut pengkaji-pengkaji ini pengalaman hidup turut menjadi faktor iaitu golongan muda yang mengalami pengalaman perang, pelarian, imigran dan mereka yang kehilangan ibu bapa atau yang berpindah randah dari satu kawasan ke kawasan lain mempunyai pemahaman yang lebih baik tentang perubahan Sejarah berbanding dengan mereka yang hidup dalam suasana yang aman. iv. Perkembangan dan kemerosotan (Progress and decline) Berdasarkan unsur ini pelajar perlu memahami bahawa dalam kehidupan akan mengalami peringkat perkembangan dan kemerosotan. Dalam peringkat perkembangan hidup seseorang mengalami kejayaan, manakala kemerosotan mereka mengalami satu keadaan yang sukar. Oleh itu dalam konsep pemikiran Sejarah mereka seharusnya dapat mengenal pasti atau

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membezakan kewujudan dua keadaan ini. Ini adalah penting agar mereka dapat memahami proses yang berlaku dalam peristiwa Sejarah. v. Empati dan penilaian moral (empathy and moral judgment) Pemikiran sejarah memerlukan seseorang mempunyai daya imaginasi dan empati. Tujuannya agar pelajar-pelajar tidak merasa asing dan pelik tentang peristiwa masa lalu. Malah mereka seharusnya perlu mempunyai rasa hormat dan perasaan ingin tahu tentang peristiwa-peristiwa masa lepas. Penyelidik British Christopher Portal(1987), menegaskan bahawa empati merupakan satu cara pemikiran imaginative yang memerlukan kemahiran kognitif untuk melihat nilai-nilai kemanusiaan dalam peristiwa Sejarah. vi. Historical Agency Elemen terakhir pemikiran sejarah ini merujuk kepada bagaimana dan mengapa sesuatu perkara itu terjadi. Dalam elemen ini pelajar ditekankan supaya menghargai Sejarah dan memahami bahawa tindakan rakyat pada masa lampau memberi kesan kepada rakyat pada masa kini. Seterusnya menyedari bahawa tindakan-tindakan yang dilakukan oleh mereka pada masa kini akan memberi kesan kepada generasi yang akan datang. Mempunyai pemikiran Sejarah bukan sahaja memikirkan tentang masa lampau , malah ia melibatkan melihat diri sendiri sebagai waris daripada masa lampau dan sebagai pelaku pada masa kini. Berdasarkan kepada huraian di atas, kajian ini dapat dirumuskan dalam kerangka konseptual dengan menggunakan gambar rajah 1.1.

PELAJAR UNIVERSITI

MALAYSIA

CHINA

KEMAHIRAN PEMIKIRAN SEJARAH 1.Memahami Kronologi 2.Meneroka Bukti 3.Membuat Interpretasi 4. Membuat Imaginasi 5. Membuat Rasionalisasi

Rajah 1.1: Kerangka Konseptual Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah di Kalangan Belia Di Malaysia dan China. TINGGI SEDERHANA RENDAH 130

OBJEKTIF KAJIAN Tujuan utama kajian ini adalah untuk meninjau sejauh mana kesedaran dan pengetahuan di kalangan belia di Malaysia dan China tentang pemikiran sejarah dalam kehidupan seharian. Selain itu, objektif kajian juga adalah untuk melihat; a) Mengenal pasti kefahaman pelajar Universiti di Malaysia dan China terhadap kemahiran memahami kronologi dalam sejarah. b) Mengenal pasti adakah pelajar Universiti di Malaysia dan China menggunakan kemahiran meneroka bukti dalam sejarah. c) Mengenal pasti adakah pelajar Universiti di Malaysia dan China membuat interpretasi dalam sejarah. d) Mengenal pasti adakah pelajar Universiti di Malaysia dan China menggunakan kemahiran imaginasi dalam sejarah. e) Mengenal pasti adakah pelajar di Malaysia dan China Universiti membuat rasionalisasi dalam sejarah. METODOLOGI KAJIAN Kajian ini merupakan satu kajian deskriptif yang menggunakan instrument soal selidik dalam proses pengumpulan data. Instrumen soal selidik ini dirangka berdasarkan elemen penting dalam pemikiran sejarah iaitu memahami kronologi, meneroka bukti, membuat interpretasi, imaginasi dan membuat rasionalisasi dengan 25 item soalan yang menggunakan pengukuran skala likert. Penggunaan soal selidik merupakan cara yang menjimatkan masa untuk mengumpul data dalam jangka masa singkat. Responden kajian terdiri daripada pelajar Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia dan juga Universiti Sun Yat-Sen masing-masing berjumlah 40 orang. Data yang dikumpul dan hasil kajian ini dapat memberi maklumat untuk mencapai objektif yang telah ditetapkan. Data kajian ini dianalisis dengan menggunakan perisian SPSS dengan menggunakan statistik deskriftif seperti min dan sisihan piawai. Skala interpretasi yang digunakan bagi min dalam kajian ini adalah seperti berikut: 1.00 - 2.33 - Tahap Rendah 2.34 - 3.67 - Tahap Sederhana 3.68 - 5.00 - Tahap Tinggi

DAPATAN DAN PERBINCANGAN TAHAP KEMAHIRAN PEMIKIRAN SEJARAH DALAM KALANGAN PELAJAR UNIVERSITI DI MALAYSIA DAN CHINA Analisis terhadap data yang dikumpul daripada soal selidik untuk tahap kemahiran pemikiran sejarah secara keseluruhan adalah seperti jadual 1 berikut :

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JADUAL 1 : Skor kemahiran pemikiran Sejarah secara keseluruhan Berdas arkan Min Jadual Kemahiran 3.560 1 di Kronologi atas, Kemahiran 3.900 .50637 Tinggi 3.7350 .65381 Tinggi skor Meneroka Bukti min Kemahiran 3.750 .52131 Tinggi 3.620 .47109 Sederhana tahap Interpretasi kemah Kemahiran 3.7750 .54006 Tinggi 3.4900 .68829 Sederhana iran Imaginasi pemiki Kemahiran 3.9650 .48966 Tinggi 3.8350 .54328 Tinggi ran Rasionalisasi sejara Skor Keseluruhan 3.79 .524938 Tinggi 3.619 .613766 Sederhana h secara keseluruhannya adalah 3.79 dan sisihan piawai 0.52 bagi responden di Malaysia dan skor min bagi responden di China pula ialah 3.61 dan sisihan piawai 0.61. Skor min menunjukkan bahawa responden di Malaysia mempunyai tahap yang tinggi dalam memahami pemikiran sejarah dalam kehidupan seharian manakala di China berada pada tahap sederhana. Dalam hal ini, tahap pemikiran sejarah mencakupi kemahiran kronologi, kemahiran meneroka bukti, kemahiran interpretasi, kemahiran imaginasi dan kemahiran rasionalisasi. Dapatan mendapati responden di Malaysia, aspek kemahiran pemikiran sejarah paling tinggi adalah aspek kemahiran rasionalisasi (min 3.96) diikuti dengan aspek lain iaitu kemahiran meneroka bukti (min 3.90), kemahiran imaginasi (3.77), kemahiran interpretasi (3.75) dan kemahiran kronologi (min 3.56). Sementara itu, responden di China, aspek kemahiran pemikiran sejarah paling tinggi adalah aspek kemahiran rasionalisasi (min 3.83) diikuti dengan kemahiran meneroka bukti (min 3.73), kemahiran interpretasi (min 3.62), kemahiran imaginasi (min 3.49) dan kemahiran kronologi (min 3.41). Dapatan mendapati aspek kemahiran kronologi kurang dikuasai oleh pelajar-pelajar di pusat pengajian tinggi di kedua-dua negara apabila skor min bagi aspek ini mempunyai tahap sederhana bagi Malaysia dan China. Hasil dapatan kajian menunjukkan tahap kemahiran pemikiran sejarah dalam beberapa aspek yang merangkumi kemahiran kronologi, kemahiran meneroka bukti, kemahiran interprestasi, kemahiran imaginasi dan kemahiran rasionalisasi secara keseluruhannya pada tahap yang tinggi bagi pelajar Universiti di Malaysia dan di China berada tahap yang sederhana. Dapatan ini menunjukkan usaha kerajaan di bawah Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia begitu komited dalam menerapkan kemahiran pemikiran sejarah agar dapat meransang, mencetus dan mengembangkan daya pemikiran pelajar. Konstruk

Malaysia S.P Tahap Min .56729 Sederhana 3.4150

China S.P Tahap .71236 Sederhana

1) Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah daripada Aspek Kemahiran Kronologi Jadual 2 menunjukkan tahap kemahiran pemikiran sejarah daripada aspek kemahiran kronologi. Berdasarkan Jadual 2, didapati tahap kemahiran pemikiran sejarah tentang aspek ini secara

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keseluruhannya adalah pada tahap sederhana di kedua-dua negara sama ada di Malaysia dan China. Dapat dirumuskan bahawa secara keseluruhannya pelajar Universiti di Malaysia dan China mempunyai pemahaman yang sederhana tentang kemahiran kronologi dalam sejarah.

JADUAL 2 : Skor kemahiran memahami kronologi dalam sejarah Item

Malaysia S.P Tahap .800 Tinggi

China S.P Tahap 1.043 Sederhana

Min Min Saya memahami keadaan 3.98 3.30 masa sekarang adalah berdasarkan peristiwa sejarah masa lalu. Saya sentiasa 3.85 .770 Tinggi 3.50 .961 menghubungkaitkan peristiwa lalu dengan masa kini. Saya juga boleh membina 3.75 .776 Tinggi 3.40 .928 perkaitan mengapa sesuatu peristiwa sejarah itu berlaku. Saya boleh mengisahkan 3.20 .853 Sederhana 3.28 1.012 sesuatu peristiwa mengikut urutan masa dengan sistematik. Saya dapat membina 3.05 .815 Sederhana 3.30 1.043 penerangan mengenai masa lampau dan hujah-hujahnya berdasarkan kronologi sesuatu peristiwa sejarah Skor Keseluruhan 3.560 .56729 Sederhana 3.4150 .71236

Sederhana

Sederhana

Sederhana

Sederhana

Sederhana

Berdasarkan kepada taburan min item tahap kemahiran kronologi bagi responden di Malaysia, didapati 3 daripada 5 item mempunyai skor min tinggi berkaitan dengan saya memahami keadaan masa sekarang adalah berdasarkan peristiwa masa lalu (skor min = 3.98). Saya sentiasa menghubungkaitkan peristiwa masa lalu dengan masa kini (skor min = 3.85). Saya boleh mengisahkan sesuatu peristiwa mengikut urutan masa dengan sistematik (skor min = 3.20). Saya juga boleh membina perkaitan mengapa sesuatu peristiwa mengikut urutan masa dengan sistematik (skor min = 3.20). Saya dapat membina Saya dapat membina penerangan mengenai masa lampau dan hujah-hujahnya berdasarkan kronologi sesuatu peristiwa sejarah (skor min = 3.05).

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Tahap kemahiran kronologi bagi responden di China mempunyai tahap yang sederhana, didapati kelima-lima item mempunyai skor min yang sederhana berkaitan dengan saya sentiasa menghubungkaitkan peristiwa masa lalu dengan masa kini (skor min = 3.50). Saya juga boleh membina perkaitan mengapa sesuatu peristiwa mengikut urutan masa dengan sistematik (skor min = 3.40). Item 1 dan item 5 mempunyai skor min yang sama dengan min 3.30 berkaitan dengan Saya memahami keadaan masa sekarang adalah berdasarkan peristiwa masa lalu dan Saya dapat membina penerangan mengenai masa lampau dan hujah-hujahnya berdasarkan kronologi sesuatu peristiwa sejarah. Saya juga boleh membina perkaitan mengapa sesuatu peristiwa mengikut urutan masa dengan sistematik (skor min = 3.28). Hasil dapatan kajian menunjukkan tahap kemahiran pemikiran sejarah dalam aspek kemahiran kronologi dalam kalangan pelajar berada pada tahap sederhana di Malaysia dan China. Tahap yang sederhana ini perlu dipertingkatkan lagi untuk supaya pelajar di pusat pengajian tinggi mampu melihat masa lalu, kini dan masa akan datang mengikut urutan sesuatu peristiwa sejarah itu berlaku. Kemahiran memahami kronologi dalam sejarah penting untuk difahami oleh pelajar khususnya di peringkat pengajian tinggi agar mereka mampu membuat sesuatu perkaitan peristiwa dengan peristiwa yang lain. 2) Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah daripada Aspek Kemahiran Meneroka Bukti Berdasarkan Jadual 3, tahap kemahiran pemikiran sejarah secara keseluruhannya dalam aspek meneroka bukti adalah pada tahap yang tinggi di kedua-dua buah negara dengan min 3.90 bagi Malaysia dan min bagi China pula ialah 3.73. Hal ini menunjukkan, responden di Malaysia dan China berada pada tahap yang tinggi dalam aspek memahami kemahiran meneroka bukti dalam sejarah.

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JADUAL 3 : Skor kemahiran meneroka bukti dalam sejarah Item

Malaysia China Min S.P Tahap Min S.P Tahap Saya mencari bukti-bukti sebelum 3.78 .768 Tinggi 3.65 .893 Sederhana mempercayai sesuatu peristiwa yang berlaku Saya menggunakan pelbagai 3.90 .672 Tinggi 3.70 .883 Tinggi medium untuk mendapatkan bukti dalam sesuatu peristiwa Saya menterjemahkan segala 3.78 .768 Tinggi 3.68 .797 Tinggi sumber bukti dalam bentuk fakta atau maklumat Penelitian terhadap sumber bukti 4.00 .641 Tinggi 3.85 .802 Tinggi dapat membantu saya mendapatkan dan menyusun maklumat tentang sesuatu peristiwa yang berlaku. Sumber-sumber bukti dapat 4.05 .677 Tinggi 3.80 .992 Tinggi membantu saya memahami idea dan konsep sesuatu peristiwa yang berlaku Skor Keseluruhan 3.900 .50637 Tinggi 3.7350 .65381 Tinggi Jika dilihat kedudukan setiap item mengikut urutan min, responden di Malaysia mempunyai tahap pengetahuan yang tinggi dalam Sumber-sumber bukti dapat membantu saya memahami idea dan konsep sesuatu peristiwa yang berlaku (item 10) dengan min 4.05 Sementara itu, di China, Penelitian terhadap sumber bukti dapat membantu saya mendapatkan dan menyusun maklumat tentang sesuatu peristiwa yang berlaku (item 9) mendapat skor min tinggi dengan nilai m=3.85. Daripada keseluruhan item, didapati hanya item 6 mendapat tahap yang sederhana dalam responden China manakala responden di Malaysia kesemua item berada pada tahap yang tinggi. Hasil dapatan kajian menunjukkan tahap kemahiran pemikiran sejarah dalam aspek kemahiran meneroka bukti berada pada tahap yang tinggi dalam kalangan pelajar di kedua-dua negara. Dapatan ini menunjukkan pelajar Universiti di Malaysia dan China berkemahiran dalam mengenal pasti sumber pertama dan kedua dan membuat perbandingan di antara kedua-dua sumber tersebut di samping mendapatkan maklumat daripadanya. Seseorang pelajar yang mampu menguasai kemahiran meneroka bukti ini dapat menjelaskan tentang kewujudan tafsiran sejarah yang berbeza dan bertentangan.

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3) Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah daripada Aspek Kemahiran Interpretasi JADUAL 4 : Skor kemahiran membuat interpretasi dalam sejarah Item

Malaysia Min S.P Tahap 3.77 .832 Tinggi

Min 3.88

China S.P .686

Tahap Tinggi

Saya membuat perkaitan antara peristiwa lampau dan masa kini Saya membandingkan pelbagai 3.80 .723 Tinggi 3.83 .781 Tinggi sumber sebelum membuat interpretasi Saya menggunakan sumber yang 3.67 .730 Tinggi 3.83 .781 Tinggi sahih untuk membuat interpretasi Saya tidak bersikap bias semasa 3.78 .698 Tinggi 3.35 .834 Sederhana membuat interpretasi Saya mengetahui sebab dan akibat 3.75 .776 Tinggi 3.25 .870 Sederhana sesuatu peristiwa sejarah sebelum membuat interpretasi Skor Keseluruhan 3.750 .52131 Tinggi 3.620 .47109 Sederhana Merujuk kepada Jadual 4, tahap kemahiran pemikiran sejarah dari aspek kemahiran interpretasi pada keseluruhannya adalah pada tahap yang tinggi bagi responden Malaysia, dengan min 3.75 dan tahap sederhana bagi responden di China dengan min 3.62. Daripada keseluruhan item di bawah konstruk kemahiran interpretasi ini, didapati responden di Malaysia mempunyai skor min yang tinggi bagi kesemua item berkaitan dengan Saya membandingkan pelbagai sumber sebelum membuat interpretasi (skor min = 3.80). Saya tidak bersikap bias semasa membuat interpretasi (skor min = 3.78). Saya membuat perkaitan antara peristiwa lampau dan masa kini (skor min = 3.77). Saya mengetahui sebab dan akibat sesuatu peristiwa sejarah sebelum membuat interpretasi (skor min = 3.75). Saya menggunakan sumber yang sahih untuk membuat interpretasi (skor min = 3.67). Sementara itu, bagi responden di China pula, daripada kesemua item, tiga daripadanya berada pada tahap yang tinggi dan dua item lagi berada pada tahap yang sederhana. Skor min yang mempunyai tahap yang tinggi berkaitan dengan Saya membuat perkaitan antara peristiwa lampau dan masa kini (skor min = 3.88). Item 12 dan item 13 mempunyai nilai skor yang sama (skor min = 3.83) berkaitan dengan Saya membandingkan pelbagai sumber sebelum membuat interpretasi dan Saya menggunakan sumber yang sahih untuk membuat interpretasi. Saya tidak bersikap bias semasa membuat interpretasi (skor min = 3.35). Saya mengetahui sebab dan akibat sesuatu peristiwa sejarah sebelum membuat interpretasi (skor min = 3.25). Dapatan menunjukkan pelajar Universiti di Malaysia mempunyai tahap kemahiran dalam interpretasi tinggi berbanding di China berada di tahap yang rendah. Oleh itu, pelajar di pusat pengajian tinggi di Malaysia lebih memahami dalam membuat tafsiran terhadap sesuatu 136

peristiwa. Tahap kemahiran yang rendah dalam aspek kemahiran interpretasi haruslah diberi penekanan kerana penguasaan mahasiswa dalam kemahiran interpretasi penting supaya mereka mampu memahami perkaitan antara fakta sejarah dan tafsiran sejarah dengan baik.

4) Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah daripada Aspek Kemahiran Imaginasi JADUAL 5 : Skor kemahiran imaginasi dalam sejarah Item Min 4.08

Malaysia S.P Tahap .797 Tinggi

Min 3.80

China S.P .911

Tahap Tinggi

Saya sentiasa berimaginasi tentang sesuatu peristiwa yang berlaku Saya dapat 3.93 .730 Tinggi 3.40 .871 Sederhana menggambarkan keadaan ketika berlakunya sesuatu peristiwa dan menyelami situasi yang terjadi ketika itu Saya menggambarkan 3.80 .723 Tinggi 3.43 .874 Sederhana suasana sesuatu situasi dengan menjiwai pelaku yang terlibat dalam peristiwa tersebut Dengan berimaginasi saya 3.47 .751 Sederhana 3.25 .954 Sederhana dapat menyelesaikan sesuatu kejadian peristiwa Saya membuat kesimpulan 3.60 .778 Sederhana 3.57 .931 Sederhana setelah menggambarkan sesuatu peristiwa Skor Keseluruhan 3.7750 .54006 Tinggi 3.4900 .68829 Sederhana Berdasarkan jadual 5 tersebut, min keseluruhan bagi kemahiran pemikiran sejarah bagi aspek kemahiran imaginasi adalah 3.77 bagi responden Malaysia dan 3.49 bagi responden China. Hal ini menunjukkan responden di Malaysia mempunyai tahap memahami kemahiran imaginasi lebih tinggi berbanding dengan responden di China pada keseluruhannya berada tahap sederhana dalam aspek ini. Daripada keseluruhan item pada Jadual 5, didapati responden di Malaysia dan China mempunyai skor min yang tinggi pada item 16, ‘Saya sentiasa berimaginasi tentang sesuatu peristiwa yang berlaku’ dengan skor min 4.08 untuk responden Malaysia dan skor min bagi responden China pula adalah 3.80. Begitu juga skor min yang rendah , didapati responden di

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Malaysia dan China pada item 19, ‘Dengan berimaginasi saya dapat menyelesaikan sesuatu kejadian peristiwa’ dengan nilai min 3.47 bagi Malaysia dan 3.25 bagi responden China. Hasil analisis terhadap tahap kemahiran imaginasi dalam sejarah menunjukkan mahasiswa di Malaysia berada pada tahap yang tinggi berbanding di China berada pada tahap yang sederhana. Dapatan ini menunjukkan pelajar di pusat pengajian tinggi di Malaysia lebih memahami usaha yang melibatkan mereka dengan sesuatu situasi dalam peristiwa sejarah secara visual dan empati. Kemahiran imaginasi perlu ditingkatkan dalam kalangan pelajar di pusat pengajian tinggi di China kerana kemahiran imaginasi ini mendedahkan pelajar agar memahami persitiwa masa lalu dan menerbitkan rasa ingin tahu.

5) Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah daripada Aspek Kemahiran Rasionalisasi JADUAL 6 : Skor kemahiran membuat rasionalisasi dalam sejarah Item

Malaysia Min S.P Tahap 3.87 .686 Tinggi

China S.P .783

Min Tahap Saya tidak terburu-buru dalam 3.95 Tinggi membuat sesuatu kesimpulan atau keputusan Saya menggunakan akal fikiran 3.98 .577 Tinggi 3.78 .800 Tinggi untuk membuat kesimpulan dalam menyelesaikan sesuatu persoalan dalam peristiwa lalu Saya membuat rumusan dan 4.00 .599 Tinggi 3.75 .742 Tinggi kesimpulan berdasarkan pengumpulan data dan fakta Saya yakin perbandingan idea 4.05 .714 Tinggi 3.62 .807 Sederhana dan fakta yang dibuat dapat membantu saya membuat kesimpulan secara rasional Proses membuat rasionalisasi 3.93 .859 Tinggi 4.07 .764 Tinggi membantu saya melaksanakan kajian secara kritis Skor Keseluruhan 3.9650 .48966 Tinggi 3.8350 .54328 Tinggi Lima item digunakan dalam meninjau tahap kemahiran rasionalisasi pelajar Universiti di Malaysia dan China. Jadual 6 memaparkan analisis persepsi tersebut yang menunjukkan bahawa pelajar di kedua-dua negara mempunyai tahap yang tinggi terhadap aspek kemahiran rasionalisasi dalam kemahiran pemikiran sejarah secara umum dengan nilai purata min 3.96 bagi responden di Malaysia dan 3.83 bagi responden di China.

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Dari aspek perincian skor kemahiran rasionalisasi pelajar Universiti Malaysia dan China, skor min tertinggi diperoleh pada item 24 (min = 4.05) bagi responden Malaysia dan item 25 bagi (min = 4.07) bagi China.. Skor min terendah bagi responden Malaysia pada item 21 berhubung dengan ‘Saya tidak terburu-buru dalam membuat sesuatu kesimpulan atau keputusan’ manakala skor min terendah di China pula pada item 24 berhubung dengan ‘Saya yakin perbandingan idea dan fakta yang dibuat dapat membantu saya membuat kesimpulan secara rasional’. Hasil analisis mendapati pelajar-pelajar Universiti di Malaysia dan China mempunyai kemahiran membuat rasionalisasi dalam sejarah berada pada tahap yang tinggi. Hal ini menunjukkan mahasiswa di Malaysia dan China memahami dalam membuat pertimbangan yang wajar dalam menyelesaikan sesuatu permasalahan perlunya melibatkan penggunaan akal. Oleh itu, pelajar dapat menghargai Sejarah dan memahami tindakan masa lampau akan memberi kesan kepada masa kini.

KESIMPULAN Dapatan kajian ini menunjukkan tahap kemahiran pemikiran sejarah pelajar Universiti di Malaysia berada pada tahap yang tinggi berbanding dengan pelajar Universiti di China, berada tahap yang sederhana. Kajian ini mendapati pelajar di Malaysia mampu menguasai lima kemahiran dalam dalam kemahiran pemikiran sejarah iaitu kemahiran kronologi, kemahiran meneroka bukti, kemahiran interpretasi dan kemahiran rasionalisasi. Dapatan ini juga menunjukkan menangkis bahawa mata pelajaran sejarah adalah mata pelajaran yang bersifat kaku dan hanya menghafal fakta sejarah. Justeru itu, pembelajaran bercorak pemikiran sejarah haruslah dipertingkatkan lagi agar dapat melahirkan pelajar yang boleh berfikir secara kritis, mampu untuk membuat perkaitan antara satu peristiwa dengan satu peristiwa yang lain, membuat interpretasi, mencari bukti, membuat pertimbangan dan ramalan serta imaginasi.

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Keith C.B & Levstik, L.S. 2004. Teaching History for the common good. New Jersey: Lawrencer Erbaum Associates Publishers. Maharom Mahmood. 1998. Analisis Kemahiran Pemikiran Sejarah dalam bahan kurikulum peringkat menengah rendah. Tesis Sarjana Universiti Malaya. Marzano, R.J.Brandt, et al. 1988. Dimension of thinking: A framework for curriculum and instruction. Virginia: Association for Supervision and curriculum development. Kamarudin Haji Husin. 1994. KBSM strategi pengajaran bahasa. Kuala Lumpur: Kumpulan Budiman Sdn.Bhd. Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia. 2000. Huraian Sukatan Pelajaran Sejarah KBSM Tingkatan 1,2,3. Putrajaya: Pusat Perkembangan Kurikulum. Khoo Kay Kim. 2000. Falsafah sejarah: Ke arah mengembangkan unsur patriotism dan kenegaraan. Seminar Kebangsaan Falsafah Pendidikan Ke Arah Pemantapan Gagasan danWawasan Kenegaraan, 6-7 julai. Unversiti Malaya. Paul, R & Elder, L. 2006. Analytic Thinking: The Thinker’s guide. The Foundation for Critical Thinking. Seefeldt, C. 1993. History for young children. Theory and Research in Social Education, 21 (2), 143-155. Seixas, P. 1996. Conceptualizing the growth of historical understanding. The Handbook of Education and Human Development. Olson, D.R. and Torrance, N. (eds.). Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers Ltd., 765-783. Warren, W.J & Cantu, A.D. 2008. History Education 101. Information Age Publishing. Wilson, S. M. 1989. Parades of facts, stories of the past: What do novice history teachers need to know. Competing visions of teacher knowledge: Proceedings from an NCRTE Seminar for Education Pollcymakers, Washington, DC. Wineburg, Sam. 2001. Historical Thinking and on the unnatural acts: Charting the future of teaching the past. Philadephia: Temple University Press. Zahara Aziz & Nik Azleena. 2007. Kajian tinjauan kesediaan guru-guru sejarah menerapkan kemahiran pemikiran sejarah kepada para pelajar. Jurnal Pendidikan, 32, 119-137. Zahara Aziz & Nurliah Jair. 2009. Penggunaan peta konsep untuk meningkatkan pencapaian mata pelajaran Sejarah bagi pelajar tingkatan dua. Jurnal Pendidikan Malaysia, 34 (1): 3-5. http://www.nchs.ucla.edu/Standards/historical-thinking-standards-1/overview (http://teachinghistory.org/issues-and-research/research-brief/22961).

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NILAI PATRIOTISME, SIKAP DAN KEMAHIRAN KOMUNIKASI SEJARAH DALAM KALANGAN PELAJAR DI MALAYSIA DAN CHINA Peter Ling Huo Hang, Kokila A/P Senappan, Noor Idayu Bt Md Nasir, Mohd. Mahzan Awang, Abdul Razaq Ahmad Fakulti Pendidikan, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Bangi, Selangor [email protected] Abstrak Kajian ini bertujuan mengkaji tahap nilai patriotisme, sikap dan kemahiran berkomunikasi pelajar dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah. Aspek-aspek yang dikaji termasuklah 1) nilai patriotisme dari aspek bangga kepada negara; 2) nilai patriotisme dari aspek setia kepada negara; 3) sikap pelajar terhadap mata pelajaran Sejarah; 4) kemahiran berkomunikasi pelajar dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah. Kajian ini dijalankan dengan menggunakan soal selidik sebagai instrumen yang ditadbirkan kepada 80 orang pelajar dari negara China dan Malaysia. Analisis data dilakukan dengan menggunakan statistik deskriptif. Hasil kajian menunjukkan tahap patriotisme berdasarkan empat aspek yang dikaji dalam kalangan pelajar di Malaysia dan China berada pada tahap yang tinggi. Tiada perbezaan yang ketara dari segi tahap patriotisme apabila data menunjukkan bahawa nilai min yang hampir sama bagi keempat-empat aspek yang dikaji. Keadaan ini mungkin terhasil daripada proses pendidikan di kedua-dua negara yang berkesan. Nilai patriotisme dari aspek setia kepada negara mencatatkan purata skor min yang paling tinggi bagi kedua-dua negara. Justeru, penekanan kepada subjek akademik Sejarah dan Kewarganegaraan di kedua-dua negara dalam kurikulum perlu dikekalkan. Kata Kunci: Nilai Patriotisme, Sikap, Kemahiran Komunikasi, Pendidikan Sejarah

PENGENALAN Di Malaysia, pendidikan memainkan peranan yang penting untuk menerapkan nilai patriotisme dalam diri pelajar. Nilai patriotisme mula dipupuk dan diterapkan ke dalam diri pelajar sejak dari sekolah rendah lagi melalui kurikulum dan ko-kurikulum. Hal ini selaras dengan aspirasi Falsafah Pendidikan Negara yang berhasrat untuk melahirkan insan yang seimbang daripada aspek jasmani, emosi, rohani dan intelek. Melalui mata pelajaran bahasa Melayu, bahasa Cina, bahasa Tamil, Pendidikan Moral, Pendidikan Islam, dan Kajian Tempatan, nilai-nilai patriotisme telah 141

disepadukan dengan kandungan pembelajaran untuk disampaikan kepada pelajar. Bagi peringkat sekolah menengah, nilai-nilai patriotisme dapat diterapkan melalui mata pelajaran Sejarah, Geografi, Pendidikan Moral, Pendidikan Islam, Pendidikan Sivik dan Kewarganegaraan dan sebagainya. Dari aspek ko-kurikulum, nilai-nilai patriotisme diharap dapat disemai dalam diri pelajar melalui aktiviti-aktiviti komuniti dan sukan seperti pasukan pengakap, kadet polis, kadet bomba dan kelab-kelab sukan (Rizal 2002). Sementara itu, kursus Kenegaraan Malaysia dan Hubungan Etnik telah diperkenalkan di Institusi Pengajian Tinggi (IPT) untuk memperkukuhkan nilai patriotisme mahasiswa. Dalam kedua-dua kursus tersebut, terdapat bab-bab tertentu yang mengkhususkan perbincangan tentang kepentingan nilai patriotisme di Malaysia seperti Perjuangan Mencapai Kemerdekaan secara Perlembagaan. Selain itu, pelbagai peringkat institusi pendidikan awam turut menganjurkan pelbagai program untuk memperkasakan nilai patriotisme dalam kalangan pelajar seperti Sambutan Bulan Kemerdekaan dan Kempen Anti Dadah. Malah, bendera juga akan dikibarkan semasa menyanyikan lagu Negaraku dan lagu negeri di setiap majlis rasmi atau perhimpunan sekolah. Justeru, hal ini menunjukkan bahawa pendidikan merupakan salah satu mekanisme untuk menanam dan mengembangkan nilai patriotisme dalam kalangan warganegara Malaysia (Ku Hasnita & Mohd Haizam 2011).

PERNYATAAN MASALAH Salah satu matlamat yang terkandung dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah, Pendidikan Moral, Pendidikan Islam serta Pendidikan Sivik dan Kewarganegaraan adalah memupuk nilai patriotisme dalam kalangan pelajar. Walau bagaimanapun, pelaksanaan beberapa mata pelajaran tersebut didapati masih kurang lagi memberi kesan kepada pelajar dari segi pemerolehan ilmu mahupun penerapan nilai-nilai terutamanya nilai-nilai kewarganegaraan dan integrasi nasional. Hal ini dapat dibuktikan apabila mantan Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi pernah menyarankan pendidikan negara dan kefahaman mengenai ketatanegaraan perlu diberi pendekatan yang lebih praktikal agar dapat dihayati oleh generasi muda. Menurut beliau lagi, generasi muda memerlukan pendekatan pengajaran dan pembelajaran yang lebih sofistikated bersesuaian dengan keadaan semasa dalam menyuburkan nilai patriotisme dan jati diri agar dapat membentuk insan yang berhemah tinggi dan berakhlak mulia (Utusan Online 2001). Nazri dan Jamsari (2004) berpendapat bahawa kelunturan dan kekurangan penghayatan nilai patriotisme khususnya generasi muda akan menjadi pemangkin kepada berlakunya gejala sosial. Misalnya, sebahagian daripada generasi muda lebih cenderung untuk melakukan aktiviti yang tidak berfaedah seperti terlibat dalam budaya hedonisme (mementingkan hiburan atau keseronokan) kerana jiwa mereka kosong dari segi nilai dan kecintaan kepada agama, bangsa dan negara. Hal ini juga dibuktikan melalui kajian Yayasan Pencegahan Jenayah Malaysia (YPJM) yang menunjukkan bahawa terdapatnya peningkatan drastik kes remaja yang terlibat dalam jenayah iaitu sebanyak 1,947 kes atau 38 peratus pada tahun 2010 berbanding dengan 1,409

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kes pada tahun 2009. Keadaan ini semakin membimbangkan apabila jenayah yang melibatkan golongan pelajar turut meningkat separuh pada tahun 2010 iaitu 43 peratus atau 3,218 kes berbanding 2,242 kes pada tahun sebelumnya (Utusan Online 2011). Memandangkan nilai patriotisme mampu mempengaruhi pembinaan sebuah negara bangsa, nilai ini perlu disemai dalam jiwa rakyat Malaysia khususnya para pelajar kerana mereka merupakan generasi muda yang akan mencorakkan pembangunan dan kepimpinan negara pada masa depan. Secara tidak langsung, hal ini dapat melahirkan warganegara yang baik, produktif, bermoral, berdisiplin, bertanggungjawab dan seterusnya sanggup mempertahankan negara. Dengan itu, satu kajian telah dijalankan untuk mengkaji nilai patriotisme, sikap dan kemahiran berkomunikasi dalam kalangan pelajar di Malaysia dan China melalui mata pelajaran Sejarah.

PEMUPUKAN NILAI PATRIOTISME Penghayatan nilai patriotisme dan jati diri dapat dibuktikan melalui Zahara (1992) yang telah menjalankan kajian terhadap responden lepasan sekolah menengah dalam lingkungan umur 19 hingga 21 tahun. Dapatan kajian tersebut telah membuktikan bahawa pendidikan Sivik yang diperkenalkan gagal memainkan peranan untuk memberi pengetahuan dan nilai serta perasaan bangga terhadap negara dalam kalangan generasi muda. Malah, kajian juga mendapati faktor pengajaran yang lemah di sekolah memberi kesan terhadap penerimaan dan gerak balas pelajar-pelajar dalam mata pelajaran tersebut. Haminah (1999) yang mengkaji kefahaman dan amalan pelajar terhadap nilai patriotisme melalui Pendidikan Sejarah juga mendapati bahawa majoriti pelajar masih gagal untuk memahami lambang-lambang negara. Malah, pelajar-pelajar juga dilihat masih bersikap ragu-ragu dalam mempertahankan negara serta kurang peka terhadap masalah dan isu negara. Dari segi amalan, pelajar-pelajar dilihat masih lagi kurang mengamalkan nilai taat dan setia kepada pemimpin dan negara. Dapatan Haminah (1999) turut disokong oleh Anuar (2001) yang menjalankan kajian berkenaan dengan pelaksanaan nilai patriotisme dalam kalangan 25 orang guru Sejarah di beberapa buah sekolah di Negeri Sembilan dan Melaka. Kajian tersebut mendapati bahawa 76% guru tidak bersedia untuk menerapkan nilai patriotisme semasa proses pengajaran walaupun menyedari akan kepentingannya. Guru-guru Sejarah tersebut didapati lebih kerap memilih nilainilai murni berbanding dengan nilai patriotisme dengan alasan lebih mudah untuk diterapkan. Kajian tersebut turut diperakui oleh Rizal (2002) yang mengkaji tentang pengetahuan, sikap dan tanggapan pelajar tingkatan enam terhadap konsep dan nilai-nilai kewarganegaraan. Hasil kajian mendapati tahap pemahaman dan penghayatan pelajar terhadap nilai-nilai kewarganegaraan masih lagi longgar dan berada pada tahap sederhana walaupun telah menerima pendidikan di sekolah selama 13 tahun. Haminah (2007) telah menjalankan kajian terhadap 287 orang guru Sejarah mengenai persepsi mereka berhubung dengan pemupukan nilai patriotisme dalam Pendidikan Sejarah. Dapatan kajian telah menunjukkan bahawa guru-guru Sejarah bersetuju bahawa keseluruhan

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kurikulum Sejarah tingkatan satu memberi penekanan secara khusus terhadap pemupukan nilai patriotisme. Penyediaan kurikulum tersebut bertujuan menyedarkan pelajar akan peranan dan tanggungjawab mereka sebagai warganegara Malaysia. Walau bagaimanapun, wujud ketidakupayaan dalam kalangan guru Sejarah untuk menterjemahkan unsur patriotisme dalam sesetengah tajuk yang dicadangkan. Kajian tersebut turut mendapati penghayatan nilai patriotisme dalam kalangan pelajar berada dalam tahap yang agak membimbangkan. Hal ini kerana pelajar-pelajar dilihat masih tidak menghayati nilai-nilai patriotisme yang sepatutnya dikuasai. Pada masa yang sama, hanya penghayatan dari segi berbangga sebagai rakyat Malaysia dan nilai kesetiaan yang dihayati oleh pelajar-pelajar. Sebaliknya, nilai kesediaan untuk menyumbang kepada negara dilihat kurang dihayati oleh para pelajar. Dapatan Haminah (2007) turut dipersetujui oleh Chua (2007) yang menjalankan kajian mengenai pembangunan patriotisme dalam pengajaran dan pembelajaran bagi mata pelajaran Sejarah tingkatan dua. Sampel kajian terdiri daripada kelas Sejarah tingkatan dua di empat jenis sekolah iaitu Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan (SMK), Sekolah Menengah Islam (SMI), Sekolah Menengah Persendirian Cina (SMPC) dan Sekolah Menengah Swasta Inggeris (SMSI). Dapatan kajian telah menunjukkan bahawa penerapan unsur patriotisme dalam pengajaran dan pembelajaran kelas Sejarah tingkatan dua bagi keempat-empat jenis sekolah menengah tersebut adalah rendah. Keadaan ini berlaku disebabkan guru-guru tidak pasti tentang kaedah yang digunakan untuk mengukur hasil pembelajaran yang berkaitan dengan unsur-unsur patriotisme. Justeru, hal ini telah menimbulkan kekeliruan terutamanya guru-guru yang kurang berpengalaman ataupun guru yang bukan mengambil opsyen Sejarah tetapi mengajar mata pelajaran tersebut. Dapatan Chua (2007) juga menyerupai dapatan Haminah (2010) yang meninjau pemupukan nilai patriotisme dalam pendidikan Sejarah tingkatan satu. Dapatan tersebut mendapati bahawa kebanyakan guru Sejarah menghadapi masalah untuk mempelbagaikan kaedah yang sesuai dalam memupuk nilai patriotisme dalam kalangan pelajar. Malah, guru-guru juga didapati bermasalah untuk merancang aktiviti-aktiviti yang melibatkan pelajar secara aktif dalam proses memupuk nilai patriotisme. Menurut Ahamad, Azwani, Hardianaema, Zahara & Sharifah (2011), kemerosotan nilai patriotisme ini seterusnya telah menjadi punca berlakunya pelbagai masalah seperti anti-sosial, kelunturan nilai jati diri dan semangat juang. Walau bagaimanapun, kajian Ahmad (2004) menunjukkan dapatan yang sebaliknya. Hasil kajian mendapati pelaksanaan penerapan nilai patriotisme dalam mata pelajaran Kajian Tempatan tidak mendatangkan masalah kepada guru-guru pelatih. Malah, guru-guru pelatih tersebut juga yakin bahawa mereka boleh menerapkan nilai patriotisme dalam kadar yang tinggi. Selain itu, Ku Hasnita & Mohd Haizam (2009) yang mengkaji nilai patriotisme dalam kalangan mahasiswa bukan Melayu di institusi pengajian tinggi sekitar Lembah Kelang mendapati nilai patriotisme dalam kalangan generasi muda bukan Melayu berada dalam tahap sederhana. Pada masa yang sama, sebanyak 81% daripada 743 responden kajian didapati mempunyai asas pengetahuan dan kefahaman terhadap elemen-elemen patriotisme. Oleh itu,

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hal ini membuktikan bahawa masih wujud kesedaran nilai patriotisme dalam mahasiswa bukan Melayu.

PERBINCANGAN NILAI PATRIOTISME, SIKAP DAN KEMAHIRAN BERKOMUNIKASI DALAM MATA PELAJARAN SEJARAH Nilai adalah tanggapan yang menentukan perkara-perkara yang baik ataupun buruk. Sekiranya sesuatu nilai memberi kesan positif kepada individu dan masyarakat, nilai tersebut akan dianggap sebagai baik. Sebaliknya, nilai yang memberi kesan negatif atau memberi keburukan kepada individu atau masyarakat akan dianggap sebagai nilai buruk. Nilai juga merupakan hasil pertimbangan pemikiran dan emosi manusia tentang pengalamannya dalam proses interaksi dengan alam sekitar dan masyarakat. Hasil daripada pertimbangan tersebut, manusia akan meletakkan sesuatu nilai terhadap perkara yang dialaminya. Di samping itu, manusia juga memberi darjah-darjah nilai yang berbeza. Misalnya, manusia akan menetapkan nilai baik kepada perkara yang mendatangkan faedah, keseronokan dan kesejahteraan. Sebaliknya, nilai buruk akan diberikan kepada perkara yang mendatangkan kemudaratan dan mengganggu kesejahteraan hidup (Sufean 1995). Dalam konteks pendidikan, guru memainkan peranan yang penting dalam memupuk nilai-nilai dalam pengajarannya. Nilai-nilai yang dipupuk diharap dapat memantapkan diri pelajar dari segi ketahanan mental, fizikal dan emosi untuk membolehkannya menghadapi segala bentuk cabaran. Dalam kajian ini, nilai yang ditekankan adalah berdasarkan kepada unsur patriotisme. Menurut Abdul Rahim (2004), patriotisme dapat dikaitkan dengan kesetiaan dan kecintaan seseorang yang mendalam terhadap bangsa dan negara. Patriotisme merupakan elemen yang mengukuhkan perasaan, sikap, pandangan serta nilai terhadap negara. Walau bagaimanapun, pandangan tersebut disangkal oleh Primoratz (2002) yang mengatakan bahawa pentakrifan patriotisme sebagai ‘cintakan negara’ sahaja terlalu umum dan cetek. Menurutnya, patriotisme dapat dilihat dari dua perspektif. Perspektif pertama adalah value-based patriotism yang merujuk kepada kesetiaan dan kecintaan seseorang terhadap negara disebabkan keuntungan dan kepentingan kepada rakyat seperti pencapaian negara dalam aspek ekonomi. Perspektif kedua adalah egocentric patriotism yang merujuk kepada kecintaan dan kesetiaan seseorang itu terhadap negaranya kerana memegang kerakyatan negara tersebut. Ahmad (2009) mempunyai pandangan yang berbeza mengenai patriotisme. Menurutnya, patriotisme seseorang dinilai dari segi taat setianya tanpa membuat kritikan terhadap negaranya. Seseorang yang bersikap patriotisme juga akan merasakan negara lain kurang baik sekiranya dibandingkan dengan negara sendiri. Secara tidak langsung, sikap tersebut akan memupuk perasaan sayang dan bangga yang menebal kepada negara, keinginan untuk menyokong negara serta mempertahankan keagungan negara. Sikap menjadi salah satu kayu ukur untuk menilai sama ada seseorang itu merupakan warganegara yang bertanggungjawab terhadap bangsa dan negaranya. Umumnya, sikap dapat ditakrifkan sebagai satu kecenderungan yang ditunjukkan oleh seseorang individu terhadap

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sesuatu perkara, benda atau peristiwa. Sikap menggambarkan perasaan seseorang terhadap sesuatu. Contohnya, ‘Saya suka mata pelajaran Sejarah’ memberikan gambaran mengenai sikap seseorang individu dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah (Robbins 2006). Dari sudut yang lain, Asmawati (2004) berpendapat sikap adalah sesuatu yang bersifat abstrak kerana tidak dapat dilihat atau dirasa dengan menggunakan pancaindera. Namun begitu, sikap boleh dikesan melalui gelagat yang ditunjukkan oleh seseorang individu dalam menjalani kehidupan sehariannya. Oleh itu, dapat dirumuskan bahawa sikap adalah satu proses mental yang bersifat fikiran, perasaan dan tanggapan terhadap sesuatu objek, aspek atau situasi tertentu. Dalam konteks pendidikan pula, Robbins (2006) berpendapat persepsi seseorang pelajar terhadap sesuatu mata pelajaran akan membentuk sikap dalam diri mereka. Walau bagaimanapun, guru terlebih dahulu perlu memahami sikap pelajar terhadap mata pelajaran yang diajarnya. Hal ini kerana pemahaman tentang sikap pelajar membolehkan seseorang guru merancang strategi pengajaran yang bersesuaian untuk membentuk sikap positif pelajar terhadap mata pelajaran tersebut. Justeru, sikap yang dibentuk menentukan kejayaan atau kegagalan sesuatu perkara. Tahap pemahaman ataupun penguasaan kandungan sejarah bergantung kepada maklum balas yang ditunjukkan dalam sesuatu proses komunikasi. Kemahiran berkomunikasi merupakan proses ke arah mewujudkan persamaan mesej yang disampaikan antara penyampai dengan penerima. Komunikasi boleh berlaku secara lisan ataupun bertulis. Sekiranya mesej yang dihantar oleh penyampai dapat difahami oleh penerima, hal ini menunjukkan penyampai telah menguasai kemahiran berkomunikasi dengan berkesan. Begitu juga dengan seorang guru yang perlu mempunyai kemahiran berkomunikasi yang baik dan berkesan agar pelajar dapat menerima semua maklumat yang disampaikan (Mohd. Nizam, Ezhar & Akmar 2009). Walau bagaimanapun, keberkesanan komunikasi itu bergantung pada cara dan bentuk yang digunakan. Azwani (2012) berpendapat kemahiran berkomunikasi pelajar dapat ditingkatkan sekiranya guru menggunakan pendekatan pengajaran yang berbeza. Contohnya, pembelajaran secara koperatif dapat menggalakkan komunikasi dan mewujudkan kepercayaan dalam kalangan pelajar. Sebaliknya, Nor Shafrin, Faszilah & Rahimi (2009) pula melihat kemahiran berkomunikasi dari aspek lisan dan bukan lisan. Aspek komunikasi lisan termasuklah intonasi suara, kejelasan sebutan dan kelancaran guru dalam menyampaikan pengajaran. Antara aspek komunikasi bukan lisan termasuklah ekspresi muka, kontak mata dan sentuhan. Oleh itu, masyarakat Malaysia sama ada guru-guru, pelajar-pelajar atau masyarakat umum harus meningkatkan tahap kesedaran tentang cara penyampaian pengajaran untuk mendapatkan hasil pembelajaran yang positif. Secara keseluruhannya, tahap nilai patriotisme, sikap dan kemahiran berkomunikasi yang telah dijelaskan sebelum ini dinilai dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah. Menurut Muhd. Yusof (2000), perkataan Sejarah disamakan dengan perkataan history (bahasa Inggeris) yang pada asasnya berasal daripada perkataan Yunani purba, historia yang bererti penyelidikan. Akan tetapi, penyelidikan tersebut tidak terhad tentang peristiwa silam sahaja, malah turut melibatkan peristiwa semasa ataupun sezaman. Hal ini turut disokong oleh Arbai’yah (2006) yang mentakrifkan sejarah sebagai penyelidikan terhadap peristiwa lalu. Sejarahwan akan menyelidik rekod-rekod lalu bagi mengkaji sejarah atau peristiwa yang telah berlaku. Oleh itu,

146

segala rekod dan peristiwa yang telah berlaku itu dianggap sebagai sejarah. Walau bagaimanapun, sejarah yang dimaksudkan dalam kajian ini merujuk kepada kurikulum yang telah disusun oleh sesebuah kementerian atau jabatan yang akan diajar di sekolah secara sistematik. Seperti yang sedia maklum, mata pelajaran Sejarah merupakan dalam pembinaan bangsa Malaysia. Hasri (2003) menekankan bahawa mata pelajaran Sejarah boleh dijadikan medium untuk mendidik pelajar mengenai nilai-nilai murni berdasarkan refleksi dan pengajaran yang diperoleh hasil daripada pembelajaran mengenai peristiwa silam. Pembelajaran sejarah bukan sekadar untuk mendapatkan pengetahuan tetapi juga boleh dijadikan pedoman dan memberi iktibar kepada sesuatu bangsa. Semua perkara yang berlaku juga perlu dinilai semula bagi tujuan merancang perubahan masa depan. Realitinya, sejarah memberikan banyak pengajaran yang berkait rapat dengan jatuh bangunnya sesuatu bangsa dan negara. Oleh itu, sejarah harus dipelajari bagi membolehkan seseorang membina jati diri dan mengenali asal usul bangsanya.

TUJUAN KAJIAN Kajian ini bertujuan mengkaji nilai patriotisme, sikap dan kemahiran berkomunikasi dalam kalangan pelajar di China dan Malaysia melalui mata pelajaran Sejarah.

OBJEKTIF KAJIAN 1. Mengenal pasti tahap nilai patriotisme pelajar di China dan Malaysia dari aspek bangga terhadap negara. 2. Mengenal pasti tahap nilai patriotisme pelajar di China dan Malaysia dari aspek setia kepada negara. 3. Mengenal pasti sikap pelajar di China dan Malaysia terhadap mata pelajaran Sejarah. 4. Mengenal pasti kemahiran berkomunikasi pelajar di China dan Malaysia dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah.

METODOLOGI KAJIAN Kajian ini bersifat tinjauan deskriptif yang bertujuan untuk mendapatkan maklumat mengenai nilai patriotisme, sikap dan kemahiran berkomunikasi pelajar dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah. Instrumen yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah borang soal selidik yang mengandungi empat bahagian. Bahagian I terdiri daripada soalan-soalan yang berkaitan dengan demografi pelajar seperti jantina, umur, bangsa, agama dan bidang pengajian. Bahagian II berkaitan dengan nilai patriotisme pelajar dari aspek bangga dan setia kepada negara. Sementara itu, Bahagian III akan menentukan sikap pelajar terhadap mata pelajaran Sejarah. Bahagian IV pula akan menentukan kemahiran berkomunikasi pelajar dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah. Item-item dalam soal selidik ini

147

menggunakan skala Likert lima peringkat iaitu 1: Sangat Tidak Setuju, 2: Tidak Setuju, 3: Kurang Setuju, 4: Setuju dan 5: Sangat Setuju. Skala Likert dipilih untuk menentukan darjah persetujuan pelajar terhadap item-item yang digunakan. Pengkaji telah terlebih dahulu mengutip data daripada pelajar Malaysia bermula pada 11 November 2013 sehingga 10 Disember 2013. Data daripada pelajar China pula telah dikutip dalam tempoh satu minggu iaitu dari 11 Disember 2013 sehingga 16 Disember 2013. Sampel kajian terdiri daripada 40 orang pelajar di Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM) dan 40 orang pelajar di Universiti Sun Yat-Sen, China yang dipilih secara rawak. Kedua-dua universiti tersebut dipilih dalam kajian ini memandangkan latar belakangnya yang agak serupa iaitu merupakan universiti kebangsaan di negara masing-masing. Seterusnya, semua data yang diperoleh melalui soal selidik akan dimasukkan ke dalam sistem penganalisisan data iaitu Program Statistical Packages for the Social Sciences (SPSS 17.0) untuk penganalisisan statistik deskriptif dengan menggunakan min, kekerapan dan peratusan.

DAPATAN KAJIAN DAN PERBINCANGAN JADUAL 1: Jantina responden China dan Malaysia Jantina China Malaysia Kekerapan Peratusan Kekerapan Peratusan Lelaki 20 50% 20 50% Perempuan 20 50% 20 50% Jumlah 40 100% 40 100% Berdasarkan Jadual 1, jumlah responden China dan Malaysia masing-masing terdiri daripada 40 orang pelajar iaitu 20 orang pelajar lelaki (50%) dan 20 orang pelajar perempuan (50%).

Umur 16-19 tahun 20-23 tahun 24-27 tahun 28-31 tahun Jumlah

JADUAL 2: Umur responden China dan Malaysia China Malaysia Kekerapan Peratusan Kekerapan Peratusan 16 40% 6 15% 17

42.5%

34

85%

6

15%

0

0%

1

2.5%

0

0%

40

100%

40

100%

Jadual 2 menunjukkan umur responden China dan Malaysia. Didapati bahawa majoriti responden China dan Malaysia berumur dalam lingkungan 20-23 tahun apabila mencatatkan

148

sebanyak 17 orang (42.5%) dan 34 orang (85%). Hal ini diikuti oleh responden yang berumur sekitar 16-19 tahun. Responden China yang berada dalam lingkungan umur tersebut adalah 16 orang (40%) manakala responden Malaysia pula adalah seramai 6 orang (15%). Responden China yang berumur dalam lingkungan 24-27 tahun pula terdiri daripada 6 orang (15%) manakala hanya seorang sahaja (2.5%) berumur 28 tahun ke atas. JADUAL 3: Bangsa responden China dan Malaysia Bangsa China Malaysia Kekerapan Peratusan Kekerapan Peratusan Melayu 0 0% 10 25% Cina 40 100% 10 25% India 0 0% 10 25% Lain0 0% 10 25% lain Jumlah 40 100% 40 100% Memandangkan kajian ini juga dijalankan di negara China, semua responden yang terlibat adalah berbangsa Cina (100%). Responden Malaysia pula adalah seragam dari segi bangsanya iaitu 10 orang Melayu (25%), 10 orang Cina (25%), 10 orang India (25%) dan 10 orang lain-lain (25%) yang terdiri daripada orang asli, Iban, Melanau, Dusun dan Kadazan. JADUAL 4: Agama responden China dan Malaysia Agama China Malaysia Kekerapan Peratusan Kekerapan Peratusan Islam 0 0% 10 25% Buddha 8 20% 8 20% Hindu 0 0% 7 17.5% Kristian 2 5% 15 37.5% Lain30 75% 0 0% lain Jumlah 40 100% 40 100% Berdasarkan Jadual 4, didapati lebih daripada separuh responden di China iaitu seramai 30 orang (75.0%) tidak mempunyai kepercayaan agama. Responden yang beragama Buddha pula mencatatkan seramai 8 orang (20.0%). Manakala responden yang selebihnya pula menganuti agama Kristian (5.0%). Di Malaysia, responden Malaysia yang beragama Kristian menunjukkan kekerapan yang paling tinggi iaitu terdiri daripada 15 orang (37.5%). Hal ini diikuti oleh responden yang beragama Islam iaitu seramai 10 orang (25%). Responden yang beragama Buddha pula mencatatkan seramai 8 orang (20%) manakala responden yang beragama Hindu terdiri daripada 7 orang (17.5%). JADUAL 5: Bidang pengajian responden China dan Malaysia

149

Bidang Pengajian Sains Sastera Jumlah

China Malaysia Kekerapan Peratusan Kekerapan Peratusan 25 62.5% 11 27.5% 15 37.5% 29 72.5% 40 100% 40 100%

Berdasarkan Jadual 5, seramai 25 orang responden China (62.5%) mengambil jurusan Sains manakala yang selebihnya mengambil jurusan Sastera di universiti. Keadaan ini berbeza sekiranya dibandingkan dengan responden Malaysia apabila majoriti responden iaitu seramai 29 orang (72.5%) mengambil jurusan sastera.

JADUAL 6: Skor nilai patriotisme responden China dan Malaysia dari aspek bangga kepada negara Item China Malaysia n Minim Maksim Min Sisiha n Minim Maksim Min Sisiha um um n um um n piawa piawa i i Saya 4 2.00 5.00 4.40 0.671 4 3.00 5.00 4.45 0.552 bangga 0 00 78 0 00 38 menjadi rakyat negara ini. Saya amat 4 2.00 5.00 4.40 0.777 4 3.00 5.00 4.50 0.599 marah 0 00 90 0 00 14 apabila mendapat i orang lain menghina negara saya. Saya 4 2.00 5.00 4.17 0.873 4 3.00 5.00 4.35 0.622 berasa 0 50 76 0 00 24 bangga apabila pelancong asing membeli barangan buatan 150

negara saya. Saya berasa malu jika tidak tahu mengenai sejarah negara. Saya berasa bangga apabila memakai pakaian tradisi. Saya berasa bangga apabila menyanyi kan lagu kebangsa an. Skor keseluruh an

4 0

2.00

5.00

4.17 50

0.747 22

4 0

2.00

5.00

4.07 50

0.828 58

4 0

2.00

5.00

3.70 00

0.853 35

4 0

2.00

5.00

4.15 00

0.735 54

4 0

2.00

5.00

4.07 50

0.828 58

4 0

3.00

5.00

4.40 00

0.671 78

4 0

2.83

5.00

4.15 42

0.569 13

4 0

3.17

5.00

4.32 08

0.480 96

Jadual 6 menunjukkan skor bagi nilai patriotisme responden China dan Malaysia dari aspek bangga kepada negara. Secara keseluruhan, skor min yang dicatat oleh responden Malaysia iaitu 4.32 ataupun 86.4% adalah lebih tinggi daripada skor min responden China iaitu 4.15 ataupun 83%. Sekiranya dilihat dari segi peratusan, perbezaannya telah mencatatkan jurang yang amat kecil iaitu 3.4%. Keadaan ini berlaku mungkin disebabkan oleh unsur-unsur patriotisme telah diterapkan melalui beberapa mata pelajaran seperti Kajian Tempatan, Pendidikan Moral, Pendidikan Islam yang telah diajar sejak dari sekolah rendah lagi. Nilai-nilai tersebut diperkukuhkan lagi di peringkat persekolahan menengah apabila mata pelajaran Sejarah, Pendidikan Sivik dan Kewarganegaraan yang turut berperanan memupuk nilai tersebut ke dalam diri responden. Oleh itu, pengenalan mata pelajaran tersebut dapat membantu melahirkan jati diri responden agar berbangga sebagai warganegara Malaysia (Ku Hasnita & Mohd Haizam 2011). Keadaan yang serupa juga berlaku di negara China iaitu kurikulum memainkan peranan dalam menerapkan nilai patriotisme. Walau bagaimanapun, perbezaan yang wujud antara responden Malaysia dengan China mungkin disebabkan oleh penghayatan nilai tersebut. Hal ini dibuktikan melalui hasil temu bual dengan pelajar Universiti Sun Yat-Sen yang berpendapat 151

bahawa mata pelajaran ‘Ideal Political’ yang dipelajari di peringkat pengajian tinggi hanya bertujuan memenuhi keperluan akademik sahaja. JADUAL 7: Skor nilai patriotisme responden China dan Malaysia dari aspek setia kepada negara Item China Malaysia n Minimu Maksim Min Sisiha n Minimu Maksim Min Sisiha m um n m um n piawa piawa i i Walau di 4 3.00 5.00 4.35 0.662 4 3.00 5.00 4.55 0.552 mana pun 0 00 16 0 00 38 saya berada, saya akan sentiasa menjaga nama baik negara. Saya tidak 4 2.00 5.00 3.77 0.861 4 2.00 5.00 4.27 0.905 akan 0 50 94 0 50 47 sesekali menukar kerakyatan. Hidup kita 4 3.00 5.00 4.35 0.579 4 3.00 5.00 4.52 0.640 akan lebih 0 00 57 0 50 01 bermakna jika kita memberi sumbangan kepada negara. Saya 4 3.00 5.00 4.12 0.647 4 2.00 5.00 3.87 0.757 sanggup 0 50 98 0 50 44 membantu anggota keselamatan untuk menjaga ketenteram an negara. Saya belajar 4 2.00 5.00 4.15 0.833 4 3.00 5.00 4.25 0.669 bersungguh- 0 00 59 0 00 86 sungguh untuk 152

mengharum kan nama bangsa dan negara. Saya tidak akan bekerjasam a dengan pihak yang cuba mencemark an nama baik negara. Skor keseluruhan

4 0

2.00

5.00

4.17 50

0.902 63

4 0

3.00

5.00

4.62 50

0.667 47

4 0

3.00

5.00

4.15 42

0.532 94

4 0

3.00

5.00

4.35 00

0.499 00

Berdasarkan Jadual 7, peratusan bagi nilai patriotisme dari aspek setia kepada negara antara responden Malaysia (87%) dan China (83%) juga tidak menunjukkan perbezaan yang ketara iaitu hanya sekadar 4%. Dari segi skor min keseluruhan, responden Malaysia mencatatkan 4.35 manakala skor min keseluruhan bagi responden China adalah 4.15. Skor min yang tinggi bagi kedua-dua buah negara mungkin dapat dikaitkan dengan Program Khidmat Negara yang diperkenalkan untuk melahirkan generasi muda yang taat setia kepada negara. Di Malaysia, Ahmad Shah (2013) mendapati Program Latihan Khidmat Negara (PLKN) dapat menerapkan nilai setia kepada negara dalam diri pelatih-pelatih. Misalnya, modul kenegaraan yang diajar sepanjang program tersebut memberi peluang kepada para pelatih untuk mengenali pemimpinpemimpin negara terdahulu yang sanggup berkorban untuk memartabatkan bangsa dan negara. Di negara China pula, semua belia diwajibkan untuk mengikuti program tersebut sebanyak dua kali iaitu semasa menuntut di ‘Senior High School’ dan ‘College’. Program ini dijalankan selama 1 bulan di tempat yang dikhaskan. Hal ini dapat diketahui melalui temu bual dengan salah seorang pelajar Universiti Sun Yat-Sen. Dapatan tersebut juga diperkukuhkan dengan hasil temu bual dengan salah seorang pensyarah dari Fakulti Pendidikan, Universiti Sun Yat-Sen. Menurutnya pensyarah tersebut, nilai patriotisme dari aspek bangga kepada negara diterapkan apabila setiap pelajar di negara China wajib untuk mengibarkan bendera pada setiap pagi Isnin. JADUAL 8: Skor sikap responden China dan Malaysia terhadap mata pelajaran Sejarah Item China Malaysia n Minimu Maksim Min Sisiha n Minimu Maksim Min Sisiha m um n m um n piawai piawai Mata 4 1.00 5.00 3.700 1.136 4 1.00 5.00 3.675 1.047 pelajaran 0 0 80 0 0 28 Sejarah adalah 153

mata pelajaran yang menarik. Mempelaja ri sejarah adalah langkah terbaik untuk membina jati diri kebangsaa n. Saya berasa seronok belajar sejarah secara berkumpul an. Mata pelajaran Sejarah amat penting untuk masa depan saya. Saya suka menonton ceritacerita sejarah. Saya yakin saya boleh belajar sejarah dengan baik. Skor

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.675 0

0.888 31

4 0

1.00

5.00

4.000 0

1.086 04

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.650 0

1.001 28

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.925 0

0.997 11

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.550 0

0.959 43

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.675 0

1.118 32

4 0

1.00

5.00

4.100 0

0.810 19

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.525 0

1.037 44

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.525 0

1.037 44

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.625 0

1.004 80

4

3.00

5.00

4.154

0.532

4

1.00

5.00

3.737

0.894

154

keseluruha n

0

2

94

0

5

66

Jadual 8 menunjukkan skor sikap responden Malaysia dan China terhadap mata pelajaran Sejarah. Secara keseluruhannya, skor min bagi responden China iaitu 4.15 adalah lebih tinggi berbanding dengan responden Malaysia iaitu 3.74. Dari segi peratusan, responden China mencatatkan sebanyak 83% manakala responden Malaysia adalah 74.8%. Di Malaysia, keadaan ini berlaku mungkin disebabkan tanggapan pelajar yang menganggap Sejarah sebagai mata pelajaran yang membosankan (Anuar, Siti Haishah & Nur Atiqah 2009). Kebanyakan pelajar juga hilang minat dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah disebabkan ketiadaan atau ketidaksesuaian bahan bantu yang digunakan oleh guru. Guru-guru Sejarah juga dilihat masih bergantung pada buku teks sebagai bahan bantu utama dalam pengajaran dan pembelajaran tanpa mempelbagaikan media-media pengajaran yang lain. Oleh itu, keadaan sedemikian mungkin menyebabkan pelajar kurang berminat terhadap pengajaran guru tersebut kerana sifat buku teks yang statik dan tidak interaktif (Ahamad, Azwani, Abdul Razaq, Zahara & Sharifah 2011). Di negara China, penerapan nilai patriotisme ini tidak dihadkan dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah sahaja. Sebaliknya, nilai-nilai tersebut diterapkan melalui beberapa mata pelajaran yang berbeza yang menjadikannya lebih menarik. Dapatan ini juga diperoleh melalui temu bual dengan pensyarah Fakulti Pendidikan, Universiti Sun Yat Sen tentang amalan nilai patriotisme di negara China. Menurut beliau, penerapan nilai patriotisme di negara China dilakukan melalui sistem pendidikan secara formal dan tidak formal. Dari segi pendidikan secara formal, nilai-nilai patriotisme diterapkan melalui beberapa mata pelajaran bagi setiap peringkat pendidikan. Bagi peringkat ‘Junior Secondary School’, mata pelajaran ‘Ideal Character Education’ diperkenalkan. Bagi peringkat ‘Senior Secondary School’, penerapan nilai patriotisme dilaksanakan melalui mata pelajaran ‘Ideal Political’. Dari segi pendidikan secara tidak formal, nilai patriotisme diterapkan melalui pelbagai aktiviti khasnya yang dianjurkan oleh organisasi ‘Communist Youth Legal’. JADUAL 9: Skor kemahiran berkomunikasi responden China dan Malaysia dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah Item China Malaysia n Minimu Maksim Min Sisiha n Minimu Maksim Min Sisiha m um n m um n piawai piawai Sewaktu 4 2.00 5.00 3.775 0.800 4 2.00 5.00 3.975 0.659 belajar 0 0 24 0 0 74 sejarah, saya mendenga r dan menerima pendapat yang baik 155

daripada rakan. Saya suka bertanya kepada rakan tentang topik sejarah. Saya saling bertukar bahan dan maklumat pembelaja ran sejarah dengan rakan sekelas. Saya akan membantu rakan dalam aktiviti pembelaja ran sejarah secara sukarela. Saya akan memberi dorongan dan galakan kepada rakan semasa mempelaja ri sejarah. Saya lebih selesa berbincang topik sejarah dengan

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.650 0

0.863 80

4 0

2.00

5.00

3.675 0

0.828 58

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.325 0

0.997 11

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.475 0

0.933 36

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.575 0

0.957 76

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.750 0

0.980 58

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.775 0

0.891 20

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.875 0

0.938 83

4 0

2.00

5.00

3.775 0

0.973 69

4 0

1.00

5.00

3.600 0

1.172 33

156

rakan berbandin g guru. Skor keseluruha n

4 0

2.00

5.00

3.645 8

0.718 29

4 0

1.67

4.67

3.725 0

0.695 48

Jadual 9 menunjukkan skor bagi kemahiran berkomunikasi responden Malaysia dan China dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah. Berdasarkan Jadual 9, didapati skor min keseluruhan bagi responden Malaysia iaitu 3.73 adalah lebih tinggi berbanding dengan responden China iaitu 3.65. Dari segi peratusan, responden Malaysia mencatatkan sebanyak 74.6%. Sementara itu, responden China pula mencatatkan peratusan sebanyak 73%. Oleh itu, perbezaan peratusan dari aspek ini tidak menunjukkan jurang yang besar iaitu hanya sekadar 1.6%. Di Malaysia, kemahiran berkomunikasi pelajar dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah mungkin bergantung kepada pendekatan pembelajaran yang digunakan oleh seseorang guru. Hal ini dapat disokong melalui kajian Azwani (2012) yang mendapati pelajar-pelajar menunjukkan peningkatan dari segi kemahiran berkomunikasi dengan guru dan rakan-rakan setelah pembelajaran koperatif dilaksanakan dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah. Malah, pelajar-pelajar juga lebih berkeyakinan dalam menyuarakan pandangan dan idea mereka secara sistematik. Di negara China, salah seorang pensyarah Fakulti Pendidikan, Universiti Sun Yat Sen menganggap kurikulum baharu seperti mata pelajaran ‘Ideal political’ telah diperkenalkan dengan memberikan tumpuan kepada hubungan dan komunikasi antara pelajar dengan ibu bapa, guru dan sesama pelajar. Antara nilai yang ditekankan dalam kurikulum tersebut adalah hormat-menghormati dalam kalangan masyarakat. Pengenalan mata pelajaran tersebut juga bertujuan memastikan pelajar-pelajar dapat berkomunikasi secara efektif bagi menghadapi perubahan globalisasi yang pantas. KESIMPULAN Berdasarkan aspek-aspek yang dikaji, didapati bahawa nilai patriotisme dari aspek setia kepada negara mencatatkan purata skor min yang paling tinggi bagi kedua-dua negara. Hal ini menunjukkan unsur kesetiaan berjaya disemai dalam diri pelajar melalui mata pelajaran Sejarah. Walau bagaimanapun, aspek-aspek lain yang dikaji juga tidak menunjukkan perbezaan peratusan yang terlalu ketara. Secara keseluruhannya, pemupukan nilai patriotisme, sikap dan kemahiran berkomunikasi pelajar dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah memerlukan sistem pendidikan yang menyeluruh dan bersepadu. Namun, dari segi pelaksanaan, penekanannya perlu diberikan kepada penghayatan dan bukannya atas tujuan memenuhi keperluan akademik sahaja. Kejayaan atau kegagalan amalan ini sebenarnya bergantung kepada penerimaan mata pelajaran Sejarah sebagai salah satu medium untuk melahirkan warganegara yang bertanggungjawab. Penekanan kepada aspek-aspek yang menyumbang kepada peningkatan patriotisme perlu diteruskan dalam sistem pendidikan di kedua-dua negara.

157

Rujukan Abdul Rahim Abdul Rashid. 2004. Patriotisme: Agenda pembinaan bangsa. Kuala Lumpur: Utusan Publications & Distributors Sdn. Bhd. Ahamad Bin Rahim, Azwani Binti Ismail, Abdul Razaq Bin Ahmad, Zahara Binti Aziz & Sharifah Nur Puteh. 2011. Kurikulum Sejarah ke arah pembentukan perpaduan kaum di Malaysia. Jurnal Pendidikan dan Latihan, 3 (1): 1-17. Ahmad Ali Bin Seman. 2009. Pemupukan patriotisme melalui pendidikan multikultural dalam pendidikan Sejarah di Malaysia: Satu tinjauan perspektif. Jurnal Ilmu-ilmu Sejarah, Budaya dan Sosial, 1 (2): 28-49. Ahmad Bin Ahmad Rusdi. 2004. Permasalahan pelaksanaan pemupukan unsur patriotisme dalam mata pelajaran Kajian Tempatan: Punca dari guru sendiri. Jurnal Penyelidikan Maktab Perguruan Perlis, 1-6. Ahmad Shah Bin Pakeer Mohamed. 2013. Patriotisme belia ke arah perpaduan dan 1Malaysia. Jurnal Biro Tatanegara, 1: 1-19. Anuar Ahmad. 2001. Warganegara patriotik, masyarakat sivil dan Pendidikan Sejarah di Malaysia. Kertas kerja dibentangkan di Persidangan Kebangsaan Pendidikan Sejarah ke Arah Pembentukan Warganegara Patriotik pada 8-12 Oktober 2001. Anjuran Pusat Perkembangan Kurikulum dan Persatuan Sejarah Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur. Anuar Ahmad, Siti Haishah Abd Rahman & Nur Atiqah T. Abdullah. 2009. Tahap keupayaan pengajaran guru sejarah dan hubungannya dengan pencapaian murid di sekolah berprestasi rendah. Jurnal Pendidikan Malaysia, 34 (1): 53-66. Arbai’yah Mohd Noor. 2006. Ilmu sejarah dan pensejarahan. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Asmawati Desa. 2004. Psikologi untuk golongan profesional. Bangi: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Azwani Binti Ismail. 2012. Kesan model STAD terhadap nilai patriotisme, sikap dan kemahiran berkomunikasi pelajar dalam mata pelajaran Sejarah. Tesis Doktor Falsafah, Fakulti Pendidikan: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Chua, K.H. 2007. Pembangunan patriotisme dalam pengajaran dan pembelajaran mata pelajaran Sejarah tingkatan dua: Perbandingan antara empat jenis sekolah. Tesis Sarjana Pendidikan. Fakulti Pendidikan, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Skudai. Haminah Binti Suhaibo. 1999. Kefahaman dan amalan unsur patriotisme melalui mata pelajaran Sejarah di sekolah menengah atas Kuching. Kuching: Unit Sejarah, Maktab Perguruan Batu Lintang. Haminah Binti Suhaibo. 2007. Pemupukan patriotisme dalam Pendidikan Sejarah tingkatan satu. Tesis Doktor Falsafah, Fakulti Pendidikan: Universiti Malaya. Haminah Binti Suhaibo. 2010. Pemupukan patriotisme dalam Pendidikan Sejarah tingkatan satu. Jurnal Penyelidikan IPG KBL, 9: 1-18. Hasri Jamil. 2003. Teknik mengajar Sejarah. Bentong: PTS Publications Sdn. Bhd. Ku Hasnita Ku Samsu & Mohd Haizam Mohd Nor. 2009. Semangat patriotisme dalam kalangan mahasiswa bukan Melayu di institusi pengajian tinggi sekitar Lembah Kelang. Akademika, 75: 95-100.

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Ku Hasnita Ku Samsu & Mohd Haizam Mohd Nor. 2011. Kepentingan pendidikan patriotisme terhadap warganegara Malaysia. JATI, 16: 23-34. Mohd. Nizam Osman, Ezhar Tamam & Akmar Hayati Ahmad Ghazali. 2009. Communication issues & challenges for development. Serdang: Universiti Putera Malaysia. Muhd. Yusof Ibrahim. 2000. Ilmu sejarah: Falsafah, pengertian dan kaedah. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Nazri Muslim & Jamsari Alias. 2004. Patriotisme: Konsep dan pelaksanaannya di Malaysia. Kertas kerja dibentangkan di Seminar Antarabangsa Nilai dalam Komuniti Pasca Modenisme pada 4-6 September 2004. Anjuran Jabatan Pengajian Umum & Fakulti Sains Kognitif dan Pendidikan, Universiti Utara Malaysia. Nor Shafrin Ahmad, Fadzilah Amzah & Rahimi Che Aman. 2009. Kemahiran komunikasi guru pelatih Universiti Sains Malaysia. Jurnal Pendidik dan Pendidikan, 24: 125-142. Primoratz, I. 2002. Patriotism: A deflationary view. The Philosophical Forum, 33: 443-457. Rizal Uzir. 2002. Nilai-nilai kewarganegaraan di kalangan pelajar Sekolah Menengah Tinggi Kajang. Tesis Sarjana Pendidikan, Fakulti Pendidikan: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Robbins, S.P. 2006. Organisation theory: Concepts and cases. Frenchs Forest: Pearson. Sufean Hussin. 1995. Pengajaran nilai dalam kurikulum. Shah Alam: Siri Pendidikan Fajar Bakti. Utusan Malaysia. 2001. Pendekatan lebih praktikal Pendidikan Sejarah negara. http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/info.asp?y=2001&dt=0829&pub=Utusan_Malaysia&s ec=Muka_Hadapan&pg=mh_07.htm [29 Ogos 2001]. Utusan Online. 2011. Jenayah libatkan remaja, pelajar sekolah semakin meningkat. http://www.utusan.com.my/utusan/info.asp?y=2011&dt=0718&pub=Utusan_Malaysia&s ec=Dalam_Negeri&pg=dn_08.htm [18 Julai 2011]. Zahara Aziz. 1992. Penerapan Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan dan Kesejahteraan Negara. Dlm. Juriah Long, Halimah Badioze Zaman, Puteh Mohamed & Zalizan Mohd. Jelas (pnyt.). Aliran dalam Pendidikan Menjelang Abad Ke-21. Bangi: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia.

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Sutan Puasa: Problematizing The Founding of Kuala Lumpur1 Abdur-Razzaq Lubis Independent Scholar Malaysia Email: [email protected] Abstract A survey of contemporary literature discloses the disagreements over the ‘founding myth’ of Kuala Lumpur. Established as a river port settlement circa 1800, Kuala Lumpur subsequently emerged as the seat of government of the Federated Malay States (FMS) in 1896, the capital of independent Malaya in 1957, and eventually the capital of Malaysia in 1963. The genesis of the name of Kuala Lumpur and the identity of its founder has been debated passionately for over half a century without producing any broad consensus. The state endorsed the ‘Malay’ Raja Abdullah as the founder of Kuala Lumpur. This is contested by the ‘Chinese’ version, which claims Yap Ah Loy as the founder. Both narratives are problematic. A Bugis chief from the Riau Archipelago, Raja Abdullah was hardly Malay. And if indeed there was a ‘Chinese’ founder of Kuala Lumpur, the man in question would have been the first Kapitan Cina of Kuala Lumpur; Yap Ah Loy was the third to hold the title. The question of who founded Kuala Lumpur has been politicised. The English- and Chinese-educated tend to subscribe to or sympathize with the ‘Chinese’ version, a consequence of their reactionary attitude to ‘Malay’ rule today. The emotive issue in this debate might stem from the contention about which ethnic group would be credited with the founding of the nation’s capital. Who is Sutan Puasa in this controversy? Who are the ethnic groups that pioneered the founding of Kuala Lumpur? This paper will attempt to answer these questions, including the identity of the founder of Kuala Lumpur. Key words: Kuala Lumpur, Sutan Puasa, urban history, contestation, ethnic construction.

1

Paper presented at the 23rd International Conference of Historians of Asia 2014 (IAHA2014) in Alor Setar, Kedah, Malaysia on 23 - 27 August 2014.

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Controversy Over The Founder Of Kuala Lumpur The controversy over the founding of Kuala Lumpur broke out in May 1980 when the Malaysian Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports Datuk Abdul Abdul Samad Idris, himself an amateur historian with a number of titles to his credit, proclaimed that ‘the founder or pioneer of Kuala Lumpur was not Yap Ah Loy but Raja Abdullah’ in a speech he made at the UMNO (United Malaysia National Organisation) Federal Territory convention. 2 His pronouncement begins with a denial and a rejection followed by an affirmation. This statement implied that Yap Ah Loy, the third Chinese Kapitan of Kuala Lumpur, now the premier capital of the Federation of Malaysia was indeed regarded up to that point as the ‘the founder or pioneer of Kuala Lumpur’ until Raja Abdullah came along as the contender. The minister’s proclamation was a unilateral attempt to unseat Yap Ah Loy as the founding father of Kuala Lumpur and replace him with Raja Abdullah. The minister’s overture sparked a debate that has been simmering in the background for decades without a resounding resolution. Stoked by the local media which aligned itself to the advocators and antagonists, the furore took centre-stage during the course of the early 1980s. The subject of the press inquiry was Yap Ah Loy, the ‘acknowledged’ founder of Kuala Lumpur whilst the proposed alternative was Raja Abdullah. The vernacular presses was divided along ethnic lines; the Chinese papers all for retaining Yap Ah Loy as the founder; the Malay periodicals pushing Raja Abdullah as the preferred option whilst the English media sympathies lie with the current officeholder. The then hot issue also polarised politicians and political parties along ethnic cleavages with Malaysian Chinese Assocation (MCA) and the predominantly Chinese Democratic Action Party (DAP) rallying in support of the incumbent Yap Ah Loy while UMNO backed the raja from Riau. The MCA interpreted the provocation as a ‘denial of the Chinese contribution to nationbuilding’ whereas the DAP charged UMNO with racism with a counter-racism of its own. A survey of Chinese, English and Malay media of the period disclosed that for the ‘Chinese’ Yap Ah Loy as the founder is given; for the ‘Malays’ he is the contested founder with Raja Abdullah as the rightful replacement founder. 3 Raja Abdullah’s sudden appearance to Yap Ah Loy’s standing as founder seems to be an afterthought in rebuttal to an unacceptable founder to the former’s supporters. Kuala Lumpur’s paternity is now disputed. Historically attested wisdom that had the founder the largest landowner in the mid-nineteenth century as the Chinese Yap Ah Loy is now challenged. Yap Ah Loy was indeed regarded as the founding father of the Malayan capital in Chinese literature from the 1950s. Nationalist ‘Malays’ had other ideas, namely that the aristocrat and prospector Raja Abdullah was the real founder. ‘Malay’ self-consciousness, self-assertiveness and Malay-centric nationalism in nation-making had institutionalized Malay dominance (Ketuanan Melayu) as the central ideology in Malaysia in response to Chinese audacity to challenge ‘Malay’ power during the 1969 racial riots. A ‘coercive consociation’ was established barring the public from discussing ‘sensitive’ issues such as Malay special rights by which opponents of the affirmative actions are censured legally and 2

Yap Ah Loy Row: Kim Sai Rapped’, The Star 17 May 1980. See also ‘Yap Ah Loy: From Myth to History’ in Sharon A. Carstens, Histories, Cultures, Identities, Studies in Malaysian Chinese Worlds, Singapore: Singapore University Press, (2005) 2006: 55. I am grateful to Professor Sharon A. Carstens who endowed me her collection of papers concerning Yap Ah Loy including the press cutting sited above which she collate from the 1980s. I have personally and directly benefitted from the collection and her essays on the subject in the writing of this article. 3

The survey is based on newspaper cuttings largely from the 1980s culled from Chinese, English and Malay periodicals in Professor Sharon Carstens’ collection.

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politically.

By constitutionally enshrining the ‘Malay’ definition, the law inevitably also made ‘Chineseness’4 sacrosanct; with one begetting the other. The end result is a racialized Malaysia in which all issues are read and deliberated from a communal perspective, rightly or wrongly.45 The case of the founding of Kuala Lumpur is a good example that captures the complexity of this racial assertiveness, resistance and contestation. The 1940s and early 1950s were watersheds for the ‘overseas Chinese’. On mainland China, the communist was victorious which saw the retreat of Guomindang/Kuomintang (KMT) to Taiwan fomenting a separate, distinct and hostile form of national ideologies to each other. Meanwhile the struggle for national liberations in Malaya was already underway and by the late 1950s independence was realized. These global and regional events changed the political situation of ‘Malayan Chinese’, many of whom had never considered themselves permanent residents to the country they had migrated to but as outsiders and aliens, were now forced to rethink their position and ultimately to choose between returning to China or becoming citizens of the newly independent nation. In coming to terms with the latter option meant that the Chinese in Malaya had to establish new cultural as well as political identities for themselves in their adopted country. This development coincides with the growing interest in Yap Ah Loy, now propped up as the founding father of the Malayan capital of Kuala Lumpur.5 In 1951, the posthumous publication of the first extensive biography of Yap Ah Loy by S.M. Middlebrook, a British civil servant and an admirer of his biographical subject, ‘significantly altered public knowledge of the famous Kapitan in Singapore and Malaya.’6 The biography called ‘Yap Ah Loy 1837-1885’ was published by the Journal of Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (JMBRAS) – an academic publication engaged in the production of epistemologically problematic colonial knowledge – in July 1951. The work became the definitive biography of the third Kapitan Cina of Kuala Lumpur with which his admirers utilized to galvanize support in the justified belief and opinion of his unequivocal candidacy as the founder of the capital of the new emerging nation-state. Undoubtedly Yap Ah Low, the most famous Hakka in Malaya, whose legitimacy as the founder of the nation’s capital would inevitably place the Hakka in a much exalted position than other ‘Chinese’. In part the issue boils down to semantics over the terms, ‘founder’, ‘founding’, ‘opening up’ or ‘developing’. We gather from articles and newspaper reports, ‘founding’ and ‘opening up’ have been used synonymously or interchangeably causing confusion to the readers. The root word ‘found’ has the meaning of having been discovered by chance or unexpectedly. So to ‘found’ a place refers to the initial efforts to originate, establish, plan and begin the building or establishment of a settlement. The ‘founder’ is therefore the one who originates and ‘formally’ establishes (start up or cause to start), pioneered or paved the way for the establishment of the place which serves as a basis or foundation of the settlement. As such to ‘open up’ need not imply initial attempts at setting up a place whilst ‘developing’ or the building up or the process of building can occur after the foundation of the 4

Lubis, 2014: 12.

5

Carstens, (2005) 2006: 50. By the 1960s the Chinese population of Malaya was the largest outside the two Chinas (Taiwan, officially the Republic of China and Communist China officially the People’s Republic of China). 6

Carstens, (2005) 2006: 51.

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settlement. In essence Sharon Carstens has rightly summed up the problem with a few caveats: The question at face value revolves around the definition of city founder: does one credit the first important person on the scene (that is, the Malay raja who sponsored the first large-scale tin mining in the area) or the person who expended the most effort in early years to build and develop the city (in this case, Yap Ah Loy, the third Chinese Kapitan of Kuala Lumpur)? Of course, the real point of this debate, as everyone knows, centres on which ethnic group will be credited with the founding of the nation’s capital. For now the issue has been decided in favour of the Malays. The school textbooks has been changed, and Raja Abdullah of Klang is now named by official sources as Kuala Lumpur’s true founder.7 My reservations are as follows: the first important person on the scene was not a Malay raja but Mandailing rajas, namely Raja Duri, Sutan Puasa, Jalila, Jasuman and Haji ‘Abdul Majid. The Malay the sinologist refers to is a Bugis chief from Riau (Rhio); Yap Ah Loy was not the first to expand his energies in building or developing the city and the ethnicity of the founder either way is all wrong. We will address these questions below. In the end, the ‘Chinese’ fought a losing battle to defend the untenable historical position of Yap Ah Loy as the founder and consequently his name, has been virtually excised from textbooks, the sacred text to which both proponents aspired inscriptions of their candidate founder. As a concession or compromise to pacify the Chinese, Yap Ah Loy was credited for largely being responsible for the development of Kuala Lumpur after the conclusion of the Klang War (1867-1873) as a commercial and mining centre in the middle of the 1800’s. For now, the issue has been decided in favour of the ‘Malays’ to the chagrin of the ‘Chinese’. The school textbooks have been rewritten to renamed and to accommodate Raja Abdullah as Kuala Lumpur’s original founder and that Yap Ah Loy as the founder was a historical mistake and therefore the false founder

7

Carstens, (2005) 2006: 38.

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Raja Abdullah ‘made the town of Kuala Lumpur’ We will now address the questions of the ‘founder’, ‘founding’ and development of Kuala Lumpur chronologically. As it turns out there were more than two claimants or contenders besides Yap Ah Loy and Raja Abdullah for the coveted position of the founder of Kuala Lumpur. Instead of two ethnicities, three ethnicities are vying for the apex position. The earliest indigenous historical account of Selangor narrated by Wan Muhammad Amin bin Wan Muhammad Sa’id, Dato’ Amar Diraja, Penghulu Isti’adat Selangor Daru’l Ihsan, and recorded on 1 February 1920, claims that the titular head of the Klang valley basin, Raja Abdullah, the son-in-law of Sultan Mohamad (who reigned 1826-1857), ‘menjadikan bandar Kuala Lumpur’, literally ‘made the town of Kuala Lumpur’. This has been taken to mean that a Bugis raja from Riau was the founder. This one-liner does not offer any explanation as to precisely how Raja Abdullah ‘made Kuala Lumpur’, nor does it offer any information of his role in the founding and development of the interior settlement. Geographically, Raja Abdullah lived in Klang, or to be precise at Pangkalan Batu,8 but never in Kuala Lumpur. This claim was echoed and made famous by Winstedt, the colonial historian in 1934, who relied extensively on Wan Muhammad Amin’s account of Selangor for his own work on A History of Selangor.9 He wrote that Raja Abdullah, upon being given charge of the Klang district by Sultan Mohamed, began his tenure by introducing Chinese into the district, opened tin-mines up-river and ‘founded Kuala Lumpur’ all at the same time. Winstedt repeated Wan Muhammad Amin’s assertions that Raja Abdullah founded Kuala Lumpur ‘though he himself lived in Pangkalan Batu’.10 There is no evidence to show that Raja Abdullah ever set foot in Kuala Lumpur, as assumed by many writers after Windstedt. It was his Chinese coolies who did his bidding for him.

8

Abdul Samad Ahmad, Pesaka Selangor, (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, [1937 Jawi edition], 1966: 5.

9

R. O. Winstedt, A History of Selangor, Singapore: MBRAS, 1934. Winstedt, 1934:19.

10

164

His Chinese coolies cleared a piece of land near the the Klang River which was already called Ampang.11 This took place in 1857, the year of Raja Abdullah’s ascension to the chieftainship of the district of the Klang River valley.12 Ampang is not Kuala Lumpur nor was it the nucleus of today’s Kuala Lumpur.

Hiu Siew and Ah Sze, The Founder of Kuala Lumpur? The question ‘who is the founder of Kuala Lumpur?’ became more complicated and confounded when in 1951 Middlebrook notified us of the arrival of two Chinese traders, Yap Hiu Siew and his partner and friend (Yap) Ah Sze Keledek at Ampang from Lukut, on the prompting of Sutan Puasa. Middlebrook formulated his thesis based on Pasqual’s essays on early Kuala Lumpur. Pasqual had written that, Hiew Siew [sic] was induced to settle in Selangor by Sutan Puasa, a Mendeleng trader. He felled the jungle where the present Market Street is and erected a few houses on the clearing. Ah See [sic] Kledek, a rich trader, also built a house for himself, alongside Hiew Siew’s house.13

11

The site chosen in Ampang is said to be 40 miles (64 kilometers) away from Kuala Lumpur. This seems too far away, and an unlikely distance for Ampang. The distance to Ampang from Kuala Lumpur is probably much less than that. On the opening and founding of Ampang, Middlebrook wrote, ‘As a first move the two Rajas [Raja Abdullah and Raja Jumaat] transferred eighty-seven coolies from the mines at Lukut to work on a patch of land near the Gombak River, a tributary of the Klang River, where tin was known to exist. This spot was some forty miles inland, but it was moderately accessible and communications with the coast were not difficult. The two headmen in charge of the coolies prospected the ground, and eventually selected a place called Ampang as the first are to be tried for tin’. (Middlebrook and Gullick, 1983: 18). 12

Buyong Adil states that Sultan Mohamad handed over the Klang district to Raja Abdullah in 1853 but was only ‘installed’ (diangkat) as the district chief by the sovereign in 1857. (Buyong Adil, Sejarah Selangor, Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, (1971) 1981: ix, 46-47). See also S. M. Middlebrook and J. M. Gullick Yap Ah Loy 18371885, MBRAS, (1951) 1983: 8, 18; J. M. Gullick, ‘Kuala Lumpur 1880-1895’, JMBRAS, Vo. XXVII, Pt. 4, Malaya Publishing House, Singapore, 1955: 10. According to a Jawi document tendered by Raja Ismail, the son of Raja Abdullah, Sultan Mohamad awarded a grant (kuasa) to Raja Abdullah in 1849-1850 after the latter settled the Sultan’s debt amounting to $27,000 to Baba Wah Kye and upon him marrying Raja Lijah, the neice of the Sultan. After Sultan Mohamad died, the new Yang Dipertuan of Selangor, Abdul Samad, also affirmed the hand-over of the kuasa to the Klang valley to Raja Abdullah. (Mohd. Amin Hassan, ‘The Klang War 1867-1873’, Malaysia in History, Vol. 28, 1985: 58-9 citing Selangor Secretariat Files (SSF), Native, 835/93 Raja Ismail to W. E. Maxwell, Atg. Governor, Straits Settlements). See also Gullick (1998: 39). 13

J. C. P., ‘Malayan Reminiscences, Murder That Started A War, Kaching Massacre’, The Sunday Times, 30 December 1934: 9.

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Note the first mention of ‘Sutan Puasa, a Mendeleng trader’ as this will become more relevant much later. In paraphrasing this, Middlebrook wrote, The first trader to arrive [at Ampang] was a man called Hiu Siew, a member of the same clan as Yap Ah Loy. He was accompanied by his friend Ah Sze, a mild and quiet man more usually known as “Ah Sze Kêlêdek” or “Sweet-potato Ah Sze”. They were joint owners of a mine at Lukut and became partners in this new venture. While in Lukut they had supplied goods to a Mandeling trader called Sutan Puasa who lived near the mining settlement at Ampang.143 It was he who told them about the quick profit to be made at Ampang, and who finally persuaded them to go there. The two Chinese traders probably arrived in Ampang at the earliest in 1859, when the tin produced from the Ampang mines worked by the Chinese coolies began to be exported.144 This corresponds to Middlebrook’s account, ‘When it became apparent that the new mines at Ampang were likely to be successful, some of the more adventurous traders in Lukut relocated there and started dealing in supplies for the mines.’145 The first thing the two traders did on their arrival was to select a suitable site for their shop. It had to be within easy distance of the river, and also it had to be near the mines. There were only jungle tracks along which coolies had to carry the tin ore and the stores, and it was essential to make the journey as short as possible. The spot finally chosen was near the meeting place of the Klang and Gombak rivers. After coolies had cleared space in the jungle the two traders built a few huts and made a track down to the river. The place became known as Kuala Lumpur, from the river junction a mile away: the site proved to be a good one.146 Gullick is of the view that the post a mile from the river seems ‘unnecessarily and inconveniently remote from the embarkation point, though it tallies – probably by coincidence – with the distance from Sungei Lumpoor to the main junction.’147 Hiu Siew and Ah Sze Keledek were the first Chinese traders brought into the Kuala Lumpur scenario. 143

By ‘near’ does not necessarily mean ‘in’ Ampang. From Yap Ah Loy’s account of the route taken by Chong Chong n and his followers from Ulu Klang to Kuala Lumpur, we gather that Sutan Puasa lived in close proximity to Kuala Lumpur itself rather than in Ampang. Ah Loy wrote that ‘… on the way from Ulu Klang to the town [Kuala Lumpur], [they] had to pass the residence of Sutan Puasa.’ ‘Translation of Extracts from a Record made in Chinese made by Yap Ah Loy relating to the Wars in Selangor before the Year 1874’, Journal of the South Seas Society, Vol. XIII, Pt. I, 1957: 3. See also Middlebrook and Gullick (1983: 34).We are suggesting that Sutan Puasa lived near his fish pond (tobat in Mandailing language) on what became Ampang Street (Lorong Ceti). 144

Buyong Adil, 1981: 48.

145

Middlebrook and Gullick, 1983: 18.

146

Middlebrook and Gullick, 1983: 19. See also Gullick, 1998: 39.

147

Gullick (1990: 30 fn. 19)

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Middlebrook claimed the spot at the junction of the Klang and Gombak rivers for the twain, whilst Buyong Adil claimed the same spot for Raja Abdullah. Both state that Kuala Lumpur did not exist before the arrival of Raja Abdullah, Hiu Siew and Ah Sze Keledek respectively; also that the place emerged from obscurity after their arrival. Both authors suggest that the name Kuala Lumpur popped out of the blue. Neither explains the origin of the name nor do they attribute to anyone being the originator of the name, suggesting that the name Kuala Lumpur evolved naturally. The fact is Kuala Lumpur was already there (existed), peopled and governed.148 That the two Chinese traders were invited by Sutan Puasa to settle in Ampang rather than Kuala Lumpur in itself is significant and an indication of the boundaries of group membership and settlement patterns were already defined by the founding fathers of the trading settlement. Kuala Lumpur, Ampang and Ulu Klang were already under the control of the Mandailing. Prior to their departure to Ampang, Hiu Siew and Ah Sze Keledek had been supplying goods to Sutan Puasa, who at the time was said to be living near the mining settlement of Ampang.149 Their close association to Sutan Puasa no doubt was the deciding factor in prompting their departure from Lukut to Ampang. The relevance of this was pointed out by Middlebrook: ‘Their business connection with Sutan Puasa was useful because it provided them with an introduction to the local Malays.’150 Sutan Puasa was the one with the business contacts and network in Ampang as well as in Kuala Lumpur itself. Since the two Chinese traders were new arrivals in the area, they had to rely on Sutan Puasa’s goodwill and connections, insofar as introductions and linkages with the Mandailing and Rawa traders were concerned, for the business in this part of the valley was in their hands. In short the two Chinese traders were dependent on Sutan Puasa for openings, opportunities and the spatial sphere needed for them to start their business in Ampang and Kuala Lumpur, in spite of the fact that the Chinese miners in Ampang shared the same ethnicity as the two traders. On their arrival in about 1859, Hiu Siew and Ah Sze Keledek found a well-established Kuala Lumpur, a functional and expanding indigenous trading settlement, peopled by Sumatrans, busy and bustling by the standards of the time under the leadership of two Mandailing stalwarts, Sutan Puasa and Raja Bilah, who were collecting taxes on the trade plying the Lumpur and Klang rivers.151 This would have a direct bearing on the two Chinese traders in their pursuit of profits and economic gains in the far flung hinterland.

148

Adnan Haji Nawang, Kuala Lumpur dari Perspektif Haji Abdullah Hukum, Kuala Lumpur: Berita Publishing Sdn. Bhd. 1997: 4. 149

Gullick, 1990: 30 fn. 19.

150

ibid.

151

Adnan, 1997: 4.

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In the light of this, Middlebrook’s assertions that the first act of the two traders on their arrival was to select a convenient location for their shop within easy distance of the river and in close proximity to the mines, and that the spot chosen was near the meeting place of the Lumpur and Klang rivers, that proved prosperous and became known as Kuala Lumpur, was misguided. The spot chosen by Hiu Siew and Ah Sze Keledek may have been at the intersection of the Lumpur and Klang rivers, but that in itself does not constitute Kuala Lumpur. It is but a ‘spot’ or a location in Kuala Lumpur; where exactly that spot was, is subject to conjecture. The fact that there were already jungle tracks ‘along which coolies had to carry the tin ore and the stores’ indicates the path for the supply line had been in existence for some time, so it only remained for them to select a site equidistant between the river and the mines for the location of their shop. This new track made by the two Chinese traders down to the river bank for their own convenience was an additional path to those already existing – nothing more than that. A century later in 1959 this track, assumed to indicate the location of their stores, conjectured to be somewhere about where Cross Street (Jalan Silang) now runs.152 We can extrapolate that the confluence of the Lumpur and Klang rivers, being the furthest point that boats can navigate on the upper reaches of the Klang valley basin, would have already have been chosen by the Mandailing as an ideal location for a pangkalan, a river port or upstream terminus for river traffic for the loading and unloading of goods and people. The geographical markers would have alerted the Mandailing to its strategic importance from the outset, for familiarity with the landscape underlines their understanding and utilisation of ecological zones. The Mandailing had the advantage of being there first, and of having witnessed the significance of bulking stations in the headwaters of the major rivers in Sumatra for conveyance, trade and dispersal in the riverine drainage system, during their migration to the peninsula.153 They had seen how a stapling-post for coffee, gold, tin and forest produce linked the interior to the international trading world of the straits, and replicated this in Kuala Lumpur. It was hardly surprising therefore that they recognised the importance of Kuala Lumpur as the inland concourse, where pathways or roads and rivers converged for diffusion of ideas, goods and people.

152

Kuala Lumpur – 100 Years, The Kuala Lumpur Municipal Council on the Occasion of the Centenery Celebrations, June 1959: 8. 153

For a detailed study of trade routes that linked the bulking station, stapling post and riverrine market-place in the interior of Sumatra with the east coast of the island and the commercial networks in the Straits of Melaka see Christine Dobbin, Islamic Revivalism in a Changing Peasant Economy, Central Sumatra, 1784-1847, London: Curzon Press, 1983.

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Raja Abdullah, The Founder of Kuala Lumpur? About a decade before the controversy over the founder of Kuala Lumpur came into public view, in 1971, a Malay nationalist interpretation of the founding of Kuala Lumpur arose to challenge the idea that the city had been founded by Yap Ah Loy. Taking his cue from Winstedt, Buyong Adil, the Malay revisionist historian wrote, ...Tiada lama selepas itu, Raja Abdullah dengan membawa buruh Cina seramai 87 orang141 dari Lukut, telah memudiki Sungai Kelang mencari tempat yang baik bagi membuka lombong. Raja Abdullah dan buruh Cina yang dibawanya itu telah sampai ke bahagian hulu Sungai Kelang dan mendarat di suatu tempat yang dipilih oleh Raja Abdullah, iaitu di tebing persimpangan Sungai Kelang dengan Sungai Gombak, dan tempat itu disebut Lumpur. Dari situ Raja Abdullah dengan orang-orangnya [pelombong-pelombong Cinanya] terus ke darat dan sampai ke tempat yang kemudiannya disebut Ampang dan tempat itulah yang telah dipilih oleh Raja dan ia telah mengerahkan orang-orangnya menebang hutan di situ untuk membuka lombong bijih timah..142 …Not long after [being instated as the territorial chief of the Klang river valley in 1857], Raja Abdullah, bringing as many as 87 Chinese labourers from Lukut, sailed up the Klang river looking for a suitable place to open a mine. Raja Abdullah and the Chinese labourers he brought with him arrived at the upper reaches of the Klang river and landed at a spot chosen by Raja Abdullah, that is, at the junction of the Klang and Gombak rivers, and the place was called Lumpur. From there Raja Abdullah with his men [the Chinese miners] went by land and arrived at a spot later named Ampang and this was the place chosen by the Raja and he instructed his men to clear the forest there to open a tinmine…[The mines at Ampang is said to have come into production two year later in 1859 and profits were only made in 1863].

141

Out of the 87 Chinese coolies transferred there from the mines at Lukut, 69 perished, probably from malarial fever, and seventeen survived. Buyong Adil, 1981: 47. Middlebrook and Gullick give the figure eighteen. Middlebrook and Gullick, 1983: 18; Gullick, 1955: 10. Forty-three years later Gullick confirmed seventeen survivors from the original expedition. (Gulllick, 1998: 39). On Raja Abdullah’s request for reinforcements, his brother Raja Jumaat transferred another 150 coolies from Lukut to Ampang in five boats fully stocked with provisions. (Middlebrook and Gullick, 1983: 18; Gullick, 1955: 10; Buyong Adil, 1981: 47-48; Gullick, 1998: 39. 142

Middlebrook and Gullick stated that the first tin was exported from the Ampang mines in 1859. (Middlebrook and Gullick, 1983: 18), while Khoo Kay Kim noted that the mining industry itself did not bring profits until about 1863. Khoo Kay Kim, The Western Malay States 1850-1873, The Effects of Commercial Development on Malay Politics, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press 1975: 74 quoting the English newspaper, Malay Mail.

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Di sini perlu diambil perhatian: mengikut sejarahnya yang disebutkan itu, Raja Abdullahlah yang memilih tempat di tebing persimpangan Sungai Kelang dengan Sungai Gombak itu untuk mendarat dan membuka lombong bijih timah di Ampang; apabila lombong di Ampang dibuka kawasan di tempat yang dipilih oleh Raja Abdullah itu didirikan kedai-kedai atap tempat menjual barang keperluan bagi pekerja lombong di Ampang, dan tempat itu juga dijadikan pengkalan kawasan itu mempunyai penduduk yang ramai, dan kemudian tempat itu terkenal dengan nama Kuala Lumpur. Oleh sebab itu, Raja Abdullah merupakan orang yang sepatutnya digelar: ‘‘Orang yang mula-mula membuka Kuala Lumpur”, bukan Yap Ah Loy yang hanya baharu datang ke Kuala Lumpur pada tahun 1862.143 Here heed should be paid: according to the history just recounted, it was Raja Abdullah who selected the spot on the banks of the junction of the Klang and Gombak rivers to land and open the tin-mines at Ampang; when the mines at Ampang was set up at the spot chosen by Raja Abdullah, attap shops were erected for selling provisions to the mining workers at Ampang, and the spot became a staging post for the area [which] had many inhabitants, and later the place then became renowned as Kuala Lumpur. In view of this, Raja Abdullah should rightly be styled, ‘The man who initially open [founded] Kuala Lumpur’, not Yap Ah Loy who only came to Kuala Lumpur in 1862.

Buyong Adil suggest that the confluence of the two rivers eventually became known as Kuala Lumpur, implying that the name came about later. To sum up, two decades after the ‘Chinese’ claimed Yap Ah Loy – the ‘Chinese’ had put in their claim at the dawn of the 1950s – the ‘Malays’ through the agency of a noted nationalist historian from amongst their rank, staked a claim for Raja Abdullah as the actual founder. In the same work, Buyong Adil asserts that Raja Jumaat came to his younger brother’s aid by opening tin-mines in ‘Ampang, Kuala Lumpur’ by importing 200 Chinese coolies from Lukut to work in Ampang (in this instance Ampang is cited independently of Kuala Lumpur) and henceforth Ampang and Kuala Lumpur were established simultaneously in 1857.144 This misled Gullick to conclude that Raja Abdullah, in association with Raja Jumaat, who initiated the venture was directly responsible for the foundation of Kuala Lumpur in spite of the absence of contemporary evidence to

143

Buyong Adil, 1981: 47-8, 178-9. See also J.M. Gullick, A History of Kuala Lumpur 1857-1939, MBRAS 2000: 3, 67; Gullick, 1998: 39; Kuala Lumpur – 100 Years, The Kuala Lumpur Municipal Council on the Occasion of the Centenery Celebrations, June 1959: 8. On mining revenue from Ampang see Wong Lin Ken, The Malayan Tin Industry to 1914 with special reference to the states of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan and Pahang, Tuscon: The University of Arizona Press, 1965: 23. See also Khoo Kay Kim, 1975: 74. 144

‘Empat tahun kemudian pada tahun 1857, Raja Juma’at telah membantu adiknya Raja Abdullah membuka lombong bijih timah di Ampang, Kuala Lumpur; lebih daripada dua ratus orang pekerja Cina dari Lukut telah dihantar oleh Raja Juma’at pergi bekerja di Ampang; sejak itulah Ampang dan Kuala Lumpur mula dibuka dan bertambah ramailah orang luar datang ke situ.’ (Buyong Adil, 1981: 179).

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support this claim.145 In another version, Buyong Adil in a desperate attempt to centre Raja Abdullah as the founder of Kuala Lumpur over and above other candidates, post-dated the arrival of Sutan Puasa on the scene, when in fact his arrival predates the arrival of Hiu Siew and Ah Sze Kledek. He places Sutan Puasa in Ampang as a trader, locating him in close proximity to the Chinese miners’ kongsi house and buying supplies from Hiu Siew and Ah Sze Keledek in Lukut to supply the Ampang Chinese miners. He fictitiously attributes the arrival of the Mandailing, Rao and Bengkulen146 people as following in the wake of the Chinese coolies and forming a ring around Ampang extending to the river jetty of Kuala Lumpur, mobilising them to provision the Chinese miners exclusively. Apabila terbuka lombong2 Raja Abdullah di Ampang itu, ramailah orang2 Melayu Mendiling, Rao (Rawa) dan Bangkahulu dari berbagai-bagai tempat datang ketempat-tempat disekitar Ampang hingga ketempat pangkalan turun naik (Lumpur) ditebing persimpangan Sungai Kelang dengan Sungai Gombak itu kerana mendirikan kedai2 rumah atap dan gerai2 tempat menjual barang2 bagi keperluan pekerja2 China lombong di Ampang yang telah bertambah ramai itu. Seorang daripada orang2 Melayu yang berasal dari Sumatera bernama Sutan Puasa telah datang membuka perniagaan pada suatu tempat tiada berapa jauh dari pondok2 tempat pekerja2 China di Ampang itu. Barang2 yang diperniagakan oleh Sutan Puasa itu dibelinya dari kedai dua orang kawannya orang China di Lukut bernama Hiu Siew dan Ah Sze... Apabila Sutan Puasa tambah berjaya dalam perniagaannya di Ampang itu, ia pun memberi tahu kawannya Hiu Siew dan Ah Sze di Lukut supaya mereka datang berniaga ketempat Sutan Puasa itu.147 After the mines were opened by Raja Abdullah at Ampang, many Malay Mendiling, Rao (Rawa) and Bangkahulu peoples from various parts [of the Indonesian archipelago] came to places around Ampang up to the staging post of embarkation and disembarkation (Lumpur) on the banks of the intersection of the Klang and Gombak rivers for the purpose of erecting shops 145

J. M. Gullick, ‘A Careless Heathen Philosopher? 1860-1898’, in Glimpses of Selangor 1860-1898, MBRAS (1993) 1996: 2; Gullick, 1998: 46 f. 31. 146

In a brief semi-academic essay focusing more on the Bangkahulu language and culture, the author suggests that they arrived in Selangor and Negri Sembilan in the 1850s, giving their figures at 10,000 strong. (Zainal Abidin Zulkifli, ‘Orang-Orang Bangkahulu di Malaysia’, Dewan Masyarakat, February, 1969. The Bangkahulu people are also found in Perak. However the figures cannot be independently verified from other sources. The Bangkahulu are a preople originating from the west coast of Sumatra are hardly studied in Malaysian historiography. It has to be pointed out the English, Bengkulen, and Malay, Bengkulu, refers to the district whilst Bangkahulu is the ethnic group. As their numbers are very small, they are grouped with migrants from south Sumatra and as they are linguistically similar to Palembang, they are also grouped with the latter resulting in difficulties in ascertaining their actual numbers in the country. A history BA thesis titled Orang-Orang Bangkahulu di Selangor: Satu Kajian Kes di Kampung Sungai Choh, Rawang, (Selangor) by Fausiah Harun, failed to pin down the date of migration but from the internal text we estimate largely from the 1890s. 147

Buyong Adil repeated his claims with some amendments in an essay titled, ‘Raja Abdullah dan Kuala Lumpur”, Malaysia in History, Malaysian Historical Society, Vol. XIV, No. 2, (April 1972): 4-5.

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and attap houses and stalls the place for selling provisions to the Chinese miners at Ampang who had grown in number. One of the Malays who came from Sumatra by the name of Sutan Puasa had come to set up business at a spot not too far from the sheds of the Chinese labourers at Ampang. The merchandise traded by Sutan Puasa was purchased from the shops of two of his Chinese friends at Lukut, named Hiu Siew and Ah Sze… When Sutan Puasa became more successful in his business at Ampang, he informed his friends Hiu Siew and Ah Sze at Lukut so that they would relocate their business to where he was. Clearly Buyong Adil’s storyline is in tune with, or echoes that of, Middlebrook. It is neither by chance nor an accident that Buyong Adil’s plot to shore up and bolster Raja Abdullah as the founder of Kuala Lumpur is derived from Middlebrook, as he was obviously inspired by the former’s biography on Yap Ah Loy. The difference is that in Buyong Adil’s version the main protagonist and principal actor is Raja Abdullah rather than Hiu Siew and Ah Sze, known by the sobriquet Ah Sze Keledek (Sweet-potato Ah Sze), whom Middlebrook proposed as the founder of Kuala Lumpur.148 Let us say hypothetically that Buyong Adil’s claims are true – claims have merit until they are (dis)proved otherwise – Raja Abdullah landed at the junction of Klang River and Gombak River, hinting that the place or the river was named Lumpur, but he did not stop by or condescend to visit the place; in fact he went straight to Ampang to clear the forest there. We can only speculate why he did not stop over, perhaps he was in a hurry and did not have time to exchange civilities with the Mandailings whom he despised. That his Chinese miners came through the confluence of the Lumpur and Klang rivers is conceded, for the road to Ampang from the lower reaches of the Klang River was via Kuala Lumpur. This tallies with the information we have about the arrival of the Chinese coolies to that part of the upper Klang valley. Subsequently Raja Abdullah left Ampang and was never seen in Kuala Lumpur and its environs again. Based on Raja Abdullah’s choice of the landing place, Buyong Adil rushed to the conclusion that the former had founded Kuala Lumpur. This fictitious invention can quickly be dismissed. Furthermore, Buyong Adil’s arguments are inconsistent with the facts that he himself offers. According to his chronology of events, Raja Abdullah also selected the site for the tin-mines (subsequently named Ampang); it was only after this event that shops were erected at the landing place at the confluence of the Lumpur and Klang rivers. This subsequently became a pangkalan (a staging or stapling-post), populated by people and ultimately achieving fame as Kuala Lumpur. To paraphrase Buyong Adil, the opening and development of Ampang preceded that of Kuala Lumpur, it then follows that Kuala Lumpur would not have been established had not tin been discovered at Ampang in the first place. Everything hinges on the very existence of Ampang and this has been pointed out to be an incorrect supposition. In attempting to kill two birds with one stone, 148

There were two persons named Ah Sze (See). One of them was Tsin Tsen See alias Chong See alias Ah See, the drunkard or ‘Drunken’ Ah See, drunk most of the time out of his fondness for arrack and samsu. The other As See was Yap See or Ah See Kledek (sweet potato Ah See). Pasqual identified Ah Sze’s clan name as Yap. J.W.P., ‘Malayan Reminiscences, Murder That Started A War, Kanching Massacre, The Sunday Times, December 30, 1934: 9. He was known by Ah Loy as ‘Yap Si’. ‘Translation of Extracts from a Record made in Chinese made by Yap Ah Loy relating to the Wars in Selangor before the Year 1874’, Journal of the South Seas Society, Vol. XIII, Pt. I, 1957: 4.

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Buyong Adil claims credit for the opening and development of Ampang and Kuala Lumpur by his candidate, Raja Abdullah, simultaneously. His argument is full of pitfalls.

Returning to the question of the relationship between Ampang and Kuala Lumpur, it has to be stressed that the founding of Kuala Lumpur does not rest on the existence and opening of Ampang, nor the discovery of tin in Ampang.149 The founding of Kuala Lumpur is independent of Ampang; indeed, the discovery of Ampang was made possible from Kuala Lumpur. More importantly, because Kuala Lumpur already existed, Ampang tin could be exported from this riverine entrepôt and the logistical support provided to the incipient mining community there. From the Mandailing perspective, Ampang were opened up, founded if you like, by their nobles. Tengku Kudin, The Founder of Kuala Lumpur? In the late 1970s, ‘Bapa Malaysia’ (Father of Malaysia) and Malaysia’s first Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman wrote that his granduncle ‘Tunku Zia’uddin … will be remembered as the man who encouraged Yap Ah Loy to open up Kuala Lumpur, so he [the former] can therefore be regarded as a founder of Kuala Lumpur.’150Kedahan Tunku Zia’uddin or Tengku Dhia’uddin was better known as Tengku Kudin. Tunku Abdul Rahman reiterated this claim in the 1980s following the controversy over the founder of Kuala Lumpur. He enthused that: ‘It was he [Kudin] who founded Kuala Lumpur and set up Yap Ah Loy as Kapitan Cina and a big tin miner in Kuala Lumpur.’151 There is no contemporaneous evidence to support this claim. It all goes to show that the question of who founded Kuala Lumpur is such an emotive issue. The fact that it is the capital of the Federation, prompted a former Prime Minister to enter the fray and stake a claim for whatever it’s worth howsoever unwarranted and without an iota of evidence or proof to back up the contention.

149

As Kok Loy Fatt has correctly pointed out, ‘it is not correct to say that Kuala Lumpur would not have been established had tin not been discovered at Ampang.’ (Kok Loy Fatt, ‘Ampang: Chinese Migrants and Tin Mining (1850s-194)’, Malaysia in History, Vol. XVIII, No. 2, December 1975: 26). Gullick subscribes to the view that ‘The success of the mines at Ampang led to the establishment of a trading settlement at the site of Kuala Lumpur.’ (Gullick, 1955: 10). 150

Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, Looking Back, The Historic Years of Malaya and Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Pustaka Antara, 1977: 356. 151

Tunku Abdul Rahman, ‘The Life Story of Tengku Kudin’, in his column As I See It…, The Star, Monday, 30 January 1984: 18-19. See also Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, Challenging Times, Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk Publications, undated: 179.

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Abdullah Hukum and Kuala Lumpur With regard to the name Kuala Lumpur it was already in use by 1850 when Abdullah Hukum (18351943), a Kerinci youth aged 15 found himself there following his father who moved to the peninsula to trade (berdagang).152 According to Abdullah Hukum, the Kerinci migrant who arrived in Kuala Lumpur in 1850, Kuala Lumpur was already well established and a thriving trading settlement. In his own words, Kuala Lumpur pada masa itu sibuk cara zaman dahulu. Ada dua lorong sahaja, iaitu Java Street dan Market Street sekarang manakala Ampang Street (Lorong Ceti) yang ramai sekarang ini masih kolam ikan dipunyai oleh Almarhum Sutan Puasa.153 Kuala Lumpur at the time was busy in the way it used to bustle in the old days. There were two lanes, namely Java Street and the present Market Street while Ampang Street (Chettiar Lane) which is bustling today was still a fish pond belonging to the late Sutan Puasa. In short, by 1850, Kuala Lumpur already had two streets which under colonial rule became Java Street (Mountbatten Road/Jalan Tun Perak) and Market Street (Leboh Pasar Besar) respectively. Together with Cross Street (Jalan Silang), the three streets came to form the familiar rectangular pattern bounded by the river. Of Java Street, Market Street and Ampang Street and the exit road from Kuala Lumpur, and the Java Street bridge over the Klang River, Abdullah said, Jalan-jalan keluar Kuala Lumpur belum ada. Orang keluar masuk ikut jalan perahu atau ikut jalan kesan jejak orang. Rumah-rumah kedai Kuala Lumpur atap bertam, tembokS liat di Java Street dan di Ampang Street sekarang. Jambatan Java Street itu diperbuat daripada buluh dan tambatan dekat pasar itu diperbuat daripada dua batang kayu tetapi apabila orang putih telah dating jambatan-jambatan itu diganti dengan papan.154 152

Adnan, 1997: 3. Abdullah Hukum’s version of Kuala Lumpur under native and colonial rule was serialized in eight articles published in the Malay periodical Warta Ahad from 6 October 1935: 5-6, 19-20; 13 October 1935: 7-8, 18; 20 October 1935: 7-8, 17;, 27 Oktober 1935: 7-8; 3 November 1935: 9-10; 10 November 1935: 5-6 and 17 November 1935: 9-10, 16. The editor of the articles described Abdullah Hukum as the oldest surviving migrant to Kuala Lumpur from the ‘Malay archipelago’ and does not claim that the account is chronological history (bukanlah pula tarikh yang tersusun) rather than reminiscences that hopes to entertain (mendatangkan seronok) its readers with regard to stories (riwayat) pertaining to the ‘Malay wars’. We have the photocopies of original articles courtesy of Annabel Teh Gallop, Curator for Indonesian and Malay, The British Library, as well as the transliteration by Adnan Haji Nawang, Kuala Lumpur dari Perspektif Haji Abdullah Hukum, Kuala Lumpur: Berita Publishing Sdn. Bhd. 1997. We checked the transliteration against the original and found only minor errors but the transliteration is given raw unannotated. For the sake of convenience, we decided to use Adnan’s version rather than from the original itself. 153

Adnan, 1997: 4.

154

Adnan, 1997: 28.

174

There were as yet no roads radiating out of Kuala Lumpur. People came and went by boats or jungle tracks. The shop-houses in Kuala Lumpur had bertam attap155 roofing (and) tough clayey wall/s at the present Java Street and at Ampang Street. The Java Street bridge was then constructed of bamboo and the moorings near the market were made of a pair of logs but when the white people came, the bridges were replaced with planks. He informs us of the building materials used in the construction of the shops in Kuala Lumpur, adding that textiles and foodstuffs were traded by Rawa and Mandailing, whose headmen Sutan Puasa and Raja Bilah were the practical leaders of Kuala Lumpur, exacting taxes from the traffic on the Klang and Gombak rivers. Rumah-rumah kedai masa itu atap bertam dinding pelupuh (buluh) dan orang yang berniaga di situ seperti menjual kain-kain dan makanan semuanya orang Melayu, iaitu bangsa Rawa dan Mendahiling dan ketuaan masa itu ialah Sutan Puasa dan Raja Bilah. Kedua-dua ketua itu mengutip hasil dagangan yang lalu lintas melalui Sungai Kelang atau Sungai Gombak. Adapun cukai timah ialah seringgit sebahara (tiga pikul).156 The shophouses at the time were made of attap bertam157 and woven bamboo walls and the traders operating there were selling textiles and foodstuff were all Malays, that is, Rawa and Mendahiling, under the leadership of Sutan Puasa and Raja Bilah. Both these leaders collected taxes on the trade passing through the Klang and Gombak rivers. The tax on tin was one ringgit a bahara (equivalent to three pikul). Thus Kuala Lumpur was already in existence before Raja Abdullah became the district chief in 1857. This Bugis chief therefore cannot have ‘founded Kuala Lumpur’, because it was already there. What can be ascribed to him are two acts: firstly, taking over as the titleholder of the district chief from his predecessor and secondly, introducing Chinese miners from Lukut (where there was already a large Chinese population) to work the existing mining areas then being worked by the Mandailing (described as Malays by Gullick) and their Sumatran associates at Ampang.158 With regard to the term ‘Melayu’ (Malay) used in the quotation above, after two generations of statist programming and conditioning under British rule the term ‘Melayu’ (Malay) was considerably internalised from the 1920s, and by the 1930s, the period in which these articles were framed, the term ‘Malay’ became synonymous with indigenity. In other words, Malays equals or were interchangeable 155

E. tristis, an almost stemless palm with leaves usually up to 6 feet long found in abundance in the forests of the peninsula, but not throughout. (I. H. Burkill, A Dictionary of the Economic Products of the Malay Peninsula, Volume 1 (A-H), Ministry of Agriculture Malaysia: (1936), 2002: 972) 156 157

Eugeissona, Griff. A small genus of short-stemmed, or tufted palms – family Palmae – found in the Malay Peninsula and Borneo… The blades are used for making ataps. They do not last as long as those from better palms, and have to be laid down rather thickly. Nevertheless, in many parts of the Peninsula they are used and no others.’ (Burkill, 2000: 972). 158

Middlebrook and Gullick, 1983: 18; Gullick, 1998: 39.

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with Mandailing, Rawa and just about everybody else excepting the Europeans, Chinese and Indians. 159 The term ‘Melayu’ (Malay) began to be used widely as an ethnic category rather than just as a referent to place of origin, only from the eighteenth to nineteenth centuries. Malay as used in the colonial census is a distinct and totalised identity of govermentality for the control, policing, monitoring and exploitation of colonized subjects.160 The Founding of Kuala Lumpur In an exercise of reductionism, the original site of Kuala Lumpur had been scale-down to the size of a shack of the two Chinese traders and the ‘trading village’ itself has been described as a shanty town.161 Yet by Abdullah Hukum’s standards this ‘trading village’ was already a two street ‘market town’ of modest scale and size, busy for a town of that period.162 We should remember that the size and layout of any trading village is in part determined by the village’s activities as a trading settlement – in this case a multicultural trading outpost – and in part determined by the stature and lineage of its Mandailing patron, Sutan Puasa.

159

William R. Roff, The Origins of Malay Nationalism, Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Malaya, (1967) 1980: 127, 132, 136, 148. For the role of the vernacular Malay press in the shaping of Malay identity see Roff, 1980: 157- 177. 160

For the use of census in the construction of racial categorization see Charles Hirschman, ‘The Making of Race in Colonial Malaya: Political Economy and Racial Ideology’, Sociological Forum 1 (2), 1986: 330-361. With respect to the use of text books in forming that identity see Soda Naoki, ‘The Malay World in Textbooks: The Transmission of Colonial Knowlege in British Malaya’, Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 39, No. 2, September 2001: 188-234. On the rise of Malay nationalism see Roff, 1980: 178-247; see also Radin Soenarno, ‘Malay Nationalism, 1896-1941’, Journal of Southeast Asian History, Vol. 1, No. 1, Nationalism in Malaya (Mar., 1960: 1-28). 161

The term shanty implies often ramshackle cabin, shack, hovel, poorly-built in a disorderly, chaotic and overcrowded slum or squatter settlement as rural enclave or urban village, and by extension the denizens are migrants or peasants from the countryside in a transition stage from indigenous peasantry into the culture of the city of the colonialists. In the negative sense, a ‘shanty town’, slum or squatter settlement uses whatever inferior materials are available to the poor, the under previlage and the downtrodden, and at best as ingenious and indigenous appropriate building technology, using available resources in a far more cost-effective way instead of being seen as a physical expression of a pioneering community struggling against obstacles in the interior in an attempt to surmount them. ‘Shanty town’ have been thought of as marginal to the politics and economics of the city, giving licence to colonial planners, engineers and architects to sweep it away in place of the urban metropolis in the image of the empire. 162

‘Kuala Lumpur pada masa itu sibuk cara zaman dahulu.’ (Adnan, 1997: 4).

176

In this regard, Yap Ah Loy was not the first person to ‘develop’ Kuala Lumpur albeit he redeveloped it after the Klang War along the same pattern as it was first developed by Sutan Puasa and the Sumatrans. The urban layout of Kuala Lumpur was found not wanting that its essential feature was replicated consistently. The third Kapitan China claimed he singularly raise Kuala Lumpur from the ashes after the town was burned down three times during the course of the war.163 This extravagant claim has been taken as given and at face value by colonial officials, and its veracity has never been challenged or check against other sources. This assertion was later used to legitimize Yap Ah Loy descendants’ claims for compensation and reimbursement in the reconstruction of Kuala Lumpur after the Selangor civil war.164 Gullick erroneously concluded that 1859 or 1860 was the year in which Kuala Lumpur was born, but was accurate in asserting that ‘the embarkation point became the trade and supply post for the mines and also the upstream end of the river route to the area.’165 In all probability the ‘trading village’ and its embarkation point was further upstream on the Lumpur River in the early 1800s, moving closer to the confluence of the Lumpur and Klang rivers before 1850, as the Lumpur River presumably became silted up, and more importantly, when new mines were discovered on the eastern flank of the Klang River. Influenced by Pasqual’s estimation, Middlebrook sites the first trading post a mile from the confluence of the Lumpur river and dates it to 1859.166 Drawing inference from this, Gullick deduced that the settlement moved closer to the confluence of Lumpur and Klang rivers long before the Selangor civil war (1867-1873).167 We propose that the settlement and its embarkation point moved to the east bank of the Klang River in about the 1830s, for the settlement was firmly established and flourishing at this latter location by 1850. In summary: in the first instance the settlement was called Sungei Lumpur, before the progression to Pangkalan Lumpur; the transition to Kuala Lumpur is not a case of ‘false analogy’ or of a mistaken identity, rather it points to the phases of development, both geographical and 163

According to Yap Ah Loy via Swettenham in Further Correspondence Relating to the Affairs of Certain Native States in the Malay Peninsula, in the Neighbourhood of the Straits Settlements (In continuation of Command Paper [C. 1111] of July 1874), London: Harrison and Sons, 1876: 100. Swettenham at the time Assistant Resident Selangor at Langat reported on 18 December 1874 that, ‘He [Yap Ah Loy] told me he had seen Qualla Lumpor [sic] destroyed three times, and had three times rebuilt it.’ In his journal dated 26 March 1875, he wrote that, ‘the Capt. China, who has seen the town 3 times burnt down and has 3 times rebuilt it’ (P. L. Burns and C. D. Cowan, Sir Frank Swettenham’s Malayan Journals 1874-1876, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1975: 219). Kuala Lumpur was attacked in September and October 1870, at the end of August 1872 and approximately in March 1873. (Middlebrook and Gullick, 1983: 58, 77, 79). Kuala Lumpur was totally destroyed in late 1872. (Gullick 1990: 17). 164

Middlebrook and Gullick, 1983: 121-2.

165

Gullick, 1998:39; J. M. Gullick, ‘A Careless Heathen Philosopher? 1860-1898’, in Glimpses of Selangor 18601898, MBRAS (1993) 1996: 2. 166

Middlebrook and Gullick, 1983:18-9.

167

. M. Gullick, J. M. (1990) ‘The Growth of Kuala Lumpur and the Malay Community in Selangor before 1880”, JMBRAS, Vol. 63, Pt. 1, 1990: 30 fn. 19.

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physical, from a settlement of relative importance in the staging and stapling process in the upper reaches of the Klang valley river basin in the early nineteenth century to a major riverine entrepôt in the middle of that century, at which time it became known as Kuala Lumpur.

178

Who is the True Founder? To recap, Raja Abdullah cannot be the founder as Kuala Lumpur as the place he ‘opened’ was Ampang and not Kuala Lumpur as the latter was already extant when he introduced his Chinese coolies to Ampang in 1857. As to his ethnicity, Raja Abdullah was regarded as an outsider from Riau by the Selangor-born aristocracy.168 Even Sultan Alauddin Sulaiman Shah, the son of Raja Musa, the eldest son of Sultan Abdul Samad, regarded Raja Abdullah as ‘a Rhio Raja’.169 The inclusion of Bugis into the Malay category in colonial census was a deliberate identity construction that served the ‘administrative convenience’ of the colonial state and has been continued by the Malaysian state. Likewise Hiu Siew and Ah Sze Keledek, whom Middlebrook proposed as the founder cannot be seconded as they arrived in Ampang and/or Kuala Lumpur in 1859, two years after Raja Abdullah’s coolies. Liu Ngim Kong alias Pak Loh Tsi appeared in Kuala Lumpur in 1861. All three men were invited to come over to Kuala Lumpur by Sutan Puasa. Yap Ah Loy only showed up in Kuala Lumpur in 1862. Sutan Puasa sanctioned the appointment of each Kapitan China of Kuala Lumpur from Hui Siew in 1859 to Liu Ngim Kong in 1862 to Yap Ah Loy in 1869. If there was a ‘Chinese’ founder of Kuala Lumpur, the person in question would logically be the first Kapitan China of Kuala Lumpur and not the third. As such the question of whether Yap Ah Loy was the founder does not arise, irrelevant and of the mark as he does not enter into the equation at all. The debate as to his incumbency was therefore pointless. As to who was first on the spot, we know that Sutan Puasa was already in Kuala Lumpur by 1830 and firmly rooted by 1850. According to Raja Yacob, the grandnephew of Raja Bilah, one of the pioneering leaders of Kuala Lumpur and the author of Tarikh Raja Asal dan Keluarganya, a chronicle of Mandailing migration and settlement in the peninsula, the notable Mandailing traders and leader in Kuala Lumpur at the time were: Adalah saudagar-saudagar orang Mandailing yang terkenal pada masa itu “Sutan Puasa”, Jalilla, Jasuman, Haji ‘Abdul Majid. Dan ketua mereka di Kuala Lumpur, Raja Duri.170 As for the noted Mandailing merchants at the time ‘Sutan Puasa’, Jalilla, Jasuman, Haji ‘Abdul Majid. And their leader in Kuala Lumpur, Raja Duri. Raja Yacob did not attribute the founding of Kuala Lumpur to Sutan Puasa; instead he insists that the leadership there rested with Raja Duri (Raja Dori in Mandailing pronunciation).

168

Winstedt, 1934: 19; J. M. Gullick, Kuala Lumpur, 1880-1895, JMBRAS, Singapore: Malaya Publishing House, 1955: 10; J. M. Gullick, Indigenous Political Systems of Western Malaya, London: Athlone Press, (1958) 1988: 14; Buyong Adil, 1981: 49. 169

ranscript of the official English translation of an address given to the Selangor Rotary Club by H. H. Sultan ’Ala’u’d-din Sulaiman Shah on Wednesday, 28th October, 1933. 170

Raja H. M. Yacob, Tarikh Raja Asal dan Keluarganya, unpublished manuscript, 1934: 2.

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In short, before the arrival of Sutan Puasa, there was already a Mandailing head in Kuala Lumpur, as was the case in Ampang, which was initially led by Raja Baranang before Raja Banding replaced him. Likewise we can safely conclude that Sutan Puasa took over from Raja Dori for the latter’s name does not appear afterwards in connection with Kuala Lumpur. Pasqual, an Eurasian who had intimate dealings with the Mandailing, described Sutan Puasa as ‘a Mendeleng from Sumatra’.171 We are told that Sutan Puasa migrated to the peninsula in 1830.172 Sutan Puasa left the Mandailing homeland at the height of the Padri occupation, his departure coinciding with the mass migration of Mandailing from their ancestral villages to the peninsula. We know that Sungai Lumpur was settled by 1818 if not earlier.173 We extrapolate that the Mandailing must have arrived around that time circa 1820 or 1830 at the height of the Padri War. (18031845).174 By 1850, they became a recognisable and prominent force in Ulu Klang and Kuala Lumpur. It would have taken a significant period to develop such a permanent, functioning settlement. Doing so would in turn have required approvals from the Bugis territorial chief, and the mobilisation of human and social capital for the clearing of land and forest to allow erection of structures such as shops and housing. Similarly, land must have been cleared for vegetable gardens, the preparation of paddy plots for rice cultivation and fruit orchards, while at the same time a trading network became established in order to sustain life in the new country.175 We have to bear in mind that Kuala Lumpur was originally a heavily forested area.176 171

J. C. P., ‘Malayan Reminiscences, Selangor’s War, Dispute Over Royal Marriage’, The Sunday Times, October 14, 1934. 172

Muhammad Ali Othman, et al., Rumah Melayu Jalan Chow Kit, No 41, Jalan Chow Kit, Kuala Lumpur, Kajian Lukisan Terukur, Jabatan Senibina, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UKM), 1996/97): 31-31; Tarombo Marga Lubis di Tobang. Muhammad Ali Othman, et al., does not cite his source for this piece of information but we gather from the text that the authors obtained the date of Sutan Puasa’s departure from his homeland to the peninsula from his descendants whose house was the subject of their measured drawings. 173

John Anderson Political and Commercial Considerations Relative to the Malayan Peninsula and the British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, Penang: Government Press, 1824: 198-9. 174

The dating of the Padri War is confusing. Tugby dates it from 1810-1830 while Parlindungan dates the war from 1816-1833. Both are totally off. Christine Dobbins, arguably the foremost authority on the period, dates the Padri movement in Minangkabau proper from 1803-1819 and the Padri incursions into Mandailing and the ‘Batak lands’ from 1807-1832. She dates Minangkabau resistance and their subsequent subjugation to Dutch colonial rule from 1833-1841. Mandailing, Rao (Rawa) and others also offered resistance. Muhamad Radjab in turn dates the Padri War from 1803-1838, although his account of the war in Minangkabau ended in 1845. Both Dobbins and Radjab are in agreement as to the beginning of the war but differ in dating the ending. We have decided to go with 18031845 to include the full expanse of the war. Dobbin dates the invasion of Upper Mandailing by bands of Padri from Rao, the northern rantau of the Minangkabau to the south of Mandailing, to about 1820 whilst Castles dates it to about 1825. (Dobbin, 1983: 178; Lances Castles, ‘Statelessness and State-Forming Tendencies Among the Batak before Colonial Rule’, in Anthony Reid and Lance Castles, Pre-Colonial State Systems in Southeast Asia, Kuala Lumpur: MBRAS, 1975: 71). 175

Tunku Shamsul Bahrin, The Indonesians in Malaya, M.A. thesis, University of Sheffield, Sheffield, 1964.

176

What is now Kuala Lumpur was a dense jungle infested by tigers and other wild animals.’ J. C. P., ‘Malayan Reminiscences, Murder That Started A War, Kanching Massacre’, The Sunday Times, December 30, 1934: 9.

180

The question as to who is the ‘founder’ of Kuala Lumpur is a colonial obsession. Sutan Puasa did not find Kuala Lumpur in the sense that he discovered it or founded it as he was not the first one there. There were others before him – the early Mandailing wanderers, sojourners, migrants and settlers. As such, Kuala Lumpur was a Mandailing settlement to begin with and Sutan Puasa transformed it from an insignificant hamlet…to a vibrant locus of activities through his contacts, networks, influence, wealth and leadership. In that sense, Sutan Puasa was truly the founder of Kuala Lumpur.177

Although he was the ‘architect’ of Kuala Lumpur, the city owed its beginnings to a group rather than to individual efforts alone which cut across racial lines. Although Sutan Puasa was indeed the founder, promoter and developer of a cosmopolitan Kuala Lumpur peopled by a diversity of ethnic groups, he certainly could not have achieved this without the encouragement and support of his Mandailing clansmen, fellow Sumatrans, his Chinese counterparts and the Bugis territorial potentates. Kuala Lumpur may not be a court centre, a site of any great antiquity nor of religious importance; nor indeed was it a cosmopolitan port in the same sense as Penang, Malacca and Singapore in the British colonies of the Straits Settlement. It was never as populous as the metropolitan centres in the Straits of Malacca; however its significance was as a river port, a trading centre and entrepôt, the most important terminus to the interior in Selangor in the nineteenth century. It was the key for transregional trade at the behest of the Mandailings with the patronage of their Sumatran counterparts and Chinese partners.

177

Abdur-Razzaq Lubis, ‘Sutan Puasa: The Founder of Kuala Lumpur’, Journal of Southeast Asian Architecture, Volume 12, September 2013: 32-3.

181

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Middlebrook, S. M. and J.M. Gullick. (1951, 1983) Yap Ah Loy 1837-1885, MBRAS. Mohd. Amin Hassan. (1985) ‘The Klang War 1867-1873’, Malaysia in History, Vol. 28. Muhammad Ali Othman, et al. (1996/97) Rumah Melayu Jalan Chow Kit, No 41, Jalan Chow Kit, Kuala Lumpur, Kajian Lukisan Terukur, Jabatan Senibina, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UKM). Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan, Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela gelar Tuanku Rao, Terror Agama Islam Mazhab Hambali di Tanah Batak, 1816-1833, Djakarta: Tandjung Pengharapan, 1964. Radin Soenarno. (Mar., 1960), ‘Malay Nationalism, 1896-1941’, Journal of Southeast Asian History, Vol. 1, No. 1. Raja H. M. Yacob. (1934) Tarikh Raja Asal dan Keluarganya, unpublished manuscript. Reid, Anthony and Lance Castles (eds.) (1975) Pre-Colonial State Systems in Southeast Asia, Kuala Lumpur: MBRAS. Roff, William R. (1967, 1980) The Origins of Malay Nationalism, Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Malaya. Soda Naoki. (September 2001) ‘The Malay World in Textbooks: The Transmission of Colonial Knowlege in British Malaya’, Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 39, No. 2. Transcript of the official English translation of an address given to the Selangor Rotary Club by H. H. Sultan ’Ala’u’d-din Sulaiman Shah on Wednesday, 28th October, 1933. Tugby, Donald. (1977) Cultural Change and Identity: Mandailing Immigrants in West Malaysia, St. Lucia: University of Queensland. Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra, Challenging Times, Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk Publications, undated. Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra. (1977) Looking Back, The Historic Years of Malaya and Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur: Pustaka Antara. Tunku Abdul Rahman, ‘The Life Story of Tengku Kudin’, in his column As I See It…, The Star, Monday, 30 January 1984. Tunku Shamsul Bahrin (1964) The Indonesians in Malaya, M.A. thesis, University of Sheffield, Sheffield. Warta Ahad, 6 October 1935: 5-6, 19-20; 13 October 1935: 7-8, 18; 20 October 1935: 7-8, 17;, 27 Oktober 1935: 7-8; 3 November 1935: 9-10; 10 November 1935: 5-6 and 17 November 1935: 9-10, 16. Winstedt, R. O. (1934) A History of Selangor, Singapore: MBRAS. Wong Lin Ken. (1965) The Malayan Tin Industry to 1914 with special reference to the states of Perak, Selangor, Negri Sembilan and Pahang, Tuscon: The University of Arizona Press. Zainal Abidin Zulkifli. (February 1969) ‘Orang-Orang Bangkahulu di Malaysia’, Dewan Masyarakat.

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Religion And Belief Towards Human Development Dr. Ahmed Yunus, Faculty of Islamic Studies, National University of Malaysia Dr. Elbahloul Muhammad Hussain, Faculty of Arts and Science, Jabal Garbi University, Libya Telephone: 00218919780919 Email: [email protected] Abstract The paper addresses the subject of: (Religion and Belief towards Human Development) in the application of human rights to all members of the communities in the world as a whole. This research aims to clarify the issue of religion and belief towards human development. The paper adopted analytical approach where the researcher refers to books that talked about (religion and belief towards human development) and then analyzed these texts and to clarify mysterious ones in order to compare between them. This research is considered a doctrinal one where the researcher relied on documents, books and memos and subjected them to analytical scrutiny to reach to the desired results. As for the subtopics to be discussed in this research, they are: the concept of religion literally and technically; the need for human development; the contemporary world and human rights. Then conclusion will follow which will include results, the most important of which is: the world is in dire need of cooperation for humanitarian interests and human development. Keywords: Development, Human Rights, Religion, Belief. Introduction Since nearly half a century, the champions of human rights boldly called for full equality between all members of the human community and claimed human dignity is part and indivisible, and this guiding vision included equality for all; the right of everyone to freedom of thinking, ethics and emotional conscience including (religion)i and described these as fundamental rights and unquestionable, but in spite of the unanimous adoption of the international community for this declaration and incorporating it in international law and its legislation, but the world is still witnessing continued intolerance and discrimination based on religion or belief. Moreover, violence in the name of religion is becoming widespread, and not only that, but religion has been manipulated and used for the benefit of political ideology, and the growing tensions between religion and state policies, and the rising tide of religious extremism has fueled this developments, threatening security and human development in many countries and also threatened efforts to World peace; and the widespread abuse of this right is often targeted at women and minorities. The human rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration are indivisible and also have overlapping nature and each article from it depends on the other, and so the violations of article on religious and intellectual freedom will detract some of the rights, such as the right to education, work, peaceful assembly, citizenship, political

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participation, health and even the right to life itself. What we see today of violations of human rights especially in the Arab and Islamic countries is a clear evidence on such violations as if the people of the third World are not included in this project that fulfills the promise of freedom of religion and belief to all without discrimination; and it is the human right in our era that continues to be pressing, and it remains the most contentious right. Meaning of Development The concept of development is considered as one of the most important concepts of the world; it has been used on the process of establishing some coherent economic and political systems where it is referred to as “development process” and concept for this transition points out after the independence of many countries from colonialism – in the sixties of this century- in Asia and Africa. The importance of concept of development is manifest in its multiple dimensions and levels, and its interconnection with many of other concepts, such as planning, production, progress and development. The concept of development has emerged with its main picture since World War II, where this concept was not used since its emergence in the prominent British economy “Adam Smith” in the last quarter of the eighteen century until World War II, but as an exception; the terminologies used to connote the occurrence of evolution referred to in the society were ‘Material Progress” or ‘Economic Progress’.ii Even when the issue of development of some of the economies of Eastern Europe arose in the nineteenth century, the terminologies used were ‘Modernization’ or ‘Industrialization’. The concept of development has firstly emerged in economics where it was used to denote the process of bringing a group of radical changes in a particular community; in order to give the community the ability to self-development continuing at a rate that ensures increasing improvement of the quality of life for all its members; that means the sense of increasing the community’s ability to respond to the basic needs and the growing needs of its members in a manner that ensures increasing degrees of satisfying those needs through ongoing rationalization to exploit the economic resources available and good distribution of the product of that exploitation. Then the concept of development moved to the field of politics since sixties of the twentieth century where it appeared as a field concerned with the development of nonEuropean countries towards democracy. Political development is known “as the process of multifaceted social change, whose ultimate goal is to reach to the level of industrialized countries” and this means finding systems plurality modeled on European systems to achieve economic growth and electoral participation and political competition, and reinforce the concepts of national sovereignty and loyalty to the nation-state. Overtime, the concept of development grew to be related to many fields of knowledge. For example there is cultural development that seeks to raise the level of culture and development in the community and promotion of rights, as well as social development, which aims to develop community-based interactions between the parties to the society: the individual, the community, various social institutions, non-governmental organizations etc. 186

The nature of belief Belief is a set of ideas that arouse to an individual because of special circumstances; environment, society, education, religion and education; all these factors contributed to that, and over time turned into an incontrovertible fact, and the faith that imposes the human the need to defend it vigorously, and hate the one who violates this belief, then the thoughts turned to feelings and values that are inherent in the inner self which if touched is considered a violation of the sanctity of who submits to them, whatever the strength and sincerity and logic of that belief. And the ideas of the belief turn to the case of a collective and sometimes nationalism that are represented in the form of: rituals, values, duties and principles that are instilled in the hearts and minds of the members of the community that believe in that belief in various references, information and stands, and also a strong passion is composed between the individual and the rest of the group that agree to it, and especially if there is enough to satisfy psychological needs, feelings of security, safety and peace of mind, and its connection increases with the creator in spite of his different names, so that the relationship between this belief and human psyche are stationed in depths of the human, and the followers generate the desire to strengthen the principle of loyalty and obedience. This causes the impossibility of changing someone from his belief; that is adhering to it, and defending it; whoever has a certain belief does not look for any evidence that is against it; even if the evidence is significant and convincing which is either mental or logical and scientific, but he normally neglects those evidences and shows no concern to them, as he thinks that his belief is better and more correct. This deep conviction and the content of these beliefs with their different levels and multiplicity, whether acquired or inherited is not necessarily evidence of the validity of the principles and teachings and betterment of the beliefs, as when you resort to science, reason, religion and reality as criteria for the goodness or wrongness of belief, it appears to the researcher that the truth on beliefs is that they are of different kinds –regardless of what is being said by the believers- just as there are sound beliefs that seek to liberate the human mind and protect it from falling into the clutches of darkness, there are also corrupt beliefs that captured human and made him a slave to the stray, perverted and corrupt principles, and as well turned him into monster that preys his human brother for material, mundane and mortal things. Formation of Belief Monotheistic religions call for the belief of the existence of only Allah, the Creator of the universe and man and all living and non-living things, and the Prophets and Messengers spread this message to the mankind which is also supported by human nature, Allah (swt) says: (We did indeed offer the Trust to the Heavens and the Earth and the Mountains; but they refused to undertake it, being afraid thereof: but man undertook it;- He was indeed unjust and foolish;-) iii. But subsequent periods and different circumstances and delusions of Satan paved the way for deflection of human from this right way and tarnished that clear reality, and also the 187

interpretation of beliefs differently brought man to the lowest degrees of ignorance and misery and its results appear in sanctification of animal and prostrating to idols and even worshipping human. Man has a main role in the formation of beliefs and directing them towards different directions, either characterized by the features of intolerance and narrow-mindedness and extremism, or characterized by qualities of openness, pluralism and flexibility in dealing, and all by the action of man who possess arts of management of changing beliefs and skills related to them to become reference and example after that for the groups of people, those who believe in that belief or other belief. Those responsible for some of the beliefs played a big role with what they left behind for managing and directing beliefs towards wrong direction throughout the history, such as books, words and experiences, where moral integrity and the process diminished, and souls became corrupted, and beliefs became just as a bridge towards personal interests and benefits when individual interests intersected with the interest of the states and regulations and also political parties to use the texts and holy hadiths wrongly, and removed from their minds the principle of trustworthiness and transferring examples, principles and sound ideas to the human to reach successive generations distorted and carry the teachings of falsehood and against the interest of human and his existence. Human need for belief Human need for belief is essential as its effect is evident in times of stress and hardship, and it is represented in the resort of the individual spontaneously by seeking help using available verses, teachings and holy hadiths in his religion or his belief or making a distress call to a leader or inspirer, and spiritual belief and customs mainly play important role in reducing the crime of suicide in various countries in the world, despite the fact that some of those committing the suicide have been provided with all what they need in their lives and reached to the peak of material bliss, and also satisfying human need with customs reduces crimes committed by human against another human, such as theft, murder, violation of dignity and looting, and also researches and studies have shown the role of belief in human life and his integration with his society and his interaction with his environment. The best example to this is the role prayer makes in activating the body’s movements, in addition to the ability of dealing good with others that it gives when it is performed with the group. Moreover, social studies emphasized that awareness of the damage causes by alcoholic beverages, and a warning of religion from their consequences, and deep thinking and in depth look at the experiences of others lead to the belief of hating and prohibition of wine, as such moving away from it for good so that human life is stable both in personal and family level. At the level of communities, some of them practice rituals and beliefs (magic) formed as a result of the effects stemming from several past cultures, religions and civilizations which aimed at keeping people from politics, governance and deepening ignorance in their ranks, and people started believing in their impact on funds, properties and even on the body, and some individuals began to flock to the places of magicians and charlatans and spend their money to

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execute the request and desires of charlatans, and it even reached to buying books and folders to teach magic and hidden science. Using belief Religious belief is the most common form profound and influential belief in the conscience of man and society where some groups utilized it for their own personal interest and it is either a way for good, righteousness and success or becomes a tool of evil, violence and terrorism, especially when these groups argue to be authorized by god (holy war), and the result of this war are image of devastation, persecution, murder and injustice everywhere, for example what happened to the Zionist movement in the religious experience of the Jewish which was based on the religious right for the occupation of the Palestine land, and with that they killed and ejected a lot of Palestinians, and they utilized money and media to achieve these plans. On the other hand, there are phenomena of radicalism, extremism and terrorism which was based on religion in some countries of the Islamic world which expropriated the blood of man who was honoured by God, and made fool of the Muslim mind and led him to a lot of crimes and adopted in achieving that on explanations and interpretations of abnormal Islamic sacred texts, and in addition to that the role of politician and religious leaders and rich people in America – for example – support problems and wars, such as Arab-Israeli conflict and occupation of Iraq stems from the beliefs prevalent there that indicate the imminent appearance of Christ, but in turn it leads to human destruction and spoiling the environment and destruction of human life. These examples and events emphasize the close relationship between behavior of individual or collective and religious beliefs in human life; strength of belief does have negative and sometime positive effect on the human who has that belief as a result of the fusion of several reasons such as family education and culture, environment, religion, tribe and the community through different times to dominate in the end the individual and it becomes a destiny that cannot be changed and exited from its prison, and especially the religious beliefs that accompany the various stages of human, and it appears in all aspects of his life, dealings, and his relations to other human, especially when he gets someone who supports these beliefs and renews and directs them to a particular interest. As for the occurrence of inconsistency and contradiction between belief and between feeling and behavior – as experienced by some people- indicates either a weakness on that belief or human behavior which makes human to think of utilizing mental capabilities and scientific ideas and sometimes tends to change religion in order to alter that behavior or leave it. For someone who look at all of the above, it appears that belief has a big role in the lives of human beings, and has a big power on the actions of the individuals and the group, and cannot be isolated from human interests as it is the personality of individual and a reflection of the ideas and values in the mysteries, and part of the intellectual world who come together in order to strengthen it from the family, community, houses of worship to face the superstition and incurable physical and current social, political fluctuations, and without that we lose a lot of values that we seriously need.

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Concept of development The concept of human development has been introduced which cares to support the capabilities of the individual and the measurement of standard of living and improve his position in the community. It is noted that a number of sub concepts derived from the concept of development are based on several axioms: iv a- The predominance of the physical character of human life, where it is measured by different levels of development indicators purely physical. b- Denying the existence of a source of knowledge independent from human source based on reality scenes and perceived; in other words dropping the idea of the creator from the circle of scientific considerations. c- The evolution of human societies is moving in a growing line consisting of successive stages, each stage is higher than the former, taking a model from the European society for other communities to try to catch up with. Difference between the concept of development in Arabic and English: Difference between the concept of development in Arabic and English is clear, as ‘tanmiyah’ which is development is Arabic is derived from ‘nama’ which means increase and spread. The term ‘numuwwu’ in Arabic is derived from ‘nama’ ‘yanmu’ ‘nama’un’ which means increase. If the term ‘nuwuwwun’ is closer to the derivation of right Arabic, the use of this word on the European concept distorts the Arabic pronunciation. ‘Nama’ means that something is increasing by itself from one situation to another without adding to it. v According to these connotations of the concept of development, it is not identical to the concept of development in English, which means ‘a radical change’ to the existing system with another which is more efficient and capable to achieve the goals, and that is according to the planned economic (which is often outer) and not in accordance with the vision of the masses of the people and their culture and national interests. It is noted that network concepts surrounding the concept of English differ from those surrounding the Arabic concept. For example, the phenomenon of development (in the concept of Arab-Muslim) deals as a phenomenon in part of the process of succession, which represents and determines the framework of the movement of society as we also find the concept of “Zakat” which literally and technically means ‘increase and growth mixed with blessing and purity’. Removing out from wealth has been named “Zakat” which is a decrease in the economic criteria while it is increasing in blessing or with reward that the giver gets from Allah (swt). And it is the opposite of ‘usury’ which Allah (swt) says with regards to it: (Allah destroys usury and puts blessings in alms). vi

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It is clear from this that the concept of growth in Islamic thought expresses the increase associated with purity, blessing and reward for the afterlife but did not ignore ‘good life’ in the world, while the concept of development focuses on the worldly dimension by measuring development in communities with economic and material indicators in its entirety, which the communities have high productions regardless of any vey humane consideration, where they focus on technical success even if it is destructive to the environment and the society, and emphasizes on the social organization even if that leads to persecution to others. vii In fact, ‘development’ is one of the few concepts that combine theoretical dimension and the practical side and call for the philosophical and metaphysical vision of communities and development purposes. Individual’s right to call for his religion or belief Freedom or choosing and changing a belief is associated with the freedom of holding and spreading that belief to others, however, this right which is peppered over a wide range of activities is covered by guarantee of right to profess belief remains one of the most human rights that brings argument and controversy. While the Declaration calls for the protection of freedom of belief and without the slightest reservation, the right of human to disclose his belief subject is to restrictions. Governments are allowed to impose restrictions on this right for various reasons under the names of “virtue” “maintaining public order” and “the general welfare in a democratic society”. Though those limits fall under the jurisdiction of the states, but they are often misused to suppress the minorities, which raises the question of the legitimacy of state intervention in the manifestations of belief and religion. States respond to those practices by saying they are careful not to open the door for calling others to other beliefs as a mean of protecting and preserving the traditions of certain minority. But the right to freedom of belief and religion is a need that depends on the openness and to identify new ideas and ability to share and receive information. Also the limit on the basis of “maintaining public order” and “virtue” is often applied widely which is not compatible with the principle of non-discrimination. Non-democratic countries and states which are based on theocracy reserve on an ongoing basis on this right without incurring responsibility to provide evidence of their vision. With this they do not raise the question of interpretation of this right in particular, but it is different from all the other rights related to it, such as employment, education, freedom of expression and peaceful assembly. While it is possible to impose restrictions on freedom of religion or belief if the application is meaningful, however, the misuse of states of these restrictions do not succeed except in exacerbating the marginalization suffered by the oppressed minorities. There are many organizations that are fighting religions and beliefs as for example did by followers of Christianity in spreading their religion and distorting the religion of Islam in various ways. Abdul Rahamn Hassan Habnakah al-Maidani says: (the work of missionaries passed in stages integrated the plans, programs and their efforts to achieve their goals, and started through these stages to adjust and improve by deleting certain things and adding others and began to update their means and invent other new things, reached by the tricks of intelligence, 191

experiments, tests a and monitor the results of the work, or to guide the deliberations of the views in the conferences being held for this purpose). (1) The discovery of the importance of education and its direction by the Western scholars was an effective means and powerful weapon to colonize and seize minds just as they did for lands. It is on this that Umar al-Jundi says: “the most complex problems faced by the Islamic world were the problems of education and culture; the Muslims felt the extent of their need to expand the field of education and renewing the field of culture as an important factor in the Renaissance. The colonial masters knew this is the Muslim life and they tried to benefit from it at the maximum, and when the colonialism returned back to the Islamic World in its new role has prepared its plan in a way to change the Islamic belief and eliminate its basic components through education”1. And this movement depends on intellectual invasion as the biggest factor of establishing its principles as the fruits of education persists across generations. As well the protection of freedom of belief and religion requires vigilance in protecting citizens from the forces of ideological extremism, and compel condemnation of incitement and extremism and dissemination of hostility in the name of religion and to punish such practices and to be deterred by all means based on the International Declaration on equality between men and women as a moral duty and one of the articles of International law which condemns the behavior and actions of depriving women of their human dignity and the exercise of freedom based on their will in the name of religion. Thus, long and preventive strategy must be adopted to educate children and adults alike, and provide them with the skills of reading, writing and opportunities to learn other systems within a culture that urges learning; people will be able to see their religion directly and can also see the beliefs of others, and with this they will have the freedom of question, debate and possible reimbursement in the application of knowledge; and they will be able to respond to the forces of ignorance and intolerance. Right of Religion in Islam The right of religion, or freedom of belief is one of the most important human rights after the right to life or even more than it; this is because religion is one of the key essentials and is on top of the right to life, and this is why Jihad has been proclaimed for the sake of religion to ensure the freedom of religion so that human lives a precious life consistent with his belief and religion, especially if the religion is the true one, the one revealed by Allah (swt), protected from distortion, consistent with common sense and reality, and the correct perception of the universe, life and man. The content of the freedom of religion of every human being is absolute freedom to choose a faith that he believes in as long as it is with his free will and will not hurt others. viii And the right to religion is linked to mind and intellect, freedom of will and personal choice and conviction of the person, and belief comes from the heart, and no one has authority on that except Allah (swt).

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Therefore, the Qur’an expressly explains the right of belief, with warning from deceit and corruption. Allah (swt) says: (Let there be no compulsion in religion: Truth stands out clear from Error.ix). Allah (swt) says again: (If it had been thy Lord's will, they would all have believed,- all who are on earth! wilt thou then compel mankind, against their will, to believe!x). The Qur’an guides to the true faith, which is the natural religion where Allah (swt) says: ((establish) Allah.s handiwork according to the pattern on which He has made mankind: no change (let there be) in the work (wrought) by Allah. that is the standard Religion.xi). Then the Qur’an threatened the one who deviated from the true faith and its rulings, Allah says: (Say, "The truth is from your Lord": Let him who will believe, and let him who will, reject (it). xii) because a man is born originally on instinct until it is changed with human action or Satanic whisper. There is a hadith to this effect as Abu Hurairah (ra) narrated that the Prophet (saw) said: (There is none born but is created to his true nature (Islam). It is his parents who make him a Jew or a Christian or a Magian quite as beasts produce their young with their limbs perfect. Do you see anything deficient in them?)xiii Freedom of Belief for non-Muslim Islam does not compel adult human to enter into Islam, despite the conviction and certainty that Islam is the true religion; but Islam leaves the freedom of belief to adult human and to choose the religion he wants, and to bear the result of that choice as mentioned in the verse above: (Let there be no compulsion in religion: Truth stands out clear from Error: whoever rejects evil and believes in Allah hath grasped the most trustworthy hand-hold, that never breaks.xiv) So Allah created human being ready to choose as Allah (swt) says: (By the Soul, and the proportion and order given to it; And its enlightenment as to its wrong and its right;- xv) and he says: (And shown him the two highways?xvi) which means two ways: good and evil. In spite of the fact that Allah command human to worship Him and to reconstruct the earth, but Allah did not want to suppress the freedom of man or compel him to accept the message, but only shows man penalty for his actions, and the meaning of human choice will be to accept the penalty, as if it is a contract human accepts with all his freedom and will.xvii Here, an issue would be raised, the one some think it has contradiction and conflict between freedom of religion and belief and the prohibition of apostasy from Islam as the Muslim jurists unanimously agree that apostasy is a capital crime which carries severe punishment in the world and grave punishment in the afterlifexviii, as Allah (swt) says: (And if any of you Turn back from their faith and die in unbelief, their works will bear no fruit in this life and in the Hereafter; they will be companions of the Fire and will abide therein. xix), and the saying of the Prophet (saw): (whoever changes his religion, kill him). In fact this severe punishment for apostate is a part of freedom of religion and belief, which means that Islam does not compel someone to embrace and enter into it unless he has a firm conviction and complete satisfaction, and the recognition that Islam is right and declares his conversation to Islam and submit to it. The scholars agree that tradition is not accepted in 193

Islamic faith but mind and thought must approve to that, and if he changes after that it is either he enters into Islam as a hypocrite or showoff and for a despicable interest and still has disbelief in his heart, and this means that he manipulates the belief and system of the nation, and thus he deserves to be killed for this crime; or either he went out of Islam for the whisper of Satan from man and jinn, so in this case he would be asked to repent and explain the misconception he has, but if he insists on falsehood he will be killed for the crime of tampering with the sacred, belief and religions, and going against the public interest and his crime for the nation that supports him. Thus, killing apostate is in itself protection for the right of religion so that this right would not be ridiculed and disgraced.xx So Islamic Declaration of Human Rights is unique at this point where it mentions that a Muslim is bound to continue following Islam after entering into it, and article 10 mentions that as human is supposed to follow the religion of nature, it is not allowed to compel him by any means, and also his poverty, weakness or ignorance shall not be utilized to change his religion to another or to atheism.xxi Islam recognized human rights in the broadest sense and the most important one is right of freedom of religion and his right for freedom and equality through the establishment of a good society; and as the family is the nucleus of society, we find Islam protects it and prepares for it all the means of stability, development and progress. Islam has demolished all methods of differentiation between classes and makes equality a right established in Islam.xxii But in the international conventions and declaration of human rights, the right of religion, and freedom of belief do not have a long history in the West and Europe in particular, and other parts of the world as compulsion to religion was dominant, and religious intolerance was the policy until the French Revolution and declared freedom of religion. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that in a humble and timid manner, and did not provide a separate article, but only mention in article (81) which states that (Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, and this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom to explain belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance, either in secret or in community with others).xxiii It must also be noted that the Jihad was not intended to coerce one to Islam, but is focused on spreading the call (da’awah), and to remove the rule of tyrants, and to remove people from worshipping people to worshipping Allah, from the injustice of rulers to the justice of Islam, and to remove obstacles for the call (da’awah), to implement the freedom of belief and religion, and to remove injustice so that people will be able to think about faith and to choose the right religion and right faith. Khalid bin Walid (ra) said: (We do not compel anyone to enter into Islam, and if infidel is fought against to convert to Islam this would have been the greatest compulsion to Islam).xxiv Islam provides for the protection and preservation of life the necessity to eat, drink, clothing and housing and makes retribution, blood money, expiation compulsory and forbids abortion and infanticide. 194

In order to protect life, Islam forbids suicide as it is an assault on the human soul, and legislates retribution for soul, organs and wounds for protection of life from one angle and to keep it in the best shape created by Allah. The Qur’an mentions the wisdom for retribution by saying: (In the Law of Equality there is (saving of) Life to you, o ye men of understanding; that ye may restrain yourselves.xxv) As Dr. Taha Abdul Rahman says: (the need for attitude to human is just like the one for creation, thus, there is no humanitarian without morals)xxvi and that is why the essence of the message f the Prophets (as) is to instill, develop and maintain ethics, as said by the last Prophet Muhammad (saw): (I have been sent to complete good morals).xxvii The injustice of man to man and assault on him appeared throughout history in many forms and under different symbols and for various reasons, both internal and external, ethnic and racial, moral and financial, religious and economic, and especially in the dark ages in Europe, the socalled (the Middle Ages), with the absence of true faith, religion. Destruction and annihilation of human by his fellow man was repeatedly committed in the twentieth century in several ways, and then the First World War in the twenty first century where the injustice and aggression may affect one complete family. If the human rights with all its characteristics and privileges are the first things to be protected, then human purification must be the second goal for the human rights movement, and every activity aimed at human. Testimonial – as agreed by linguists and commentators involves two meanings which are cleansing and development. The Prophet (saw) explains the meaning of soul cleansing when he says: “Someone must know that Allah is with him wherever he is”xxviii, the Prophet (saw) makes soul cleansing one of the qualities to get the taste of faith and the fear of Allah (swt); when the believer is certain that Allah is with him and sees him in all the time, then he will cleanse himself and will only do good. So testimonial means cleansing, reform and change for the better, as well as good work; they distance someone from vices and follow good virtues and the development of good through legitimate Islamic means. Presently, Islam and Muslims call for awakening and vigilance and to support our religion in word and deed, and Allah (swt) promised us victory if carry out our obligations, where Allah (swt) says: (If you help Allah; He will help you and strengthen your feet).xxix The problem is not with the infallible values, but how to, or in a more accurate meaning: the problem is not in the religion and its teachings but with how to deal with these values and the generation of programs and plans cover movement of life in the light of the available resources and circumstances. It could be argued that the origin of evil in the world and the violation of human rights, corruption and shedding of blood is a result of human domination on human which may be

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classified as (deification) which throughout history of human has taken many forms, and each era has god and tyrant … since the dawn of history, in the agricultural era, this deification or domination image of the one who owns the land and rights, and acts as he pleases, and this continues in many souls in various fields of life which lessens human dignity. It is possible to say with all comfort that call to belief in Allah and abandon polytheism is the only way to provide human dignity and his equality with others, and tauhid in the long run means liberation, and those who try to cancel this meaning or to neutralize it in the lives of people, they only do that in order to make a god for themselves – and each era has godbecause belief in Allah and continuation of values equal them with others. Compulsion with all standard is neglect of mind, the basis of human dignity, and the abolition of the will and choice, and a way of domination, corruption and bloodshed and injustice and killing of a human being, but it is worse than murder as forcing human to a religion or principle or doctrine is not by his choice and conviction or denying him of the belief or religion he chooses is more terrible than to kill him as that is killing his will and choice violation of his human dignity, and thus Allah (swt) says: (for tumult and oppression are worse than slaughter; xxx), the crime of killing, despite its horror and risks remains less than the crime of coercion and duress… it is known that Allah orders for Jihad despite killing to protect the people’s choice and to avoid forcing or enticing them. Allah (swt) says: (And fight them on until there is no more Tumult or oppression, and there prevail justice and faith in Allah.xxxi), and this is an indication of the abolition of deification of humans. There is no doubt that the real man, the owner of greatness and excellence is the one that religions talked about and messages were revealed for that sake, and they made him the center and master of the universe, and they mentioned that he derives from the Spirit of Allah, as such he must remain a believer in Allah, associated with Him, worshipping Him, and this is the man with a religious dimension. Conclusion At the end of this research, it is clear that development is needed by all people, but the concept is different between the West and the East. As for belief, there is a conflict as seen by the West and its application, and the so-called freedom of belief and the possibility of a change of religion, this is not consistent with the Islamic faith, because who believes in Islam has no right to change his religion as Islam does not force people to enter into it as there is no compulsion in religion, people have freedom of choosing or rejecting it and the one who rejects will bear the consequences of that. Results: 1- The world is in dire need of cooperation for humanitarian interests and human development. 2- Human right may not be implemented as long as racism is not ended in the world. 3- The freedom of change of religion is not consistent with the Islamic religion.

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4- Humanity is in dire need of development based on mutual respect.

Sources and references Holy Qur’an Abdel- Rahman Taha . 2000. Question of Ethics contribution in cash moral Western modernity . Casablanca . Morocco .. Arab Cultural Center . Abdul Rahman Hassan Hpennekh field , a series of enemies of Islam , c 3 , the three wings cunning , i 7.1974 , Dar Pen , Damascus . Abdul-Malik Mansour Musabi , freedoms and civil rights and practices , unpublished . Anwar soldier , the Islamic world , colonialism, political , social, cultural , Arab and Islamic encyclopedia , c 4 , i 21 983 , Book House of Lebanon , Beirut . Abu Muslim Al-Hussein Bin Muslim pilgrims son cortical Alnisabure . Dutt . Whole right . Named Sahih Muslim . Beirut .. Lebanon . Dar generation Beirut. Albani . Muhammad Nasir al-Din bin Haji Noah . D . T. . String correct folders full. Al-Bukhari Muhammad bin Ismail bin Ibrahim bin invasive , Abu Abdullah , Tahqiq Mohamed Fouad Abdul Baki , Dar Islamic omens - Beirut , i 3.1409-1989 Conventions of international law of human rights , which was published by a decision of the General Assembly of the United Nations 217 A ( 3) of 10 December / December 1948 article 18. Islamic Encyclopedia Assembly, 1422 / 2001, Arab Republic of Egypt, the Ministry of Awqaf the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, Cairo. Nasr Aref , concept of development , Faculty of Political Science , Cairo University . The nation's book series, Issue 87 - February 1423 - twenty-second years.

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Changing Circumstances And Strategies: A New Era Of Business In Newly Independent Indonesia Frank Ochsendorf and Mark van de Water (Leiden University, The Netherlands)

Introduction On 27 December 1949, sovereignty was transferred from the Netherlands to Indonesia after a prolonged military and diplomatic struggle with its former colonizer, culminating in the Round Table Conference (RTC) Agreement. For many Indonesians however, the revolution had not yet reached its completion. While now politically fully independent, Indonesia still possessed an economic structure strongly resembling the one that had prevailed under Dutch rule. The economy bore all hallmarks of a colonial economy, with a sizeable portion of the modern economy still in the hands of foreign enterprises.1 Among these foreign enterprises, those of Dutch origin naturally held a dominant position. An important reason why investors from the metropolitan mother-country came to be so dominant in Indonesia was that they could benefit from the familiarity of legislation, institutions, procedures and language. Consequently, after the colony was opened up for private investment from 1870 onwards, a close connection evolved in the Netherlands-Indies between private business and stakeholders in politics and the bureaucracy. This connection resulted in the establishment of a powerful colonial lobby that safeguarded the interests of Dutch investors.2 But such fertile circumstances were soon to change after the Netherlands had lost its colonial prerogatives in Indonesia. Dutch economic dominance was a thorn in the side for many Indonesians of the nationalist persuasion, who regarded this situation as a continuation of colonial rule.

1

A portion representing 25% of GDP, Howard Dick, ‘Formation of the nation-state, 1930s-1966’, in: Howard Dick, Vincent J.H. Houben, J. Thomas Lindblad and Thee Kian Wie, The emergence of a national economy. An economic history of Indonesia, 1800-2000 (Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2002) 174. 2

Arjen Taselaar, De Nederlandse koloniale lobby. Ondernemers en de Indische politiek, 1914-1940 (Leiden: CNWS, 1998).

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At first, prospects for the Dutch business community seemed fairly promising. Indonesian government officials often publicly underscored the importance of foreign capital to the development of Indonesia.3 Furthermore, the Financial and Economic Agreement (Finec), appendixed to the RTC agreement, offered solid guarantees for continued operations by Dutch private companies in Indonesia. Nevertheless, the Finec also contained provisions less conducive to the smooth functioning of Dutch enterprise that could be invoked by Indonesia in order to further its wish to propel its economy from a colonial to a national one. First, articles 2 and 3 of Finec provided for the infringement of Dutch economic interests in the public interest, such as the welfare of the people, through expropriation, nationalization, liquidation, compulsory cession or transfer of properties. Second, article 12(d) of Finec stipulated that Dutch employers were obliged to make efforts to include Indonesians in management and staff functions (also boards of directors) of the companies as soon as possible, so that after a reasonable time the majority of the supervisory staff would consist of Indonesians.4 This paper examines the changing conditions for operations by Dutch private firms in newly independent Indonesia by way of two case studies that exemplify the implementation of the above-mentioned articles of Finec. Both cases are symptomatic of the process of ending Dutch economic dominance in Indonesia after its independence and the subsequent reorientation of the Indonesian economy. The first one focuses on the nationalization of the Javasche Bank (Java Bank) and is an example of the wider structural transformation of the colonial economy to a ‘national economy’ with a structure more suitable for the economic development of an independent nation. This process is known as indonesianisasi in its broadest sense.5 In a more narrow sense indonesianisasi pertains to the gradual replacement of Dutch officials and managers in executive government and corporate positions by Indonesian nationals; this is the topic of the second case study, which focuses on large Western estates in North Sumatra. The Central Bank And Foreign Investment Policy In this section we discuss the Java Bank, which served two functions. On the one hand, it acted as the central bank regulating money supply and issuing currency, but it also served as a regular commercial bank.6 The main focus of study is on the 1950s and the period of nationalization of the Java Bank in 1951 and the change of the name into Bank Indonesia in 1953. Special attention is given to the effects of the nationalization of the Java Bank on foreign investment and the supply of credits to private enterprises in Indonesia. The main sources are the annual reports of the Java Bank from 1949 3

However, in practice the government’s policy towards foreign capital was often far from accommodating, see: Bruce Glassburner, ‘Economic policy-making in Indonesia, 1950-1957’ in: Bruce Glassburner (ed.), The economy of Indonesia, selected readings (London: Cornell University Press, 1971) 70-98. This chapter offers a helpful overview of economic policy making in Indonesia in the period starting from formal independence until the nationalization of Dutch assets in December 1957. 4

J. Thomas Lindblad, Bridges to new business. The economic decolonization of Indonesia (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2008) 73 5

J. Thomas Lindblad, ‘The importance of indonesianisasi during the transition from the 1930s to the 1960s’,Itinerario 26 (2002) 51. 6

J. Thomas Lindblad, ‘Van Javasche Bank naar Bank Indonesia. Voorbeeld uit de praktijk van de indonesianisasi’, Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis 1 (2004) 31.

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and, from 1953, Bank Indonesia. Due to constraints in time, it is impossible to discuss each annual report in detail. Therefore, only information and data with direct effects on private investors and companies are mentioned here.

Nationalization of the Java Bank

During the RTC in 1949 the Dutch insisted on discussing economic and financial issues which led to the Finec agreement. This agreement contained several provisions favoring Dutch interests, such as a commitment by Indonesia that it would consult with the Netherlands if its financial and monetary policy would affect Dutch economic interests in Indonesia. As long as Indonesia had a debt to the Netherlands, the Netherlands should be consulted in advance on any alteration in the acts which were in force at the time of the transfer of sovereignty.7 Moreover, nationalization of Dutch enterprises would only be allowed if this was considered to be in Indonesia’s national interest and if the affected enterprises would give permission for this action. Even before the Finec agreement had been signed, the directors at the Java Bank pointed out that the first point could easily become a ‘dead letter’ if the Indonesian government wished it.8 Therefore – in connection with the transfer of sovereignty – the central bank system was also discussed and the Finec agreement contained a few statements that only one bank of issue should be in operation in Indonesia. On 2 November, 1949, the RTC declared the Java Bank as the bank of circulation and not Bank Negara Indonesia (BNI), which had fulfilled this task since 1946. This was something not all Indonesians could easily accept, but vice-president Hatta explained that the Java Bank was more suitable than the BNI to function as a bank of circulation.9 Nevertheless, the fact that a new government took office in Indonesia as a result of the transfer of sovereignty, meant for the Java Bank that it had to consult with this government about its operations and it was deemed important that the contact with the government continued to develop on a basis of independence for the bank of issue.10 It comes as no surprise that nationalization of the Java Bank was one of the next steps to be taken.

One of the problems the Indonesians had to deal with was the extreme shortage of Indonesians with banking skills. This led to a remarkable initiative. In November 1949 a few members of the Indonesian delegation at the RTC went to the Netherlands to meet the directors of the Amsterdam/Incasso Bank and discuss facilities for training young Indonesians in banking. This group included vice-president Hatta, the director of BNI Margono Djojohadikusumo, Sumitro and Dasaad, a business man from Sumatra. The 7

De Javasche Bank, Annual report for the financial year 1949-1950 (Jakarta: De Javasche Bank, 1950) 10-11.

8

Thee Kian Wie, Recollections: the Indonesian economy, 1950-1990s (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2003) 7; Thee Kian Wie, Indonesia’s economy since independence (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 2012) 6; Lindblad, Bridges to new business, 73. 9

Lindblad, ‘Van Javasche Bank naar Bank Indonesia’, 31.

10

DJB, Report 1949-1950, 10-11.

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Dutch bankers were initially reluctant, but the Dutch minister of Finance, Lieftinck, urged the bankers to be more cooperative. Nevertheless, this trip did not lead to any results.11 Despite this, the governments of the 1950s put high priority on achieving economic sovereignty. The government policy was to develop state enterprises which competed with Dutch firms. BNI was one example, but the Rehabilitation Bank (Herstelbank), which was set up in 1948, became the Bank Industri Negara (BIN), the industrial bank which played a prominent role in financing industrial development under the Economic Urgency Plan, prepared in Sumitro’s department in 1951.12

In December 1949 the national congress of Masyumi passed a resolution for nationalization of the Java Bank.13 And when Yusuf Wibisono, who was a member of this political party, became the new minister of finance in April 1951 in the Sukiman cabinet, he intended to carry out the nationalization of the Java Bank as soon as possible, but mentioned that indonesianisasi of the personnel was not so important, as long as the reins of power ended up in the hands of the state. Wibisono made this announcement in the press without consulting the Dutch. For Houwink, the Dutch president of the Java Bank, these words were enough for him to hand in his resignation and immediately he was succeeded by Sjafruddin Prawiranegara who came from the same party as Wibisono, and had just stepped down as minister of finance in the Natsir cabinet, which was succeeded by the Sukiman cabinet. The Dutch initially attempted to retain control over the Java Bank, but eventually the nationalization of the Java Bank proceeded relatively smoothly as the Dutch accepted that control of money and credit was an essential ingredient of sovereignty.14 On 3 July the Sukiman cabinet installed a committee which was founded with the privilege to make preparations in order to nationalize the Java Bank. Members of this committee were: Sumitro, Mohammed Sediono, Soetikno Slamet, Sabaruddin, Oudt and Khouw Bian Tie. In order to get around difficult procedures one of the first things the committee did was advising the government to buy the shares which were in circulation from both domestic and overseas shareholders. In order to transfer the ownership, expropriation of property rights in return for adequate compensation needed to take place, according to a procedure inherited from colonial legislation, which dated from 1928.15 To speed up this process, the government sent two officials to the Netherlands. Saubari, secretary-general at the department of finance and Khouw Bian Tie, advisor of the Java Bank. After consulting with the Dutch minister of finance, Lieftinck, a decision was made and published on 3 August 1951 which led to suspend trading of the Java Bank shares on the Amsterdam Stock Exchange.

11

Lindblad, Bridges to new business, 63; Lindblad, ‘Van Javasche Bank naar Bank Indonesia’, 32.

12

Howard Dick et al., The emergence of a national economy. An economic history of Indonesia, 1800-2000 (Leiden, KITLV Press) 85. 13

Lindblad, Bridges to new business, 105.

14

Bruce Glassburner, ‘Economic policy-making in Indonesia, 1950-1957’, 85; Thee Kian Wie, Recollections: the Indonesian economy, 11. 15

Lindblad, Bridges to new business, 104.

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In Indonesia, Wibisono issued a statement about the government’s offer to purchase privately held shares at 120 per cent of the nominal value expressed in Dutch guilders or 360 per cent, expressed in Indonesian rupiah. Foreign citizens living in Indonesia were disadvantaged and would only get 240 per cent. The purchase of these shares proceeded well, within a couple of months 97 per cent of all shares had already been acquired by the government.16 Officially it was possible to sell these shares to the Java Bank until 15 October 1951. Finally, 8.95 million rupiah out of a total of 9 million rupiah worth of shares were traded with the bank. On 15 December 1951 the act for the nationalization of the Java Bank was promulgated and the transfer of ownership of all shares of the Java Bank from private holders to the government became an accomplished fact. The Java Bank was thereby converted from a private institution into a state- owned company. The next step after the nationalization was to develop a new bank act to replace the old one of 1922. The position of the Indonesian central bank should be brought in line with the position of Indonesia as an independent state, and the tasks and the sphere of operations had to be brought into conformity with the new theories concerning money and monetary policy.17 One controversial topic concerning the operation of the Java Bank was its dual function. The question was if the bank should retain its commercial credit facility in addition to the regulation of money supply. In the board of the Java Bank it was advised that the new bank should not stop with its role as a commercial bank, since the financial system of Indonesia was not stable and strong enough and there were not sufficient private banks available shortly after the transfer of sovereignty, which could fulfill this task. BNI, BIN and Bank Rakyat Indonesia (BRI) (previously Algemeene Volkscredietbank were not in a position to provide the amount of credit which was needed for private investment.18 For the upcoming Indonesian private companies it would be disadvantageous as well if it would be necessary for them to find different sources of capital for their business shortly after the Java Bank would be nationalized. If the central bank would stop with providing capital and funds to private companies, this could mean a slowing down of entrepreneurship and the founding of new commercial banks would take a considerable amount of time, which could harm the economic development of Indonesia.19 A committee Panitia Nasionalisasi (Committee for Nationalization) was formed to create a blueprint for the future of the Java Bank and to solve the debate about its role in the monetary system.20 This committee accepted the idea that the banks should continue as a bankers’ bank only without the commercial function, which could be transferred to BNI. Sjafruddin and other directors objected and they wished to retain the dual function, but with its commercial function adjusted so as to better serve the needs of Indonesia at that moment.21 In September 1952 the new law relating to the central bank of 16

Thee Kian Wie, Indonesia’s economy since independence, 9; Lindblad, Bridges to new business, 108; Thee Kian Wie, ‘Indonesianization. Economic aspects of decolonization in Indonesia in the 1950s’, in: Lindblad and Post (ed.), Indonesian economic decolonization in regional and international perspective, 25. 17 De Javasche Bank, Report of the president and of the board of directors for the financial year 1951-1952 (Jakarta: De Javasche Bank, 1952) 12; De Javasche Bank, Report of the president and of the board of directors for the financial year 1952-1953 (Jakarta: De Javasche Bank, 1953) 12. 18 DJB, Report 1951-1952, 18-19. 18 19

DJB, Report 1951-1952, 18-19. Ibidem, 20.

20

Lindblad, Bridges to new business, 109.

21

Lindblad, Bridges to new business, 110-111; Lindblad, ‘Van Javasche Bank naar Bank Indonesia’, 37.

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Indonesia was submitted to parliament and was discussed at length in March and April 1953. Finally on 10 April 1953 the law was passed and on 30 June the Java Bank ceased to exist and on 1 July 1953 Bank Indonesia came into being. The transformation of the bank was greeted with enthusiasm by economic nationalists, who saw the new bank as a “symbol of sovereignty in monetary and economic respects”. Foreign observers argued that the transformation was little more than a name change and a reorganization. According to Sjafruddin it was a happy compromise between theoretical desiderata and historical fact, between lofty ideals on the one hand and practical possibilities on the other. The transformation of the Java Bank into Bank Indonesia seemed to have gone far beyond a mere reorganization. The reorientation in lending activities in alignment with the national economic policy signified a fundamental break with past practices.22 In contrast to the Java Bank, Bank Indonesia was no joint stock company, but a public corporation. The capital of Bank Indonesia belongs exclusively to the state.23 The line of demarcation between the government and Bank Indonesia was now somewhat vague, due to the fact that the control of the bank no longer rested with a board of directors, but with a monetary board, which consisted of three members, the Minister of Finance, the Minister of Economic Affairs and the governor of the bank. The integration of the monetary board in the organization of the bank was done on purpose, in order to remove any uncertainty about who in fact was responsible for the general monetary policy. That responsibility lay with the government, which fact was not only reflected in the composition of the monetary board, but was also clearly established in the bank act.24

22

DJB, Report 1952-1953, 12; Lindblad, Bridges to new business, 111. DJB, Report 1952-1953, 13 24 Ibidem, 14. 23

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Foreign investment The importance of foreign investment to Indonesia’s economic development was already briefly mentioned by the president of the Java Bank, R.E. Smits, in 1949. He observed that the decline in the national income in Indonesia could be reversed with the help of carefully planned industries. In order to establish this increase of national income a considerable amount of investment and capital was necessary. Although it would be much more beneficial for the economic development of Indonesia if domestic capital was available, an initial supply of considerable sums of foreign capital to start this development was indispensable according to the Java Bank, since the domestic capital market was not functioning well and an Indonesian Stock Exchange did not exist shortly after the transfer of sovereignty. Various banks such as BNI, BIN and BRI did initially not have the necessary funds to finance large scale industrial operations either.202 In order to attract foreign investment, the government should make this as easy as possible and nationalization of foreign enterprises was not an option according to the Java Bank, unlessfull compensation would be given to the foreign companies. The benefits of foreign investment were very clear. It would bring more employment, higher production in various sectors and it would be beneficial to the whole economic development of Indonesia.203 President Sukarno also recognized the need for foreign investment in the early years after the transfer of sovereignty. A stable and secure country was needed in order to attract citizens and foreigners to invest in the country. Sukarno defended the policy of the Sukiman cabinet which encouraged foreign investment. Various Indonesian politicians agreed with Sukarno. In September 1950 Prime Minister Natsir declared that further rejecting foreign capital could be harmful to the economy, and in order to improve the economic development of Indonesia it was necessary to attract foreign capital into several areas. He stated that the government would conduct a study about which fields should be open to foreign investment and which conditions would be imposed, such as the form of the enterprise, transfers and participation by Indonesians.204

202

Sutter, Indonesianisasi, 629; De Javasche Bank, Annual report for the financial year 1950-1951 (Jakarta: Java Bank, 1951) 54. 203

DJB, Report 1950-1951, 59. William A. Redfern, Sukarno’s guided democracy and the takeovers of foreign companies in Indonesia in the 1960s (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan press, 2010) 125-126. 204

202

Another proponent of foreign investment was Sjafruddin Prawiranegara. As a Minister of Finance in March 1951 he claimed that if Indonesia’s living standard must rise, foreign capital had to be tolerated and increased as well. As Governor of the Java Bank, Sjafruddin wrote that the origin of the capital should not matter. He stated the need for a favorable investment climate. He suggested that private investors be left to choose the projects which offered good prospects for making a profit and becoming a useful and permanent contribution to the development of the country. Imposing many conditions would only result in making such investments unattractive. Initially Sjafruddin was not against protectionism of domestic industries, but he recommended that such industries should learn to operate eventually without protection and warned against favoring domestic production over private initiative and capital of foreign investors. He also warned against discrimination between indigenous and “nationalized citizens”.205 Nevertheless, even after the nationalization of the Java Bank the board of the bank emphasized that foreign capital would be an important factor. Sjafruddin was aware that part of the profits earned by these foreign investments had to be transferred to the foreign investor in foreign exchange, but this did not mean that these investments were a disadvantage to the economy of Indonesia. On the contrary, foreign investments would yield a great net advantage for Indonesia in the form of employment, taxation revenue and profits reinvested in the Indonesian economy. But in order to do this, it was necessary to take steps to ensure that conditions were favorable for foreign investors.206 Some control seemed necessary, foreign private capital in the form of loans, for instance, was not something to desire too enthusiastically, since it could burden the Indonesians with remittance obligations.207 Another aspect was in which direction investment should be made. The government sector, private sector and the rural sector were three different sectors and with each new investment various aspects should be distinguished, such as the profitability aspect, the national income aspect and the employment aspect. For private investors, however, the profitability aspect was the most important one, and it could not be expected that an investment project, which could be useful in the light of public interest, would attract investors unless they could see some prospect of profit. This would mean that the government would have to run these enterprises by itself.208 One year later, in August 1952 Prime Minister Wilopo stated that Indonesia both needed and welcomed foreign investment. He indicated that within a few months his government would issue an unofficial policy statement on foreign investment. The Wilopo cabinet initiated a detailed study on foreign investment, and began drafting policy statements and laws on foreign investment. However, none of this was finished when the Wilopo cabinet fell in June 1953, by an issue linked to returned foreign investment.209 It took more than half a year, until February 1954, before the first official policy statement on foreign investment was made under the first Ali Sastroamidjojo cabinet by Minister of Finance Ong Eng Die. Herein, the above mentioned issues were discussed and confirmed. Indonesia needed foreign investment. Foreign enterprises were allowed to move profits abroad and, in general, all capital was permitted to return to the country of origin after it has been utilized a number of years in Indonesia. However, there were certain limits on foreign 205

Sutter, Indonesianisasi, 1210-1211.

206

DJB, Report 1952-1953, 66-67. Ibidem, 71. 208 Ibid, 69-70. 207

209

Redfern, Sukarno’s guided democracy, 126.

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investment. The cabinet preferred investment in industrial sectors above trade, transport and banking firms. Further regulations still needed to be established, but in sum, the policy clearly indicated that foreign investment was welcome and desired.210 However, due to various reasons, this policy did not lead to any laws and it would take another four years before the foreign investment law was promulgated. The law of 1958 contained many elements of the previous statements and the need for foreign investment was high. According to this law, however, a council would determine whether companies were allowed to operate in Indonesia and which criteria foreign investment had to deal with. This council could decide the location of enterprises, which sectors would be closed for foreign investment, whether the enterprise had to be incorporated under Indonesian law, how much capital could be repatriated and the number of foreigners to be employed in each foreign enterprise. However, foreign industrial enterprises would be given a guarantee, for a period up to thirty years, that they would not be expropriated by the state or converted into a national enterprise.211 By this time, Sukarno had come out against foreign investment and he favoured foreign loans or grants. Nevertheless, During the Djuanda cabinet the law was promulgated in October 1958 and would remain in operation until 1965. In February 1959, however, the government nationalized the properties which were already confiscated from the Dutch. With this the government was truly sending mixed signals regarding the position of foreign investment in Indonesia and Indonesia principally sealed herself off from foreign investment, which made the foreign investment law ineffective.212

210

Bank Indonesia, Report of the governor of Bank Indonesia for the financial year 1953-1954 (Jakarta: Bank Indonesia, 1954) 183-185. 211

Bank Indonesia, Report of the governor of Bank Indonesia for the financial year 1958-1959 (Jakarta: Bank Indonesia, 1959) 282-286. 212

Redfern, Sukarno’s guided democracy, 129; Charles Himawan, The foreign investment process in Indonesia. The role of law in the economic development of a third world country (Singapore: Gunung Agung, 1980) 245.

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Credit provision To examine the effects of this policy on the credit provision we will now take a look at various banks. The Java Bank, BNI, BIN and seven foreign banks213 played a rather important role in the field of providing credit. For these banks combined, various data exist and will be used in the rest of this paper. Unfortunately, statistics of only the Java Bank or Bank Indonesia about the provision of credit is less widespread.214 The funds the Java Bank would provide were meant for bridging liquidity gaps and, therefore, would be temporarily and it was stated that this would prevent that the Java Bank would be too involved in the operation of private companies, which would hinder its role as bank of issuing the currency. In order to support this, the balance sheet of the bank was split into two parts, namely one relating to the issue department and the other relating to the banking department.215 Nevertheless, after the nationalization the Java Bank remained a commercial bank, while in 1953 the equity capital was increased from 9 to 25 million rupiah.216 For the years since 1953, detailed information exists about the provision of loans to various sectors. Compared with 1953, in 1954 credit contractions could be recorded in the categories of importers, sugar plantations and other plantations. In the other categories credit granting expanded.217 The decrease in credits granted to importers could largely be attributed to the import restricting regulations promulgated by the government. When these restrictions were mitigated to some extent in the last quarter of 1954, the volume of credit increased again. One of the reasons for the diminished credit requirements to the sugar sector were higher proceeds and smoother sales. In the other plantation categories these factors too affected the volume of credit.218 A considerable increase was recorded in the volume of credit to industrial and other enterprises. Besides a growth in the number of enterprises, the credit expansion could be accounted for by a strong increase in cost prices. The credits granted to exporters showed an increase as well.219

213

Although no guarantee can be given, it’s likely that the seven foreign banks consisted of three Dutch banks (Nederlandsche Handel-Maatschappij, the Nationale Handelsbank and the Escompto Bank) two British banks (the Chartered Bank of India, Australia and China and the Hongkong-Shanghai Banking Corporation) and two Chinese banks (the Bank of China and the Overseas Chinese Bank) see: Lindblad, Bridges to new business, 86; Sutter, Indonesianisasi, 87-88. 214 215

DJB, Report 1951-1952, 82. DJB, Report 1950-1951, 51; DJB, Report 1952-1953, 24-25.

216

DJB, Report 1952-1953, 220.

217

Appendix 2.

218

Bank Indonesia, Report of the governor of Bank Indonesia for the financial year 1954-1955 (Jakarta: Bank Indonesia, 1955) 73. 219

BI, Report 1954-1955, 74-75.

205

Since the middle of 1954 the various banks which were mentioned above, combined, also provide information about credit provision to both Indonesians and non-Indonesians separately.220 A comparison of these figures of 1954 show that approximately 61% or 1,547 million rupiah had been granted to Indonesian enterprises and individuals and about 39% or 988 million rupiah was distributed to non-Indonesians. At the end of 1954 these numbers already changed to 64% and 36%, respectively.221 Compared with 1954 in 1955 total bank loans to private companies and individuals declined further as a result of credit contraction in the sectors tobacco and sugar.222 Credits granted to importers were higher in 1955 compared with 1954 as a result of the reversal of the restrictive import policy.223 The results for one year later show that the total amount of credit outstanding amounted to 3,800 million rupiah at the end of 1955. 65% or 2,471 million were granted to Indonesians and 1,329 million rupiah or 35% to nonIndonesians. It should be noted that the Indonesian sphere also includes semi-government institutions.224 The credit granting by banks in 1956 increased continually, although Bank Indonesia had endeavored directly and indirectly to reduce bank credits, especially in the import sector.225 Credit expansion during 1956 was the result of the increase of credits granted to the import sector and the industrial sector. At the end of 1956 credits granted to exporters, importers, estates, industry and government enterprises and foundations amounted to: 375.3 million rupiah (9%), 1,367.2 million rupiah (35%), 559.2 million rupiah (14%), 353.5 million rupiah (9%) and 407.2 million rupiah (10%) respectively. The share of Indonesian enterprises and individuals rose to 2,596.1 million rupiah or 66% of the total at the end of 1956.226

Of the credits granted by the seven foreign banks, 36% was granted to Indonesian enterprises and individuals at the end of 1956, as compared with 28% at the end of 1955. This increase resulted from higher credits to national importers. The foreign banks concentrated the credit operations for the larger part on exporters, importers, and estates, while the other banks laid the emphasis on the import sector. Striking is the difference between credits granted by foreign and national banks in the exports sector.227 Although the amount of credits granted to importers dropped in 1957, the share of this sector remained 220

Unfortunately, more detailed information besides Indonesian and non-Indonesian is not given.

221

BI, Report 1954-1955, 74-75.

222

Ibidem, 171. Bank Indonesia, Report of the governor of Bank Indonesia for the financial year 1955-1956 (Jakarta: Bank Indonesia, 1956) 78. 223

224

BI, Report 1955-1956, 79.

225

Bank Indonesia, Report of the governor of Bank Indonesia for the financial year 1956-1957 (Jakarta: Bank Indonesia, 1957) 87. 226

BI, Report 1956-1957, 88.

227

BI, Report 1956-1957, 90.

206

the largest with 28%. On the other hand credits to exporters increased as well as credits granted to the government enterprises and foundations, enterprises predominantly financed by the government and industries in general. Of the total amount of credits granted by foreign banks in 1957, 40% went to Indonesian enterprises and individuals. However, of the credits of the six national banks 90% went to Indonesian enterprises and individuals.228 The overall trends were clearly visible. The shares received by Indonesians increased slightly every year and the total amount of credit granted by the national banks increased, whereas for the non-national banks this amount decreased. After 1956 the national banks provided more capital than the non-national banks. A trend that was to be continued in the subsequent years.229 In 1958 only 24% of the total credits granted or 1,243.6 million rupiah was provided by the seven foreign banks. Of these credits 62% went to Indonesian enterprises and individuals. The share Indonesians received from the foreign banks was larger than the amount of credits these banks provided to nonIndonesians. The credits of the six national banks went almost entirely to Indonesian enterprises and individuals, namely 96%.230 In August 1959 the Nationale Handelsbank was nationalized into the Bank Umum Negara, which brought the number of non- national banks back to six and the number of national banks to seven. In 1959 32% of the credits were granted by non-national banks. Moreover, 74% of the capital of these six banks went to Indonesian business contacts.231 Since 1960, Bank Indonesia put more emphasis on the task to function as the central bank of Indonesia. The granting of credits to the private sector was gradually passed on to the other banks.232 Consequently, credits provided by Bank Indonesia to this sector declined and only small credit grants remained in sugar factories, industrial enterprises and rubber manufacturers.233 Also, it should be noted that the rise in the amount of credit to private enterprises and individuals was caused by the constantly worsening inflation in Indonesia. Prices of goods and services kept rising. This seriously affected the exploitation and investment costs of enterprises. The increase of such costs made the need for more money necessary.234 Of all the export products of Indonesia rubber was by far the most important one from the 1950s onward.235 In 1949 the export of rubber amounted to 24% of total exports and in 1950 this was already 42%.236 Since the start of the 1950s the amount of rubber exported by estates stagnated, while the amount of rubber exported by indigenous enterprises remained solid. Several reasons could be given for 228

Appendix 3 Bank Indonesia, Report of the governor of Bank Indonesia for the financial year 1957-1958 (Jakarta: Bank Indonesia, 1958) 98-101. 229

230

BI, Report 1958-1959, 115-116; Appendix 3.

231

Bank Indonesia, Report of the governor of Bank Indonesia for the financial year 1959-1960 (Jakarta: Bank Indonesia, 1960) 85. 232

Appendix 1.

233

BI, Report 1959-1960, 240-241.

234

Bank Indonesia, Report of Bank Indonesia for the financial year 1960-1965 (Jakarta: Bank Indonesia, 1965) 13; Appendix 6. 235 236

DJB, Report 1950-1951, 72-73; Appendix 4.

207

this. The estates were vulnerable for worsening conditions, and the amount of strikes and thefts multiplied.237 During the middle of the 1950s the market prices of rubber dropped further and the consumption of natural rubber declined, while the consumption of synthetic rubber multiplied tenfold in a short amount of time.238 Therefore, the volume of rubber exports decreased during the second half of the 1950s, but despite this, rubber remained the most important export product.239 II

Indonesianisasi and its implementation in Sumatra’s plantation belt

Initially indonesianisasi was known as the replacing of Dutch expatriate staff with Indonesian personnel after Indonesian independence. In an early work on the topic Sutter defined the concept as: ‘a conscious effort to increase the participation and elevate the role of the Indonesian – and more particularly, the “indigenous Indonesian – in the more complex sectors of the economy’.240 Based on research in the archive of the Algemene Vereeniging van Rubberplanters ter Oostkust van Sumatra (General Association of Rubberplanters in East Sumatra, AVROS) at the National Archives of Indonesia, this case study examines this form of indonesianisasi at large Western estates in North Sumatra in the early independence period. While Sutter’s comprehensive dissertation on the topic has greatly contributed to our knowledge of the general process of indonesianisasi241, it has been pointed out in the literature that it focuses predominantly on legislation and decisions taken by the Indonesian authorities, while largely ignoring actions by private firms. In addition, the perspective of Dutch firms is given only scant attention.242 Discussions of firm-level indonesianisasi are rarely found in the literature243, although Van de Kerkhof’s and Lindblad’s244 case studies of indonesianisasi in the Dutch trading company Internatio and the Java Bank form two notable exceptions. The relatively underresearched area of indonesianisasi in Dutch companies is further explored by the present case study. Its intriguing aspect lies in the area and society that it focuses on: North Sumatra with its large, foreign-owned plantations. During Dutch rule these companies operated in relative isolation from the central government in a unique societal environment. These circumstances are interesting for two reasons: after Indonesian independence the semi-autonomous status of plantation 237

Ibidem, 94.

238

DJB, Report 1952-1953, 158-159.

239

BI, Report 1960-1965, 154-155.

240

John O. Sutter, Indonesianisasi; A historical survey of the role of politics in the institutions of a changing economy from the Second World War to the eve of the general election, 1940-1955 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 1959) 2. 241

Two other informative titles in this respect are: J. Thomas Lindblad, Bridges to new business; The economic decolonization of Indonesia (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2008); Hans Meijer, Den Haag-Jakarta; De NederlandsIndonesische betrekkingen 1950-1962 (Utrecht: Aula, 1994). 242

Jasper van de Kerkhof, ‘Indonesianisasi of Dutch economic interests, 1930-1960; The case of Internatio’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (BKI), 161 (2005a) 181. 243

Lindblad, Bridges to new business, 161-166.

244

J. Thomas Lindblad, ‘From Java Bank to Bank Indonesia: A case study of indonesianisasi in practice’, Lembaran Sejarah 8 (2005) 15-31.

208

society within Indonesia abruptly ceased to exist, while at the same time the implementation of 12(d) of Finec required a rigorous overhaul of labour relations at the estates.

A state within a state According to often nostalgic sources, the opening up of North Sumatra for large-scale western export agriculture dates back to 1863 when Jacob Nienhuys arrived in Deli. Nienhuys founded the Deli Company in 1870, which was to become one of the largest agricultural enterprises in colonial Indonesia. The development of Sumatra’s East Coast, as it was then labelled, was regarded as a crucial part of the pacification of the Outer Islands by the Dutch. Given a lack of funds, the colonial authorities decided to give ‘an open field’ to foreign investors to pursue their commercial interests in Sumatra’s East Coast. Instrumental in this respect was the Agrarian Land Law of 1870, which created sufficient guarantees for investment by allowing for long-term leases of up to 99 years of large tracts of land.245 This became the starting-shot for the ‘opening’ of Deli. Development of the area in the pioneering days of the reclamation of East Sumatra’s jungle for agricultural enterprise was largely left to private capital. The cultivation of tobacco in the Deli plantation belt was set up in thinly inhabited area with a poorly developed infrastructure. When the Deli Company started out in 1870, East Sumatra’s rivers formed the main entrance to its fertile interior. Outrigger canoes, ox carts or carriers transported the tobacco to ports on the coast from where it was shipped to Penang in British Malaya for export. In the absence of investment by the colonial authorities, the chief responsibility for developing the region’s infrastructure rested with the estate companies.246 A prime example of private infrastructural development in North Sumatra is the railway network erected by the Deli Company. After its completion in 1937 the network stretched 553 kilometers, with railway lines fanning out from Medan in all directions.247 The Resident of Sumatra’s East Coast mentions in a report from 1910 that the residency distinguished itself from other areas in the Netherlands-Indies by the ‘firmness and schwung with which all things are handled here. Here not always that yearning for the public purse (…) If something has to be done they do it themselves.’248 The planters were also given a free hand in labour recruitment and control. While there was an abundance of fertile land on offer in Deli, labourers to work that land were hard to come by locally, since the indigenous Batak and Malay population refused to work on the estates. This meant that the estate companies had to look elsewhere for manpower. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, workers were recruited from the Straits Settlements and China. Later it was realized that it was cheaper to import workers from Java. Staff personnel was recruited almost exclusively from Europe. The 245

Ann Laura Stoler, Capitalism and confrontation in Sumatra’s plantation belt, 1870-1979 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1985) 15. 246

T. Volker, Van oerbosch tot cultuurgebied. Een schets van de beteekenis van de tabak, de andere cultures en de industrie ter oostkust van Sumatra (Medan: DPV, 1928) 7, 21. 247

J. Weisfelt, De Deli Spoorweg Maatschappij als factor in de economische ontwikkeling van de Oostkust van Sumatra (Rotterdam: Bronder-Offset, 1972) 44-62. 248

J. Ballot (resident), ‘Memorie van Overgave van de residentie Ooskust van Sumatra’, 1910, p. 68, in: Nationaal Archief, Den Haag, Ministerie van Koloniën: Memories van Overgave, 2.10.39, inv. nr. 182.

209

importation of large numbers of labourers from far away brought high costs for the planters, costs that had to be compensated for. A solution was offered by the government when it issued the ‘Coolie Ordinance’ in 1880. Until 1942 labour relations in Sumatra’s East Coast fell under this regulation, which contained the infamous Penal Sanction that punished a breach of contract by coolies with imprisonment, fines and/or forced labour above and beyond the initial contract that commonly had a duration of three years. The Penal Sanction was abolished in 1931.249 Labour conditions at private Western enterprises in Deli acquired a notoriously bad reputation for harsh punishment, widespread violence and a ruthless exploitation of cheap coolie labour.250 However, because labour unions did not yet exist in Sumatra’s East Coast, workers had to accept conditions as they were determined by the employers’ organizations. There was no platform for them to negotiate with their employers. The ultimate weapon of a strike was ruled out by the Penal Sanction in exchange for legal protection by the Labour Inspection.251 Enforcement of labor discipline and the Coolie Ordinance was regarded as an internal estate affair by the European staff personnel, to such an extent they have been called their own “lawyers, policemen, public prosecutors, judges and diplomats”.252 This was partly a situation born out of necessity, since government officials such as policemen were thin on the ground in nineteenth century Deli.253 Stoler carries the idea of Sumatra’s plantation belt being a ‘state within a state’ further through the use of the memoirs of J.H. Marinus, founder and director of the Netherlands-Indies Land Syndicate from 1910 until 1927. Boasting a long and solid career as a Deli planter starting in 1886, Marinus regarded Deli as ‘an entirely independent district of the Netherlands Indies, oriented exclusively toward Europe and the Straits settlements’. In the early years of the reclamation of Sumatra’s East Coast, the transport of tobacco from Deli to the Netherlands was taken care of by British and German ships through the ports of Singapore and Penang. Only after Van Heutsz as governor of Aceh ordered the establishment of a port of transshipment in Sabang in 1895254 did the KPM (Koninklijke Paketvaart-Maatschappij, Royal Packet Company) start to compete for the transport of tobacco. This meant that until the end of the nineteenth century planters commonly arrived in Deli straight from Singapore or Penang on foreign ships and went back home the same way, having little or nothing to do with the colonial administration in Batavia. When ill or in need of vacation, Deli planters took leave to Penang rather than the hill stations of Java where 249

Stoler, Capitalism and confrontation in Sumatra’s plantation belt, 1870-1979, 25-28.

250

For a full discussion of conditions of coolie labour at Western enterprises in colonial Indonesia, see Jan Breman, Koelies, planters en koloniale politiek. Het arbeidsregime op de grootlandbouwondernemingen aan Sumatra’s Oostkust in het begin van de twintigste eeuw (Dordrecht/Providence, RI: Foris, 1987) [translated as Taming the coolie beast. Plantation society and the colonial order in Southeast Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989). See also: Vincent J.H. Houben, J. Thomas Lindblad et al., Coolie labour in colonial Indonesia. A study of labour relations in the Outer Islands, c. 1900-1940 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999). 251

Middelbare Koloniale Landbouwschool Deventer, Arbeidswetgeving in Nederlandsch Indië (Hoofdzakelijk voor het Gewest Oostkust van Sumatra) (Deventer: Drukkerij Davo , 1921) 25-27. 252

Karl Pelzer, Planter and peasant: Colonial policy and the agrarian struggle in East Sumatra, 1863-1947 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1978) 89. Reference found in: Stoler, Capitalism and confrontation in Sumatra’s plantation belt, 1870-1979, 22. 253

Volker, Van oerbosch tot cultuurgebied, 55. Reference found in: Ann Laura Stoler, ‘Perceptions of protest: Defining the dangerous in colonial Sumatra’, American Ethnologist, 12-4 (1985) 646. 254

Mia Koning-van der Veen, Dromen over Sabang (Zaltbommel: Drukkerij/uitgeverij Avanti, 1991) 13.

210

corporate men from other parts of the Netherland-Indies and government officials commonly met each other. Due to this lack of contact with the central government Deli planters did not regard their estates as being subjected to its authority in any significant way, a situation further enhanced by the physical distance between Deli and Java and the resulting lack of fast and reliable transportation and communication lines. Sumatra’s East Coast even had a monetary system separate from the one in place in Batavia, geared towards the currencies in circulation in the Straits settlements such as the Straits Dollar, the Japanese Dollar and the Mexican Dollar.255 These circumstances particular to Sumatra’s plantation belt underscore its reputation as a state within a state. Relatively free from government interference the planters were able to go about their business and conduct matters related to the procurement of land and labor as they saw fit. The main infrastructural works such as roads, railways, water mains networks, hospitals and telephone and telegraph connections were all financed with private capital. This gave planters the conviction that they ‘built’ Deli and that hence the region was their property.256

255

J.H. Marinus, Veertig Jaren ervaring in de Deli-Cultures (Amsterdam: J.H. De Bussy, 1929) 45-46. Reference found in: Stoler, ‘Perceptions of protest: Defining the dangerous in colonial Sumatra’, 645. Also see: C.J.M. Potting, De ontwikkeling van het geldverkeer in een koloniale samenleving: Oostkust van Sumatra, 1875-1938 (Ph.D. diss., Leiden: Leiden University, 1997). 256 Breman, Taming the coolie beast, 184-185.

211

Plantation society and the colonial order of things

During its first pioneering decades of reclamation, Deli was known as a rough, frontier society with a matching macho-culture. Another defining feature of plantation society was the rigid hierarchical division based on race. Europeans occupied the positions of administrator and assistant and directed the Javanese and Chinese foremen and workers. The workforce of a typical Deli plantation generally comprised one administrator and a few assistants who were in charge of a small group of Asian overseers and a large group of hundreds of laborers. These numbers reveal the potential danger to which the European staff at the estates was exposed, for in case of conflict they would be vastly outnumbered by the Asian part of the workforce. One way to counter this threat and maintain discipline was by sheer brutality as described by Jan Breman in his book on the treatment of labor in Sumatra’s plantation belt.257 Another way was maintaining the idea of white superiority and authority through a ‘conscious distancing between the races’.258 Instrumental in this distancing was the use of language, distinct social spaces for Europeans and Asians and other acts of submission required from the latter’s side. European administrators and assistants commonly addressed the Asian foremen and laborers in a coarse form of Malay that was conducive to harsh commands rather than gentle instruction.259 The increasingly more luxurious housing of the European personnel contrasted sharply with the shabby barracks where the workers were lodged.260 In an interesting analysis of race relationships at Deli plantations as described in novels Clerkx cites examples of acts of submission from Asian laborers when encountering European staff. Passing each other on a road ‘they (Asian laborers) took off their hats and gave us (European staff) a respectfully wide berth, only to put back on their hats when they had moved on at least ten steps behind us’.261 Asians were not allowed to stay in or on their vehicles while passing Europeans and an Asian laborer waiting to receive his pay had to do so while squatting down. These are just a few of the numerous examples given by Clerkx and while they could possibly be regarded as acts of respectful obedience prescribed by adat, the explanation given by an older planter to a newcomer points in another direction: ‘You may find it strange or excessive…but you must not forget, that us whites stand alone against a mass and that we can only maintain ourselves by rigid conventions, which function as a form of discipline and constraint.’262 In another example the inexperienced young planter is reproached for greeting Asian laborers: ‘For God’s

257

Breman, Taming the coolie beast, 184-185.

258

Stoler, Capitalism and confrontation, 49.

259

Lack of proficiency in the Indonesian language among European personnel was also problematic for labour relations in Surabaya’s metal industry, see: A.G. Vreede, Rapport van het hoofd van het Kantoor van arbeid over de arbeidstoestanden in de metaalindustrie te Soerabaja (Weltevreden: Landsdrukkerij, 1926) 13-16. 260

Breman, Taming the coolie beast, 113-116.

261

M.H. Székely-Lulofs, Rubber (1931) 109. Reference found in: Lily Clerkx, Mensen in Deli: een maatschappijbeeld uit de belletrie (Amsterdam: AZAO, University of Amsterdam, 1960) 55. 262

M.H. Székely-Lulofs, De andere wereld (1934) 56-57. Reference found in Clerkx, Mensen in Deli, 56.

212

sake, (…), don’t ever do that again, you’re making an absolute fool of yourself. A white never greets a native (…)’.263 Judging from contemporary novels describing plantation society, European staff personnel at the estates lived in constant fear of their Asian subordinates. In order to protect white authority the obsession with racial distinctions went far. The plantation society ‘prided itself on its white skin, and its European style’. As such, there was no place for Asians in the management of the plantations and even not for IndoEuropeans, who had ‘generally speaking no chance of succeeding at the estates’, some of which would not hire staff personnel of mixed-blood in the first place.264 Although Marinus distances himself of the idea of white superiority, he smooths over the impenetrability of staff functions at Deli estates for IndoEuropeans with the rather absurd reasoning that because the indigenous population of Deli was unwilling to work at the plantations there had never been a need for staff employees who were able to ‘speak their language as a native’. This was in contrast to the situation on Java, where ‘complicated labour relations and the lease of land’ required staff personnel that had a ‘thorough knowledge of the land and its people’. 265 The existing racial division in plantation society is highly relevant for the developments in personnel policy at the estates of North Sumatra shortly after independence. It has been suggested in the literature that racial prejudice played an important role in Dutch reluctance to comply with the implementation of article 12(d) of Finec.266

263 264

265

Székely-Lulofs, De andere wereld (1934) 56. Reference found in: Clerkx, Mensen in Deli, 55. Marinus, Veertig jaren ervaring in de Deli-Cultures, 47. Marinus, Veertig jaren ervaring in de Deli-Cultures, 48.

266

Jasper van de Kerkhof, ‘Dutch enterprise in independent Indonesia: cooperation and confrontation, 1949-1958’, IIAS Newsletter 36(2005) 18.

213

Changed circumstances In the early 1950s, the planters in North Sumatra began to realize that the transfer of sovereignty by the Netherlands to Indonesia constituted a radical break with the past. The old days in which the planters’ society of Deli was close to being a state within a state were definitely gone. Secondly, the new era demanded a change in personnel policy, especially with regard to supervisory staff. Already in the beginning of 1949, representatives of the Indische Ondernemersbond (I.O.B.) stressed the ambition of Indonesian employees to move into staff positions at the Western estates.267 The tradition of reserving higher positions at the plantations for Westerners could no longer be kept up. Furthermore, Western staff personnel was required to get more familiar with the customs and traditions of the Indonesian people, among whom from now on they would legally be foreigners. In a circular to the AVROS members in October 1950, acquiring a more profound knowledge of the Indonesian language was noted as a top priority. A better command of the Indonesian language was required not only for an improved contact with labourers, but also for contact and negotiations with unions and the authorities.268 Apparently little progress had been made in this respect since a manual with instructions for plantation assistants on how to deal with coolies was published in 1913, stressing the importance of the mastering of Malay.269 After independence the Indonesian government remained unsatisfied with the commitment of foreign companies to the implementation of article 12d of the Finec agreement. At some companies Indonesians made up 11-30% per cent of staff, yet they tended to occupy lower positions. In a letter to the I.O.B. the Indonesian Minister of Trade and Industry Sumitro Djojohadikusumo specifies the requirements of article 12d of the Finec. He suggests that after a period of eight to ten years at least 50 per cent of the board members and management of foreign companies should consist of Indonesians. Sent almost a year after the conclusion of the Finec, the letter ends with the slightly threatening message that the Indonesian government would ‘prefer to leave the implementation of article 12d of the Finec agreement to the companies’ initiatives, so that it can refrain from taking legislative measures in this respect.’270 Consequently, the employers’ organizations Algemene Landbouw Syndicaat (ALS), which represented companies in Java and South Sumatra, the Zuid- en West-Sumatra Syndicaat (ZWSS) and AVROS held an enquiry amongst their members to determine the progress that had been made with indonesianisasi of their staff one year after the transfer of sovereignty. Of special interest were the measures that companies had taken or were planning to take to elevate Indonesian employees to staff positions and the concrete results.271 The five largest AVROS companies that replied were the Rubber Cultuur Maatschappij Amsterdam (RCMA), the Société Financière des Caoutchoucs Medan (SFCM), Harrisons & Crosfield, the Hollandsch- Amerikaansche Plantage Maatschappij (HAPM) and the Société Internationale de Plantations et de Finance (SIPEF, also known as the Anglo Dutch Estates Agency. Their responses to the question how many Indonesians formed part of their staff reveal the following numbers: 267

Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia (National Archives of the Republic of Indonesia) (ANRI), Jakarta: Algemene Vereeniging van Rubberplanters ter Oostkust van Sumatra (General Association of Rubberplanters in East Sumatra) (AVROS). No. 162, March 2, 1949. 268

ANRI, AVROS No. 162, October 10, 1950.

269

C.J. Dixon, De assistent in Deli. Practische opmerkingen met betrekking tot den omgang met koelies (Amsterdam: J.H. De Bussy, 1913) 8-12. 270 271

ANRI, AVROS No. 162, December 30, 1950. ANRI, AVROS No. 162, March 5, 1951.

214

Table 1. Indonesian and European stuff in several companies in Indonesia, 1950 and 1951. Europeans

Europeans

Indonesians

Indonesians

1 January 1950 1 January 1951 1 January 1950 1 January 1951 RCMA 139

6

160

22

SFCM 91

-

96

6

H&C 69

2

68

14

HAPM 64

2

73

5

SIPEF 32

-

36

4

Source: ANRI, AVROS no. 162. Immediately after the transfer of sovereignty the number of Indonesian staff at the responding companies was negligible. After a year ostensibly some progress had been made, especially at Harrisons & Crosfield and RCMA where the shares of Indonesians in higher positions jumped from respectively 3 to 20% and 4 to 14%. Overall the increase in Indonesian staff seemed promising, rising from 2,5 to 12%. However, these numbers become less imposing when the classifications of staff functions that Harrisons & Crosfield and RCMA provided are accounted for. From the 14 Indonesians that Harrisons & Crosfield classified as staff members per January 1951 none belonged to the categories of managerial or engineering staff, 4 were estate assistants and 10 were factory/field assistants. Out of the 22 Indonesians that were part of RCMA’s staff 20 occupied lower administrative positions, while the remaining two were classified as planters. Based on the above sample, the members of the AVROS performed considerably worse than those of the other employers’ organizations. The share of indigenous Indonesians in management positions at member companies of the ALS was 11% in 1950. At 41% their share in positions above the rank of overseer within ALS member companies was even more impressive. At the companies that were represented by the Algemeen Syndicaat van Suikerfabrikanten in Indië (ASSI) Indonesians made up 24,6% of the total staff.272

Furthermore, none of these five companies had launched initiatives such as training programs to comply with article 12d of the Finec agreement. This underscores the general view in the literature that Western firms lacked commitment to indonesianisasi, especially when it is considered that their most common defense against such accusations was that there were simply not enough sufficiently educated Indonesian candidates.273 There is certainly truth to this argument. Prior to the launch of the Ethical Policy in 1901, the Dutch colonial government showed virtually no interest in educating the indigenous population of the Netherlands Indies. An increased emphasis on education in the framework of the Ethical Policy brought some improvement, but the overall record of colonial education with regard to 272

ANRI, AVROS No. 162, September 29, 1950.

273

ANRI, AVROS No. 162, January 11, 1951.

215

indigenous subjects remained pitiful. This was most glaringly reflected in extremely low rates of literacy as reported in the population censuses of 1920 and 1930. The low investment in education during the late colonial era has been branded as an important ‘missed opportunity’.274

In the early independence period, the search for suitable Indonesian candidates for staff positions at Western plantations in North Sumatra was further hampered by the fact that the majority of the graduates from the agrarian educational institutions opted for a career as a civil servant. In response to a letter from the British estate agency Harrisons & Crosfield, the principal of the Middelbare landbouwschool Buitenzorg van het Departement van Landbouw en Visserij noted that from the 46 soon to graduate students 31 had already signed a contract with the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries.275 In the absence of initiatives from individual companies, the management of the ALS, the ZWSS and ASSI decided to establish crash courses for the training of Indonesian staff employees in early December 1950. This was not an initiative entirely of their own accord. Several months earlier the Indonesian chair of the Jawatan Perkebunan had already requested the cooperation of the employers’ organizations with regard to the implementation of article 12d of the Finec agreement. The AVROS management replied that a crash course would not be sufficient for Indonesian students to be considered for staff positions at her member companies. It was argued that the considerably larger size of the AVROS’ members justified higher educational requirements. It was regarded as a necessity that Indonesian candidates would continue their education in the Netherlands.276 In order to placate the Indonesian authorities the chair of the AVROS addressed a memorandum to the Indonesian Minister of Education, explaining the intention of the organization’s members to admit young Indonesians into staff positions at their companies. He noted two conditions which prospective candidates must meet: an education equal to that enjoyed by Western staff employees and an ability to adapt to and feel comfortable in the social environment prevailing at the estates. To attain both qualities, it was deemed necessary that Indonesian candidates in possession of a Hogere Burger School (H.B.S.) or similar diploma would continue their education in the Netherlands, for example at the Deventerse Landbouwschool. Besides the presumption that the theoretical knowledge of graduates from the Indonesian agricultural education institutions would be insufficient for staff positions at Western estate companies, it was expected that they lacked the savoir-vivre necessary for standing one’s ground in the planters’ society. While ostensibly adhering to the official demands, the conviction behind the initiative can be doubted, as the memorandum proposed to send only 10 candidates to the Netherlands. Moreover, in principle these candidates were expected to bear their own travel, accommodation and study costs.277

274

Anne Booth, The Indonesian economy in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. A history of missed opportunities (London: Macmillan, 1998) 268-270, 289. 275 276

277

ANRI, AVROS no. 162, January 6, 1950. ANRI, AVROS no. 162, June 23, 1950. ANRI, AVROS no. 162, November 13, 1950.

216

As time progressed after the transfer of sovereignty, Jakarta became increasingly impatient with Western estate companies and their efforts to promote indigenous Indonesians, or pribumi, into leading positions within their ranks. In order to speed up the process, the Indonesian government made it increasingly difficult for Western companies to hire expatriate personnel by routinely refusing entry permits for foreigners. Furthermore, it became increasingly difficult for foreign companies to secure reentry permits for members of their staff. The Deli Company noted in its annual report of 1953 that suitable candidates for management positions were insufficiently available on the Indonesian labour market and that the continuation of its operations was being threatened by the refusal of re-entry permits for management personnel and visa for planters trained in the Netherlands.278

Conclusion In this paper we examined the changing conditions for operations by Dutch firms in newly independent Indonesia by way of two case studies that exemplify the implementation of articles 2, 3 and 12(d) of Finec. The first case study concerned the role of the central bank and the Indonesian policy on foreign investment after the transfer of sovereignty in 1949. Although several politicians and prominent economists stated that foreign investment was necessary for the economic development of Indonesia, in reality foreign investment declined dramatically. By contrast, the amount of credits granted to Indonesians both absolutely and as a share of total credits increased. Despite these developments exporters remained active. Rubber in particular remained one of the most prominent export sectors. Export volumes began stagnating in the 1950s, which shows that further prospects for Indonesia’s export looked dim. Indonesia was increasingly unable to adequately adjust to developments in the world market. The other case study considered indonesianisasi of staff personnel in Sumatra’s plantation belt and demonstrated that under Dutch colonial rule the share of Indonesians in higher staff positions at Western plantations in North Sumatra was negligible. The explanation for this can be sought in the dismal state of education for indigenous Indonesians in the colonial period and the unwritten rules of planters’ society that reserved management positions for white Europeans. In contrast to the colonial period, the estate companies operating in Deli were suddenly confronted with a government demanding changes in their personnel policies after Indonesian independence. Despite governmental pressure and more successful examples of indonesianisasi from other regions, individual and collective company initiatives to train Indonesians for staff positions did not take off in any great measure in North Sumatra. In comparison to other parts of Indonesia the Deli plantations subsequently underperformed with regard to the indonesianisasi of their staff. Whether this was partly due to Deli’s historical semi-autonomous position within the archipelago or racial prejudice is hard to ascertain, although it is likely that besides explanations found in the literature both factors played a role in the slow progress of indonesianisasi in North Sumatra. Although it took some time before indonesianisasi of the Indonesian economy started to pick up steam, by the end of the 1950s it was in full swing and it became clear that Indonesia in the process of achieving a national economy was becoming more inward-looking and that the rules of the game had changed for foreign companies. The direct results of this process of economic transformation in the early 278

Nationaal Archief (National Archives), The Hague: Deli Maatschappij, Annual Report 1953, No. 40.

217

independence period were the nationalization of Indonesia’s bank of circulation, a decline of foreign funds invested in Indonesia and a gradual replacement of foreign staff with Indonesians at Western companies.

218

Appendices Appendix 1. Domestic credits granted by the Java Bank, 1949-1960 (from 1953 onwards Bank Indonesia) (in thousand rupiah). Government Indonesia

of Government Indonesia

of Semi-government institutions

Banks

Private sector

“Pounds

1950 2,158,416

Sterling Loan 11,163 1932” 10,366

1951 2,376,553 1952 1,730,143

1949 908,163

22,819

34,628

19,026

14,667

59,999

9,568

97,481

82,342

69,378

8,771

31,349

29,542

200,166

1953 5,836,517

295,404

26,321

216,004

1954 6,190,154

328,182

35,939

180,888

1955 8,914,174

138,022

45,069

134,698

1956 8,008,912

191,902

259,700 283,500

1957 11,542,664

545,101

182,759 276,589

1958 20,841,327

896,672

167,395 289,641

1959 30,816,364

1,313,408

395,446 245,847

1960 27,813,325

2,679,037

5,754,367 142,046

Source: DJB, Report 1949-1950, 122; DJB, Report 1950-1951, 125; DJB, Report 1951-1952, 199; DJB, Report 1952-1953, 190; BI, Report 1953-1954, 158; BI, Report 1954-1955, 171; BI, Report 1955-1956, 178; BI, Report 1956-1957, 201; BI, Report 1957-1958, 221; BI, Report 1958-1959,

251;

BI,

Report

219

1959-1960,

240.

Appendix II. Movements and loans and advances granted by Java Bank, Bank Negara Indonesia, Bank Industri Negara and seven commercial banks to private business and individuals, 1951- 19590279 (in million rupiah) (for 1952-1953 only movements are given and for the years thereafter only the amount of credits granted are given).

1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 Rice hulling works

-2

7

8

Home produce trade

-4

55

103 83

Exporters

+45 257 359 39

Importers Dock and transport

4

4

10

83

105 145 253

375 434 895 1,217

454 -28 516 457 867 1,367 996 877 725 +19 111 127

Companies Sugar

356 +89 490 444 364 318 218 155 237

Plantations Other

-12 219 156 187 241 130 98

Plantations Industrial enterprises

+56 239 366 302 354 383 371 595

Other enterprises

-12 130 239 419 460 472 609 833

Individuals

-7

Banks and credit-

81

15

16

67

125 118 169 114

50

60

41

55

70

235 328

7

4

17

16

19

4

7

44

69

45

91

58

4

3

7

5

8

Institutions Insurance companies and savings banks Storage and transport companies Mining

279

In 1953-1954 Java Bank was replaced by Bank Indonesia, in 1955-1956 seven commercial banks was replaced by nine foreign exchange banks, in 1956-1957 Bank Industri Negara and nine foreign exchange banks was replaced by eleven foreign exchange banks,

220

Total280

1,328 +144 2,096 2,339 2,789 3,470 3,007 3,654 4,456

Source: DJB, Report 1951-1952, 84; DJB, Report 1952-1953, 76; BI, Report 1953-1954, 66; DJB, Report 1954-1955, 76; BI, Report 1955-1956, 79; BI, Report 1956-1957, 88; BI, Report 1957-1958,

280

98;

BI,

Report

1958-1959,

Includes credits to government enterprises as well.

221

114;

BI,

Report

1959-1960,

84.

Appendix III. Credits granted to private enterprises and individuals by 7 foreig4281 and 6 national banks, 1955-1959 (in million rupiah) (excluding Bank Rakjat Indonesia). 1955

1956

1956

1957

1957

1958

7 non-

6

7 non-

6

7 non-

6

7 non- 6

national banks

national banks

national banks

national banks

national banks

national national national national national banks banks banks banks banks

295.5

94.9

285.4

89.9

272.2

162.1

546.9

348.2

707.5

501.9

Importers 450.4

416.6

612

755.2

424.2

571.6

252.2

623.7

139.4

570.8

Agricultural 393.3 estates Industries 158.9

158.1

368.9

190.3

176.8

171.5

81.3

171.5

112.6

205.3

143.5

158.3

195.2

248.6

133.9

148

223.3

231

307.8

Others

353.1

324.7

344.1

470.4

301.1

1,070.9 215.2

Total

2789

3469.7

3532.9

5124.5

4520.1

Total

1,651.2

1,137.8

1,768.7

1,701

1,422.9

2,110

1,243.6 3,880.9 1,464.1 3,056

Total (%)

59

41

51

49

40

60

24

Indonesians 458.3

952.7

643.9

1,497.1

553.7

Indonesians 28

84

36

88

39

(%) Indonesians 1411 total Total 51

2141

2450.8

4499.9

3960.1

62

69

88

88

185.1

1,124.8

203.9

16

64

12

Exporters

1958

1959282 1959

1955

6 non- 7

2,514.2 273.6

1,470.2

76

32

68

1,897.1 764.9

3,735

1,079.9 2,880.2

90

62

96

74

94

869.2

212.9

478.7

145.9

384.2

175.8

61

10

38

4

26

6

Indonesians Non1,192.9 (%) Indonesians Non72 Indonesians (%)

281

It’s likely that of these 7 foreign banks three were Dutch (Nederlandse Handel-Maatschappij, the Nationale Handelsbank and the Escompto Bank) two were British (the Chartered Bank of India, Australia and China and the Hongkong-Shanghai Banking Corporation) and two were Chinese (the Bank of China and the Overseas Chinese Bank). 282

The Nationale Handelsbank was nationalized into the Bank Umum Negara in 1959, see: W.L. Korthals Altes, Tussen cultures en kredieten: Een insitutionele geschiedenis van de Nederlandsch-Indische Handelsbank en Nationale Handelsbank, 1863-1964 (Amsterdam, NIBE-SVV, 2004) 431.

222

Non-

1378

1328.7

1082.1

624.6

560

Indonesians total

Total non- 49

38 31 12

12

Indonesians (%) Source: BI, Report 1956-1957, 89; BI, Report 1957-1958, 99; BI, Report 1958-1959, 115; BI, Report 1959-1960, 85.

223

Appendix IV. Export of rubber from Indonesia, 1949-1960 (in gross tons).

Estate Native Value of estate

Value of native

Export of rubber

rubber Rubber rubber in million rupiah rubber in million rupiah as percentage of total (and million dollar) (and million dollar) export of Indonesia 1949 160,765 246,082 164.35 184.18 23 1950 173,101 523,001 355.15 (94.0) 928.75 (247.3) 42 1951 193,821 588,225 772.80 (215.1) 1,606.61 (438.4) 51 1952 293,063 452,060 2,257.75 (200.6) 2,520.20 (223.3) 46 1953 288,000 379,000 1,561 (138.9) 1,519 (133.9) 33 1954 238,000 472,000 1,156 (104.8) 1,857 (166.4) 31 1955 237,000 465,000 1,931 (171.9) 2,957 (259.7) 46 1956 234,000 413,000 1,712 (154.5) 2,316 (206.2) 40 1957 261,000 418,000 1,663 (145.9) 2,320 (203.6) 36 1958 207,000 369,000 1,234 (108.8) 1,744 (153.2) 35 1959 233,000 485,000 1,628(143.4) 3,130 (275.9) 48 1960 190,000 388,000 6,028 (133.9) 10,943 (243.2) 45 Source: DJB, Report 1949-1950, 98-99; DJB, Report 1950-1951, 68-69, 72-73, 94-96; DJB, Report 1951-1952, 123, 125, 167; DJB, Report 1952-1953, 117-119; BI, Report 1953-1954, 8587; BI, Report 1954-1955, 97-99; BI, Report 1955-1956, 103-105; BI, Report 1956-1957, 114115, 143; BI, Report 1957-1958, 125-128; BI, Report 1958-1959, 146-151; BI, Report 19591960,

116-121;

BI,

Report

224

1960-1965,

90-93.

Appendix V. Value of most important export products of Indonesia, 1950-1959 (in million rupiah).

1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 Rubber

1,301 2,483 4,778 3,080 3,013 4,888 4,028 3,983 2,978 4,758

Petroleum

560 633 2,070 2,292 2,576 2,421 2,561 3,677 3,219 2,637

Tin

185 308 981

926 700 683

725

619

431 408

Copra

230 503 641

728 657 483

513

486

239 363

Palm oil

118 144 346

380 347 305

346

347

314 273

Coffee

57

206

343 455 182

343

334

206 215

Tobacco

157 103 200

274 372 316

332

383

345 278

Tea

102 139 267

267 454 355

337

340

283 231

Hard rope

88

52

231

196 52

73

49

44

37

fibers Sugar

1

8

17

133 255 210

191

193

84

34

Pepper

13

30

122

82

151

177

112 248

81

71

193 158

and other spice Total export

3,039 4,780 10,387 9,344 9,759 10,062 10,048 11,052 8,611 9,944

revenue Source: BI, Report 1953-1954, 87; BI, Report 1956-1957, 114; BI, Report 1959-1960, 116.

225

Appendix VI. Development of consumer price index in Indonesia, 1949-1960 (1954 = 100).

1949 42 1950 51 1951 84 1952 89 1953 94 1954 100 1955 135 1956 133 1957 206 1958 243 1959 275 1960 330 Source: H.W. Arndt, ‘Banking in hyperinflation’, Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 2 (1966)

59.

226

Bibliography

Archival sources Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia (National Archives of the Republic of Indonesia), Jakarta: Algemene Vereeniging van Rubberplanters ter Oostkust van Sumatra (General Association of Rubberplanters in East Sumatra) (AVROS). No. 162. Nationaal Archief (National Archives The Hague: Deli Maatschappij, Annual Report 1953. No. 40. Ministerie van Koloniën: Memories van Overgave, 2.10.39. No. 182. Published works Arndt, H.W., ‘Banking in hyperinflation’, Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 3 (1966) 4570. Bank Indonesia, Report of the governor of Bank Indonesia for the financial year 1953-1954 … 1960-1965 (Jakarta: Bank Indonesia, 1954-1965). Booth, Anne, The Indonesian economy in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. A history of missed opportunities (London: Macmillan, 1998). Breman, Jan, Koelies, planters en koloniale politiek. Het arbeidsregime op de grootlandbouwondernemingen aan Sumatra’s Oostkust in het begin van de twintigste eeuw (Dordrecht/Providence, RI: Foris, 1987) [translated as Taming the coolie beast. Plantation society and the colonial order in Southeast Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989). Clerkx, Lily, Mensen in Deli: een maatschappijbeeld uit de belletrie (Amsterdam: AZAO, University of Amsterdam, 1960). De Javasche Bank, Annual report for the financial year 1949-1950 … 1952-1953 (Jakarta: De Javasche Bank, 1950-1953). Dick, Howard et al., The emergence of a national economy. An economic history of Indonesia, 1800-2000 (Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2002). Dixon, C.J., De assistent in Deli. Practische opmerkingen met betrekking tot den omgang met koelies (Amsterdam: J.H. De Bussy, 1913). Glassburner, Bruce, ‘Economic policy-making in Indonesia, 1950-1957’, in: Bruce Glassburner, The economy of Indonesia, selected readings (London: Cornell University Press,

227

1971)

Himawan, Charles, The foreign investment process in Indonesia. The role of law in the economic development of a third world country (Singapore: Gunung Agung, 1980). Houben, Vincent J.H., J. Thomas Lindblad et al., Coolie labour in colonial Indonesia. A study of labour relations in the Outer Islands, c. 1900-1940 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999). Kerkhof, Jasper van de, ‘Dutch enterprise in independent Indonesia: cooperation and confrontation, 1949-1958’, IIAS Newsletter 36 (2005) 18. Kerkhof, Jasper van de, ‘Indonesianisasi of Dutch economic interests, 1930-1960; The case of Internatio’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (BKI), 161 (2005a) 181-209. Koning-van der Veen, Mia, Dromen over Sabang (Zaltbommel: Drukkerij/uitgeverij Avanti, 1991). Korthals Altes, W.L., Tussen cultures en kredieten: Een institutionele geschiedenis van de NederlandschIndische Handelsbank en Nationale Handelsbank, 1863-1964 (Amsterdam, NIBE- SVV, 2004). Lindblad, J. Thomas, ‘The importance of indonesianisasi during the transition from the 1930s to the 1960s’, Itinerario 26 (2002) 51-71. Lindblad, J. Thomas, ‘Van Javasche Bank naar Bank Indonesia. Voorbeeld uit de praktijk van de indonesianisasi’, Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis 1 (2004) 28-46. Lindblad, J. Thomas, ‘From Java Bank to Bank Indonesia: A case study of indonesianisasi in practice’, Lembaran Sejarah 8 (2005) 15-31. Lindblad, J. Thomas, Bridges to new business. The economic decolonization of Indonesia (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2008). Lindblad, J. Thomas and Peter Post (ed.), Indonesian economic decolonization in regional and international perspective (Leiden: KITLV Press 2009). Marinus, J.H., Veertig Jaren ervaring in de Deli-Cultures (Amsterdam: J.H. De Bussy, 1929). Meijer, Hans, Den Haag-Jakarta; De Nederlands-Indonesische betrekkingen 1950-1962 (Utrecht: Aula, 1994). Middelbare Koloniale Landbouwschool Deventer, Arbeidswetgeving in Nederlandsch Indië (Hoofdzakelijk voor het Gewest Oostkust van Sumatra) (Deventer: Drukkerij Davo , 1921). Pelzer, Karl, Planter and peasant: Colonial policy and the agrarian struggle in East Sumatra, 1863-1947 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1978). Redfern, William A., Sukarno’s guided democracy and the takeovers of foreign companies in Indonesia in the 1960s (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan press,

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2010).

Stoler, Ann Laura, Capitalism and confrontation in Sumatra’s plantation belt, 1870-1979 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1985). Sutter, John O., Indonesianisasi; A historical survey of the role of politics in the institutions of a changing economy from the Second World War to the eve of the general election, 1940-1955 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 1959). Taselaar, Arjen, De Nederlandse koloniale lobby. Ondernemers en de Indische politiek, 19141940 (Leiden: CNWS, 1998). Thee Kian Wie, Recollections: the Indonesian economy, 1950-1990s (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2003). Thee Kian Wie, Indonesia’s economy since independence (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 2012). Volker, T., Van oerbosch tot cultuurgebied. Een schets van de beteekenis van de tabak, de andere cultures en de industrie ter oostkust van Sumatra (Medan: DPV, 1928). Vreede, A.G., Rapport van het hoofd van het Kantoor van arbeid over de arbeidstoestanden in de metaalindustrie te Soerabaja (Weltevreden: Landsdrukkerij, 1926). Weisfelt, J, De Deli Spoorweg Maatschappij als factor in de economische ontwikkeling van de Oostkust van Sumatra (Rotterdam: Bronder-Offset, 1972).

229

MAK YONG STORIES: MYTHS, LEGENDS OR FOLK TALES? Ghulam-SarwarYousof Cultural Centre, University of Malaya

ABSTRACT

MAK YONG STORIES : MYTHS, LEGENDS OR FOLK TALES? Ghulam-SarwarYousof Makyong, active in the southern Thai province of Patani, in Kelantan, Malaysia, as well as in the Riau Islands of Indonesia, is the most important form of traditional theatre in Malaysia which is performed in two broad varieties, serving the function of entertainment as well as ritual in particular circumstances. Previous research has investigated the possible origins of this genre, several constituent elements in a makyong performance, including music, dance and theatre. In its principal modes of performance both as ritual and entertainment theatre makyong shares a great deal with wayangkulitSiam and main puteri. Yet, in terms of rituals and even more in terms of content, makyong demonstrates significant differences from other traditional theatre genres of the region. These difference lie in the essential meaning and function of makyong’s dramatic literature as well as upon its central characters. This paper will examine the two most important stories of the makyong’s dramatic repertoire—Dewa Mudaand Dewa Pechil-- with a focus on the typology of the central figure (pakyong) as god (dewa), king (raja) and hero (wira) in order to arrive at an understanding of possible origin, meaning and function of the genre.

230

MAK YONG STORIES: MYTHS, LEGENDS OR FOLK TALES? Ghulam-SarwarYousof Cultural Centre, University of Malaya

Makyong, a centuries-old theatre genre, has clearly been established as the most important of all traditional Malay theatrical expressions. It is performed in two broad categories of performances: those intended for entertainment and those, ritualistic in character, which serve as means of initiation (sembah guru) or healing specific kinds of inner illnesses connected with angin. Apart from such distinctive features, however, makyong’s uniqueness stems largely from its dramatic content which, unlike in the case of the vast majority of Southeast Asian puppet theatre forms as well as its traditional dance-theatre styles, does not come from Indian epics, Middle eastern tales, Chinese literature or other known sources, foreign or indigenous. This has raised several highly important questions, including that of makyong’s very origins for which several theories have been advanced.Tentatively I have arrived at a possible conclusion that although makyong has its principal locus within the Kelantan and Patani region (but not beyond it), it may have come from a geographical location or cultural region as yet unidentified outside that region. Makyong may have developed in and belonged to a community or even a coterie of performers whose identity remains unknown. Such a hypothesis is a valid one given that, firstly, makyong, in all probability, had its genesis as some sort of ritual, secondly due to the fact that makyong is by no means a well-known or popular art form even in Kelantan or Patani, places with which it is principally associated, and that, thirdly, the stories performed in makyong are do not constitute an establish cycle within Malay literature, and as such are not familiar to the average person in Kelantan and Patani, the two territories connected with the genre. It will be the task of the present paper, then, to further investigate the genre’s two principal stories--Dewa Muda and Dewa Pechil-- as well as their central characters so as to place makyong within an appropriate literary and cultural framework.

The Dramatic Repertoire and its Possible Sources Up until approximately fifty years ago, makyong was a totally obscure art form. This continues to be so to this day, although some work in the form of documentation and transcription has taken place since the mid-1970’s, and certain performance elements of the genre, particularly theatre, music, dance as well as some of its ritual aspects are better understood. This, however, is not the case with makyong’s literary content. Although several of the plays are known in synopses as well as in performance versions, none of them has received serious attention. Apart from the use of a few stories in limited performances, invariably incomplete or truncated, much of the repertoire has not been staged for a century or more; the situation before the 1930’s remains unclear. The near absence of performances has meant that much of the known dramatic repertoire has remained inactive and has thus been threatened with oblivion. This problem has been exacerbated partly by the fact that makyong has always been an oral tradition and continues to remain so with a total absence of written records. The limited documentation done 231

from the mid-1970’s has, at the most, allowed opportunities for the study of a handful of the most important plays, particularly Dewa MudaandAnak Raja Gondang, thus giving rise to situation that even these, the most important plays in the genre, are not properly understood, with the rest of the repertoire being almost totally obscure. This is unfortunate given the considerable significance of makyong both as literature and theatre. Sources of the plays Traditionally it is strongly believed by performers of the genre that makyong began has twelve plays native to the genre. Even with this kind of conviction on their part, it has been almost impossible to determine which out of the floating repertoire of twenty or more named plays genuinely belong to the genre. With few exceptions, the sources of the plays remain unknown. They do not come from traditional sources, such as the Indian epics, that have provided the bulk of the dramatic literature for Southeast Asian traditional theatre genres. The three styles of shadow play (wayangkulit) performed in the Malay peninsula in recent decades have, for instance, derived their plots from the Ramayana and Mahabharata. Makyong artists express a strong conviction that, beginning with a single play, Dewa Muda, the genre’s repertoire developed in several stages until it reached twelve. There is no total agreement on which twelve plays constitute the core repertoire and attempts to establish them have been beset with certain problems including that of incomplete or variant versions a well as the inability of artists to provide sufficient details to arrive at complete texts. Yet despite the antiquity of the genre and the manner in which the texts have been transmitted, involving a fair measure of improvisation, there has been a remarkable degree of consistency in certain important plays as performed over the ages by different makyong groups. Much of the dramatic repertoire of makyong remains to be adequately collected or understood. It is possible however, even at this preliminary stage, to postulate that there are two categories of stories within the so-called authentic repertoire, depending upon the presence or otherwise of certain types of characters, the intensity of action, as well as the ultimate role of the stories in keeping within the overall functions of makyong. These points will be illustrated with particular reference to makyong’s most important plays, Dewa Muda and Dewa Pechil. Characteristics of the plays Makyong plays have much in common. With a few exceptions of plays borrowed from outside the genre itself, they are apparently based upon a mythology that remains mysterious, with their principal characters beings gods (dewa) or demi-gods, most of whom are in fact kings (raja) or princes descended from gods. In the two plays under consideration at this point, Dewa Muda is an adopted son of the deceased Raja Besar of Seluruhan Tanah Jawa, a land ruled by the queen, Tuan PuteriSelindunganBulan, while Dewa Pechil’s home country is not mentioned. He is the son-in-law of the king (Raja Besar) of the kingdom of SerembahanKisaranPayong and is married to the princess Tuan PuteriCemaraBermas. The leading female figures in Dewa Muda is a Sky Princess, Tuan PuteriRatna Mas. Unlike the mythology-based plays of traditional theatre in the region, in both Dewa Muda and Dewa Pechil there is a distinct absence of strong protagonists in the form of ogre or giant characters. In the case of Dewa Muda such figures are mentioned and appear to be in the background, but there is no direct confrontation between the hero and these figures. Although Dewa Muda contains some amount of action, and a rudimentary plot, this is hardly the case with Dewa Pechil. On the whole, however the development of the plot and even the presence of true action are both distinctly absent. This is something noteworthy and to this we will presently return. 232

Plots of the Plays The plots of Dewa Muda and Dewa Pechil are relatively simple, although supernatural elements are certainly present in Dewa Muda and Raja TangkaiHati, to some extent complicating the plots. While hunting in a forest. Dewa Muda sees the image of the Sky Princess, Tuan PuteriRatna Mas, upon a flower, with a message for him to go up to the skies. He takes the flight up into the heavens on a magic kite, meets her, is killed and brought down to earth. The princess descends to restore him to life, but leaves before he recovers fully, once again leaving a message for him to jo0in her. Dewa Muda goes up to the heavens to meet her, but they are not able to marry or achive any kind of permanent union. In Dewa Pechil, Dewa Sokma Daru of SertambongTulang, who is looking for a suitable wife, hears about Tuan PuteriCemaraBermas, a princess of SerembahanKisaranPayong. She is, however, already married to Dewa Pechil. The king, nevertheless sends a proposal with appropriate gifts seeking her hand. His petition is rejected. Next Dewa Sokma Daru goes personally to SerembahanKisarangPayung with a ship full of gifts for MakIbu Ayo PanggoWetan, the mother of Tuan PuteriCemaraBermas, knowing her to be greedy. MakIbu Ayo happily accepts the gifts and promises that Raja Sokma Daru can marry her daughter. Failing to get Dewa Pechil to divorce Tuan PuteriChemaraBemas, she banishes him. Eventually the princess, escaping from the palace, joins him in exile. Characters The principal characters of all makyong plays are demi-gods (dewa), kings or princes (raja), belonging to their families claiming descent from gods. Most of them are relatively young. Dewa Muda is a prince of the kingdom of Seluruh Tanah Jawa. His father Tok Raja Jawa has passed away but Dewa Muda has not succeeded his father as king, even though he appears to be the only son. The power to rule thus effectively in the queen, the second character in the story, but the play does not depict her role as an actual ruler. The third character is a Sky Princess, Tuan PuteriRatna Mas. Lost in an ancestral forest Dewa Muda sees her as a transient image on a magical flower floating on the surface of a pond. Hi search for her leads him into the Sky country (kayangan). Although they are in love with each other the ending of the story remains open; it is uncertain whether or not they are able to get married. Another character of some importance is AwangSejambulLebat, a spirit. Minor characters include the usual types of ogres, as well as clowns. Dewa Pechil is once again a young prince in the kingdom of SerembahanGunungKisaranPayung. Unlike in Dewa Muda, there is an elder king in this kingdom, but the power seems to be in the hands of Dewa Pechil’s, mother-in law, MakIbuAyuSepanggoWetan. The issue here is the proposal of another king Raja Sokma Daru of the land of to marry Tuan PuteriCemaraBermas, even though she is already married to Dewa Pechil. Raja SokmaDarus’ mission fails, Dewa Pechil is banished by MakIbuAyuPanggoWetan and eventually Tuan PuteriChemara escapes from the palace to join him in exile, meeting him at a lakeside where he is fishing with a golden net earlier given to him by ChemaraBermas.

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Heroes of a different Order The hero-type in these three plays, then, is a young god, demi-god or prince. Each of them gets involved in adventures involving a love interest: Dewa Muda with the Sky princess and Dewa Pechil with Tuan PuteriChemaraBermas. While looking at the character-types in the plays, it is highly significant that although in general there are resemblances between these plays and those of other traditional theatre genres, the range of similarities is extremely limited. This is the case in the most important of the plays, Dewa Muda and Dewa Pechil. In terms of characterization these playsdo not conform to, even differ considerably, from the Ramayana-based stories of the shadow play (wayangkulit) or even those of the Javanese Panji romance which has some influence in Kelantan. The most significant element is the absence of strong antagonistic characters such as ogres or giants that the heroes have to deal with. Thus one of the elements of traditional theatre is missing in makyong. There is hardly any conflict between the noble and the evil in Dewa Muda or Dewa Pechil. This is striking when these twin plays are considered in comparison with most of the others in makyong as well as those featured in traditional Malay and Southeast Asian theatre genres, highlighting the distinct and unique character of makyong itself as a theatre genre. The Purposes for Mak Yong Performances One of the most useful ways in which makyong stories and indeed all stories can be approached is to look at their functions. Traditionally folk literature has been classified n this manner. While not playing the major assumed functions of mythology, as we have seen the characters do belong to the types that figure in myths, basically the heroes of these tales are gods. Beyond that they have little resemblance to the gods of the more established pantheons of religious myths. Another possible approach is through the precise functions of the stories. Once again, they do not fit into the category of myths. We have already noted that the gods (dewa) figures do not belong to the typical heroes of myths. So returning to the functions, then, what do these characters do, or what do their stories do? What roles do the stories play in the traditional culture in which makyong belongs, for these stories are not known exist independently of the makyong theatre genre unlike those of most other traditional performance genres. They do not belong to any systematic mythology. Many appear to be independent tales which do not play the functions that myths are known to play. The do not belong to any familiar system of mythology. Even if we attempt to classify these tales as folk romances, it is obvious at this point in the research that they may be independent stories rather than belonging to a single cycle, as do the Javanese Panji romances, the Chanson de Roland or other more familiar cycles of European romances. Several of them seem closer, stylistically, to the folk romances of the Indian tradition, and perhaps even those in neighbouring countries such as Thailand. These areal things that need further investigation before any conclusions can be drawn. Returning now to the functions of makyong stories, it is clear that, at least to some extent, the purpose of makyong performances, as in theatre elsewhere and in other genes is to provide some sort of entertainment. But this is certainly not the precise function of makyong as already evident from previous research.

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However, in keeping with its origins and the nature of performances, makyong more importantly served and to this day continues to function as ritual activity. This explains the fact that in ritual varieties of performances no attempt is made to complete a play. Instead the action focuses on selected episodes, which, in a manner of speaking are milked for the potential in them to arouse emotions and to blandish angin. This is evident firstly in the manner in which the stories are used in sessions of isihangin. Much more powerfully, the selected episodes, in combination with music, both vocal and instrumental, as well as states of trance serve the particular purposes of healing as well as emotional cleansing. The most effective scenes are clearly those that deal with tragic situations. In performance of makyong, the purposes of angin are very clearly achieved successfully through the presentation of the selected episodes to the accompaniment of music and singing. The music is always accompanied with appropriate lyrics, allowing for the expression of the full range of emotions, and the arousal of appropriate angin. These have the power to achieve the ultimate aims of the performances, towards which the scripts serve as mere vehicles. The effective purpose of a makyong performance is successful served only if and when the patient becomes sufficient involved, emotionally, and psychologically. The integrated performances involving all the elements are powerful tools for the achievement of the liberation or release of angin. By themselves the makyong plays have a much lesser role in the community, although as mentioned they can be used in isihangin sessions.

Meaning and Significance of the plays It is vital that serious consideration be given to the functions of Makyong plays for unlike much of drama elsewhere these plays can best be understood and appreciated through such an approach rather than using standard criteria. It is evident that overall, in Makyong entertainment remains but a minor function, and this is not directly included in the action of plot development. This means that the pair of comedians (peran) who usually members of a troupe, seem to have their own existence aside from that of the principal character in each play. Several of the plays have special significance in the spiritual or psychological sense for in the traditional context makyongwas not performed solely for entertainment. Indeed entertainment may not have been the genre’s original or even its primary function in the earliest stages of its development. There can be little doubt that makyong came into being as a ritual of some sort and to this day, apart from providing entertainment, it serves the function propitiation of invisible beings as well as of curing persons affected by several different varieties of emotional and psychological illnesses which, in the context of traditional world views, are believed due to soul-loss (hilangsemangat), possession (rasukhantu) and most importantly, to angin (fn). The process of healing involves, at the simplest level of what is known as isihangin and at the more advanced dedicated ritual (berjamu) makyong performances are staged in combination with the main puteri shamanic dance. Makyong’s entire repertoire in fact theoretically serves this purpose. The rarity of performances and the highly limited active repertoire, however, has made any kind of total observation or assessment well-nigh impossible. Notwithstanding this situation, it is evident that that a handful of core plays have remained perennially significant due to their connection with angin as well as the curing of angin-related illnesses. By far the two most important are Dewa Muda and Dewa Pechil. Others include Anak RajaGondang, Raja MudaLembek and Raja TangkaiHati. This spiritual and therapeutic role of makyong draws us strongly to questions related of the roots of these plays, their peculiar nature, and the factors that have made them so immensely powerful in the context of makyong. Before touching upon these 235

questions, however, it will be necessary to examine the plays in terms of their literary as well as cultural context. For our present purposes two plays have been selected: Dewa MudaandDewa Pechil and Each these plays will be examined from the point of view of plots, characters, and motifs with a view to ascertaining their literary character. In all these plays, set in various kingdoms, there is either no indication of any kind of court activity taking place, if there is such activity it is highly limited. Any act of heroism, something that is clearly lacking in these plays, takes place outside the courts suggesting, as in the mengadaprebab and the opening sequence of every performance that the kingdoms are seen as ideal rather than literal ones. It will be seen that the whole of makyong as theatre must be examined in this no-literal, bur rather symbolical manner. The reason for such negligence is surely the fact that the plays do not care very much to tell a story, as does traditional drama, but to focus on the person of the hero and what he stands for, his character and those events that directly affect him, and his female counterpart. Thus even the heroes adventures are to some extent limited. In both Dewa Muda and particularly in Dewa Pechil very little action takes place. This has something to do with the functions of makyong itself, something which will be touched upon presently.

Theme of Exile and Return When it comes to themes a similar situation seems to prevail. The theme of love or romance as well as adventure is seen in almost all the plays, and in some of those not mentioned here, such as Raja TangkaiHati, the adeventures of the hero can be exciting, in he manner of traditional myths or romances. The plot of Dewa Muda does provide for some adventure. But in the case of Dewa Pechil almost nothing by way of action takes place. Following the attempt by MakIbuAyuPanggoWetan to separate Dewa Pechil from his wife, he is banished and Tuan PuteriChemaraBermas joins him in exile. In some sense then, the play may be called tragedy, to use a convenient but quite inappropriate western label, and as tragedy it plays the same role as do some of the most powerful Greek plays. But then, in spiritual terms, the story of the character Dewa Pechil does not end at that point where the play ends. To see its completion one has to witness, or rather participate, in the ritual (berjamu) performance of makyong which takes place upon the initiation (sembah guru) of a makyong actress, to fulfill a vow, or to bring about healing through the blandishing of angin (semahangin). At a climactic moment the entranced actresses, the principal one (pakyong) playing the role of Dewa Pechil, dance around a palace (balai) with forty legs made of bamboo or sago plant and laden with an extremely wide range of offerings placed on the ground near the balai as well as every one of its three, five or seven levels. If literal terms, continuing the story of Dewa Pechil, the arrival at the palace is a return home of Dewa Pechil from exile, following his banishment. But then nothing is literal here in this world of myth. If in symbolical terms the palace represents the self, how is one to see the exile and the return? The return seen in the berjamu performances is to the palace with forty legs, the palace of Seri Rama, and Dewa Muda, whose flag is placed at the highest tier of the balai during the berjamu rituals. The palace is also the place of return of the self—every self-from exile, back to oneself. It is also the palace of Dewa Pechil, who significantly conducts the rituals in and around the palace before the various items of offerings, including the balai itself are removed and handed over o the invisible entities present during the entire ritual performance lasting three nights and ending at dawn on the morning of the fourth day. The ensuing trance session brings down Dewa Pechil not Dewa Muda, around the palace before the tolakbalai, etc. It is the palace of the gods or god, the 236

palace of the self, the god-within. It is evident then that, on the surface, the story means very little in terms of the plot. But its symbolical value is far more important: the three motifs are separation, the reconciliation and the return to the ocean of one’s being, the return to the primordial shakti, but also the reunion of the two halves (male/female), here represented by Dewa Pechil and Tuan PuteriChemaraBermas. This connects with the theme of the Panji stories, although the precise connection between these and the Dewa Muda/Dewa Pechil stories is not yet clear. Dewa Pechil as performed on the non-ritual level is thus an incomplete story; the return from exile is achieved through the berjamu rituals. This explains why Dewa Pechilis never staged for entertainment performances of makyong. Mythology or Folk Romances? The plays are thus romances but also, simultaneously, myths of separation. They operate on several levels with the symbolical interpretations much more important than the literal romantic ones, keeping in mind too the intention of arousing angin. This makes the content of the plays limited and very basic, especially in the case of Dewa Pechil where almost nothing happens in terms of plot movement or action. This is understandable if one sees makyong performances as a means not of telling a story (although in some plays the stories can be interesting) but as a means of arousing angin. The plays, albeit simple, are highly effective as performances with the compliment of vocal and instrumental music, and to some extent the dance which takes the actresses into a higher level of consciousness. It is clear that in makyong, when the dialogue is separated from the music and songs, it is the latter elements that have the power of bringing about some degree of arousal of the physical sense as well as the mind “ or spirit” in the psychic senses, leading to transformation or emotional release. At the lower levels the stories do work even without actual performances take place, merely through rhythmic narration or singing by a healer (bomoh) or experienced makyong performers, as seen in a simple but effective ritual known as isihangin. While it may work as an effective healing rite in itself, it is more often used as a means of bringing about some relief to a patient. In more serious illnesses, a full makyong performance may be called for. It is the spirituality in the stories, and the potential for actors and actresses to “connect” directly with the characters on the emotional, psychological, para-psychological and spiritual (but not religious) planes that makes them efficacious as means of spiritual cleansing, renewal or catharsis. This action take place not at the literal level in the development of the plots but at the level of another, higher consciousness, the word of liminality into which the actresses enter, and in religio-philosophical terms at the level of cosmic consciousness. Thus even though makyong stories, at least superficially, don’t appear to be religious in any sense—and they are not—it is their inner meaning that must be taken into consideration when discussing them at least from the perspective of makyong performers. Looking at the details of he stories, one can come to some kind of a feeling that they are mythological in character. This is based on the principal characters involved. But in terms of mythology, thus far the plays elude us, since no basis for the mythology has been established unless one can believe that it belongs to a mysterious lost religion. The fact that they such a strong emotional impact upon the audiences rules out the possibility of the plays being merely fancy creations of some literary imagination. Thus such a conclusion makes sense. But what religion and what system of belief do they come from? This may never be known. It is evident that rarely does literature have this kind of impact upon readers or theater audiences. The plays seem to rouse the same kind of emotional connection and reaction through strong empathy with the characters, as seen in passion plays involving tragic events. But in this case religion has, for now, to be ruled out.

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Yet, taking the matter a step further, there is the likelihood that they are folk romances for the dewa characters in particular do not fit into any known system of mythology. If the imported myths are ruled out then, where do they belong? Obviously the answer lies in their being indigenous myths. The possibility of a local mythic tradition does exist, buy evidence for this is lacking. The dewa figures of makyong do not appear in any of the known “systems” of belief. The characters also do not fit into any one system, for apart from several plays--Dewa Muda , Dewa Pechil, EndengTejali, and the AnakRaja Gondang cycle- they are independent stories. One can, of course, look at their possibly of these plays coming from the tradition of lower mythology such as seen in Java, in the myths connected with the rice goddess. But the characters in these makyong stories are too high, too sophisticated to belong to the category of nature or origin myths. In content too they are not origin myths, with characters such as the Sun God , Moon goddess etc. (Dewa Muda of course can be seen in terms of the Earth-Sky myth, like the Panji romances, and these parallels are often pointed out). In term of certain other elements they are not really nature myths. The adventures of the various characters make them fit, rather, into the epic and romance traditions. The plays are neither epics nor even based on epics, like some of the Greek plays derived from the TheIlliad, Each is an independent tale. It appears therefore that they may be classified as romances, but romances of a lower rather than a higher character order like the Panji cycle, the Chanson deRoland, the Arthurian Romances and so on, with the characters being semi-divine rather than full gods and goddesses. In considering them as folk romances, however, one has to contend with the “spiritual” dimension as well as spiritual meanings of these plays. Why is ritual so important in them, and why are they spiritually so powerful? The gods of the makyong stories are not worshipped. They have never been known to be worshipped at any time in history. But they do have some sort of powerful effect upon the people involved in makyong and living in the world of that imagination. The only way to understand them, is that they are symbols, for in a sense all gods and heroes are symbols, and mythology consists of collection of these symbols. This is a strong likelihood in the case of some of the gods (dewa) in makyong. From symbolism with the symbols represented as gods, the stories have developed into folk myths. This is the earliest stage of mythology as it grew out of animism. Thus while the characters are mythical and the stories also mythical, they have been incorporated into a literary tradition that is closer to romance, but still embedded into the folk culture rather than that of the court. To some extent then makyong remains enigmatic and ambivalent, and perhaps that has to do with its very nature and purposes. In some ways the makyong plays defy classification without placing them in an appropriate spiritual context, away from the mere literal meanings they may possess as vehicles for entertainment. Following transformations and due to various factors that attempt to control or inhibit makyong itself, its nature has been changed and its very existence threatened. Is demise would mean a considerable loss given its unique qualities.

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Bibliography Cuisinier, Jeanne. Dansesmagiquesd’Kelantan. Paris: InstitutD’Ethnologie, 1936. Ghulam-SarwarYousof. “The Dewa Muda Story: its Significance in Mak Yong and Main Puteri Performances- Spiritual and Non-Spiritual“. Mak Yong Seminar, UniversitiSains Malaysia, 1995. Ghulam-SarwarYousof . “Ruminations on the Origins and Functions of the Mak Yong Dance Theatre” International Seminar on Asian Theatre: Tradition, Modernity and Innovation in Asian Theatre, University of Malaya, 2004. Ghulam-SarwarYousof. PanggungInu: Essays on Traditional Malay Theatre. Singapore: The Centre for the Arts, National University of Singapore, 2004. Ghulam-SarwarYousof. “Tradition and Sundering with Tradition: Mak Yong from Traditional to Tinsel Theatre and Beyond”.PACIA 08, International Conference on Performing Arts as Creative Industries in Asia. Cultural Centre, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 2008. Ghulam-SarwarYousof “Indigenous Beliefs, Mythology and Folk Islam: The Malaysian Context, with Special Reference to Traditional Malay Theatre”.International Folklore Conference. Department of Oriya, Visva-Bharati University, in collaboration with Central Institute of Indian Languages, Mysore, Shantineketan, India, 18-20 February 2008 Ghulam-SarwarYousof. The Makyong Dance Theatre as Spiritual Heritage: Some Insights.” Keynote Paper presented at the SPAAFA International Seminar on The Mak Yong Spiritual Dance Heritage: Seminar and Performances held in September 2011. Malm, William P. Malaysian Ma’Yong Theatre”. The Drama Review (Spring 1971), 108-131. Malm, William P. The Music of the Malaysian Ma’Yong” In MohdTaib Osman (ed) Traditional Dramaand Music of Southeast Asia. 136-144. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa danPustaka, 1974.

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Change And Continuity –Preserving The Cultural Heritage Of Tibet In Era Of Diaspora Dr. Karubaki Datta, Centre for Himalayan Studies, North Bengal University District Darjeeling, West Bengal India 734013 E.Mail- [email protected] Abstract The political status of Tibet has undergone some fundamental transformation in the decade of the 1950s when China under the leadership of Mao tseTung first took over the country in 1951 . The actual blow however came when following a popular uprising in Lhasa the Dalai Lama, the religious leader and head of the traditional government of Tibet, fled the country in 1959. In the following years, Tibet experienced the suppression and near destruction of Buddhist heritage in the form of cultural revolution and the Chinese policy of wiping out the traces of old regime under the traditional government. One result of this was the exodus of nearly 100,000 Tibetans who could not reconcile with the changed situation. Most of them followed the Dalai Lama to India while some went to the two other Himalayan states of Nepal and Bhutan and even abroad. The Dalai Lama set up his Government in Exile, also called the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) in India with hospitality provided by the Government of India. One basic objective of the CTA has been to preserve the tradition and culture of the motherland that has ceased to exist as an independent state . Monasteries have been reestablished, opportunities of religious studies provided to the interested scholars, trainings imparted in traditional arts and crafts, language training provided in the Tibetan schools and women’s and youth’s associations set up to transmit the tradition and cultural awareness to the younger generation of the refugee Tibetan community. The paper looks into the aspects of how the Tibetans are trying to carry on and continue with their cultural heritage in the changed political backdrop Key words, Tibet, Buddhism, refugee community, Central Tibetan administration, Dalai Lama

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Change and continuity –Preserving the cultural heritage of Tibet in era of diaspora

Tibet, which now forms a part of China as an ‘Autonomous Region “ ( TARC) used to be a country with a unique form of Government under the Dalai Lama, who, as head of the Gelugpa sect of Mahayana Buddhism of Tibet also headed the Government of the country. This special character of the Government itself indicates how important religion was to the Tibetans and the status that the religion and its components i.e. the Buddhist monks, (commonly called the lamas meaning masters in Tibetan) and the monasteries (Gompas) enjoyed in the society. The Gelugpa monks headed the different branches of administration and worked as bureaucrats , and the monasteries also enjoyed extensive landed properties.Even the monks of lesser eminence and even belonging to sects other than the Gelugpas enjoyed a high status in the society.The common people considered it to be a blessing if their sons joined the monasteries that were scattered all over the country. Tibet was not a developed country in the modern sense of the term. It had neither any diplomatic contact with the outside world beyond China in the East, India in the South and Mongolia and Russia in the North. It was not member of any international organization, not even the UNO. It did not have any well trained and properly equipped army – a fact that made it dependent on China for military protection . Eventually China took advantage of this fact , ‘annexed’ and converted it as TARC. However, the country had a long tradition of religious and philosophical scholarship , produced a huge volume of religious texts, developed its own legal system, its own art and architecture and even a system of medicine – all derived from the tenets of Mahayana Buddhism. Not only the Dalai Lamas but monks belonging to other sects of the religion were highly erudite and were widely revered in the Himalayan regions, in Central Asia and even in China. The very objective of governance under the Dalai Lamas was not to achieve any economic or military excellence but to promote the religion and help its people achieve spiritual upliftment in the long run. The cultural heritage of the country used to be truly unique. All this came to a halt and the course of history that the country had been following for centuries took an unexpected turn when China attacked and took over the country in 1951. The religious order and the “feudal” social structure came under severe scrutiny of the Communist Chinese administrators. The Dalai Lama was no more regarded as the head of an independent state but as working under Chinese control. An even more severe blow came in 1959 when following widespread political unrest in the country- particularly in the east and a final uprising in Lhasa against the Chinese in March 1959 the Dalai Lama fled to India. It was followed by an exodus of nearly one lakh Tibetans . After this Chinese control was complete and Tibet experienced a brutal suppression and destruction of Buddhist heritage particularly in course of the Cultural Revolution during 1960s. The Chinese attempt was basically to wipe out the traces of old regime and transform the socio economic structure under the traditional government.It is true that the Chinese policy towards Tibet changed over time simultaneously with the changes in its own Government policies and even relaxed

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to some extent but the basic attempt has always been to suppress the Tibetan culture and to integrate the country with China the “motherland’ as they call it. Majority of the Tibetans who fled Tibet after Chinese takeover are settled in India while a considerable number are living in Nepal and some are scattered all over the world particularly in the European countries. Studies on refugee groups suggest that for them the issue of preservation of their native culture and identity in the host country is an important component of their adaptation. The need for acculturation and integration as against assimilation with the host society is regarded as important. This is because they are uprooted from their homeland and are transported to an alien land where they often experience a ‘constantly challenged identity , and are ‘ perpetually required to mediate between a ‘scattered historical inheritance and a heterogeneous present’. (Chambers 1994) The task is even more daunting in case of the Tibetans because not only are they uprooted from their homeland, their homeland itself under China is in no position to keep the tradition alive and it is for them to preserve their heritage in exile. The Tibetan refugees have been able to face this challenge quite successfully . This ‘success in exile’ has been possible on account of the organized leadership the community has received from the Dalai Lama headed Tibetan Government in Exile - formally called the Central Tibetan Administration. (CTA) The CTA was first established in the North Indian hill station of Mussorie and later, in May 1960 it was moved to Dharamsala. Right from its inception, the CTA had set itself the twin task of rehabilitating the Tibetan refugees and restoring freedom for Tibet. While the second task is basically political in nature involving diplomacy at an international level, it is the task of rehabilitating the refugees that is directly linked with the objective of preserving the Tibetan culture through continuation of traditional lifestyle and awareness about their unique identity. In other words, it has been the basic objective of the CTA to ensure that the refugees are socially adapted to and economically established in or outside the settlements and yet continue to remain ‘Tibetan’. This, the leadership has sought to achieve by keeping alive their desire for a future return to Tibet. In this task they have received assistance from the host country India as well as from the international community and NGOs. The Tibetan refugees are settled in 33 agricultural and 20 handicraft based settlements , 20 cooperative societies and 20 scattered communities in India, Nepal and Bhutan. In addition, some have spread out to different countries of Europe and America as well. Irrespective of whether inside or outside the settlements, wherever they have settled down, the Tibetan refugees have tried to recreate Tibet and Tibetan ambience. This has been observed by all scholars from Saklani in 1984 to Anand in 2000. All the Tibetan settlements have some common characteristics like chorten( stupa) , gompas or monasteries, the tharchok or prayer flags. The elderly people are often seen circumambulating the religious monuments , chortens and gompas , chanting mantras , (prayers) and counting the beads on their rosaries They are also symbolic of the underlying continuity of Tibetan traditions even in exile.

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Some of the Tibetan refugees have continued the traditional practice of painting religious scrolls, (thankas), and writing religious books, (Buddhist classics and commentaries) by hand. The CTA also arranges for trainings in such traditional arts . Most of the rituals connected with birth, death and marriage which were an integral part of life in Tibet continue to be followed in exile. Traditional acts of compassion are also performed like releasing of caged birds or throwing live fish caught in a fisherman’s net into the water etc. in order to avert evil influence. In India, the Dalai Lama also delivers the Kalachakra sermon for general well being. In course of the last few decades, Tibetan Buddhism has gained tremendous popularity throughout the world. Buddhist societies, monasteries, meditation centres have been established all over the world wherever the Tibetans have settled down. Such institutions can be found in the UK, USA, Switzerland, Netherlands,, South Africa, New Zealand, etc, apart from different parts of India, Bhutan and Nepal where the refugees have settled in bulk and where naturally the number of such institutions are larger. All this has been possible, as mentioned earlier, due to the patronage provided by the CTA. There are seven departments in the CTA directly under the Kashag or the cabinet – the apex executive body of the Government. These departments are those of Religion and Culture, Home, Finance, Education, Security, Information and International Relations and Health. For the nationalist Tibetans, the very justification of the existence of the Government in Exile as a whole is to uphold the legitimacy of the traditional Government and its cultural heritage However, two departments in particular – those of Religion and Culture and Education are directly working to carry on and further diffuse the traditional legacies and construct Tibetan identity among the young generation. Religion and religious institutions in diaspora. According to data provided by the CTA, there are approximately 39,479 monks and nuns attached to the 265 monasteries and nunneries in India, Nepal and Bhutan under the supervision of the Department of Religion and Culture. In addition,there are cultural centres for the study of both spiritual and secular traditions of Tibet. While some of these centres are autonomous bodies financed by the Government of India, others are self financed.Some of the well-known cultural institutions in India are the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts (TIPA) in Dharamsala, Tibet House in New Delhi, the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives (LTWA) in Dharamsala, the Central University of Tibetan Studies at Sarnath near Varanasi and the Norbulinka Institute for Tibetan Culture near Dharamsala. Rich collection of books of Tibetology have been set up in these institutes and serious academic researches are carried on by scholars many of them monks themselves, from all over the world. The religious tradition of all the sects of Mahahayan Buddhism are carried on by the newly founded monasteries. In fact, foundation of these monasteries can be regarded as a part of the process of the rehabilitation of the Tibetan refugee monks, Since the number of religious practitioners and religious institutions used to be very high in traditional Tibet, there were many members of the monastic community among the refugees in 1959 and later. The Indian Government provided financial and administrative assistance for resettlement of

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those monks. Initially the government agreed to provide for a scholastic community of 300 monks to be established at the camp at Buxa Duar in West Bengal, India, but later the Tibetans persuaded the government to increase the commitment to funding for 1500 monks of all the traditions. Among the monks who thus took refuge in India were heads of certain sects and some lamas of eminence. Lesser monks of the same sects gathered around them. There was already a tradition of practice of Tibetan Buddhism in pockets of India, particularly along the Himalayan belt, and the local populace of those areas often came forward to donate them the land and hospitality. Thus overcoming the shock of being uprooted, these monks started reestablishing the monasteries they had left behind in Tibet. With the increasing amount of donations received from both India and abroad, the number of these monasteries rose over the years. All the four major traditions of Tibetan Buddhism of Nyingma, Kargyupa, Sakyapa and Gelugpa have their representations in this monastery building spree.These monasteries are playing an important role in spread and preservation of Tibetan religion and religious scholarship. These new Tibetan monasteries set up all over India in this era of diaspora have maintained their traditional quality and have also adapted to the transformed social reality. Since the basic objective of these monks is to implant Tibetan Buddhism all over India and also abroad and not merely to earn livelihood for themselves, most of these monasteries encourage pursuit of higher Buddhist studies by their monks. Either they have started centres of higher studies for their monks called sheda or they send their students to Varanasi Sanskrit University. The Gelugpas, the sect to which belongs the Dalai Lama is said to have taken the leadership in this. They have started their own universities in South India – in Karnataka on the model of Sera, Ganden and Drepung- their three premier monasteries in Tibet. Monks belonging to this as well as other sects often join these for higher studies. This was the period when Tibetan Buddhism was gradually gaining popularity in the west. The interest provided an opportunity to the monks to spread the teaching and practices of Tibetan Buddhism all over the world. The network of monks, monasteries and institutes facilitated the spread of the religion. Many of the scholarly monks went to the west- to serve in the western universities. Many meditation centres were also established to impart lessons in the religion and meditation. They received heavy donations from the western Buddhists who themselves took lessons in the basics of the religion and even joined those meditation centres. The headquarters of all these centres however remained in India or Nepal.The department of Religion and Culture gives back up services to these institutions and maintains close contacts with Buddhist centres around the world. Survival of this religious tradition proves the strength and inner vitality of the religion itself. This has certainly been helped by the Tibetan diaspora that went a long way to create an interest in the Tibetan issue and Tibetan way of life. The tradition lives on through education For the Tibetan Government in Exile, the establishment of a system of education for refugee children was a duty to nurture a whole civilisation in exile. This task is performed by the Department of Education that is playing a direct role in preserving the language and

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constructing the Tibetan identity among the younger generation through the course curriculum in the schools. Shortly after His flight to India in 1959, the Dalai Lama, assisted by the Government of India as well as international voluntary organizations, endeavored to set up an education system that would put emphasis on the teaching of Tibetan language religion and culture and yet provide a secular and modern education. A whole system of special Tibetan schools were established in exile to ensure realization of this objective. Dalai Lama Himself had His own vision of education based on the belief that the children are the main source of hope for a future Tibet. In His autobiography He has specially highlighted the important role that these generations would play in the future survival of the Tibetan civilization. Pandit Nehru, the then Indian Prime Minister also expressed his concern for bringing up of the Tibetan children ‘with a thorough knowledge of their own history and culture’ along with their ‘being conversant with the ways of modern world. ’ At present the Department of Education of the CTA oversees 73 Tibetan schools in India and Nepal under different autonomous administrative bodies serving about 24,000,children. 28 of these 73 schools operate directly under and are founded by the Central Tibetan Schools Administration (CTSA) of the Government of India and 12 by the Sambhota Tibetan Schools Society (STS) of the Department of Education. The schools the Tibetan children attend can be classified into three groups. Of course there are some Tibetans who prefer to send their children to the Non Tibetan schools of India. These schools are either Christian Missionary/Convent Schools or Indian Public schools. Tibetan children living in parts of North east- Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Shillong, Gangtok, etc, in North west like Mussoorie, Nainital etc and South India like Coonoor, Bangalore attend these schools. The Tibetan schools are of two types. Tibetan monastic schools and Tibetan secular schools. 1.Tibetan monastic schools. In order to preserve the traditional culture, the CTA has reestablished the traditional Buddhist education in exile. This education is imparted in the Tibetan monasteries where the monks acquire a complete education from basic knowledge of reading , writing, arithmetic, and English upto the geshe examination which is the counterpart of Ph.D.The monastic institutes provide religious education, to young children to train them to grow up as priests or lamas.The number of students in these schools is definitely decreasing with decline in the number of youth opting for religious life. This is due to a decline in the interest in monkhood due to ‘ a lot of discipline’ involved in training and lifestyle, the vows they have to take and also the lack of freedom of thought and restrictions on relations with women.

1.Tibetan secular schools- These schools, affiliated to the CBSE Board of India. can again be divided into three major categories on the basis of the institutions which fund and administer them. They are i.CTSA run schools ii. DOE run schools . iii. Autonomous agencies (TCV, THE etc) run schools. The Government of India supports the education of Tibetan children by supporting the CTSA schools expenditure. This is a substantial contribution considering that theCTSA schools enroll about 33.18 % of

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the entire student population. The Tibetan Children’s Village in Dharamsala, The Tibetan Homes Foundation (THF) in Musroorie and the Snow Lion Foundation (SLF) in Nepal are autonomous bodies or institutions under the Department of Education. These autonomous institutions look after 33 schools, 18 under TCV, the THV manages 3 schools and the SLF oversees 12 schools. The TCV, THE and the STSA schools rely on contributions from the foreign individuals and the foreign individuals. The Tibetan parents , of course those who are in a position to do so contribute towards the education of the children. The Government of India established the Tibetan School Society , now called the Central Tibetan Schools Administration or CTSA. in 1961 and Central Schools for Tibetans were set up all over the country. The CTSA is an autonomous body under the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD), India, to manage and assist schools for the education of the children of the Tibetan refugees. The Joint Secretary MHRD of Government of India is the Chairman. The administration includes members from MHRD, Ministry of External Affairs, Ministry of Home Affairs and the CTA. Recently, in a major announcement on 10 January 2013 the Indian cabinet has approved the transfer of these schools to the Department of Education of the CTA. The transfer is slated to take place over a period of three years. However, the GOI will continue to fund the schools. This is because of a general concern of the gradually deteriorating teaching standard in these schools. The CTA is doing a better job of managing the schools directly under its own administration and these schools are expected to improve if handed over to the CTA. According to the Department of Education , CTA , about 75 % of the school age Tibetans (6-17)receive school education within the Tibetan school network. About 15% of the age group attend non Tibetan schools. The remaining 10% may be enrolled in various Tibetan monastic institutions. Initially the schools followed a three language policy whereby the children were taught Tibetan, English and also Hindi . English was the medium of instruction while Tibetan and Hindi were taught as second and third languages respectively. The practice gave rise to a dilemma over the policy regarding the medium of education. It was felt that Tibetan was gradually getting relegated to a position of unimportance. because Tibetan represented the traditional Humanities and literary education but there was an urgent need of switching over to a modern curriculum and thorough knowledge of English. The question was that while modern education was a necessity how could the Tibetan language be saved from erosion in exile without a programme of Tibetanisation ?( Sangpo :1977:17) From 1984 onwards there has been a gradual shift towards Tibetanisation. The Dalai Lama Himself was aware of this fundamental problem and expressed p76 strong concern to review the language policy. He called for exploration of avenues that would make Tibetan the medium of instruction and yet ensure a modern education relevant for children. Conferences were held from 1987 onwards and the idea of Tibetanisation of education was endorsed. Subsequently, the medium of instruction was switched to Tibetan upto class V.

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Policies are said to have been specially implemented by the CTA to protect the Tibetan language and culture. The education policy of 1984 is a major step in this direction . This has meant the use of the mother tongue Tibetan as medium of instruction in all Tibetan schools upto Grade V(which is being taught as a second language from grade VII till grade XII)The Status Report of 1998 strongly suggests that with this policy the Tibetan Government in Exile is on the ‘right track’ and there is the ‘need to further consolidate and strengthen this system of education’ that will provide us invaluable experience and knowledge to establish a larger national system in a future free Tibet’( Tibetan Education in Exile: Current Status Report 1998) The Basic Education Policy for Tibetans in Exile was approved by the Tibetan Parliament in Exile in September 2004. This education policy is currently being implemented in all Tibetan schools in India. It includes changes in the curriculum and new approaches in learning and teaching processes. Up to class III, for example, no other language is to be taught other than Tibetan. This policy focuses on revitalization and promotion of Tibetan as the medium of instruction for all classes in Tibetan schools. English is to be introduced as a second language only from class IV onwards . The new system combines modern teaching skills with the motivation of traditional spiritual value. The curriculum on the whole is trying to develop a system that is both Tibetan and therefore traditional and also modern . It aims to instill children with a sense of responsibility for the happiness of others. The CTSA schools conduct a variety of co curricular programmes on Tibetan culture, like folk dance, community singing, group songs, plays etc. Literature on Tibetan history, and culture are also acquired from the Department of Education, with the Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies in Sarnath, Varanasi extending help to promote Tibetan culture and heritage. Observance of Tibetan festivals and commemoration of important days are also there. India – A home away from home As said earlier, the major arrival of Tibetans took place when following an uprising by the Tibetans in Lhasa, China took over Tibet in 1959. The second wave of arrival started from 1980 onwards following the gradual relaxation in China’s Tibet policy. The opening of China Nepal border encouraged the steady flow of Tibetans into India and Nepal. Many took the advantage of the open border between India and Nepal to enter India through Nepal. The number of such refugees increased after 1987 political uprising and anti Chinese demonstration in Tibet. The number of Tibetans arriving in India vary annually between 1,500 -3,500 each year. Estimated number of Tibetans living in India according to CTA as of 2007 is 111, 170. As per report of the U.S Committee for Refugees and the UNHCR the number is more than 125,000 Tibetans in India. What is to be noted is that it is highly illegal for Tibetans to leave Tibet, yet they take the risk and mostly enter India through Nepal because the risk of getting identified is much higher at the Sino-Indian border due to the sensitive security situation at the border. Since the Indian officials tend to turn a blind eye to the Tibetans entering India via Nepal they prefer Nepal as an easy route of transit to reach India which happened in early 1980s and 1990s. The causes of Tibetan migration to India are complex, with religious, political, educational (both spiritual and formal), social and economic factors. Meeting with The Dalai Lama is another reason for the Tibetans of Tibet to visit India.

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Following the restrictions on monastic activities and introduction of ‘Democratic Reforms in 1958’ and ‘Cultural Revolution of 1966’ by Chinese authorities, the function of the monasteries became limited in Tibet. Even though some restrictions were lifted later, there is no freedom of religious practices as such and the government employees and children are forbidden to attend the religious functions without the governmental approval. Through patriotic education, the Tibetans are bound to acknowledge the unity of Tibet and China. The absence of qualified religious teachers has caused stagnation of religious hierarchy in Tibet. The old monks have either left Tibet or passed away and there is not much scope of training in higher religious studies for the young aspirants. The flight of the Karmapa from Tibet a few years ago brought this issue in the international arena. On the contrary, In India, Tibetans have their own centres of higher education and libraries where it is possible to get monastic education and training. In addition to the many monastic schools, there is also the scope of going for higher training in religious philosophy and practice. The Karma Kagyu sect has set up its own headquarters in Rumtek (Sikkim) and the Gleupas have three great monasteries of Sera, Drepung and Ganden in Karnataka. The children and monks come to India to get a Tibetan education or to pursue a religious training. The visit to India provides them with the opportunity to get an exposure to what is traditionally Tibetan. At the same time it is also a fact that CTA strongly encourages them to return voluntarily to Tibet once they accomplish their motive as his will keep the religion alive in Tibet. Educational opportunities is another major reason of Tibetan migration. There are contradictory views regarding the actual state of affairs in China. The Chinese government claims to have made unprecedented progress in the field of education in Tibet since 1951.As per information provided by them, there were 985 primary schools, , 111 secondary schools, 100 middle schoolsin Tibet . In contrast, there are studies to show that the scope of education is actually limited In Tibet the Tibetans being subjected to discrimination at various levels. The curriculum at the primary level is designed in such a way that the Tibetan students fail to compete with the Chinese children and fail to get admission to secondary schools. A report presented in the UN Commission on Human Rights on the right to education pointed to the low literacy rate of only 39.5% . Tibetan language in Tibet is also discouraged in China as a deliberate developmental policy. Scope of education and learning of cultural heritage through education is therefore one major reason of migration to India. In India, they are permitted to obtain any kind of education. Not only they enjoy the freedom of learning through their mother tongue they have the opportunity of going for higher education in Indian institutes as well. Statistics provided by the CTA shows that children under the age of 18 constitute a majority of the Tibetans seeking asylum in India every year. In 2002, 715 children under the age of 18 – mostly in the age group of 7-13 arrived in the Tibetan reception Centre in Dharamsala, North India. Since the early 1980s well over 7000 children have risked everything to journey across the Himalayas in the hope that they will receive education in exile that they have been denied back home … The very purpose of existence of the Government in Exile is to keep the Tibetan heritage alive. The policy has evolved under the guidance of Dalai Lama who is now considered as the symbol of Tibetan nationalism, culture and unifying force for all Tibetan groups. To the

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nationalist Tibetans, He represents that period of history when Tibetans exercised selfdetermination . In fact, every migrant, irrespective of age, gender and social status mentions that they travel to India to have an audience with Him and to be near Him.His residence in ‘Dharamsala’ has become a place of pilgrimage for them. Even the political prisoners, mainly monks and nuns who often escape from Tibet when released from Chinese prisons, flee to India to be under the protection of the Dalai Lama and the CTA. The country has lost its independence and the cultural heritage is also under threat of extinction but this Government in Exile is keeping the tradition alive by creating their home away from home in India. The refugees, as a result of their long stay in the alien land are bound to lose some of their traditional lifestyle and get assimilated with the host society but still, as a result of the persistent efforts and conscious policies of the CTA the tradition lives on in diaspora and the new generation continues to be nurtured in the Tibetan language, religion, custom and culture. India has become the second home for them. They live here and enjoy the pleasure of Freedom in Exile.

Select Bibliography

1. Tibet Justice Centre – Tibet’s stateless nationals II ,Tibetan refugees in India 2. CTA 1994 – Tibetan refugee community –Integrated development Plan I 19052000 3. Planning Commission, CTA – Tibetan community in exile ,IDP IV 2009-2013 4. Department of Education CTA- Tibetan Education in Exile, 2004 5. Grunfeld A.T.- The making of modern Tibet , Oxford University Press 1987 6. Michael Franz – Rule by Incarnation: Tibetan Buddhism and its role in society and state, Boulder, Colorado, West View Press, 1982 7. Misra Mallica- Tibetan refugees in India : Education, culture and growing up in exile Orient Black Swan 2014 8. Kharat R.S.- Tibetan refugees in India, Kaveri Books, 2003 9. Saklani G – The uprooted Tibetans in India : A Sociological study of continuity and change Cosmo publications, , 1984 10. Norbu Dawa – Tibet the Road Ahead, Harper Collings Publications, 1997 11. -----------“Refugees from Tibet : Structural cause of successful settlements” in Refugees and Human Rights : Social and political dynamics of refugee problem in Eastern and North eastern India (ed) Sanjay Roy , Rawat Publications, 2001 12. Dalai Lama – Freedom in Exile – A John Curtis Book, Stroughton 1990 13. Goodman, M.H.- The last Dalai Lama:A biography. Rupa & Co,1996

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THE CHULIAS OF KEDAH AND PENANG1 Khoo Salma Nasution Independent scholar Penang, Malaysia email [email protected]

Abstract The Chulia traders conducted an important trade to the Straits of Malacca for hundreds of years. There is evidence of continuity between the Chulia community who settled in Kedah and those who came over to Penang after the latter was established as a British trading post. As Chulia migration and settlement started long before the colonial period, the Chulias cannot be reduced to a migrant group brought by the British to Malaya. The Chulias of yore were the predecessors of the Tamil Muslims in Kedah and Penang today. They were also the ancestors of some Malay lineages, as the settled Chulia community also evolved into the Jawi Pekan or Jawi Peranakan and further into Penang Malays and Kedah Malays. This paper looks at personalities and family histories as well as historical sites such as the mosques and dargahs in Kedah and Penang to throw some light into the evolving identity of the Chulias/Tamil Muslims/Malays. Along the way, the paper will discuss some problems encountered in the construction of migrant/diaspora versus indigenous social histories in the Malaysian context. Keywords: History, Chulia, Kedah, Penang, Islam

1

Paper presented at the 23rd International Conference of Historians of Asia 2014 (IAHA2014) in Alor Setar, Kedah, Malaysia on 23 - 27 August 2014.

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THE CHULIAS OF KEDAH AND PENANG Since pre-Islamic times, Tamil seafarers have sailed east to a place they call Suvarna Bumi, or ‘the Land of Gold’. The earliest evidence of Indian settlement in the Malayan peninsula can be found at Sungai Batu, Kedah, where archaeological sites yield traces of an iron smelting industry dated back to the first century CE as well as a temple and roofed jetty dated to the second century.2 The pursuit of maritime activity and foreign trade by sophisticated Tamil merchant associations rode on the crest of Chola expansionism. The Cholas launched a great naval expedition in 1025 against Srivijaya which allowed them to conquer Kedah and gave them domination over Southeast Asian trade routes through the Straits of Malacca and the Sunda Straits. The Chola kingdom was remembered a long time afterward with the term ‘Chulia’ while the land of the Cholas (Cholamandalam in Tamil) came to be known to Europeans as the Coast of Coromandel.3 With the decline of Chola rule (ending c. 1280), Hadhrami Arabs, Gujarati and other Muslim merchant groups increasingly entered the long-distance maritime trade to the East.4From the mid-thirteenth century, the political and commercial elites of the ports along the Straits of Malacca began to adopt Islam in significant numbers. The influence of Persian merchants in the courts of Ayutthaya and its vassal kingdoms added another layer of Islamic influence to the cosmopolitan culture of these ports. Tamil Muslim merchants sailed annually with the monsoons, carrying out a wholesale and retail trade in Indian products, chiefly cloth and salt, while bringing back tin, spices, betel nut and other Southeast Asian products. By the seventeenth century, native Indian shipping activities along the Coromandel coast were almost exclusively in the hands of Muslims, even in the Europeancontrolled ports.

‘Chulia’ and ‘Kling’ Tamil Muslims who crossed the Indian Ocean were identified by several names in British records. ‘Chulia’ (Chulier, Chola, Choolia) was the term Europeans used for South Indians, which included ‘natives of the Coromandel and Malabar Coasts’.5The so-called Chulia seafarers and sojourners to Southeast Asia in the eighteenth and early nineteenth century consisted mainly, but not exclusively, of Muslims. In the Straits of Malacca, the term keling was used by the Malays to refer to Tamils, both Hindus and Muslims.6 As Marsden wrote in 1812, the Malays, at this very period, know the Coromandel coast by no other name than Tanna Keling, the land of Keling or Kalinga…7 The term ‘Kling’ has its roots in the name of the ancient kingdom of Kalinga (ending in the third century BCE) which was centred in the modern state of Orissa, rather than Tamil Nadu. In the early nineteenth century, the English term ‘Chulia’ was equivalent to the Malay termkeling.8 In some 2

Recent findings at the Sungai Batu complex were made by the Centre for Global Archaeological Research, Universiti Sains Malaysia in 2007. Stephen Chia and Barbara Watson Andaya, eds, Bujang Valley and Early Civilisations, 20. 3 Hermann Kulke, K. Kesavapany and Vijay Sakhuja, eds, Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa, 3, 10–11, 178. 4 André Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, 78. 5 John Crawfurd, Journal of an Embassy, 29–30; Henry Yule and A.C. Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, 207–209. 6 Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, 487–88. 7 William Marsden, A dictionary of the Malayan language, xxix. The term ‘Chulia’ seems to be little used after the mid-nineteenth century. 8 Marsden, A dictionary of the Malayan language, 121.

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instances, the term ‘Chulia’ referred particularly to Muslims, and this is obviouswhen Chulia (Muslim Tamil) is contrasted with ‘Kling’ (Hindu Tamil). When Perak became a vassal of Aceh in the late sixteenth century, a community of Chulias were involved in the tin and elephant trade, and its leading individuals also served as ‘king’s merchants’ orsaudagar raja.9 The king’s merchant and his compatriots collectively handled the largest share of Aceh’s foreign trade. Forrest described how the Chulias ensconced themselves in all the key positions of Aceh, serving as royal clerks, harbour masters, and even commanders of the Sultan’s trading vessels:10 Posally, the king’s merchant and prime minister, is a Chulia man, and all the clerks or men of business about him are his countrymen. They write on palm leaves as well as paper, are very shrewd, and full as good accountants as the Conocoplys at Madras, and keep their accounts in the same way.11 Indeed, British and Chulia traders often met each other in ports such as Aceh, Riau, Kedah, Kuala Selangor, Junk Ceylon (Phuket), Mergui, Tenasserim and Pegu. They did so sometimes as partners, sharing in the shipping of goods, other times as competitors, and even as obstructive rivals. In ports where Chulia saudagar raja acted as court advisors and brokers in the king’s trade with foreigners, British country traders often found themselves at a definite disadvantage.12

Nagore Dargah For some time Kedah had been mainly frequented by Chulia traders from Porto Novo and the closely linked ports of Nagore and Nagapattinam.13 Thus, among the Chulias who later relocated from Kedah to Penang, there was likely to have been a concentration of those with links to Nagore and Nagapattinam. Among the Chulia diaspora in the Straits Settlements were many adherents to the Saint of Nagore, Shahul Hamid, a sixteenth-century Sufi master of the Qādirīyah order founded by Shaik ‘Abd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī (1078–1166) of Baghdad. The cult of the Saint of Nagore has enjoyed a wide following among both Muslims and Hindus of South India due to its specific history. The Chulia diaspora built satellite Nagore shrines in overseas settlements.14 The dargah at Chulia Street in Penang, built in 1801, is a miniature version of the original tomb-shrine in Nagore. Sufi missionaries used the Nagore shrines as staging posts in their itineraries for spreading Islam and the Qādirīyah tariqa throughout the archipelago.15 From this important shrine in Penang, another six dargahs were established throughout the Malayan Peninsula. In Singapore, the well-known Nagore Dargah was built on Teluk Ayer Street between 1828 and 1830. Nagore shrines took root in Ayer Panas in Kelantan, Endau in Johor, and in 9

Barbara Watson Andaya, ‘“A People that Range into all the Countries of Asia”, 366–69. Lee Kam Hing, ‘Foreigners in the Acehnese Court’, 66. 11 Forrest, A Voyage from Calcutta to the Mergui Archipelago, 42–43. 12 Barbara Watson Andaya, ‘The Indian “Saudagar Raja”’, 25, 41. 13 J. Raja Mohamad, Maritime History, 162. 14 S.A.A. Saheb, ‘A “Festival of Flags”, 55–76. 15 Interview with Kuradu Abdul Razak, 1997. 10

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Kuala Terengganu. The Nagore Palli in Taiping existed until the 1960s, when the Tamil Muslim community decided to build the present ‘Kling Mosque’ on its site. In Alor Setar, the ‘Nagore Palli’ served as prayer house (Malay, surau) and community centre for the Tamil Muslim community there.It is believed that the Nagore Dargah in Kedah is very old, though likely rebuilt. According to the plaque at the entrance, the ‘Masjid Nagore’ in Alor Setar was built in 1881. In 1936, a newspaper report stated that the Alor Setar Indian Muslim Society had been formed with 150 people, setting out, as one of their objectives, ‘to look after and maintain the mosque known as the Nagore mosque at Alor Star’. Another objective was to render pecuniary assistance to distressed persons professing the Mohammedan religion, including payingtheir funeral expenses where justifiable. . The founding committee consisted of PA Mohamed Sultan staff of the orang asli statistics department as president, the merchant Pitchay Gunny and the merchant Mohamed Kunji as merchants, the government typist Mohamed Ghouse as honorary secretary, the merchant PK Abdul Majeed as honorary treasurer, the merchant KSE Abdul Hamid honorary auditor and committee members Varsai, Abdul Rahman, Shaikh Dawood, Md. Eusoff, NK Naina Mohamed and Abdullah.16

Hapisap and Ibrahim Sap A prominent Chulia named Hapisap is mentioned in the Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah. Towards the end of the reign of Sultan Abdullah Mu’adzam Shah (reigned 1698–1706), the prince Tengku Muhammad Jiwa traveled incognito with his father’s permission but without the knowledge of the ministers. He went to Jambi and then to Palembang where he became a student of Shaikh Abdul Jalil bin Sheikh Abdul Wahab bin Shaikh Ahmad Al-Mahdani from Sana’a, Yemen. The prince learnt Islamic law from the Shaikh. After spending six months in Palembang, they sailed to Jawa and then to India. There, a knowledgable Indian named Hapisap (seorang Indian yang ada ilmu) became a murid of the Sheikh.17 It could be speculated here that his name is a contraction of Hafiz (someone who memorized the Quran) and Sahib. Tengku Muhammad Jiwa was away for six years, apparently the most part of it in India. In the meantime his father the Sultan had died, and was succeeded by his younger brother Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Shah I (reigned 1706–1709) who also passed away.A search party was sent out for the prince. The prince was also homesick and slowly made his way back by a baghla or deep-sea dhow, owned by an Arab from Muscat. They sailed from port to port, island to island, and when they docked in Mergui (Murugi), the search party from Kedah came aboard their ship to make inquiries. Shaikh Abdul Jalil and Hapisap and all those on board the ship asked, in Arabic, what the matter was. It was only then they learnt that the pupil was a prince of Kedah.18 The prince then invited his Sheikh and study companion (teman seperguruan) Hapisap to follow him back to Kedah in 1710 or 1711 upon the start of his long 68 year reign (1710–1778). Sheikh Abdul Jalil was made Mufti and Hapisap was made Qadi with the title Dato’ Maharaja Qadi.19 Sultan Muhammad Jiwa was succeeded by his son Sultan Adullah Mukarram Shah (1778–1797) who ordered the Kuala Kedah fort to be rebuilt. Situated on the northern side of the Kedah River 16

The Straits Times, 16 July 1936, Page 17 Muhammad Hassan bin To’ Kerani Mohd. Arshad, Al Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah, 96-97. 18 Muhammad Hassan, Al Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah, 102-103. 19 Muhammad Hassan, Al Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah, 123. 17

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estuary, the fort was originally erected by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century and then repaired by the Dutch. After an invasion by the Bugis in 1771, it was clear that defences had to be reinforced to afford protection against future marauders. According to the Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah, one day Sultan Abdullah invited his nobles to discuss building a brick fort at Kuala Bahang on the right side of the river as it flows into the sea, to defend against enemies from the sea. He asked the Dato’ Maharaja QadiHapisap to bring builders from India and said he should draw up the plans for the fort to be built. So Hapisap wrote a letter to his nephew in India, Mawla Ibrahim Sab,and after a few months, the latter brought Indian masons (bangsa Hindu) to Kedah. These masons even made their own bricks. They started to build the fort in 1771–72 following the plan of the Qadi. They also dug a channel to the north of the fort and joined it up to the Sungai Kubang Rotan. So the fort was completed in 1780, complete with a royal audience hall (balai istana), and installed with cannons and other weapons. This fort at Kuala Bahang later became known as Kota Kuala Kedah. At that time, a new township was opened in Kuala Bahang and many people came to stay on the left side of the river. Two years later, Dato’ Maharaja Qadi passed away and was buried in Tanjung Pau according to the ceremony of titled nobles.20 From the beginning, the Sultan could see that Ibrahim Sab was someone who knew Islamic law (ilmu shara’) and conducted himself properly, so before long he appointed Maula Ibrahim Sab as the new Qadi, with the title Dato’ Maharaja Qadi, replacing his uncle.21 James Low, who saw the fort in 1824, was not impressed with the structure; he noted a few six-pounders mounted on the wall and a few other guns but reckoned that the forces would only hold out one day if the fort were actually attacked: There is a space at Kedah about 100 yards square inclosed by a wall. It has been dignified by the name of a fort. This wall is only about ten feet high and there is no ditch or regular glacis.22

Francis Light and the Chulias of Kedah In 1771, when the relatives of Sultan Muhammad Jiwa (reigned 1741–1778) conspired to depose his chosen successor, they hired Bugis mercenaries from Selangor and Perak. In payment, the latter were promised that ‘as soon as they got possession of the King’s person they should have the plunder of all the Chooliahs and Chinese’. The Bugis came and carried off the property and ships of the Chulia merchants and 300 brass cannons from the fort at Kuala Kedah.23Although the Chulia diaspora had become extremely influential in the Kedah court, their fortunes depended very much on the stability of the Sultanate itself. By that time, Kedah had replaced Aceh as the most popular entrepôt at the northern end of Malacca Strait and for that reason the East India Company badly desired a share of the market, as an outlet for Bengal opium and Coromandel cloth. In 1772, Sultan Muhammad Jiwa of Kedah sent a female emissary to approach Captain Francis Light, a country trader in Aceh, offering his backers the the right to open an agency house in Kuala Kedah in return for defensive assistance against the Bugis 20

Sheikh Abdul Kadir, Sheikh Abdul Jalil Al-Mahdani’s son with a Kedah noble woman, is also regarded as the Dato’ Kramat Tanjung Pau. G. Mohamed Khan, History of Kedah, p 134. 21 Muhammad Hassan, Al Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah, 129–131. 22 Anthony Farrington, Low’s Mission to Southern Siam, 16–17. 23 Rollins Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821, 32–35.

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mercenaries.24 The Governor of Madras responded by dispatching Edward Monckton on a mission to Kedah to negotiate. The Sultan initially suggested a monopoly of Kedah’s export of black pepper, elephant’s teeth and tin in return for rights to purchase opium at a fixed price below the market value. However, by the time the British sepoys arrived, the rebels had left and the Sultan instead requested offensive military assistance for an expedition to Selangor ‘to recover his Guns and the Vessels belonging to the Chouliers that were taken in his Ports which reflects great disgrace upon Him…’25 The Kuala Kedah fort had already been handed over to Monckton when the Sultan changed his mind and withdrew the contract. Apparently, the relationship between the Sultan and the British had been thwarted by the Sultan’s Chulia advisor, Jamal, of whom more will be said later.26 To expedite matters, Light helped to draw up a proposed treaty with the Sultan, suggesting that the East India Company provide assistance against the Bugis interlopers in Selangor in exchange for the Kuala Kedah fort as well as the island of Penang. Reluctant to embroil itself in local conflicts, the Company rejected the plan instantly. During the negotiations with Monckton, the Sultan’s admiral (laksamana)and four or five Chulias were present in the Kedah court. When the deal fell through, Light and Monckton blamed the Chulias, believing that they had sabotaged the deal. Light constantly complained that the Chulias were opposed to the English having concessions in Kedah, for fear of losing their influence.

Khana Khan and his family One of the oldest Kedah families with Chulia antecedants can be traced to an advisor of the Kedah court Khana Khan. R. Bonney, the historian who wrote about the circumstances of the British annexation of Penang mentions the Dato’ Seri Maharaja Khankanna or the magistrate Hakim Seri Maharaja Kankanna, who wrote at least two treaties for Sultan Muhammed Jiwa. These were signed by both the Sultan and Light, the first on 24 April 1771 and second on 19 April 1772.27 According to oral history, Khana Khan had four children from two wives. He married a Malay woman believed to be associated with the royal court, and had three children by her: Wan Ibrahim, with the title Dato’ Setia Diraja; Tok Sibu or Tok Sahibul with the title Dato’ Seri Dewa Muda, and a daughter named Fatmah Nachar, who later married a merchant named Nakhoda Bapu.28 The descendants of Khana Khan continued to settle in Pulau Timbul, a village 34 km north of Alor Setar, and Titi Gajah near Anak Bukit. Pulau Timbul is said to have been given to Khana Khan by the Sultan. His second son Tok Sibu was buried in Pulau Timbul, and his grave is regarded as a keramat. A great-grandson of Khana Khan was Hakim Teh, a district officer of Langkawi who served under Sultan Abdul Hamid. According to family sources, Hapisap, who became the Dato’ Maharaja Qadi, was Khana Khan’s son by his Indian wife; however, this information needs to be reconciled with the account provided by the Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah. 24

This female emissary is thought to have been Martina Rozells, who became Francis Light’s common-law wife, but the evidence is only circumstancial. 25 Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821, 44–50. 26 Interview with J. Raja Mohamad, 2013. 27 Bonney, p. 35, p. 44 28 Ahmad Kamal Ariffin bin Mohd. Rus, ‘Jawi Peranakan di Kedah, 91-113

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Jamal Fourteen years after the aborted 1772 agreement between the Sultan Muhammad Jiwa and Captain Francis Light, Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Shah was prompted by Light to write to the governorgeneral of Bengal offering the island of Penang to the English East India Company in return for defensive military assistance for Kedah as well as an annual payment to offset the expected loss of trade income to Kedah. Light returned after a month to find affairs in Kedah ‘much altered’. A Dutch envoy had paid a visit and won over the bendahara and laksamana. These and two other officials in the Kedah court – the Sultan’s brother-in-law ‘Tuanku China’ and the Chulia saudagar raja – had to be tactfully persuaded in order to overcome the Sultan’s resistance to the Company’s counter-offer. Light’s own informant was Tuanku Iea, a close relative of the Sultan, who basically told Light to trust no one but himself. Thus inevitably drawn into palace intrigues, Light reported his suspicions to the governorgeneral of Bengal: that Sultan Abdullah was only a puppet of his Chulia saudagar raja, Jamal, whom he characterized as a supreme opportunist: Datoo Sree Raja (formerly named Jammaul and a common coolie) is now the king’s merchant; he is a deep, cunning villainous Chuliah. By working on the King’s pusillanimity and raising jealousies, he reduced the power of the great men and engrossed the whole of the administration, by preferring only such as he thought attached to himself… To save the King from pretended assassinations, he built a small brick fort and shut him up as in a cage…29

Barbara Watson Andaya in her book chapter, ‘“A People that Range into all the Countries of Asia”: The Chulia Trading Network in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, uses the account of John Adolphus Pope (1771–1821) to give insight into an extensive account of the Chulia trading diaspora all over Southeast Asia.30At the age of 15, Pope served as an apprentice on a country ship the Princess Royal, a private merchant ship operating under licence from the East India Company. Arriving in Kedah in 1786, they traded opium and piece goods (cloth) in exchange for block tin, gold and elephant’s teeth.Pope described Illastar (Alor Setar), as a town ‘consisting of all wooden houses built on piles about 3 feet from the ground. The streets, or rather lanes, are pretty regular, but full of coconut trees. In the Bazaar, which is a long regular lane, you can see almost everything for sale, but in small quanties – the shops almost all kept by Chulias or Chinamen.31

Pope was detained for a month in Alor Setar, in April. He was taken to see the King who asked him ‘a hundred questions’ while his laconic answers were translated by the king’s merchant or prime minister. The latter was ‘a man of about forty, a native of Magon [Nagore?] on the coast of Coromandel’. The minister’s son, Dul Baddul, a boy of about the same age as Pope was tasked with looking after him.Dul Baddal took Pope to visit his father’s buffalo farm, as well as various plantations. Pope found that the working population consisted mainly of Chulias, Chinese or Christians. When he was to go back to the ship, the two young friends said a tearful farewell. Pope 29

J.R. Logan, ‘Plan for a Volunteer Police in the Muda districts’, 199. In a later article, Logan gives the Chulia’s name as ‘Ismal’, probably two readings of the same handwritten document. 30 Anne Bulley, John Adolphus Pope in the East Indies, 57-60. 31 Anne Bulley, John Adolphus Pope in the East Indies,59.

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received a present of a gold-inlaid dagger (keris) and a small lump of gold. ‘I have promised to learn Arabic that I may write to him occasionally.’ It is interesting to note that Jamal, like his predecessor, also built a fort, most likely at the royal capital of Alor Setar and possibly with experienced builders who had earlier worked on the Kuala Kedah fort. Light alleged that ‘by monopolising every species of commerce, and oppressing the Malays’, Jamal supplied the Sultan’s every want thus making himself indispensable. Furthermore, when he was ‘in the zenith of his power’ Jamal had rebuffed the Europeans and confiscated their ships, and was ‘feared and hated by every one’. But now this mighty Chulia’s power was already in decline. Foreseeing that he should not always be able to continue in power against so many enemies, and knowing the custom of the country in case he died the king would seize his wealth, he eagerly listened to the proposal I made for giving this Island to the English, in hopes to secure a retreat for himself.32 In view of the rising British hegemony on the Coromandel Coast, Jamal and the other Chulia merchants probably realised that the British trading post at Penang would open up new opportunities for trade and provide a secure place of refuge for the Chulias. According to the historian Raja Mohamad of Puthucherry, after years of trying to block any deals with the British, Jamal finally advised the Sultan to welcome their proposal.33 This time, with the full support of the Company, Light negotiated an agreement with the Sultan of Kedah to set up a British base on Penang island. However, the Company wished to reduce the terms and therefore no formal treaty had been signed when Light took formal possession of Penang island on 11 August 1786. In the words of the historian Rollins Bonney, Light’s occupation was ‘premature and illegal’.34 The British occupation of Penang island was a personal triumph for Light, but a permanent loss for the Sultan of Kedah. The era of the Chulia influence at the court of Kedah and the saudagar raja’s monopolistic practices had come to an end – as a result, they ‘lost a significant avenue of investment, income and prestige’.35 Henceforth, they were compelled to make a different life for themselves, operating in the Penang port under quite novel political and social circumstances. Once they had established their mutual advantage, Light found Jamal to be useful as a purveyor. As the historian Barbara Andaya notes, Jamal supplied Penang with basic provisions such as rice, oil, beef, mutton, poultry and timber, for which he was paid sometimes in cash and sometimes with cloth or opium. On occasion Jamal also sold tin and gold to Light. His standing in Kedah was such that he could freely negotiate with Light’s agent, bring cargoes ordered by Light to the kuala and recruit and pay bearers, workmen, and clerks involved in the transaction.36

The Kedah Chulias now began to see the East India Company as a client and patron. More and more Chulias landed at Tanjung Pudukarai, the ‘new shore’ of Penang island, where Light’s Fort Cornwallis stood, posing as a symbolic rival to the Sultan’s fort at Kuala Kedah. Over the next few 32

J.R. Logan, ‘Plan for a Volunteer Police in the Muda districts’, 200. Interview with J. Raja Mohamad, 2013. 34 Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821, vi. 35 Sandhu, Indians in Malaya, 43. 36 Andaya, ‘The Indian “Saudagar Raja”’, 28. 33

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years, Light observed that Chulia vessels from Nagore, Nagapattinam, Porto Novo and Pondicherry ‘had become a common sight in Penang waters’. After 1786, relations between Light and Sultan Abdullah of Kedah soon deteriorated. The success of the settlement, with its free port, had drawn a great deal of business away from Kedah. The Company remained fiercely opposed to providing military protection to Kedah and directed Light to negotiate a reduced payment.The Sultan decided to take up arms, forming an alliance with other Malay rulers to drive the British from Penang and indeed also the Dutch from the Straits. However, Light took pre-emptive action, launching a naval attack on 12 April 1791 which dispersed the Sultan’s fleet. According to oral tradition, one of the causes of the confrontation at Prai was a quarrel between Light and the Sultan’s saudagar raja, Jamal. Shortly after the English came to Pinang, Captain Light quarrelled with the Rajah of Quedah’s Prime Minister who lived at Quala Prye; what the cause of the quarrel was is unknown, but Captain Light sent a brig of war and gun boats, drove the Rajah’s people out of the Fort and destroyed it.37

Chulias in the Census The establishment of an East India Company trading post on Penang island immediately attracted a tide of emigration from Kedah. The next few years were marked by the arrival of large numbers of people from the interlocking maritime worlds of the Indian Ocean, Indonesian archipelago and South China Sea. Within three years, the population of Penang had grown to 10,000 while the annual exports had increased to Sp$600,000. It is worthwhile taking a closer look at the composition of the new settlers. The early census of inhabitants taken on 20 June 1788 enumerated the families of the Chulia settlers as ‘Chooliar Inhabitants, Houses and Shops 71 Containing People 216’, with a note: The Chooliars are originally from the Coast [of Coromandel], the greatest part of them have their families at Queda, their Houses here not being completed, nor Provisions to be procured sufficient for their maintenance.38

An indication of the prospective success of the trading post may be inferred from the size of the trading diasporas who chose to settle there. Headed by foreign merchants, these groups were engaged in long-distance trade, and at the same time had the linguistic skills, business expertise, cross-cultural knowledge and connections with local elites to act as intermediaries with the local population. Their commitment was crucial to the future prosperity, viability and permanence of the settlement. 37

Vaughan, ‘Notes on the Malays of Pinang and Province Wellesley’, 173. Vaughan, however, is sceptical of the accurancy of the narrator’s account. 38 SSFR reel 3, vol. 3, ‘Fort William Proceedings in Council, “A List of the Inhabitants of Prince of Wales’s Island, 20 June 1788”’, 25 August 1788 (henceforth referred to as ‘Census, June 1788’). Courtesy of Marcus Langdon.

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Due to the rapid increase of the population,another census was taken a few months later at the end of 1788, enumerating 1,535 inhabitants, including Europeans, Roman Catholics, Chulias and Malays, and Chinese. The largest group appears to be the Chulias and their families from Kedah and Prai. Their identity was indicated by common Tamil Muslim names such as Kundoo, Lebbee (also Lebby, lebbai, or lebai, implying literacy in Islamic scriptures), Fakeer (fakir, a Sufi name denoting an ascetic existence), and Arabic titles such as Sahib (master) and Shaik (elder) denoting social status. The Marakkayar designation occurred up to seven times, each time spelt in a different way (Merakam, Merrekan, Mecan, Merikan, Merican, Marrikan, and possibly Meran).39 The Chulia title Bapoo (meaning ‘father’, also used by Hindus) was listed, as well as the title ‘Po’ or ‘Poo’ used in Aceh as a contraction of Bapoo. Early George Town was aplural place, ruled by a small coterie of Company-appointed officers and powerful European traders but inhabited by an array of migrants of many different backgrounds. The Chulia shopkeepers were allotted a street which formed the southern boundary of the original port town, originally named ‘Malabar Street’, but popularly known as ‘Chulia Street’; the popular name prevailed and was eventually officially adopted.40 The South Indians were predominantly Muslim but the early records suggest a minority of Hindus also took up land titles in this part of the settlement. Fortunately for the Chulia community, they found favour with the island’s first lieutenant governor, George Leith (1800–1803) who placed the new settlement on a firmer footing by setting up the Committee of Assessors and issuing proper land grants.41 Most of these grants were issued as a matter of course to those who traded in their earlier land titles or ‘cut papers’. At the end of Leith’s term, he gave a thoughtful description of the Chulia population in Penang: The Chooliahs come from the Coast of Coromandel; many of them are Merchants, and are fixed Inhabitants, and possess Property to a very great amount; the greatest portion, however, of the Chooliahs, reside on the Island only for a few months; when having disposed of their Goods, and purchased a fresh cargo, they return to the Coast. The Coolies and Boatmen, are Chooliahs; these two descriptions of People remain, One, Two, or Three Years, according to circumstances, and then return to the Coast. The Chooliahs are dispersed over all the Malay Peninsula, and are entrusted by the different Rajahs with the chief management of their affairs; they are a quiet useful People.42

In his account of early Penang Leith described the Chulia community as falling into three distinct groups. The first group was made up of the mercantile or trading diaspora and their families, some of whom had migrated from Kedah. In this group were powerful men such as Cauder Mohuddeen from Porto Novo and Long Fakir Kandu from Kedah who would come to dominate the affairs of the community in the early years. The second group consisted of those who made seasonal 39

The ancient sea trade to Southeast Asia was mainly conducted by Marakkayars. Various etymologies have been suggested for the term Marakkayar, most of which are associated with the Arabic word for ‘boat’ (markab). Indeed, with the advent of the Europeans, the Marakkayar nakhoda (Tamil pronunciation naghuda, meaning ‘ship captain’) were also engaged on smaller European-owned vessels. 40 SSFR reel 18, vol. 44, ‘Fort Cornwallis Proceedings in Council’, 6 October 1814; SSFR IOR/G/34/44, British Library, Asia Pacific and Africa Collections, 6 October 1814. Courtesy of Marcus Langdon. 41 Sir George Alexander William Leith was a major in the British army. See Marcus Langdon, Penang: The Fourth Presidency of India, Volume 1,Ships, Men and Mansions (Penang: Areca Books, 2013). 42 Leith, A Short Account, 27.

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visits to Penang, the ‘monsoon traders’, who brought ‘Salt, Tobacco, Punjum Cloths, Kaal-blue Cloths, Handkerchiefs, Coir Rope, and Yarns; Chintzs; and a small quantity of Fine Goods’ from the Coromandel Coast.43 Leith’s third group consisted of ‘coolies and boatmen’, working class sojourners who returned to India after a few years and were succeeded by others. In contrast to the thousands of transient sojourners, there wererelatively few settled, propertied persons supporting a larger number of dependents. A head count ordered by Leith in 1801–1802 showed 723 persons who possessed landed property, and whose ‘Wives, Children, Relations, Friends, Servants, and Slaves’ amounted to 9,587, of which 1,222 were slaves.44 It can be assumed that many large households and family enterprises depended on slaves to do the menial work. The Chulia trading diaspora who had settled in the Straits of Malacca were essential counterparts to those ‘monsoon traders’ operating from the Coromandel ports. As the historian Sinnappah Arasaratnam notes, the permanently-settled Chulia major traders and the merchant sojourners generated certain patterns of trade: They were able to secure some choice sites and establish themselves in a variety of commercial enterprises, ranging from the long-distance trade to Coromandel, the trade to Acheh and lower Burma, to the short haul between Penang and West Malayan ports to the very small peddling and retail on the island itself. The early ships’ lists of Penang show that Chulia vessels of about 200 tons and over were sailing in round trips from Cuddalore, Porto Novo or Nagore to Penang, Syriam [Burma], Ujong Salang and Acheh.45

Increasing Dutch control of Javanese ports caused the Chulia trading diaspora to relocate and to modify their trading patterns in the early nineteenth century, leading to an intensification of the Chulia trade between Sumatra and the Straits of Malacca ports. This was clearly stated by Raffles, who wrote in 1817: The natives of the Coromandel and Malabar coasts, who reside on Java, are usually termed Moors. They appear to the be the remnant of a once extensive class of settlers; but their numbers have considerably decreased since the establishment of the Dutch monopoly and the absolute extinction of the native trade with India, which we have reason to believe was once very extensive. Trading vessels, in considerable numbers, still continue to proceed from the Coromandel coast to Sumatra, Penang, and Malacca, but they no longer frequent Java.46Indeed, by the 1820s Singapore had emerged as the premier East India Company port on the China trade route, but Penang, being a free port, continued to serve as a first port of call for Chulia vessels headed for the Straits Settlements or the Dutch East Indies.

43

Leith, A Short Account, 47. Leith, A Short Account, 28–29. The Slavery Abolition Act of 1833 ended slavery in most of the British Empire, with the exceptions of the ‘Territories in the Possession of the East India Company’, Ceylon and Saint Helena. Penang did not proclaim the abolition of slavery for another nine years, in 1842. 45 Arasaratnam, ‘The Chulia Muslim merchants in Southeast Asia’, 176–77. See also Nordin Hussin, Trade and Society, 79–80. 46 Thomas Stamford Raffles, The History of Java, 75. 44

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Fakir Long Kandu and his sons Abdullah described his own father as Peranakkan Keling Malacca.47 His great-great grandfather Shaik Abdul Kadir migrated from Yemen to Nagore, while his grandfather sojourned to Malacca. His mother was a Hindu convert by the name of Periya Achee, while his father Abdul Cader Lebbai, a partHadhrami, part-Tamil trader,was closely associated with the Nagore Dargah Shariff and had links to the Kedah Chulia community.48 The ‘Kling’ identity was indeed strong in Malacca where, as late as 1816, a ‘Captain Kling’ named Mahomed Abdulla Cabuxer headed the leading Chulias, who called themselves the ‘native merchants of Malacca’.49 In 1792, Long Fakir Kandu (Loung Pakier Gandar) was a member of Light’s six-person administration. ‘Loon Packeer Candoo’ had earlier been listed in the 1788 census as a Chulia from Kedah, the head of a 16-member household and ‘Hon. Company Writer’.50 His Siamese title ‘Loon’ (Malay, Long or Siamese Luang) was probably earned during his years in Kedah.51 Although his name was ‘Fakir’, he was far from poor, as he became the owner of substantial pieces of land in Sungai Nibong, Sungai Kluang and a valuable property fronting Beach Street, the most important commercial street in George Town. Fakir Long Kandu and his two sons Ahmad Rijaluddin and Ibrahim worked as Munshis and Malay writers in the service of European employers. The literary works produced by these two Chulia brothers of Kedah and Penang were earlier but less accomplished than those authored by Munshi Abdullah. Yet, probably due to European influence, their works could be considered unconventional, and were characterized by the scholar C.J. Skinner as ‘transitional’ Malay literature representing a passage from the traditional to the modern. Ahmad Rijaluddin was born in Kedah in 1770 while Ibrahim Kandu was born in 1780, most likely in Kedah as well. The family relocated before 1788 to Penang, where the two boys grew up to become scribes for European employers. Ibrahim Kandu, ‘the more scholarly of the two’, was the Malay secretary to Raffles and was even consulted by the celebrated Orientalist and linguist, John Leyden. He was also the copyist of two manuscripts of Sejarah Melayu collected by Raffles.52 Ibrahim travelled with Raffles to Calcutta and wrote a seven-page manuscript entitled An Account of Bengal, and of a Visit to the Government House, by Ibrahim, the son of Candu the Merchant, completed on 27 September 1810.53 Maria Graham, who later distinguished herself as a travel writer, described Ibrahim as a ‘Malay moonshi’ brought by Leyden to Government House in Calcutta.54 Ibrahim accompanied Raffles to Malacca at the end of October that year and was later mentioned by Munshi Abdullah as Raffles’ scribe, ‘his Malay writer named Ibrahim, a local-born Chulia from Penang’ (seorang jurutulisnya Melayu bernama Ibrahim iaitu peranakan Keling dari Pulau Pinang). 47

H.F.O’B. Traill, ‘An Indian Protagonist of the Malay Language, 67. Nagore Dargah Shariff indicates the principal saint-shrine in Nagore. Interview with Kuradu Abdul Razak, 1997. 49 PoWIG, 20 December 1816. PoWIG, 11 January 1817. 50 Census, December 1788. 51 Skinner, ‘The Author of the Hikayat Perintah Negeri Benggala’, 201. 52 Skinner, Ahmad Rijaluddin’s Hikayat, 8–10. 53 Skinner, ‘The Author of The Hikayat Perintah Negeri Benggala’, 201–04. 54 Skinner, Ahmad Rijaluddin’s Hikayat, 187–92. 48

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Ahmad Rijaluddin became the Malay teacher of the Penang merchant Robert Scott. He travelled with Scott on a mission to Calcutta to advise the GovernorGeneral of Bengal on the plan for the invasion of Java. Ahmad Rijaluddin composed a longer (‘though not necessarily superior’) work of 97 pages, influenced by the style and conventions of Malay hikayat,55 entitled Hikayat Perintah Negeri Benggala (Narrative of the State of Bengal), which was committed to manuscript on 18 October 1811.56 The Hikayat starts with a brief reference to the voyage from Penang and a panegyric in praise of the GovernorGeneral Lord Minto. It contains his impressions of Calcutta as the proverbial ‘city of palaces’.57 Both Ibrahim Kandu and Ahmad Rijaluddin may have accompanied Raffles on the British expedition to Java in 1810. Ibrahim Kandu eventually returned to Penang, but Ahmad Rijaluddin’s fate remains a mystery.In 1822, Ibrahim Kandu, son of Long Fakir Kandu, presented a petition to the governor to grant proper authority to the imam and khatib at the Batu Uban Mosque, which catered to the inhabitants of Batu Uban, Sungai Dua and Sungai Nibong.

The Kapitan Kling Cauder Mohuddeen and Wan Maheran In early 1800s, Long Fakir Kandu and his son Ahmad Rijaluddin were involved in a long-running land dispute against Cauder Mohudeen, the founder of the Kapitan Kling Mosque and the progenitor of the Merican clan of Penang.58 According to his great-grandson, S.M.O. Merican, Cauder Mohuddeen migrated to Penang with Light in 1786. He was said to have established trading relations with Nagore, Nagapattinam and Kedah, and influenced the Chulia traders long based in Kedah to relocate to the new settlement. 59 Considering that he served as the Chulia Kapitan from around 1801 and died in or shortly after 1834, he would still have been a rather young man in 1786. Another account recorded later states that Cauder Mohuddeen, of mixed Arab and Indian parentage, was born in Pondicherry in 1759 and grew up in nearby Porto Novo before migrating to the Straits of Malacca with two family members in the mid-1770s. They settled in a place called Tanjung Pudukarai, that is, George Town. From here they often explored ‘Kedah Tua’ (Kuala Kedah), Kota Kuala Muda, Aceh and other ports, bringing goods

that could fetch a good profit, such as cottons, sandalwood, beads and precious gems of different sizes and colours.60 Though the date of Cauder Mohuddeen’s arrival in Penang remains speculative, it can be assumed that he was active in long-distance trade for several decades and that he had sojourned to and settled in Penang by the late eighteenth century. Oral tradition on Cauder Mohuddeen’s family was only recorded in fairly recent times. There are at least three different accounts of Cauder Mohuddeen’s personal life, possibly told by different branches of the family. More research is required to establish a definitive version. For the moment, it is interesting to note that all the versions agree that Cauder Mohuddeen had at least three wives and 55

Hikayat is an Arabic word that literally translates to ‘stories’. Hikayat is a form of Malay literature that provides a historical chronicle of sorts (royal chronicles in particular). The stories they contain, though based on history, are heavily romanticized. 56 Skinner, ‘The Author of The Hikayat Perintah Negeri Benggala’, 201–204. 57 Skinner, ‘Transitional Malay literature’, 466–87. 58 Long Fakir Kandu’s literary family and their land dispute with Cauder Mohuddeen’s family has been thoroughly documented by the scholar Cyril Skinner in several works. 59 Fujimoto, The South Indian Muslim Community. 60 M.I. Merican, ‘The History of Captain Kling Mosque’.

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all provide ample detail about the wives, reflecting the importance of women in the family. Family disputes in later generations can in part be understood as problems arising from competing lines of legitimacy – partly due to the matrilineal values of Marakkayar culture residually practised by this immigrant lineage within the context of the predominantly male-dominated Muslim society in Penang. According to family tradition, Cauder Mohuddeen had a first wife, Fatimah Nachiar. Tunku Maheran, from the royal household of Kedah, was his second or third wife. The ‘Historical Survey of the Mosques and Kramats’ documents a version of the story told by the caretaker of the family mausoleum at Kampung Kolam in the early 1970s. According to this story, Ma’amah was the popular name given to a Muslim holy woman called Wan Maheran, of royal descent. As a young woman she was so beautiful that a Siamese prince had sought her hand in marriage, but religious differences made the marriage impossible. Soon afterwards, the Siamese attacked Kedah and Wan Maheran sought refuge in Penang. She settled down on the site where the mausoleum now stands. The invasions referred to were probably the attack on Kedah made by the Siamese in 1821. A certain Kapitan Kling once visited Kuala Muda in Kedah where he met Wan Maheran’s father. When the Kapitan heard that Wan Maheran had fled to Penang, he followed her there and eventually married her. But this was a marriage in name only, and Wan Maheran never allowed her husband to approach her, for she was a holy woman while he was an ordinary trader.61 The story then continues with Wan Maheran requesting Kapitan Kling to find her another husband ‘who must be a Malay and a holy man’. She married for a second time but the name of her second husband is not known. The mausoleum’s caretaker identified the grave of Wan Maheran, her second husband and their son named Hamzah Hamid Khan, who died on 1 March 1881. All the headpieces were made of stone except for that of Wan Maheran’s second husband, which was wooden. It is said that the mausoleum continued to be visited annually by descendants of Kedah royalty, who decorated the mausoleum with yellow drapes, signifying the royal origin of those buried there; however, yellow is also commonly used in kramat veneration to symbolize sacredness. It is certainly likely that Cauder Mohuddeen was a friend of the royal family in exile, but more research is required before the identity of Cauder Mohuddeen’s royal wife can be established.62 Kedah was under direct Siamese rule (1821–1842), many Kedah royals, minor royals, nobles and their dependants sought refuge in British Penang. Little is known about their exile in Penang, but it is likely that they were residing in the same neighbourhoods as the Muslim urban elite in George Town, including the Chulias and Jawi Pekan. In seeking a treaty with Siam, the British government transferred the Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Shah II(reigned, partly in exile,1797–1843) to Malacca to live there in forced exile.63 The plight of the Kedah royal family aroused enormous sympathy among both the European and Muslim mercantile community. Over the years, children were born to the Kedah royal family and dependants were married off locally. 61

‘5: Makam Ma’amah, Kampong Kolam’, in Abdul Kahar et al., Historical Survey. Fujimoto, The South Indian Muslim Community, 209–10. 63 The Sultan’s title was ‘Sultan Maulana’ and after his death he was often referred to as ‘Marhum Melaka’ due to his long years of exile in Malacca. Siti Hawa Haji Salleh, Malay Literature of the 19th Century (Kuala Lumpur: Institut Terjemahan Negara Malaysia, 2010). 62

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As related by Logan, Jawi Pekan families intermarried among themselves and maintained a ‘hereditary connection’ to the royal courts of Kedah – some of these linkages could have been strengthened in Penang. As we have seen earlier, several of Sultan Zainal Rashid al-Mu’azzam Shah’s children were born in Penang. Another prince of Kedah, Tunku Mahomed Sa’ad, who had valiantly led the temporary recapture of Kedah from the Siamese in 1838–1839, passed away in 1846 at his mother’s house in Hutton Lane, a Jawi Peranakan neighbourhood. The chief qadi and foremost alim in George Town at the time was Abdul Cader Alim (died 1852) from Tanjore, founder of the Alimsahwali Mosque: death was no sooner announced than Abdul Cader Alim, several Syeds, Hajis and Imams proceeded to his residence to offer their condolence. His remains were accompanied by Abdul Cader Alim, several Syeds, Hajis and Imams and a respectable portion of the Malayan community to the ‘Toh Kramat’ [burial ground at Perak Road] for interment in the space allotted for Tuankus.64 It appears that the exiled royals or nobles settled around Hutton Lane, as there has been mention of an attempted arson in connection with an ‘attap house’ which was occupied by ‘a relation of the late Rajah of Queda reported to be possessed of some property’.65 Tengku Mohamed Arshad of Kulim, who owned some land in this area, donated part of the land for the Hutton Lane Mosque, originally built in 1870.66 The Chulia elite fashioned themselves as urban aristocrats, holding their own among the leading Europeans, Straits Chinese and even Malay nobles. While the Sultan of Kedah was in exile in the 1830s, James Low noticed that ‘Some of the richest natives are beginning to build brick houses’while previously they had been apprehensive about doing so. The reason given was that, in neighbouring Kedah, ‘with reference to Malays at least, to build a brick house is deemed an insult to a ruler, and punished as a state offence’. Low described the type of house that was being built at the time: A substantial bungalow, from 60–70 feet long by 34–40 broad – the under story of brick and mortar, the upper constructed with the best kinds of wood, with a tiled roof, and the whole interior and exterior of the upper story painted – might be built perhaps for some twelve hundred Spanish dollars.67

Wealthy Muslim merchants of Penang, especially the Hadhrami Arabs, Chulias and Jawi Peranakan built superior (pucka) houses of the above description to accommodate their sizeable households, wives or multiple wives, as well as numerous children and dependants. The Evolution of the Jawi Peranakan Jawi Pekan’, meaning ‘town Muslims’, is a term commonly used in Kedah and Penang.68 ‘Jawi Peranakan’ denotes ‘local-born’ Muslims of mixed parentage (usually by a foreign father). The Jawi Peranakan and Jawi Pekan are generally defined as locally born offspring of unions between locals 64

The Singapore Free Press, 15 April 1847, 2. The Singapore Free Press, 12 February 1846, 2. 66 ‘14: Hutton Lane Mosque, Hutton Lane’, in Abdul Kahar et al., Historical Survey. 67 Low, The British Settlement of Penang, 313. 68 Its origin is sometimes given as ‘Jawi bukan’ (not Malay). 65

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and foreign Muslims; the foreign parent, usually the father, might be of South Indian, North Indian, Pathan, Hadhrami Arab or Middle Eastern origin, or may even include Hindu or Chinese converts. The etymology of the term ‘Jawi’ is still obscure but probably has its origins in Kedah and the Siamese Malay States. The term ‘Jawi Pekan’ appears to be more commonly used in Penang and Kedah while the term ‘Jawi Peranakan’ prevailed in Singapore. Although they could be used interchangeably, the terms eventually connoted a difference in class which shifted over time. The class-conscious elite preferred Jawi Peranakan, because Jawi Pekan came to have working-class or juvenile connotations. The term ‘Peranakan Kling’, indicating Tamil or part-Tamil parentage, was more commonly used in Malacca and Singapore. From the nineteenth century, they were gradually assimilated into the Malay population.69 The East India Company government found the Jawi Pekan to be indispensable in local administration and dealings with the Malays: When under strict management, the Jawi Pakans are undoubtedly a very useful class in the Straits; and might not conveniently be dispensed with. They are acute accountants, expert, but not very liberal merchants; good assistants in public offices, and the only natives here who are acquainted with land-measuring. They are often smart interpreters of two or more languages, wily diplomatic agents, and generally respectable in the outward man.70 The early permanent settlers among the Chulias amassed landed property and married among themselves in order to consolidate their wealth. Logan wrote in 1868 that the oldest Jawi Pekan families were closely related to each other and to the royal house of Kedah in an arrangement probably harking back to the days of the saudagar raja: The class of these men in the public offices are mostly related by blood or marriage. The progenitors were Jawi-pakans of Kedah, but while some of the present 1st and 2nd cousins are not distinguishable from Malays, others are hardly distinguishable in person from Klings. The paid Police Penghulus, the collectors of Government rents and Municipal rates, the land measurers, the shroffs, Malay Writers and Interpreters have always largely belonged to this family alliance, which also includes several leading men of the jumahas, many of the principal Malay and Kling (Pinang born) merchants, and maintains a hereditary connection with the Kedah Courts. Members of it are often employed by the Raja of Kedah as kranis and land-measurers.71Fitting Logan’s description of ‘landmeasurer’ was one Loong Mohamed Ally who surveyed the site of the Burmese and Siamese temples in Pulau Tikus, granted by the Penang government in 1845; ‘Loong’ in this case being a variant spelling of the Siamese title ‘Luang’.72 From the 1830s to the 1860s, Jawi Pekans were described by James Low and J.R. Logan as being conspicuous among the agricultural populations in Province Wellesley. By virtue of their linguistic and entrepreneurial skills, the Jawi Pekan acted as interlocutors between the Siamese, Malays, Chinese and British. After the Siamese invasion of 1821, thousands of Kedah refugees started a new life in Province Wellesley by clearing land and planting, surviving the transition with loans secured against the titles taken out on their land. This burgeoning population opened up a new 69

This shift of identity, which happened under certain historical circumstances, has been extensively discussed in Helen Fujimoto’s seminal work, The South Indian Muslim Community and the Evolution of the Jawi Peranakan in Penang up to 1948. 70 Low, The British Settlement of Penang, 250–51. 71 J.R. Logan, ‘Plan for a Volunteer Police’, 198. 72 The site survey of the Burmese and Siamese temples was ‘certified under the Hand of Loongh Mohamed Ally, Land Measurer’. [Nai Deng Sararaks], ‘Souvenir’, 4.

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economic frontier for the enterprising Jawi Pekan. Although usury is prohibited to Muslims, Low remarked that the Jawi Pekan, as well as some Chinese and Hindus, lent money on interest to the ‘natives’ and often took advantage of their ignorance and ‘careless habits of business’ to foreclose on their mortgages.73

Mahomed Lebby Tambi Growing up with the Jawi Peranakan house culture, a few sons of this community distinguished themselves in the building profession. The occupations of surveyor and land measurer among early nineteenth-century Jawi Pekan have already been mentioned. The first known Jawi Pekan architect was Mahomed Lebby Tambi, a Penang court employee turned architect. He was recruited to design an important ensemble of public buildings, erected around a square next to the royal complex in Alor Setar. This was part of the modernisation of Kedah initiated by Sultan Abdul Hamid Halim Shah (reigned 1881–1943). C.W.S. Kynnersley, then Acting British Consul to Siam, commended the architect of the Public Offices of Kedah. The buildings are excellently adapted for the purpose and present quite an imposing appearance, though the style of architecture may not be of the highest order. They were completed about four years ago and reflect great credit on the designer who carried out the work – Mahomed Lebby Tambi, formerly under me in the Police Court, Penang. He is now building a fine new home for the Raja Muda… The offices are admirably arranged – Treasury, Land and Survey, Courts of Law, and lastly an office for the Auditor-General. 74 Mahomed Lebby Tambi is also regarded as the architect of the Balai Besar, the grand royal hall used for Kedah’s royal weddings and installations. The architecture exquisitely combined European and Siamese–Malay elements.75 The Ariffin Clan Meera Hussain Lebbai was a Kedah Chulia who reputedly landed in Penang with Light in 1786 as the Sultan of Kedah’s representative.76 The 1788 census mentions several persons with the names ‘Meera’ and ‘Lebbai’ but a likely candidate would be ‘Meera Lebbee’ who was residing in George Town as the head of a 16-member family. Meera Hussain Lebbai hailed from Adirampattinam and his descendants maintained a strong indigenized Tamil identity, speaking Tamil down to the fifth generation, acculturating but not assimilating with the local Malay society.77 This was also probably true of the other Chulias and Jawi Pekans of Kedah. Meera Hussain Lebbai’s descendants were well connected and influential in local matters. His son Bapu Allaudin was a cattle trader and this trade was continued by his descendants.78Bapu Allaudin had two sons Abdul Hamid and Tajuddin and the third generation continued to show 73

Low, The British Settlement of Penang, 139–40. C.W.S. Kynnersley, ‘Notes of a Tour, 50. 75 Mazizah Hj. Md Darus, Muhammad Ismail Saleh, and Hashim Samin, Kedah Dulu-Dulu, 15. His name is given here as ‘Ahmad bin Lebai Tambi’. 76 ‘28: Ariffin Mosque, Perak Road’, in Abdul Kahar et al., Historical Survey. 77 Interview with Kuradu Abdul Razak, 1997. Wanchee Ariffin, the fifth-generation descendant of the known progenitor, was known to be fluent in Tamil. 78 A. Shukor Rahman, Flying Colours of Tanjung, 50-53. 74

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pioneering qualities. Abdul Hamid’s son Dato’ Bahauddin (died 1918) spearheaded one of the settlements in Balik Pulau. He became a well-knownpenghulu and co-founded the Masjid Kongsi – ‘Kongsi’ in this case being the local name for the market town.79 Tajuddin’s son Mohamed Ariff (c. 1832–1912) became the progenitor of the prominent Ariffin clan. Mohamed Ariff was a ‘well-known moneylender’ and a ‘Malay millionaire’ who died leaving property over a million dollars in value.81 He resided in a bungalow at the western end of Hutton Lane (later known as the ‘Savoy Hotel’) while his son-in-law M.Z. Merican alias Teh Bunga also owned a bungalow nearby. Mohamed Ariff and his son Wanchee Ariffin were great patrons of Boria and Wanchee Ariffin founded a mosque but controversy surrounded the mosque due to the family’s money-lending activities. 80

Mahomed Ismail Merican Noordin The Penang Jawi Pekan, exposed to different educational systems, become part of a cosmopolitan Muslim bourgeoisie. Apart from Malay literature and architecture, the Penang Jawi Pekan helped to develop the Malay press, Bangsawan and Boria. The first editor of the Malay newspaper Jawi Peranakan, Muhammad Said bin Dada Muhyiddin, hailed from Penang, and travelled widely through the Malay States, Aceh and the Sumatran east coast kingdoms. In addition to Malay and Tamil, he could speak Arabic and Urdu. However, little is known about his connection with Kedah except that he studied with the secretary of the Sultan of Kedah. Mahomed Noordin (Mahomed Merican Noordin or Mahomed Noordin Markayar) (c. 1802– 1870) was the richest and most influential Muslim shipowner and merchant of Penang in the midnineteenth century.82 In the 1870s, the eldest son Vapoo (Vappoo or Bapoo) Merican Noordin (died 1884) was appointed a special Juror and Municipal Commissioner, and made Justice of the Peace.83 Vapoo’s second son Mahomed Ismail Merican Noordin (M.I.M. Noordin) made his own career instead of relying on the family estate. When W. Hargreaves, headmaster of the Penang Free School, introduced Mahomed Ismail to the Governor of the Straits Settlements saying, ‘This is a young, rich Malay who takes to teaching because he likes it’, Sir John Anderson apparently exclaimed, ‘Extraordinary!’ Mahomed Ismail joined the Penang Free School as a schoolmaster and worked his way up to become the headmaster of the Government English School in Kedah. He then joined the Kedah Civil Service, serving as registrar of courts, assistant to the legal adviser and then acting superintendent of education.For fourteen years M.I.M. Noordin was responsible for the translation of hundreds of enactments and it was said that few knew more of the laws of Kedah than he.84 79

The Straits Times, 23 March 1912, 9; ‘44: Misjid Kongsi, Balik Pulau’, in Abdul Kahar et al., Historical Survey. ‘28: Ariffin Mosque, Perak Road’, in Abdul Kahar et al., Historical Survey. The sons of Mohamed Ariff were Wanchee Ariffin, Che Som, Che Din Ariffin, Mohd Tajuddin Ariffin alias Haji Yusoff and Mohd Saidol Ariffin. Letter from Abdul Rahman bin Che Din Ariffin, 28 May 1998. 81 The Singapore Free Press, 21 March 1914, 16; The Singapore Free Press, 22 July 1916, 6; The Singapore Free Press, 4 September 1917. Mohamed Ariff's estate was auctioned for Str$668,839.90 which was ‘a record for Penang’ in 1917. 80

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Conclusion The Chulias have played a significant role in the international relations and trade of Kedah for hundreds of years. Some personalities come into historical focus during the late eighteenth century from European accounts and the Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri Kedah. Historical personalities like Khana Khan, Hapisap and Jamal were entrenched in the Kedah court by virtue of their knowledge of religion, law, engineering, business or foreign affairs. There must have been some Chulias like the entrepreneurial Jamal who made a shift from obstructing the British to doing business with them. After the British occupation of Penang, a new group of Chulias like Kapitan Kling Cauder Mohuddeen and Fakir Long Kandu helped the British establish a ‘new order’ in which Penang became the main port in the north of the Straits of Malacca and Kedah was relegated to a secondary port. However, it should not be assumed that all the Chulias took the same position as there is evidence of inter-group rivalry through the ages. The leading Chulias were progenitors and patrons of Chulia families and clans who continued to specialise in administration, trade and financing. The multilingual Jawi Pekan who formerly served the Kedah court found themselves new opportunities under the British as interlocutors, scribes and surveyors. In a later period, the Jawi Pekan of Penang contributed their services toa modernising Kedah – the architect Mahomed Lebby Tambi and the educationist-administrator Mahomed Ismail Merican Noordin are two examples. Other Jawi Pekan helped to develop cultural enterprise in Penang and its region. From this preliminary paper, the study of Chulia settlers in Kedah will hopefully continue to be enlarged. Expanding on their role as the ‘king’s merchants’, a small group of Chulias made themselves indispensible to the Kedah court and European interests,maintained trade with monsoon traders who come annually from the Coromandel and employed labouring groups, and also developed their relationship to the Kedah and Seberang Perai peasantry. Thespecial position of this community was made possible by the nature of Chulia family entrepreneurship –in which various sons might specialise in different roles – and the connections struck through strategic intermarriages. The part played byChulias in providing financing to both royals and peasants,before the advent of banks,is also worth looking into. The Chulias’ wealth and position wereusually translated into remittance, entrepreneurial capital, building prestigious houses andland agglomeration, but as we have seen, the latter generations had different aspirations and a few made great achievements as pioneers in education and the creative fields.

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THE MAKING OF MALAYSIAN HETEROGENEOUS SOCIETY AND THEORIES OF THE ORIGIN OF MALAYS Norliza Mohd Isa PhD Candidate, Kulliyyah Architecture and Environmental Design, International Islamic University Malaysia, Gombak (IIUM) Academic Member, Dept. of Landscape Architecture, Faculty of Built Environment, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Skudai (UTM) [email protected] Ismawi Hj Zen Professor, Kulliyyah Architecture and Environmental Design, International Islamic University Malaysia, Gombak (IIUM) [email protected]

Abstract The aims of this paper are to review the making of Malaysian heterogeneous society focusing on the theories of the origin of Malays. This review is essential to figure out the unique scenario of Malaysia with its multi-religious and multi-racial society from the historical and current issue perspective. This paper discusses the various theories featured by researchers related to the origin of Malays; (1) the Yunnan theory, secondly (2) the theory of New Guinea, and third (3) the Taiwan theory. Corresponding with most of the local historians, this study rejected the theory that linked the earliest Malay with a migration from Yunnan. Among other theories to be unlocked in this paper is the fourth (4) the theory of expansion from Sundaland, the fifth (5) theories originating from the Nusantara and the sixth (6) theories of Bani Jawi and Bangsa Mala. In conclusion, based on the literature review regarding the basic foundation of society in Malaysia, particularly through the review of historical facts in relation to the ethnic origin and race in Malaysia, this study agrees and emphasizes the two statements; (1) The position of the Malays that is made up of multiethnic group as a result of the process of migration and human assimilation in stages in the archipelago or Austronesian continent since for generations could not be dismissed as a native of Malaysia whether in the Peninsula or in Sabah and Sarawak has denied the theory that the Malay race in Malaysia are 'immigrants'. (2) The position of other non-indigenous races should get a fair placement in fulfilling the value of 'social justice' that is emphasized in Islam. The rights and views of all citizens and the Malaysian society besides the Muslims should be noted as a 'reflection' for the benefit of ongoing solidarity. Keywords: Malaysian Histories, Heterogeneous Society, Origin of Malays, Malays Histories

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THE MAKING OF MALAYSIAN SOCIETY Malaysia is comprises of two separate land masses, the Peninsular and the East Malaysia which consists of two states, Sabah and Sarawak, on the northern coast of the island of Borneo (Figure 2.1). In 1957, the Federation of Malaya was declared as an independent federation of the Malay states on the Malay Peninsula. The name "Malaysia" was adopted in 1963 when the existing states of the Federation of Malaya, plus Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak formed a new federation. Prior to that, the name itself had been used to refer to the whole Malay Archipelago as in Figure 2.2 (Anthony, 1996). Politicians in the Philippines once contemplated naming their state "Malaysia", but in 1963 Malaysia adopted the name first. At the time of the 1963 federation, other names were considered: among them was Langkasuka, after the historic kingdom located at the upper section of the Malay Peninsula in the first millennium of the common era (Suarez, 1999). Evidence of human habitation in Malaysia dates back 40,000 years, with the first inhabitants thought to be the Proto Malays (Oppenheimer, 2001; Mohd Arof Ishak, 2007; Wan Muhamad Hasni, 2008) and Negritos (Fix, 1995; Omar, 1983). The strong Indian and Chinese influence on the local cultures is due to the traders and settlers from India and China who’s arrived as early as the 1st century AD and establishing trading ports and towns in the 2nd and 3rd centuries. The people of the Malay Peninsula also adopted the religions of Hinduism and Buddhism. Sanskrit inscriptions reported appear as early as the 4th or 5th century (Muhlhausler, Tryon and Wurm, 1996).

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Figure 1 Map is showing Malaysia and surrounding countries with international borders (Source:http://www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/map/malaysia_map.htm)

Figure 2 "Malaysia" used as a label for the Malay Archipelago on a 1914 map from a United States atlas. (Source: Crop of The New Student's Reference Work, 5 volumes, Chicago, 1914)

Long before the arrival of Europeans, Malays had established coastal settlements that served as trading posts for maritime traffic. In the words of a Malaysian historian, “the tradition of coastal pluralism evolved in island Southeast Asia, including the various states that became Malaysia, from earliest times. The port towns were conspicuous examples of cultural pluralism in the traditional milieu and were open to new and alien influences” (Yeoh, 2006). Those earliest influences were Hindu and later Islamic, introduced through Indian and Arab traders. The Kingdom of Langkasuka arose around the 2nd century in the northern area of the Malay Peninsula, lasting until about the 15th century (Suarez, 1999). Between the 7th and the 13th century, much of the south of the Malay Peninsula was under the Srivijaya Empire. After the fall of Srivijaya, the Majapahit Empire had influence

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over most of Peninsular Malaysia and the Malay Archipelago (USA International Business Publications, 2008). Malacca was conquered by Portugal in 1511, and then taken over by the Dutch. In 1786 the British Empire set foot in Malaya, when the sultan of Kedah leased Penang to the British East India Company. The British obtained Singapore in 1819, and in 1824 took control of Malacca following the Anglo-Dutch Treaty. British directly controlled Penang, Malacca, Singapore, and the island of Labuan in 1826, which they established as the crown colony of the Straits Settlements (Negeri-negeri Selat). From 1874 to 1898, the states of Pahang, Selangor, Perak, and Negeri Sembilan, known together as the Federated Malay States (Negeri Melayu Bersekutu). The remaining five states in the peninsula, known as the Unfederated Malay States (Negeri Melayu Tidak Bersekutu) (Defense Language Institute Foreign Language Center, 2009; Thukiman, 2013). Inter-ethnic Amalgamation Inter-ethnic cooperation was a precondition set by the British for the transfer of power to Malayans because they believed that the races needed to work together to create the necessary conditions for a smooth political transition. This also could then counter the Malayan Communist Party’s claim of being the only movement representing the people’s struggle. Local leaders themselves also accepted that the nation-building process could only start to be made when the various races began working together (Lee, 2010). Due to the preconditions, “unity before independent” placed by the British through the British High Commissioner, Sir Malcolm MacDonald in 1948 (Thukiman, 2013), The Alliance Coalition in the newly autonomous Malaya was formed based on the concept of consensus government which made up of three major political parties-the UMNO, MCA and MIC(Lim, Sean & Amin Iskander, 2011; Thukiman, 2013). UMNO was the dominant group within the Alliance. The founder, Datuk Onn Jaafar had been replaced by Tunku Abdul Rahman initially success due to its ability to harness all levels of Malay opinion. The ‘jus soli’ Citizenship In return for these concessions, UMNO reassured the other two parties that liberal economic policies would be pursued to enable non-Malays to engage in economic activities without fear of confiscation or discrimination. Malay leaders had compromised a lot to accept them as citizens of Malaya, by adopting the ‘jus soli’ principle. They were willing to share the nation by neglecting the doctrine of ‘jus sanguinis’ even though it was the common practice of all newly independent states in the world at the time and acknowledged by international law. Jus soli defined by Oxford Dictionary of Law is the principle that the country of citizenship of a child is determined by its country of birth, irrespective of the nationality of its parents. In a nutshell, the doctrine is accepting of all who were born in the country as citizens without taking into account their ancestors (Abdul Aziz, 2008). The Social Contract Thukiman (2013) stated the Federal Constitution of Malaysia, comprising 181 articles in 14 parts, is the supreme law of Malaysia. The original Constitution of 1957 was drafted by the Reid Commission as a result of a deal brokered by Tunku Abdul Rahman in London in 1956 with the British for the independence of the 275

Federation of Malaya. The social contract verified although the Constitution ensures that "in an independent Malaya, all nationals should be accorded equal rights, privileges and opportunities and there must not be discrimination on grounds of race and creed," special Malay privileges were provided as a form of affirmative action under Article 153 of the Constitution. Reported in The Economist (2007); “The social contract in Malaysia refers to the agreement made by the country's founding fathers in the Constitution, and usually refers to a quid pro quo through Articles 14– 18 of the Constitution, pertaining to the granting of citizenship to the non-Malay people of Malaysia, and Article 153, which grants the Malays special rights and privileges” (Shuid & Yunus, 2001). The Formation of Malaysia and the Society In 1963 Malaya, along with the then British crown colonies of Sabah, Sarawak, and Singapore, federated to form Malaysia. The proposed date of federation was 31 August 1963, however, the date was delayed until 16 September 1963 due to opposition from Indonesia's Sukarno and the Sarawak United Peoples' Party (Australian Government Department of Veteran Affairs, 2009; Thukiman, 2013). Independence brought heightened tensions including a conflict with Indonesia over the formation of Malaysia, Singapore's eventual exit in 1965 and racial strife which caused the 13 May race riots in 1969 (Time magazine, 1965). After the riots, the controversial New Economic Policy (Dasar Ekonomi Baru) was launched by Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak, trying to increase the share of the economy held by the bumiputra. The country has since maintained a delicate ethno-political balance, with a system of government that has attempted to combine overall economic development with political and economic policies that promote equitable participation of all races (Jomo, 2004). Concurred with Abdul Aziz (2008), after more then 55 years of independence, the principle of equal citizenship prevails. There is no doubt whatsoever that all Malaysians should be treated as citizens. Nevertheless, by hook or by crook, history should not be forgotten by all quarters, particularly in maintaining the peace and prosperity in the country. Ethnicity has been asserted and remained as the dividing line in Malaysian society. Populations can identify by their culture, their mother tongue, their religion and their locality. Each of those defining identities intersections, but they are not coterminous (Leigh and Lip, 2004). The Malaysian population today seems to have quite distinct perceptions of their identity and status in the country. The Malays of the past and up till now have been extremely conscious of their status in what they realized as their homeland. In fact the correct translation of the name of independent Malaya was the Federation of Malay Lands (Persekutuan Tanah Melayu). The Chinese and Indians were brought in as immigrant labourers during colonial time. The United Malays National Organization (UMNO) has led the Government since before independence and remained in power for more than 50 years, has depended heavily on rural Malay votes during elections, sometimes playing on their insecurities, explained by Crouch (1996).

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THEORIES OF THE ORIGIN OF MALAYS There are various theories featured by researchers related to the origin of Malays as early as in the 1800's. Some of the earliest theories and foremost are (1) the Yunnan theory, secondly (2) the theory of New Guinea, and third (3) the Taiwan theory. However, through further reviews of literatures, this study recorded more theories and new discoveries by researchers and historians. Corresponding with most of the local historians, this study rejected the theory that linked the earliest Malay with a migration from Yunnan. Among other theories to be unlocked in this study is the fourth (4) the theory of expansion from Sundaland, the fifth (5) theories originating from the Nusantara and the sixth (6) theories of Bani Jawi and Bangsa Mala. (1) The Yunnan Theory, Mekong River Migration The Yunnan theory, Mekong river migration was published in 1889. The popular theory about the origin of the Malays are under the hypothesis of migration known as the "Wave Culture" raised by Austrian anthropologist Robert Heine-Geldern, stated as the Malays are the people who came from Yunan, China (Mohamad Zain, 2008). J.H.C Kern, J.R Foster, J.R Logen, Slamet Muljana and Asmah Haji Omar are some of the scholars supporting the theory, Proto Malays originating from Yunnan. The evidences that support this theory include: stone tools found in Malay Archipelago are analogous to Central Asian tools, similarity of Malay customs and Assam customs, and the fact that the Malay language & Cambodian language are kindred languages because the ancestral home of Cambodians originated at the source of Mekong River. According to Asmah Haji Omar (1983), before the migration of people from Central Asia occurred, the Malay Archipelago (Nusantara) has occupied and then designated as the native population. There are historians who say that those who live in the Malay Peninsula are known as the Negritos. Negrito is estimated to have been around since 8000 BCE (Before Common Era). They lived in caves and hunting animals for their livelihood. Their hunting tools made of stone and this period is referred to as the Mesolithic. In Kedah, for example, in the year 5000 BC was inhabited by Austronesian people who originated the Negrito, Sakai, Semai, and so on. Mohd. Shariff (2002) on the other hand is among the earliest local scholars vehemently opposed Geldern's theory followed by many other local scholars later as Shaharir (1992; 2000; 2003). This is in response to Geldern’s proponents in Malaysia and due to his etnomatematik research in the pre- Islamic Malay civilization since the 1990s. With the perspective of language and ancient human fossils evident and arguments, the hypothesis of migration from the north such as Yunnan was ambiguous. In the study of human fossils revealed "The Java" fossils was earlier than "The Peking", but it is only when "The Peking" is truly exists because there is evidence that "The Peking" was a fake as disclosed by Sulaiman & Suzanah (1978). On the language studies perspective, Wilkinson (1911) stressed that "Yunnan is a cluster of Austronesian languages, while the Malay language is Polynesian groups". Therefore,

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this study agrees with the hypothesis that migration is more probable to happen from the south to north, not from the north to south. (2) The New Guinea Theory The New Guinea theory (published in 1965). The Proto Malays or also can be considered as Polynesians Malay in this study are believed to be seafarers knowledgeable in oceanography and possessing agricultural skills. They moved around from island to island in great distances between modern day New Zealand and Madagascar, and they served as navigation guides, crew and labour to Indian, Arab, Persian and Chinese traders for nearly 2000 years. Over the years they settled at various places and adopted various cultures and religions. Some of the Negroids from Africa arrived in Southeast Asia about 70,000 years ago and settled in without the evolution in their genetics. Their descendants are the aboriginals of Papua New Guinea and Australia as well as the Negritos that we see in Malaysia. (3) The Taiwan Theory The Taiwan theory was published in 1997. Occurred 6,000 years ago, the migration of a certain group of Southern Chinese some moved to Taiwan which is today's Taiwanese aborigines are their descendants, then to the Philippines and later to Borneo which consist of today's Dayak and other groups. “These ancient people also split with some heading to Sulawesi and others progressing into Java, and Sumatra. The final migration was to the Malay Peninsula roughly 3,000 years ago. A sub-group from Borneo moved to Champa in modern-day Central and South Vietnam roughly 4,500 years ago. There are also traces of the Dong Son and Hoabinhian migration from Vietnam and Cambodia. All these groups share DNA and linguistic origins traceable to the island that is today Taiwan, and the ancestors of these ancient people are traceable to southern China” (Barnard, 2004). (4) Theory of Expansion From Sundaland Model New findings by Stephen Oppenheimer (2001) in his book ‘Eden in the East’ discovered that instead of man travelling from the North to Southeast Asia, it is now believed that man travelled from Southeast Asia to the North. The African originated people travelled north and underwent genetic evolution that resulted in them mutating into the Tibetans, Thais, Koreans, Japanese and Chinese. Oppenheimer (2006) comes out with a more recent theory, theory of Expansion from Sundaland model. The theory holds that; “Rather than being populated by expansion from the mainland, the Ice Age populations of the Malay Peninsula, neighboring Indonesian archipelago, and the then-exposed continental shelf (Sundaland) instead developed locally from the first human settlers and expanded to the mainland. Proponents of this theory hold that this expansion gives a far more parsimonious explanation of the linguistic, archaeological, and anthropological evidence then earlier models, particularly the Taiwan model.” (Stephen Oppenheimer, 2001) This theory also draws support from recent genetic evidence by Human Genome Organisation suggesting that the primary peopling of Asia occurred in a single migration through Southeast Asia; “This route is held to be the modern Malay area 278

and that the diversity in the area developed mainly in-place without requiring major migrations from the mainland. The expansion itself may have been drivin by rising sea levels at the end of the Ice Age” (Ikhlak, Mahmood, et al, 2009). Proponent of Stephen Oppenheimer has further theorized that the expansion of peoples occurred in three rapid floods due to rising sea levels at the end of the Ice Age, and that this diaspora spread the peoples and their associated cultures, myths, and technologies not just to mainland Southeast Asia, but as far as India, the Near East, and the Mediterranean (Terrell, 1999; Baer v, 1999). In his book ‘Eden in the East: The Drowned Continent of Southeast Asia’, published in 1998, Oppenheimer makes a case that; “The rise in ocean levels that accompanied the weakening of the ice age, as much as 500 feet (150 m) during the period 14,000-7,000 years ago, must be taken into account when trying to understand the flow of genes and culture in Eurasia. Citing evidence from geology, archaeology, genetics, linguistics, and folklore, he hypothesizes that the Southeast Asian subcontinent of Sundaland was home to a rich and original culture that was dispersed when Sundaland was mostly submerged and its population moved westward”. Sundaland's culture may have reached India and Mesopotamia, becoming the root for the innovative cultures that developed in those areas. Stephen Oppenheimer (2001) also suggests that the Austronesian languages originate from Sundaland and that a Neolithic Revolution may have started there (Terrell, 1999). The new evidence seems to suggest is that Malays and Negritos both evolved together in Southeast Asia during prehistoric times. At that time, southern Southeast Asia was one large block of land which then broke up to form the Malay Archipelago following rises in sea levels three times from 14,000 to 8,000 years ago (Mohd. Arof Ishak, 2007). Some of the people who arrived in Southeast Asia from Africa (about 60,000 to 80,000 years ago) did not stay in Southeast Asia long and moved on without going through the process of early differentiation in Southeast Asia. They became the aboriginal peoples of Papua New Guinea and Australia as we know them today. Some others continued moving northwards instead and they differentiated further and became Tibetans, Yuehs, Thais and others, and only much later did the Chinese, Koreans and Japanese emerge. The largest DNA studies conducted by scientists from 10 Asian countries, including Malaysia, China and Singapore, published their findings in December 2009. They concluded that migration of man in East Asia was from south to north. The findings reinforced findings from several earlier but much smaller studies, which also carried the same conclusions. Mohd Arof Ishak (2007) based on finding made by Oppenheimer (2001) and the DNA studies also supported that human migration was from south to north and not from north to south as suggested by the theories of the 1930s. Consequently, the Chinese are in fact, a distant sub-set of Southeast Asians, and not the other way round. But much later, migrations of man from north to south in East Asia did take place. These migrations brought Vietnamese, Thais, the people of Myanmar and others into Southeast Asia. These were accordingly back-migrations to the south, and these happened because of the pressure of the expanding Chinese population in the north. But Malays have

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always been in the southern part of Southeast Asia. Malays or any other present-day Southeast Asians could not have migrated south from the north earlier, meaning during prehistoric times either, as DNA studies have shown human DNA in Southeast Asia is older than that in China or in other words, human movement could only have been northwards during prehistoric times, and DNA composition in China showed a heavy Southeast Asian content, meaning Southeast Asian origin. Therefore, with these new findings this study rejected the Yunnan and Taiwan theories of the origins of Malays. (5) Theory Originated In the Malay Archipelago (Nusantara) A British scholar named John Crawfurd (1848) had done a comparative study of languages in Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and the Polynesian area. His opinion was that the original language that was spread across the Malay Archipelago had originated in the Island of Java (the Javanese language) and the language originated in the Island of Sumatra (the Malay language). The Javanese and the Malay languages formed as the principal cluster of languages found in the Malay Archipelago. John Crawfurd (1848) added to his argument with evidence that the Malays and the Javanese nationalities have had a high cultural status in the nineteenth century. This status was only achieved after experiencing centuries of cultural development. He came to a conclusion whereby the Malays did not originate from anywhere, but alas, they were the principal natives that had spread to other places. The Javanese language was the oldest language and the main language compared to other languages. Karl Himly (1890), who based his study on the comparison of sounds and grammatical form of the Campa language and various other languages in Southeast Asia refuted any opinion that the Malay Polynesian language is cognate with the Campa language. This opinion was supported by P.W. Schmidt who based his research on sentence structure and vocabulary of the Campa and the Mon-Khmer languages. He found that the Malay language that was visible in both languages was only a top-up language. Sutan Takdir Alisjahbana, whilst delivering a public lecture at Malaysia Science University in July 1987 had called the brown-skinned people who lived in Southeast Asia and that included Southern Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, Brunei and the Southern Philippines as the Malays who originated from one cognate nation. Not only did they have similar skin tone but they also had similarities in limbs and body shape which were different from the Chinese in the east and the Indians in the west. Gorys Keraf (1984) in his book on comparative historical linguistics raised the Leksikostatistik theory and the migration theory in order to study the national origins of the Malays and the Malay language. After raising his argument on the weakness of the previous opinions of writers like Reinhold Foster (1776), William Marsden (1843), John Crawfurd (1848), JR Logan (1848), A. H. Keane (1880), H. K. Kern (1889), Slametmuljana (1964), and Dyen (1965), he concluded that "... the original state (homeland) of the ancestors of the Austronesian nation should be the districts of Indonesia and the Philippines (including the districts that has now become the sea and the strait), which was once united geographically".

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Others who did not recognise the Malays as originating from the mainland of Central Asia stated that the Quaternary Age or Kala Wurn began with the Great Ice Age around two million until five hundred thousand years ago. This era ended with the gradual melting of the ice and the sea water flooded the lowlands. Highlands turned into islands. There were big and small islands. Separation between one plain to the other also occurred due to natural calamity like volcanic eruptions or earthquakes. It was during this time that the Malay Peninsula and the rest were split up and then became known as the Islands of Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and other islands in Indonesia. (6) The Bani Jawi (race) and Bangsa Mala Theory Theory from an Arab Muslim historian in the thirteenth century AD, Abu al-Hassan Ali ibn Muhammad ibn Muhammad, better known as Ali 'Izz al-Din Ibn al-Athir al-Jazari in his masterpiece al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh (The Complete History) stated that "The Bani Jawi" that was the Arabic term referring to the people who had lived in the Malay Archipelago had originated from the family of Prophet Abraham a.s. through his third wife named Qanturah (also spelled as Qatura or Keturah). The migration of Prophet Abraham a.s. descendants’ was surely through the continent or the Indian ocean, then to Indochina and straight to the Malay land, rather not through Yunan in continental China and this also fitted the indigenous myths in Indochina and "Malay" itself (Mohamad Zain, 2008). Quite likely the pedigree according to the notations by Ahmad Jelani Halimi (2008) was from Prophet Noah a.s.’s line of ancestry through his three sons, namely Ham, Yafit (Japheth), and Sam. It is said that Ham had moved to Africa where his descendants then were mentioned as the black-skinned Negro. Yafit moved to Europe and then his descendants came to be known as the white-skinned race. Sam lived in Asia and brought about the oliveskinned race. Sam’s son was Prophet Hud a.s. whom had resided in the state of Ahqaf situated between Yemen and Oman. After the Great Flood had receded, Prophet Noah a.s. then came out together with his 80 followers (the number was according to the amount agreed upon in the ancient manuscripts). The place where the Noah's Ark landed could not be ascertained for sure but popular opinions mentioned that the Ark landed at Judi Hill in the Mountains of Ararat in Turkey. After disembarking the Ark, Prophet Noah’s a.s. followers then dispersed throughout the world, including his three sons, namely Ham, Sam, and Yafit (Japheth). The Polynesian natives were the hybrid descendants of Ham and the Mala-Keturah race. The first movement was believed to be the sequence descendants of Heth bin Kanaan bin Ham bin Prophet Noah a.s. They were the ones who first arrived in the Pacific Islands and the Islands of Polynesia, including Australia and they formed the Aborigines. Then it took several generations before Qanturah’s descendants came about. The Qanturah’s descendants were the second group that followed by sea from the west (from Africa) whereas the first group of Mala race travelled by land towards the end of the world ‘Golden Peninsula’. 281

A hypothesis made by Ralph A Olsen (2009) in his work on The Malay Peninsula as the Setting for the Book of Mormon published in 1997 was in line with the story explained by Ali 'Izz al-Din Ibn al-Athir al-Jazari (al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh). Qanturah was the third wife of Prophet Abraham a.s. and was blessed with six children namely, Zimran, Jokshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbak, and Shuah. This was also similar to the Hebrew Bible scripture entries that recorded: "Abraham took another wife, whose name was Keturah. She bore him Zimran, Jokshan, Medan, Midian, Ishbak, and Shuah. Jokshan was the father of Sheba and Dedan; the descendants of Dedan were the Asshurites, the Letushites, and the Leummites. The sons of Midian were Ephah, Epher, Hanoch, Abida, and Eldaah. All these were descendants of Keturah." (Genesis 25:1-4). Their children were the ones that became the founder of the Malay race. Malay was derived from the word 'Mala' (basis race name of Qanturah). These names were the same as the names written in the manuscript reviewed by Ralph Olssen (1997). This explained why the natives in one of the Japanese islands, ancient indigenous group in Taiwan, and Polynesian ethnic groups in the Pacific such as Hawaii, Papua New Guinea and et cetera have some similar words close to the Malay language which carried the same meaning such as 'rock' and 'eyes'. The native descendants of Ham, son of Prophet Noah a.s., which bore down the Africans had to endure conflict to survive with the arrival of Mala race descendants of Qanturah and Prophet Abraham a.s. whom were more advanced and have larger physics than them. As a result, those that could not assimilate had to move to further rural areas and remained as Malay-Proto. There were also some social interaction between the two communities such as trading and some even married each other and created a generation of Malay Deutro until now (Ahmad Jelani Halimi, 2008).

THE MOVEMENT OF THE MALAYS Notwithstanding the polemic between the Malay origins hypothesis whether through migration or indigenous, Mohamad Zain (2008) opined that questions on the origin of the Malay race were likely to be non-ending until finally only an evaluation system could determine where one stood. For Muslims the migration hypothesis should be more believably embraced because it was more compatible with the teachings of Islam in that mankind indeed descended from Prophet Adam a.s., from the Middle East or from Prophet Noah a.s. after taking into consideration the Great Flood calamity. According to Mohamad Zain (2008), there were thoughts that all nations in the world originated from the three sons of Prophet Noah a.s., namely Ham, Yafit, and Sam. Ham moved to Africa, Yafit to Europe, and Sam to Asia through his son, Prophet Hud a.s. who lived in Yemen and Oman. His hypothesis stated that Prophet Hud a.s.’s descendants were the ones who migrated to Madagascar and onwards to the Malay land and up to Hawaii. This school of thought was welcomed by Muslim scholars to validate the hypothesis of this religious value system through DNA testing. Recent migration theory was raised by Oppenheimer and his network of which also included a Malaysian archaeologist, Professor Zurina of Universiti Sains Malaysia,

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whom hypothesized that mankind originated in Africa (which she claimed to be the children of Prophet Adam a.s. and Eve) up to a point where she proved the DNA of the Semang tribe in Peninsular Malaysia as cognate with the Africans (Oppenheimer, 2003). The movement of the Malays is the main factor to populated the Malay Archipelago, according to Wan Muhamad Hasni (2008) one of the major wave of movement of the Malay Proto is from the Champa (circa 500 AD till 1500 AD); “As the great Champa Kingdom expands, the population expands southwards, which includes the southern Thai peninsula what used to be called Pattani, which have the old Malay name of Langkasuka. They tend to settled around river mouths and of agrarian society in nature. Later on when the Arabs came to Asia by the sea, these Malays learned the seafaring activities, and then became sea faring people as well, known as Malay Polynesian. From the South, with the advancement of the Malacca Sultanate, the Malays from Sumatera, formerly of Sri Vijaya empires migrated to Malay Peninsula which we saw the formation of Negeri Sembilan Malays from Padang, Sumatra and from Bugis diasporas in Johor, Pahang, and Selangor (circa 1500AD until 1900AD). Later on we also see waves of arrivals from Java from central and east Java to Johor and Selangor, around the period of late 1800s until early 1900s and form the Javanese of Tanjung Karang, Kuala Selangor, as well as Batu Pahat, Muar, and the western coast of Johor. These Malays, as they are from either Proto Malays origin or Polynesian Malays. During this period, other immigrants to the Malay Peninsula are either of Arabic or Indian origins from the West, and of Chinese origins from the East” explained by Wan Muhamad Hasni (2008). Today the Malays in very diverse ethnic and sub-ethnic groups are found in a vast world extending continuously from Madagascar off the east African coast in the west, through the vast Malay Archipelago in Southeast Asia, to the Hawaiian islands and Easter island in the far east of the Pacific Ocean and to New Zealand and the Chatham islands in the deep south of the Pacific Ocean and to Taiwan in the north, in all covering about two-third of the southern hemisphere. Numerous linguistic studies, mainly done by Europeans since the 19th century, have firmly concluded the unity of these peoples in one language family (Mohd. Arof Ishak, 2007).

CONCLUSION In conclusion, based on the literature review regarding the basic foundation of society in Malaysia, particularly through the review of historical facts in relation to the ethnic origin and race in Malaysia, this study agrees and emphasizes the two statements; (1) The position of the Malays that is made up of multi-ethnic group as a result of the process of migration and human assimilation in stages in the archipelago or Austronesian continent since for generations could not be dismissed as a native of Malaysia whether in the Peninsula or in Sabah and Sarawak. This is due to the fact that the origin of the Malay race is one of the largest composition of human race who occupied and conquered the boundaries of the Austronesian continent where the country of Malaysia is located today has denied the theory that the Malay race in Malaysia are 'immigrants'. This study rejected the theory put forward in "The Yunnan theory, Mekong river migration" which was released in 1889 and "The Taiwan theory" that was published

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in 1997. Thus the rights and privileges of the Malays could not be disputed as enshrined in the constitution that was drafted in line with the formation and independence of Malaysia. The definition of the Malay race as constituted specifically in the Malaysian constitution has binding affinity between the Malay race and the religion of Islam. It is armoured through nation building consolidation as gazetted in ‘Social Contract’, National Culture Policy, Rukunegara and currently in ‘One Malaysia’ notion. Next, the second statement highlighted from the results of this literature review, (2) the position of other non-indigenous races should get a fair placement in fulfilling the value of 'social justice' that is emphasized in Islam. The rights and views of all citizens and the Malaysian society besides the Muslims should be noted as a 'reflection' for the benefit of ongoing solidarity. Malaysia is without a doubt a country that is developing as a result of a sense of tolerance and sharing. Progress achieved and the economic achievement as well as the current political situation in Malaysia could not deny the role and joint efforts by all races in Malaysia where even symbiosis and mutual dependence is so strong. Hence by taking into consideration views and ideas together, beneficial results on the concept of "win-win situation" would be more than able to satisfy all parties. Through an understanding from a historical perspective and political developments in Malaysia, the Malaysian society must be ready to have an open mind and accept the reality on the uniqueness of the Malaysian races. However, one reality that could not be denied, Malaysian society’s livelihood after more than 50 years since the formation of Malaysia as a sovereign country on 16 September 1963 has been harmonious but alas, not assimilated. The Malaysian society is still living together under a different name and race. The Malays still perpetuate in the spirit of the Malay race through the influence of political power and the religion of Islam, whilst other races, especially the Chinese and the Indians still maintain the name, language, and culture of their people.

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Wan Muhamad Hasni (2008), A very brief history of the Malays and Malaysia. http://wanhasni.wordpress.com/2008/09/20/a-very-brief-history-of-the-malays-and-malaysia/ Yeoh, Christopher (2006) “Malaysia, Truly Asia? Religious Pluralism in Malaysia, The Pluralism Project, Harvard University.

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DOL RAMLI TOKOH PENYIARAN MALAYSIA (WIRA YANG TIDAK DIDENDANGKAN) Che Su Mustafa ([email protected]) & Rohani Hj. Ab Ghani ([email protected])

Tan Sri Haji Dol Ramli (1922-2011) Abstrak Dol Ramli merupakan nama besar dalam dunia penyiaran negara yang menubuhkan RTM. Pengalaman beliau yang telah berkhidmat dalam dunia penyiaran semasa penjajahan Britishtelah memberikan kesedaran kepada beliau bahawa British tidak mengambil kira pandangan pegawai-pegawai kanan tempatan ketika menggubal dasar atau merancangkan projek pembangunan penyiaran. Kemerdekaan Tanah Melayu pada tahun 1957 turut membawa erti bebasnya penyiaran dari belenggu British. Ini memberikan ruang kepada pegawai-pegawai penyiaran tempatan untuk memikirkan secara mendalam peranan Jabatan Penyiaran Malaya selaras dengan halatuju negara. Bagi Dol Ramli lagi, negara pada masa itu sangat memerlukan satu badan media massa bagi tujuan penyaluran maklumat kepada masyarakat. Kertas kerja ini menyoroti sumbangan Dol Ramli dalam perkembangan dunia penyiaran Malaysia khususnya dalam penubuhan siaran antarabangsa radio Malaysia iaitu Suara Malaysia. Penulisan kertas kerja ini bersifat historikal diskriptif analisis menggunakan kaedah kualitatif. Bahanbahan rujukan terdiri daripada sumber-sumber primer iaitu rekod-rekod arkib. Selain dari itu penulisan ini juga turut menggunakan rujukan-rujukan sekunder di samping temubual dengan ahli keluarga beliau. Kata kunci: Radio Televisyen Malaysia (RTM), Dol Ramli (Tan Sri), Lagu Bahasa Jiwa Bangsa, Jabatan Penyiaran Malaya, Suara Malaysia.

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Latar Belakang

BAHASA JIWA BANGSA Gunakanlah Bahasa Kebangsaan Kita Marilah Amalkan Ramai-ramai Bahasalah Menyatukan Kita Semua Yakinlah Bahasa Jiwa Bangsa Marilah Mari Rakyat Semua Buktikan Taat Setia dengan Satu Bahasa Maju Bangsa dan Maju Negara Megahkan Bahasa Kita Bahasa Jiwa Bangsa Lagu Bahasa Jiwa Bangsa ini adalah hasil ciptaan Dol Ramli (Tan Sri Haji). Ramai orang mengenali Radio Televisyen Malaysia (RTM) tetapi segelintir sahaja yang mengenali Dol Ramli, Seorang tokoh penyiaran, pencinta seni, ahli sejarah, tokoh korporat dan pejuang Bahasa. Belia adalah merupakan tokoh penyiaran negara. Tokoh penyiaran negara ini dilahirkan pada 3 Oktober 1922 di Dunlop Street, Singapura. Beliau mendapat pendidikan awal di Kampung Glam Malay School, Singapura (1929-1932) sebelum menyambung pengajian peringkat menengah di Rangoon Road Government English School, Singapura (1933-1936) dan Raffles Institution, Singapura (1937-1940). Beliau seterusnya mendapat pendidikan tinggi di Raffles College, Singapura pada tahun 1941 dan menerima Ijazah Sarjana Muda Sastera (kelas dua tinggi dalam sejarah) di Universiti Malaya, Singapura pada tahun 1955.Beliau telah berkahwin dengan Puan Sri Kamilah Marzuki dan dikurniakan 5 orang anak iaitu tiga lelaki dan dua perempuan. Dol Ramli kemudiannya telah menghembuskan nafas terakhir di Institut Jantung Negara pada umur 88 tahun kerana masalah lemah jantung. Sejarah Kerjaya Dol Ramli mula menceburi dunia penyiaran di Singapura pada 4hb Oktober 1948 selaku Juruhebah/Penterjemah. Jawatan ini merupakan jawatan yang paling rendah dalam kedudukan hierarki organisasi ketika itu. Beliau menerima gaji sebanyak RM160.00 sebulan.367Sebaik saja lulus pengajian di Universiti Malaya di Singapura pada tahun 1955, Dol Ramli telah dinaikkan pangat menjadi penyelia Rancangan Melayu dan dipindahkan dari ibu pejabat penyiaran di Caldecott Hill, Singapura ke pejabat di Kuala Lumpur.368 Antara sebab pertukaran beliau ialah lebih ramai pendengar Melayu di Malaya berbanding di Singapura.

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Dol Ramli diingati sebagai pengasas RTM". media.penerangan.gov.my/ e-press. http://letfee-ahmad.blogspot.com/2011/05/tan-sri-dol-ramli-1922-2011.html

368

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Namun begitu, beliau dikehendaki merujuk, membuat laporan dan menerima arahan dari Bahagian Melayu di Singapura. Hubungan dengan bahagian berkenaan berakhir apabila Malaya berpisah dengan Singapura pada 1 Februari 1959. Jabatan Penyiaran di Singapura kemudiannya beroperasi sebagai Radio Singapura.Setelah menamatkan pengajian, beliau dilantik sebagai Ketua Bahagian Perkhidmatan Melayu, Radio Malaya dan seterusnya pada tahun 1961 menjadi orang Melayu yang pertama mengetuai Radio Malaya. Pada tahun 1969, beliau dilantik sebagai KetuaPengarah Penyiaran sebelum dilantik sebagai PengurusBesar BERNAMA pada 1 Januari 1975 hingga 31 Oktober 1980. Sumbangan dalam Dunia Penyiaran Menurut Dol Ramli dari penulisan beliau, pihak British tidak mengambil kira pandangan pegawai-pegawai kanan tempatan ketika menggubal dasar atau merancangkan projek pembangunan penyiaran. Kebebasan berfikir kemudiannya dirasai setelah Malaya mencapai kemerdekaan.369 Kebebasan dari belenggu penjajahan British turut membawa erti bebasnya penyiaran dari belenggu British. Ini memberikan ruang kepada pegawai-pegawai penyiaran tempatan untuk memikirkan secara mendalam dan lebih terperinci perkembangan Jabatan Penyiaran selaras dengah halatuju sebuah negara yang baru mencapai kememerdekaan. Setelah menamatkan pengajian, beliau dilantik sebagai Ketua Bahagian Perkhidmatan Melayu, Radio Malaya dan seterusnya pada tahun 1961 menjadi orang Melayu yang pertama mengetuai Radio Malaya.370Sepanjang bertugas di Singapura, Dol Ramli dapat memahami bahawa Kuala Lumpur dipandang sebagai ‘kelas dua’ oleh pihak penyiar negara itu. Pengalaman ini diceritakan oleh beliau yang antara lain berbunyi; Sebelum pemisahan Malaya dengan Singapura, pegawai-pegawai kanan tempatan seperti saya sendiri, Kirpal Singh (Jurutera Kanan)dan Luke Ang (Pengarang Berita) yang berpejabat di Kuala Lumpur langsung tidak diindahkan, tidak dibawa berunding atau diminta fikiran oleh pihak pengurus British dalam usaha menggubal dasar atau merancang projek pembangunan penyiaran sekalipun. 371

Idea dan inspirasi Dol membentuk satu siaran kebangsaan yang berteraskan kepada identiti negara serta memenuhi keperluan rakyat diterapkan dalam program-program Radio Malaya kemudiannya. Atas justifikasi inilah Suara Malaysia ditubuhkan pada 15 Februari 1963.

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http://kkmm.gov.my/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2620:bernama-25-jan-2011. Director of Radio Malaysia." New Straits Times 22 May 1968. 371 Director General Broadcasting Department." New Sunday Times 19 October 1969. 370

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Siaran Suara Malaysia Sejarah hubungan luar Malaysia turut memberikan impak kepada perkembangan penyiaran negara. Berikutan dengan peristiwa konfrontasi Malaysia-Indonesia (1963-1966), Radio Malaysia melangkah ke satu tahap yang lebih tinggi apabila menubuhkan siaran antarabangsa iaitu Suara Malaysia372. Pada mulanya siaran ini diudarakan dalam tiga bahasa iaitu Indonesia, Inggeris dan Mandarin, dengan masa siaran selama satu jam setiap seksi. 373 Tokoh yang terlibat secara langsung dalam perkara ini ialah Dol Ramli. Sebagai individu yang terlibat dalam sejarah penyiaran negara sejak awal, sudah pasti Dol menjadi pilihan Perdana Menteri Malaysia untuk memulakan operasi penyiaran antarabangsa Malaysia ketika itu. Dalam catatannya Dol menyatakan: Konfrontasi Malaysia-Indonesia merupakan factor utama yang telah mendorong penubuhan siaran ini. Menurut pengasas siaran Suara Malaysia iaitu Dol Ramli, “…. Pelancaran ini dilakukan secara kilat , siap sedia dalam masa tiga minggu sahaja setelah saya diarahkan berbuat demikian oleh Perdana Menteri sendiri, iaitu Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Al-Haj”.374

Atas tujuan tersebut pada tahun 1963, Tunku Abdul Rahman telah memanggil Tan Sri Dol yang pada masa itu masih memangku jawatan Pengarah Penyiaran Malaya bagi merangka satu rancangan media di bawah kelolaan pihak penyiaranMalaysia. Dalam perbincangan tersebut Tunku menyatakan bahawa Malaysia sangat perlu menyangkal beberapa tuduhan Sukarno seperti “politik Malaysia berada di bawah ketiak British”, “Tunku merupakan “neo-colonial stooge” 375 “puppet leader” 376dan lain-lain lagi. Pada dasarnya tujuan penubuhan Suara Malaysia adalah untuk memberikan gambaran sebenar mengenai Malaysia kepada pendengar-pendengar luar negara dari sudut soasial dan politik. Matlamat ini merupakan teras utama kepada penubuhan siaran Suara Malaysia. Berhubungan dengan persekitaran politik dan keselamatan Malaysia pada masa itu yang sedang berhadapan dengan tindakan agresif Indonesia, kerajaan Malaysia sebenarnya maklum bahawa bukan semua rakyat Indonesia faham mengenai penubuhan Malaysia dan situasi sebenar mengenai negara pada semasa konfrontasi. Oleh yang demikian, Tunku berpandangan bahawa media negara perlu menonjolkan keadaan sebenar Malaysia dan hasrat rakyat negara ini terhadap Indonesia. Perkara ini juga perlu disampaikan kepada rakyat Indonesia. Mengenai pendirian rakyat Malaysia terhadap Indonesia, Tun Abdul Razak dalam satu ucapannya yang telah disiarkan dalam siaran Suara Malaysia menyatakan;

372

Matlamat utama penubuhan Suara Malaysia bertujuan untuk menonjolkan imej Malaysia ke dunia luar dengan menggambarkan cara hidup rakyat Malaysia yang berbilang kaum, adat resam, kesenian dan kebudayaan. Ia juga bertujuan memberikan beranika jenis hiburan yang berunsur Malaysia. Selain dari itu, siaran Suara Malaysia juga memberikan penerangan tentang cara pemerintahan di Malaysia, menunjukkan kemajuan-kemajuan yang telah dan sedang dibuat di lapangan politik, ekonomi dan sosial. Di samping itu ia juga memperkenalkan tokoh-tokoh politik, sastera, budaya, sukan dan lain-lain lagi. Suara Malaysia juga menyiarkan pandangan dan pendapat pelawatpelawat asing mengenai segala aspek negara ini. 373 Dol Ramli; “Kenangan Manis Seorang Penyiar Lama: 1948-1974)” Jurnal Penyiaran RTM: 4 Dekad Bersama Anda), RTM, Kuala Lumpur, 1988, hal. 8. 374 Ibid. 375 FO 371/181490, telegram dari Jakarta ke Pejabat Luar, no. 377, 17 February 1965, NA., London. 376 FO 371/181492, telegram dari Jakarta ke Pejabat Luar, IM 1041/46, no. 792, 13 April 1965, NA., London.

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Rakyat Malaysia tidak mahu bermusuh dengan siapa-siapa dan suka hendak bersahabat dan berhubung rapat, terutama sekali dengan rakyat Indonesia yang disifatkan sebagai saudarasaudara sebangsa dan sedarah daging dengan mereka itu. Malaysia suka kepada keamanan dan ketenteraman supaya Kerajaan dapat menumpu sepenuh tenaganya kepada pembangunan negara untuk kepentingan dan kemajuan rakyat. Konfrantasi iktisad yang dihadapkan oleh pemerintahan Indonesia kepada Malaysia tidak mendatangkan bencana kepada rakyat Malaysia, kerana keadaan politik, ekonomi dan sosial Malaysia sangatlah kukuh dan kuat. Sebaliknya konfrontasi, saya percaya, akan menikam rakyat Indonesia dengan hebatnya kerana kita tahu bahawa ekonomi Indonesia pada masa ini dalam keadaan yang amat menyedihkan.Konfrantasi akan membawa penderitaan yang lebih dahsyat lagi kepada rakyat Indonesia yang sekarang mengalami kesukaran. Rakyat Malaysia sangat sedih mendengarkan keadaan rakyat Indonesia yang menderita itu dan rakyat Malaysia berharap dan berdoa mudahmudahan rakyat Indonesia dapat hidup dengan senang dan gembira seperti saudara-saudara mereka di seberang Selat Melaka.377

Sehubungan dengan itu, Tunku telah merancang satu formula penting bertujuan menyalurkan maklumat secara halus dan lebih berkesan khususnya kepada rakyat Indonesia yang tidak menyokong dasar konfrontasi Indonesia dan mereka yang tidak memahami dasar tersebut. Bagi Tunku, propaganda tersebut adalah rasional dan mampu diterima oleh rakyat Indonesia di negara itu. Sehubungan dengan itu Tunku mahukan satu rancangan penyiaran yang mampu diterima hingga ke Indonesia.378 Menurut Dol lagi, berikutan dengan tercetusnya konfontasi oleh Indonesia, maka Malaysia terdorong melancarkan siaran luar negeri Suara Malaysia secara tergesa-gesa. Oleh yang demikian, bagi melaksanakan siaran ini Dol telah ditugaskan untuk mendapatkan kakitangan. Dalam temubual yang telah diadakan, Dol menceritakan bahawa juruhebah dan penerbit bahasa Inggeris mudah sahaja dicari, diambil bulat-bulat dari kakitangan Radio Malaysia yang berpengalaman. Namun begitu, masalah yang timbul ialah untuk mendapatkan juruhebah dan penerbit bagi siaran dalam bahasa Indonesia. Dalam pertemuannya dengan Tunku, Dol bahawa Suara Malaysia memerlukan orang Indonesia dan bukannya rakyat Malaysia kerana pemikiran orang Indonesia dan rakyat Malaysia mengenai PKI dan Sukarno adalah berbeza. Sebagai individu yang akan berperanan sebagai penyampai mesej politik Malaysia, rakyat Indonesia yang dipilih perlu terdiri dari mereka yang mempunyai personaliti yang baik dan menentang hubungan rapat Presiden dengan PKI. Pada masa itu terdapat sebilangan mereka yang melarikan diri ke Kuala Lumpur dan berada di Lembah Klang. Dol Ramli memohon agar mendapatkan mereka untuk dilatih segera. 379 Sehubungan dengan itu Tunku terus menghubungi Ghazali Shafie yang pada masa itu adalah Setiausaha Tetap Kementerian Luar dan meminta Ghazali Shafie menghantar seramai 13 orang rakyat Indonesia. Penghubung utama di antara mereka dengan Radio Malaysia pada masa ini ialah Des Alwi.380. 377

Ucapan Timbalan Perdana Menteri Dalam Siri Ceramah oleh Menteri-Menteri melalui Suara Malaysia,

378

Arkib Negara Malaysia, 14hb Disember, TR 3:12: 63, Kuala Lumpur, 1963. Rohani Hj. Ab Ghani, “Dasar British Terhadap Indonesia 1945-1967”, tesis Ijazah Doktor Falsafah, Pusat Pengajian Sejarah, Sains Politik dan Strategi, FSSK, UKM, 2009, Bangi, hal.118. 380 Des Alwi merupakan anak angkat bekas Perdana Menteri Indonesia iaitu Sutan Sjahrir. Permusuhan Sukarno dan Dr Subandrio dengan keluarga beliau telah menyebabkan beliau memohon suaka politik di Malaysia. Beliau 379

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Bagi memilih individu yang akan berkhidmat dengan Suara Malaysia, Des Alwi telah diminta mengenal pasti individu-individu tersebut. Des Alwi telah membawa lebih kurang 15 orang rakyat Indonesia menemui Dol Ramli. Mereka diberikan ujian lisan (suara) dan ujian attitude-revolusioner type untuk menguji sama ada individu-individu tersebut merupakan penentang kerajaan Indonesia atau hanya tidak bersetuju sahaja. Calon yang terbaik bernama Kamaruddin yang telah berjaya melalui crash courses iaitulatihan atau kursus mengenai bagaimana menyediakan laporan dan mengendalikan penyiaran.381 Mengingati perkara ini Dol Ramli mencatatkan; Mujurlah kami mendapat bantuan kerjasama terperinci dari Kementerian Luar Negeri dan seorang warganegara Indonesia- ketua pemberontak- yang diam di Kuala Lumpur. Beliaulah yang berjaya mengumpulkan segera beberapa orang warganegara Indonesia, lelaki perempuan, yang lari masuk dari Indonesia baik kerana menentang kejinakan komunis dengan pucuk pimpinan Indonesia atau menentang dasar Sukarno sendiri.382 Sebahagian besar dari mereka merupakan anggota-anggota PRRI (Pemerintahan Revolusioner Republik Indonesia) yang melarikan diri ke Malaysia. Penentang kerajaan pusat ini dipimpin oleh Des Alwi. Beliau berasal dari Banda merupakan tokoh utama yang berperanan dalam usaha-usaha propaganda politik media Malaysia terhadap Indonesia. Hubungan rapatnya dengan beberapa tokoh utama Malaysia seperti Tun Razak dan Ghazali Shafie telah memudahkan lagi usaha-usaha untuk menjayakan projek Suara Malaysia ini. Bagi mereka yang terpilih, latihan kilat telah diberikan termasuk di rumah kediaman beliau sendiri di Jalan Guillemard. Dalam pada itu, usaha-usaha penubuhan rancangan Suara Malaysia berdepan dengan masalah kelengkapan alat pemancar (transmitter). Radio Malaysia pada masa itu tidak mempunyai keupayaan bagi mengadakan satu bentuk penyiaran hingga ke luar negara. Pada masa itu ia untuk kegunaan dalaman sahaja serta mampu meliputi kawasan Semenanjung dan kawasan sekeliling sahaja. Dalam masa yang sama, liputan wilayah di Indonesia hanya mampu melangkaui wilayah Sumatra dan beberapa tempat di Jawa sahaja. Manakala siaran yang dipancarkan ke Jawa Barat itu pula tidak berapa jelas. Oleh yang demikian, beliau memohon persetujuan Tunku untuk dapatkan atau meminjam atau menyewa sistem pemancar dari Perbadanan Penyiaran British atau British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) kerana operasi yang dicadangkan oleh Tunku memerlukan sistem pemancar BBC di Selat Teberau yang sangat bersesuaian dengan keperluan Suara Malaysia pada masa itu. Pemilihan siaran penyiaran British ini kerana dalam tempoh tersebut, BBC mengendalikan sistem penyiaran seberang laut yang sangat berkuasa tinggi yang berpangkalan di Selat Teberau, Selatan Johor yang meliputi 5 ratus ekar tanah serta mempunyai sistem pemancar yang sangat kuat yang melebihi beratus kilowatt yang berupaya untuk dipancarkan ke seluruh dunia. BBC turut memancarkan siaran dalam tiga bahasa iaitu Bahasa Inggeris, Bahasa Melayu dan Mandarin. Selain daripada itu, BBC mampu meminjamkan kepakaran penyiaran mereka bagi tujuan meningkatkan keupayaan Suara Malaysia terutamanya dalam berperanan besar dalam perundingan-perundingan untuk menamatkan konfrontasi. Selain daripada sebagai “peace-feeler”, beliau juga disifatkan sebagai go-between dalam rundingan tidak rasmi yang dijalankan secara rahsia di antara kedua-dua buah negara. W. Shaw, Tun Razak his life and times, Longman Malaysia Sdn. Bhd., London, 1976, h.184. 381 Temubual dengan Tan Sri Dol Ramli pada 4 Jun 2007, di kediaman beliau di no. 3, Lorong Mutiara 3, Off Jalan Mutiara, Taman Bukit Ampang, 68000, Ampang, Selangor. 382 Dol Ramli; “Kenangan Manis Seorang Penyiar Lama: 1948-1974” Jurnal Penyiaran RTM: 4 Dekad Bersama Anda; hal. 23.

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menyekat propaganda Indonesia. Sehubungan dengan itu Tunku telah mengadakan perbincangan dengan pihak British dan mereka bersetuju untuk memberikan kerjasama sepenuhnya bukan sekadar dari segi penggunaan peralatan penyiaran malah akan membantu dari segi kos.383 Apa yang menarik ialah rancangan-rancangan yang telah disusun bagi menangkis propaganda Indonesia terhadap Malaysia oleh Radio Malaysia khususnya Suara Malaysia. Dengan kerjasama BBC, Suara Malaysia telah mengadakan beberapa rancangan radio seperti: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Lagu-lagu Permintaan Drama Rancangan Masak-Memasak Pak Desas dan Pak Desus

Menurut Dol Ramli, dalam rancangan Lagu-Lagu Permintaan contohnya, nama-nama individu yang meminta lagu-lagu dan penama yang ditujukan lagu-lagu tersebut tidak pernah wujud. Nama-nama yang disebutkan merupakan nama-nama samaran dan alamat-alamat pula diperolehi dari buku-buku panduan telefon di Indonesia. Rancangan Lagu-lagu Permintaan diadakan bagi menunjukkan terdapat perhubungan baik antara Malaysia dan Indonesia dan menangkis tuduhan Sukarno bahawa rakyat Malaysia membenci rakyat Indonesia dan sentimen bangsa serumpun masih kuat di kalangan rakyat kedua-dua buah negara. Selain dari itu melalui lagu-lagu yang telah diminta ini telah dimasukkan kod bagi menyampaikan mesej menentang PKI.384 Dalam kebanyakan rancangan yang diadakan, rancangan Pak Desas dan Pak Desus merupakan rancangan yang paling diminati. Rancangan Pak Desas dan Pak Desus merupakan satu rancangan berbentuk drama dan perbualan memerihalkan tentang senario yang sedang berlaku di Indonesia terutamanya mengenai kadar inflasi yang tinggi pada masa itu yang menyulitkan penghidupan rakyat di negara itu. Ia antara lain memuatkan perbualan dua orang di warung atau di tempat-tempat tertentu tentang apa yang berlaku di Indonesia. Contohnya mengenai kenaikan harga beras sehingga 400 rupiah sekilo, kekurangan keju dan mentega serta ketiadaan buah-buahan impot di Indonesia. Contohnya dalam rancangan ini terdapat perbualan Pak Desas seperti berikut, “waduh saya dimarahi oleh isteri saya sudahlah gaji semakin kecil, harga beras pula naik”, manakala Pak Desus pula berkata “saya juga turut dimarahi oleh isteri saya, perlu duit untuk perbelanjaan belajar anak-anak.”385 Selaras dengan peranan Suara Malaysia lebih bertujuan untuk membalas dan menentang serangan propaganda Sukarno terhadap Malaysia. Antara dakwaan Sukarno yang pernah dilemparkan kepada Malaysia ialah Malaysia telah menderita akibat dari konfrontasi dengan Indonesia disebabkan oleh kenaikan harga minyak sapi, keju, mentega, udang besar dan lain-lain.386 Bagi menangkis dakwaan Sukarno itu, Dol Ramli telah berbincang dengan Idris Md Shah iaitu salah seorang pegawai penting di Suara Malaysia. Hasil perbincangan mereka dengan penerbit rancangan masak-memasak, maka disiarkan satu rancangan masak-memasak mengenai penyediaan menu yang terdiri dari bahan-bahan seperti udang basah bersaiz besar, ikan segar dan buah-buahan yang diimpot dari luar yang mampu diperolehi

383

Temu bual dengan Tan Sri Dol Ramli pada 4 Jun 2007, di kediaman beliau di no. 3, Lorong Mutiara 3, Off Jalan Mutiara, Taman Bukit Ampang, 68000, Ampang, Selangor. 384 Temu bual dengan Tan Sri Dol Ramli di kediaman beliau pada 4 Jun 2007. 385 Temu bual dengan Tan Sri Dol Ramli di kediaman beliau pada 4 Jun 2007. 386 Temu bual dengan Tan Sri Dol Ramli di kediaman beliau pada 4 Jun 2007.

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dengan mudah dan murah yang sebelum ini didakwa oleh Sukarno sebagai sukar diperolehi di Malaysia berikutan dengan serangan-serangan Indonesia. Sasaran Suara Malaysia yang utama ialah wilayah Jawa manakala kumpulan sasaran pula ialah mereka yang berkecuali dan anti-PKI. Sukarno sememangnya mengetahui mengenai operasi Suara Malaysia. Sambutan yang diberikan oleh penduduk Indonesia terhadap rancangan-rancangan yang disiarkan oleh siaran Suara Malaysia sangat menggalakkan. Mengulas tentang perkara ini, menurut Dol Ramli;

Dari awal lagi mungkin disebabkan semangat dedikasi dan ghairahnya juruhebah Indonesia itu berlatih dan berusaha, maka siaran Indonesia segera mendapat sambutan baik di tanah seberang. … Saya agak kejayaan siaran Indonesia dalam SUARA MALAYSIA disebabkan siaran itu secara halus, menarik dan berkesan. Tambahan pula berita dan kejadian yang bermakna di Indonesia sudah ada di tangan kita tidak lebih dari 48 jam setelah kejadian berlaku. 387 Dalam pada itu, maklumat-maklumat mengenai perkembangan politik dan situasi ekonomi di Indonesia yang menjadi topik-topik utama dalam Suara Malaysia diperolehi dengan cepat melalui tindakan proaktif Wisma Putra dan juga kerjasama dari rakan-rakan kedutaan asing yang neutral di Indonesia seperti pegawai-pegawai Kedutaan Jepun, Turki, Norway, India, Kanada, AS dan lain-lain lagi.388 Selain dari itu, juruhebah dan penerbit rancangan Indonesia juga diberi kesempatan menyelitkan bahan-bahan terselindung (coded message) antara lagu-lagu dan kata-kata yang disiarkan. Ia bertujuan menyalurkan maklumat demi kepentingan perjungan rakan-rakan mereka di Indonesia terutama dalam menentang pengaruh PKI dalam kerajaan Sukarno. Sehubungan dengan minat rakyat Indonesia yang agak besar terhadap siaran ini, Presiden Sukarno cuba menyekat rakyat Indonesia daripada mendengar siaran tersebut sebaliknya menyuruh rakyatnya mendengar siaran dalam negeri. Larangan tersebut telah dikeluarkan pada bulan November 1963. Sekatan ini terkandung dalam Edik No. 13 pada November yang mengisytiharkan mana-mana rakyat Indonesia yang mendengar dan menyebarkan maklumat akan dikenakan hukuman mati. Ini kerana kerajaan Indonesia mengawal setiap maklumat yang disiarkan di media negara itu, “ …and those listening to Radio Malaysia are liable to severe penalties.”389 Hasil daripada pelbagai usaha samada secara politik dan diplomatik di peringkat nasional dan antarabangsa, akhirnya konfrontasi Malaysia-Indonesia berjaya ditamatkan pada tahun 1966. Pemulihan hubungan diplomatic kedua-dua negara berikutan dengan termetrainya Perjanjian Bangkok pada 11 Ogos 1966, di Bangkok.390 Kejayaan ini merupakan hasil usaha Siaran Suara Malaysia. Sumbangan dan peranan Suara Malaysia dalam penamatan Konfrontasi sebagaimana dinyatakan oleh Dol Ramli bahawa Suara Malaysia telah berjaya mencapai matlamat berikutan dengan banyak maklumat yang telah dirangka dapat disampaikan (secara sulit) kepada rakyat Indonesia di negara itu. Malah dalam 387

Dol Ramli; “Kenangan Manis Seorang Penyiar Lama: 1948-1974)” Jurnal Penyiaran RTM: 4 Dekad Bersama Anda, hal. 23. 388 Jabatan Radio dan Televisyen Malaysia." Utusan Malaysia 17 Aug. 1970, hal. 20. 389 th FO 371/181499, parliamentary question, draft answer, Tuesday 30 March 1965, NA., London. Selain dari itu, Amin Said Husni iaitu Timbalan Ketua bagi kumpulan yang merangka undang-undang komunikasi Indonesia memberitahu Reuters, “We don’t want our stations and radio to be foreign kiosk(selling their product).” 390 Rohani Hj. Ab Ghani, “Dasar British Terhadap Indonesia 1945-1967”, hal.209.

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pertemuan beliau dengan Pengarah Tertinggi (Director General) (DerGen) Radio Republik Indonesia (RRI) Loten Soetan Tunaro selepas perdamaian konfrontasi, beliau mengakui bahawa maklumat mengenai Indonesia yang disiarkan oleh Suara Malaysia sepanjang tempoh konfrontasi adalah tepat.391 Pemergian Dol Ramli Semasa hayatnya Tan Sir Dol menjawat pelbagai jawatan. Selain dengan badan penyiaran negara, beliau juga pernah menjawat jawatan pengurus Besar Bernama dari 1975 hingga 1980. Sebagai tokoh yang sentiasa mempunyai inisiatif dalam pembangunan bangsa, persaraannya tidak menyekat beliau untuk bergiat cergas dalam bidang korporat dan akademik. Setelah tidak berkhidmat dengan kerajaan, Dol Ramli melibatkan diri dalam sector korporat dan menjadi Pengarah, Kumpulan Public Affairs of United Motor Works (M) Holdings Bhd. (1980-1989), Pengerusi AMIC (Malaysia) Sdn. Bhd. (1996),25 Ahli Lembaga Pengarah, PADUBUMI Sdn. Bhd. (1997) dan ‘Independent Non-Executive’, INTI Universal Bhd. (INTI College). Minat beliau yang tidak pernah luntur terhadap sejarah negara telah mendorong beliau bergiat cergas dalam Persatuan Sejarah Malaysia. Penglibatan langsung beliau dalam beberapa peristiwa sejarah penting negara seperti Konfrantasi, Darurat dan Peristiwa 13 Mei membolehkan beliau sendiri disifatkan sebagai sumber sejarah negara.Allahyarham Dol, meninggal dunia pada usia 88 tahun di Institut Jantung Negara akibat mengalami masalah lemah jantung dan jenazahnya dikebumikan di tanah perkuburan Islam Taman Kosas, Ampang. Oleh yang demikian, pemergiannya pada 2011 merupakan kehilangan besar bagi dunia penyiaran negara khususnya dan negara Malaysia keseluruhannyaKetua Pengarah Penyiaran, Datuk Ibrahim Yahaya berkata, RTM sedih kehilangan pemimpin berjiwa besar yang menghabiskan banyak masa demi negara.

“Beliau memainkan peranan penting untuk menyusun Jabatan Penyiaran mengisi kemerdekaan, terutama dalam menyampaikan mesej kerajaan supaya difahami, dihayati dan diamalkan. “Malah, beliau adalah tokoh yang kami kagumi, contoh untuk kami sentiasa berfikir ke hadapan dalam menyusun program penyiaran ini, termasuk meyakinkan rakyat mengenai dasar yang dilaksanakan untuk faedah rakyat,” katanya. Tenyata sekali terlalu banyak jasa dan peninggalan oleh Allayarham kepada Malaysia dan bangsa Melayu baik dari segi professional, bahasa, seni dan pensejarahan. Kecintaannya kepada sejarah negara boleh dibuktikan melalui penglibatan beliau dalam Persatuan Sejarah Malaysia (PSM) bersama-sama dengan beberapa inisiatif bagi memastikan persatuan ini dapat berdiri sendiri dari segi kekuatan intelektual dan pendanaan (sumber kewangan). Adalah dicadangkan agar mana-mana institusi pendidikan tinggi menamakan anugerah atau biasiswa terutama dalam bidang penyiaran dan komunikasi, sempena nama Tan Sri Dol Ramli sesuai dengan jasa yang telah ditinggalkan kepada negara dan bangsa dalam bidang berkenaan.

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Temu bual dengan Tan Sri Dol Ramli di kediaman beliau pada 4 Jun 2007. http://amic.org.sg/blog/2011/02/11/open-letter-to-the-son-of-distinguished-doyen-of-broadcasting%E2%80%93-dol-ramli/. 25.

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SENARAI RUJUKAN Director General Broadcasting Department." New Sunday Times 19 October 1969. Director of Radio Malaysia." New Straits Times 22 May 1968. Dol Ramli diingati sebagai pengasas RTM". media.penerangan.gov.my/e-press, akses pada 20 Ogos 2014. Dol Ramli; “Kenangan Manis Seorang Penyiar Lama: 1948-1974)” Jurnal Penyiaran RTM: 4 Dekad Bersama Anda), RTM, Kuala Lumpur, 1988. FO 371/181490, telegram dari Jakarta ke Pejabat Luar, no. 377, 17 February 1965, NA., London. FO 371/181492, telegram dari Jakarta ke Pejabat Luar, IM 1041/46, no. 792, 13 April 1965, NA., London. FO 371/181499, parliamentary question, draft answer, Tuesday 30th March 1965, NA., London. http://amic.org.sg/blog/2011/02/11/open-letter-to-the-son-of-distinguished-doyen-of-broadcasting%E2%80%93-dol-ramli/. Diakses pada 20 Ogos 2014. http://kkmm.gov.my/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2620:bernama-25-jan-2011. Diakses pada 20 Ogos 2014. http://letfee-ahmad.blogspot.com/2011/05/tan-sri-dol-ramli-1922-2011.html. Diakses pada 20 Ogos 2014. Jabatan Radio dan Televisyen Malaysia." Utusan Malaysia 17 Ogos 1970. Rohani Hj. Ab Ghani, “Dasar British Terhadap Indonesia 1945-1967”, tesis Ijazah Doktor Falsafah, Pusat Pengajian Sejarah, Sains Politik dan Strategi, FSSK, UKM, Bangi, 2009. Shaw, W., Tun Razak his life and times, Longman Malaysia Sdn. Bhd., London, 1976.

Temubual dengan Tan Sri Dol Ramli pada 4 Jun 2007, di kediaman beliau di no. 3, Lorong Mutiara 3,Off Jalan Mutiara, Taman Bukit Ampang, 68000, Ampang, Selangor. Ucapan Timbalan Perdana Menteri Dalam Siri Ceramah oleh Menteri-Menteri melalui Suara Malaysia, 14hb Disember, TR 3:12: 63, Arkib Negara Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1963.

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THE FALL OF MALACCA IN 1511 AD: A COMPARATIVE STUDY FROM MALAY AND PORTUGUESE SOURCES. Wan Ali Wan Mamat Historical Society of Malaysia (wanaliwm.yahoo.com) Abstract The events relating to the fall of Malacca in 1511 to the Portuguese are basically still debatable. By far, the main source of reference has beenSejarahMelayu. The traditional narrative styles of Malay authorship sometimes camouflage the essential facts relating to the event. In order to have a more balanced description of the events relating to the fall of Malacca, resources from the Portuguese is considered essential to be referred to. Comparative studies from Malay and Portuguese sources most probably can discern similarities and differences of opinions on events relating to the fall of Malacca. This article is a comparative study on events relating to the fall of Malacca in 1511 based on both theSejarahMelayu and the record of travel of AfonsoDalboquerque the leader of Portuguese expedition to Malacca in 1511.

1. Introduction Manuscripts have very close relationship with history. Manuscripts are basically documents written by hand on portable materials such as tree bark, leaf and paper. They were normally transmitted to later generations by copyists again and again as the need arises.Manuscripts recordevents, life experiences and knowledge of societies in the past. Although very few manuscripts are on the subject of historyper se, they canin some waysfurnish information on history like authors and copyists concerned, the places the manuscripts were written etc.Manuscripts can also furnish information ontraditional bookmaking likethematerials used for writing, technologies and practice in writing. Stefanie Brinkmann opined that (p. 16), “manuscripts were ‘voices of the past’ – even though their limited number allows only scattered glimpses onto the field of history”.

2. The concept of Peringgi The Malaccans called the Portuguese Peringgi, from the Arabic Firinjior Feranji. For the Arabs in the Middle Ages, the wordFirinji or Feranji referred to the old term Frank denoting the non-Muslims of Europe. The letter fa in Arabic normally will become pain Malay if the word is not related to Islamic teaching. In the context of the history of Malacca, Peringgi therefore refers to the Portuguese who arrived at Malacca, which started in 1509. In SejarahMelayu(SM) there are many statements pertaining to the word Peringgi. For example (Abdul Samad,1986:244):

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“HattamakadatangsebuahkappalPeringgidari Goa, iaberniaga di Melaka. MakadilihatolehPeringgiitu, negeri Melaka terlalubaik, bandarnyaterlaluramai. Makasegala orang kampung pun berkampunglahmelihatrupaPeringgiitu, sekaliannyahairanmelihat dia. Maka kata orang Melaka iainiBenggaliputih. Makapadaseorang orang Peringgiitu, berpuluh-puluh orang Melaka mengerumundia, ada yang memutarjanggutnya, ada yang menepukkepalanya, ada yang mengambilcepiaunya, ada yang memegangtangannya.” Simple translation: “A Portuguese trading ship arrived at Malacca from Goa. The Portuguese were impressed with the location of Malacca, the city were full with people. The people of Malacca came out in large numbers to look at the Portuguese because they were impressed of them. The Malaccans said they were white Benggali. For each Portuguese there were tens of people looking at him, a few touched his beard, some touched his head, a few looked at his hat while others touched his hands.” 3. The sources for comparative study. Two historical sources are used for this study from two opposing forces: the Malays and the Portuguese. Although the two sources at present are in the form of books, they were originally in the form of manuscripts. They were written by persons living during the period or not long after and their ways of thinking were related to the thinking of the period.SulalatusSalatin, more popularly known as SejarahMelayu is often considered as the most important classical Malay manuscript. There are many copies of SejarahMelayu manuscripts available in many libraries and educational institutions all over the World. There are also many translations and transliterations written on SejarahMelayu in many languages. Besides that there are many studies undertaken resulted in the form of books, articles and conference papers. Among the versions published are:

a. SejarahMelayu: the Malay Annals, translated into English by Dr. John Leyden with an introduction by Sir Thomas Raffles. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1821. b. SejarahMelayu or Malay Annals, translated into English by C.C. Brown.Kuala Lumpur: JMBRAS, vol 25, pts. 2 & 3). c. SejaretMelayou by M. Devic and Chauncey C. Starkweather. London: The Colonial Press, 1901. d. SulalatusSalatin (SejarahMelayu), edited by A. Samad Ahmad. DewanBahasa Dan Pustaka, 1979. For the purpose of the study the main text referred to is entitledSejarahMelayu: the Malay Annals, with introduction by Sir Stamford Raffles, 1821, translated into English by Dr. John Leyden and published in 1821. It has an introduction by Sir Stamford Raffles. This book was published by Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown in London in 1821.The book was recently reprinted by Silverfish Books in 2012 with very minor corrections. According to the publisher, “in this edition, we have been, largely faithful to the original, restricting our editing to the minimum, to retain the author’s voice” (p. 3). In the introduction,

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Stamford Raffles mentioned that Dr. John Leiden arrived in Malaya in 1805 and was very much interested to study and understand the character and history of Malay race especially relating to Malay language and literature.Since SejarahMelayu is considered the most popular Malay text, he undertook a serious study on the text.The result of his work is the publication of this book in English language. This version of SejarahMelayu used by Dr. Leyden started, as the other texts of SejarahMelayu with the author explaining reasons for writing the text, “I happened to be present at an assembly of the learned and noble, when one of the principal persons of the party observed to me that he have heard of a Malay story, which had been lately brought by a nobleman from the land of Gua, and that it would be proper for some person to correct it according to the institutions of the Malays that it might be useful to posterity.Onhearing that I was firmly determined to attempt the work….” The text ended with the episode on the fall of Malacca to the Portuguese. On the other hand, the other text for this comparative study is a book written based on record of travels by AfonsoDalboquerque, the famous Grand Viceroy of Goa. It was a standard practice among European travellers to note down in their journals or diaries on events or observations matters happened whilst on their journey. It was originally published in Portuguese language buttranslated into English by Walter de Gray Birch (1875) entitled,The commentaries of the great AfonsoDalboquerque, second viceroy of India and published for Hakluyt Society, London.The book was published in 3 volumes. The first volume dealt mostly on attempts by AfonsoDalboquerque to establish foothold in Arabian Peninsula. The secondvolume was onhis initial attempts to wrest Goa, India from local rulers. The third volume continued with battles for Goa, attempts to promote trade inSoutheast Asia and the wars for Malacca.

4. Historical background The history of Islam vividly explained the steady expansion of Islam outwards including to Christian lands in the Levant, Asia Minor and Spain (including Portugal).The Muslims established foothold in Spain one night in the spring of 711 when a Muslim contingent of about seven thousand Berber warriors under the command of Tariq Ibn Ziyad arrived at Gibraltar(from the Arabic Jebel Tariq). During the time the dominant Visigothic king Rodrigo was having military campaign in the Basque region in the Northeast of the peninsula. He later tried to subdue the Muslims but failed, although his army numbered many times more than the Muslim army. “Within three years, the Christian presence south of the Pyrenees had been reduced to a small enclave in the inaccessible mountain of Asturias, and Visigothic Spain had effectively ceased to exist” (Carr, 2009: 2). The most successful period of Muslim Spain began in 755 when an Umayyad aristocrat from Baghdad by the name of Abd al-Rahman made his way to Spain and established the Umayyad dynasty. For the next four hundred years, Muslim Spain was unrivalled by any Christian kingdom in Europe, culturally and intellectually. However, its fate started to decline in 1212 at the battle of Navas de Tolosa, “when a coalition of Christian states, including Castile, Aragon and Portugal defeated a huge Muslim army and ended the attempts by the Almohads to halt the Christian advance” (Carr: 5). The continued Christian advance upon the Muslim statelets resulted in the defeat of the last Muslim statelet of Nasrid in the southeast in January 1, 1492.

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The continuous wars between Muslims and Christians in the Iberian Peninsula for almost seven centuries created strong animosity between both sides in the later centuries. The strong hatred ofMuslims among the Portuguese could be glimpsed from the speech given by Afonso to his warriors just before the second attack on Malacca in 1511. He said “The first is the great service which we shall perform to our Lord in casting the Moors out of this country, and quenching the fire of this sect of Muhammad so that it may never burst out again hereafter ....” (Afonso: 116).

5. Comparative study on events. 5.1. The first expedition by Portuguese to Malacca. According to SejarahMelayu, the first Portuguese expedition to Malacca arrivedin one ship for trading purpose. Malaccans were not used to see the Frangi figure and they called them white Bengalis. The Malaccan men were crowding to see the Frangis: twisting their beards, clapping their heads, taking off their hats and laying hold of their hands. The Captain of the Portuguese then went to the bendahara and the bendahara adopted him as his son. When the following monsoon season arrived, the captain returned to Goa and reported to the vizier the greatness of Malacca, and its population (pp.184-185). According to Commentary, the first Portuguese expedition to Malacca was under the captainship of Ruy de Araujo. While in Malacca he was treated very badly. They were detained at several houses and prevented from coming out of the compounds of the houses concerned. Their merchandize were confiscated. From the group, 9 of them were able to escape and travelled to Pasai, Sumatra under the leadership of Joao Viegas. They were able to meet Afonso and his expedition at Pasai. Afonso was informed about 19 others left behind in Malacca including the captain Ruy de Araujo. They also told Afonso about their life in Malacca, their escapade and the defences of Malacca. Later, when the king of Malacca heard that Afonso was on his way to Malacca, the Portuguese prisoners were treated better. They were allowed to stay together in one house and able to mix with traders in Malacca.

5.2.

The second expedition to Malacca.

According to SejarahMelayu, after his return to Goa, the Captain informed the vizeroy, Afonsoabout the richness and greatness of Malacca. The vizeroy was very fascinated with the news. Immediately he gave instruction to prepare seven ships and thirteen galleons and appointed Gonsalvo Pereirato be captainadmiral to attack Malacca. When the Portuguese reached Malacca, they began to fire away with their cannon, and all the people of Malacca were very frightened. The bullets came and struck the people who were on the land, and some had their neck severed, and some had their waists, and some their hands and feet. The next day, two thousand Portuguese landed with their musketry plus black men. The Malaccans drew out in force to face them with Tun Hasan the Temenggung as leader. The battle ensued and the Portuguese forces were defeated. Their corpse lay scattered as far as the shore of the sea. The Portuguese then returned to their ships and sailed away to Goa where they informed the events at Malacca to the viziers. The Grand Vizier was very angry for the many Portuguese that lost their lives and yet they failed to conquer Malacca (p. 185). According to Commentary,soon after he finished his term as Grand Vizier of Goa, Alfonso returned to Lisbon and requested permission from the king of Portugal for battleships for expedition to Malacca. He was given nine ships, large and small. He returned to Goa with the ships. While at Goa he was able to gather 34 additional battleships of various types. With forty three ships under his command, he set sail for Malacca.

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When the fleet anchored off Malacca port, the king of Malacca sent an emissary requesting intention of the fleet, either for war or peace. The king did not wish for anything but peace with the king of Portugal. Alfonso demanded that those Portuguese still alive in Malacca be returned to him immediately and payment should be made for those goods that had been seized. The king of Malacca on the other hand demanded that a peace treaty be signed first before he could return the Portuguese to Alfonso. Alfonso was very firm with his stand that the Portuguese detained should be returned before negotiation on peace treaty could be commenced. In the meantime there wasa war of nerves between the king of Malacca and the Alfonso. While strengthening defences of Malacca, the king showed off his many battleships at the mouth of the river for days and the Portuguese did the same a few times (p. 66- 67). In the meantime, Ruy de Araujo sent words to Alfonso that the king was preparing for war. Later, Afonso sent out four well armed boats to the mouth of Malacca riverand launched a few shots on Malacca city. The king of Malacca in return sent out twenty ships to the mouth of the river. Later the skirmishes developed into real war. The first attack by the Portuguese was to take control of the bridge at the mouth of the river in order to divide the Malaccan forces into two groups in order to weaken them.The attack was undertaken by two battalions, one disembark on the southern side and another on the northern part of the bridge (p. 101). As a strategy of war, the Portuguese took control of the mosque, burnt the palace and the city. “.... he sent Gaspar de Paiva with a hundred men to set fire to the city ... and Simao Martinez with another party of a hundred men set fire to the king’s houseswhich stood at the side of the mosque.” By sundown, the Portuguese returned to their main battleships at sea for rest for sixteen days (p. 107).

5.3.

The third expedition to Malacca.

According to SejarahMelayu, the Grand Vizier of Goa,AfonsoDalboquerque, after resigning the post of viziership of Goa, returned to Portugal and requested for an armada from the king. The king of Portugal gave him thirteen ships. He returned to Goa where he got fitted another nineteen ships. With forty two ships under his command and he set sail for Malacca.The people of Malacca were jolted with the arrival of the battleships. Sultan Ahmad Shah was informed about the arrival of the Portuguese. The King directed the people of Malacca to prepare for battle. The Portuguese bombarded the city continuously. The Malaccans could not face the Portuguese on the shores because of the bombardment.The Portuguese forces disembarked and an intense battle between the Portuguese and Malaccans ensued. Sultan Ahmad Shah also went to battle riding his elephant. He led his chosen warriors to the bridge and engaged with the Portuguese there.The Portuguese forces were subdued and they fled to their ships. The King later returned to the palace. The Portuguese warned the Malaccans that they would return to the shores of Malacca the next day for battle.The King requested the Malaccans to gather for battle the following day. During the night, upon request, the King gave two Malay manuscripts kept in the palace, Hikayat Amir Hamzah and Hikayat Muhammad Ali Hanafiah to be read to the crowd in order to strengthen their battle readiness. The Portuguese forces attacked Malacca the next day. The Malaccans, led by Sultan Ahmad Shah went to battle again, riding another elephant.A very intense battle ensued. Initially the Malaccans won. Later,

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Afonso entered the battle himself with one thousand soldiers equipped with guns. The Malaccans were weakened by this onslaught and retreated.The Sultan on his elephant was surrounded by the Portuguese forces. In the ensuing battle, one hand of the Sultan was injured. Realizing the Sultan was injured the Malaccan forces re-entered the battle. Many prominent Malacca soldiers died in the battle.The Malaccans were later defeated. The Malaccans retreated from the palace and Portuguese forces entered the palace. Sultan Ahmad Shah retreated to upper Muar and settled at Pagoh.Sultan Mahmud Shah, the Sultan’s father moved to BatuHampar.Later the Portuguese attacked Pagoh. After a few days of battle, the Malaccans were defeated. Sultan Ahmad Shah and his father retreated further to Penarikan and later to Pahang (p.199-200). According to Commentary, the strategy of the Portuguese was to attack and take control of the bridge spanning the mouth of Malacca river. The attack commenced two hours before morning on Friday. During the time the ships could go closest to the bridge due to high tide. The Malaccans fought very fiercely until Antonio Debreu the leader of Portuguese onslaught and many soldiers were wounded. This happened because the deck of the ship leading the attack was low,thereby the volleys and arrows of the Malaccans could reach the deck of the ship easily. There was a delay of further attack by the Portuguese in order to vacate Debreu and those wounded to another ship. The Portuguese changed the strategy by using a junk with high deck to lead the attack on the bridge in order to prevent Malaccans from attacking the soldiers on the deck easily. This change of strategy was successful. After a brief battle the bridge fell to the Portuguese. The next stage was to attack the palisades on both ends of the bridge. This battle was more intense because there were many Malaccans manning the palisades and the reservists in the alleyways could come to the defence of the palisades. Afonso acknowledged that the Malaccans were very brave and many lost their life in order to defend the palisades. However, after an intense battle the palisades were overtaken by the Portuguese. After taking control of the palisades, the Portuguese aimed to overtake the mosque where the king and his best soldiers were stationed. “....the others [Portuguese soldiers], however, to whose lot it fell to assault the mosque, found they have a heavy and troublesome task before them, for in that place of defence, there was the king with a large body of men and elephants, and the defence was maintained so vigorously that a considerable space of time elapsedwithout our men being able to get in” (p. 122-123). After a fierce battle, the Malaccans were subdued. However, the Malaccans continued to attack from their houses onto the Portuguese on the roads below. In order to settle this problem once and for all, the Portuguese entered the city and kill any Malaccan they met. The next morning, “the Moors [Malaccans] dare not appear in the streets and this went on for a period of ten days running without any cessation by night or day, and during this time our men were continually spilling blood of the Moors [Malaccans] (p. 125). The Malaccan forces slowly withdrew from the city including the king. Knowing Afonso was after him, the king withdrew about two days journey away from the city and later to Pahang. Ninachatu, a Hindu was made the governor of Malacca with Utemutaraja his principal lieutenant. Slowly Malacca returns to normal.

4. Conclusion The narrative in SejarahMelayu relating to the fall of Malacca in 1511 was rather short compared to narrative in the Commentary. There were almost no negative information relating to the rulers of Malacca like bendahara, the king (Sultan Mahmud) and prince (Sultan Ahmad Shah). On the other hand, the Commentary gave more detailed account of events, including the negative aspects of the Malaccan rulers. For example, according to SejarahMelayu, the first Portuguese expedition was treated very well

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by bendahara and later returned to Goa, whereas Commentary stated that the Portuguese were treated badly and detained in Malacca. Besides that, information on certain events often differed between the two sources. For example, according to SejarahMelayu there were three Portuguese expeditions to Malacca whereas Commentary stated that there were only two expeditions. The so-called second and third expeditions were in fact one and the same expedition under the leadership of AfonsoDalboquerque. The confusion could be attributed to the fact that after the first battle (so-called second expedition, the Portuguese returned to their armada for sixteen days to recuperate). Although the Portuguese said that they were able to overtake the bridge, but by returning to their ships for sixteen days to recuperate gave the impression that they probably lost the battle, or at least could not make much headway. According to SejarahMelayu, when the Portuguese armada arrived at Malacca during the so-called second expedition, they immediately bombarded the city and on the following day two thousand Portuguese soldiers landed and attacked the city. On the other hand, the Commentary stated that after their arrival, there were negotiations between Malacca and Portuguese forces for a couple of days followed by war of nerves for another few days, then the battle started. The last battle during the so-called third expedition was very intense indeed and the bravery of Malaccan warriors was acknowledged by Afonso. Even in defeat, the Malaccans continued to attack Portuguese forces. In order to end the fight the Portuguese burnt the city and any Malaccan found on the road were killed.

Bibliography Abdul Samad Ahmad. (1986). SulalatusSalatin (SejarahMelayu). Kuala Lumpur: DewanBahasa Dan Pustaka. Fuller, Graham E. (2011). A world without Islam. New York: Back Bay Books. Dalboquerque, Afonso and Walter de Gray Birch. (1875). The commentaries of the great AfonsoDalboquerque, second viceroy of India.London: Hakluyt Society, Brinkmann Stefanie and BeateWiesmuller (eds). 2012. FromCodicology to Technology: Islamic Manuscripts and their Place in Scholarship. Berlin: Frank &Timme. SejarahMelayu: the Malay Annals, translated into English by Dr. John Leyden with an introduction by Sir Thomas Raffles. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1821.

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ISLAMIC RESURGENCE AND NATION BUILDING IN MALAYSIA: A HISTORICAL OVERVIEW Rashidah Mamat Azlah Sham Rambely Centre of General Studies Universiti Utara Malaysia [email protected] ABSTRACT Islam as official religionplays an enormous role in shapping Malaysia nation building since many Islamic principles are embedded in government national policies. Since its arrival in Malaysia in the fourteenth century, Islam has become the dominant religion of the country. However, British interventions which began with the Resident System in 1874 changed the supremacy of Islam in the Malay states. This resulted in an Islamic resurgence amongst the Malay population.This paper analyzes the development of Islamic resurgence and it dynamic intertwine with nation building in Malaysia through historical data. It explores the extent to which Islamic resurgence has made an impact on the project of Malaysian nation formation. The roles of related institutions and political parties in contributing in Malaysia Islamic resurgence are also discussed. The paper has illustrated that there’s a unique bond between Islamic resurgence and nation building in Malaysia and both of these concepts have gradually evolved through history.The Islamic resurgence in Malaysia redefined the social and political lives of all Malaysians who became bound through a shared identity and the strengthening of nation. Keywords: Islamic resurgence, nation building, Islamization, dakwah 1.0 Introduction Islam was recognised in the Malaysian Constitution as the official religion of Malaysia, but at the same time, religious practice for all religions is free in this country.Given the dominant position of Islam in Malaysia, there were special attention given by Malay population particularly the Islamic political parties and Islamic organizations to Islam that appear as an Islamic resurgence phenomenon in Malaysia. Since many of the government national policies are embedded in Islamic principles, thus the Islamic resurgence and its history plays a significant role in shaping Malaysia nation building. Islam arrived in Malaysia in the fourteenth century, although the foundation of the Malacca Sultanate in the fifteenth century marked the pivotal moment that saw Islam become the dominant religion of the country (Shamsul, 1997). According to Verma (2002) despite being the dominant religion, Islam was not forced upon its society instead recognizing the diversities and religions to coexist. This is an early example of ethnic and religious pluralism in Malaysia. However, British interventions which began with the Resident System in 1874 changed the supremacy of Islam in the Malay states. Due to the colonial conquest of administration and whittling away of the domination of

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Islam, this resulted in an Islamic resurgence amongst the Malay population. Hence, further discussion draws attention to the extent to which this Islamic resurgence has made an impact on the project of Malaysian nation formation. 2.0 The concepts of Islamic resurgence and nation building Islamic resurgence or Islamic awakening refers to a comprehensive reconstruction of society and an increase of Islamic awareness amongst the Muslim masses. In other words, it refers to a general notion of the Islamization of Malaysian society for the promotion of Islamic teachings and its implementation through various social and political organizations in Malaysia (Rahman and Nurullah, 2012). While nation building is define as the process of constructing or structuring a national identity using the power of the state (Khader, 2012: 276). The process of nation building is difficult and time consuming, but it need not become an obstacle or dilemma as long as the effort has clear goals and sufficient resources (Ottaway, 2002). As far and Islamic resurgence is concerned, Sundaram and Cheek (1988) identified three phases in the resurgence of Islam. The first phase began in the early 1970s amongst Malay youth who received an urban education and amongst Malays educated in Western countries, particularly in the West itself. Islamic revival emerged in the aftermath of the 1969 racial riots which generated a sense of awareness amongst students who were profoundly affected by the uncertain condition of Malay society across its economic and cultural domains (Shamsul, 1997). In the late 1970s, the second phase of resurgence began when a tacit collaboration of the Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement (Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia or ABIM) and the Pan Malaysian Islamic Party(PAS) gave the resurgence a new political force. During the third phase in the 1980s, Islamic resurgence was affirmed by the government through its own Islamization program. Camroux (1996) identified the fourth phase which arose during the late 1980s, in which more attempts to channel Islamic resurgence parallel with the Malaysian attempts to achieve a fully industrialized and modern country in 2020 took place. 3.0 Youth movement and the contribution of ABIM The first phase which involved the educated and Islamic oriented Malay youth population was the earliest initiator of Islamic resurgence in Malaysia. Their study in the tertiary level both in national and overseas institutions of higher learning led to an increase in their commitment to Islam. Shamsul (1997:213) argues that the sense of political crisis, doubts about their future after graduation and the exhilarating freedom of campus life encouraged students to join the appeal for ‘Muslim to be a better Muslim’. These factors contributed to the process of Islamic revivalism through student activism. Given such a clear trend towards Islamic resurgence, it is necessary to closely examine the main organization which acts as a catalyst of the student movement. The Malaysian Muslim Youth Movement (named Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM)), formed in the early 1970s was the most popular of students’ Islamic organizations. ABIM main aim was to Islamize the Malay population and its reform agenda centered in the educational domain by increasing the teaching of Islam (Ghee, Gomes and Rahman, 2009). Indeed, as the ultimate goal was Islam as din (a complete way of life), ABIMapparentlyposed a vigorous direct challenge to the ruling regime. Under the leadership of Anwar Ibrahim, ABIM expressed dissatisfaction with Islam's status in the national constitution, believing that “the

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constitution should more explicitly declare Malaysia an Islamic state with laws based upon the syariah” (Sundaram and Cheek 1988: 846). To ABIM,the multicultural characteristic ofMalaysia would fare better under an Islamic state than an ethnocentric state. In this sense, it can be argued that Islamization has begun to permeate Malaysian politics and subsequently engenders religious nationalism. As Arakaki (2008:15) argues one of the fundamental features of religious nationalism is its rejection of the liberal assumption of the emancipated individual. It does however uphold the concept of ummah (community). In conjunction with ABIM, efforts towards establishing Islam and building Muslim unity in the state were undertaken. It has been argued by many scholars that it was Anwar Ibrahim, the leader of the organization that contributed to the strengthening of the Islamic ethos in contemporary Malaysia (Mutalib, 1993; Camroux, 1996; Arakaki, 2008). In 1982, Anwar Ibrahim was convinced by Dr. Mahathir to join the government. He accepted the offer and in his role as Deputy Prime Minister he urged to government to advance Islamization policies as a prominent goal. Islamic efforts such as the establishment of an Islamic insurance company, Islamic Economic Development Foundation, Islamic consultative body to advise the government on religious matters, as well as upgraded the status of the Islamic courts (Mutalib, 1993) consequently made Malaysia more Islamically inclined and created a new environment for the multicultural country. 4.0 The contribution of PAS Part of the consequences of Anwar Ibrahim’s co-optation into government was a dramatic fall in support for ABIM with many of its members leaving the association for another Islamic oriented party; Pan Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS). PAS which was formed in 1951 is the religious section within UMNO that decided to separate from the party (Aziz and Shamsul, 2004). Its ideology towards the creation of an Islamic state significantly produced another historical perspective for the development of Islam in Malaysia. This period is categorized as the second phase of Islamic resurgence in the country that saw contradictions between the PAS ideology and UMNO perspectives towards Islam become clearer. Arakaki (2008) indicates that PAS and its Islamic ideology has been the biggest challenge to UMNO's ethnic nationalism paradigm. In other words, PAS is viewed as a major opposition political party in Malaysian politics. As an influential and prominent Islamic opposition party, PAS has been determined to establish the Islamic state and Islamic governance for the whole of Malaysia. Evidence of this comes from the PAS' 1993 constitutional amendments that aimed, “to build a society and a government where Islamic values and Allah's laws are implemented; and protecting the 'honor,' the independence and the sovereignty of Islam” (Abdullah, 2003; 133). In general, the main concerns of this party are that the leadership and governing values of the country must yield to Islamic principles and teachings. In attaining this goal, PAS expressed itself as a political party in order to influence Malaysian politics through electoral competition. However, since its foundation, PAS has been unable to form an Islamic state for the whole of Malaysia. Nevertheless, Mutalib (1990) states that, even though as a minor party on the national level, PAS has been acknowledged as a body that has successfully imposed the Islamic paradigm at the state level. This was keenly evident in Kelantan ; a state in which PAS dominated.

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5.0 Islamization in Malaysia As far as multicultural and religious pluralism in Malaysia are concerned, these two aspects deserve some attention to analyze the Islamic resurgence in the country. Undoubtedly, multicultural and religious pluralism are intrinsically related to the concept of ethnicity that subsequently appeals for cross cultural religious respect and tolerance. Therefore, the third phase of Islamic resurgence in Malaysia dealt with government attempts to accommodate multicultural and religious pluralism in the community as well as to reinforce the position of Islam as the official religion. Under Mahathir Mohamad’s leadership, the Malaysian government signalled an intensification of the Islamic movement but in its own version; as a more moderate, tolerant and suitable religion for all of Malaysian society. In other words, the government chose to adopt a ‘mainstreaming’ rather than a confrontational approach to avoid greater contestation amongst non-Muslims.

The official declaration by Mahathir in 1984 to “Islamise government administration” was an early signal of the Mahathir administration’s interest (Mutalib, 1993:30). Mahathir clarified the policy as folllows: What we mean by Islamisation is the inculcation of Islamic values in government. Such an inculcation is not the same as implementation of Islamic laws in the country. Islamic laws are for Muslims and meant for their personal laws. But laws of nation, although not Islamic-based, can be used so long as they do not come into conflict with Islamic principles. (Mohamad,1984 cited in Mutalib 1993:30). The Islamization efforts of the government were particularly noticeable in the various kinds of Islamic institutions that they set up. For instance, in 1983 the first Malaysian Islamic Bank, known as ‘Bank Islam’ operated. Later, an Islamic insurance company (Syarikat Takaful) which subsequently began operating as an alternative to the conventional financial system and insurance companies was established. In further intensifying the Islamic economy, a public funded pilgrim’s saving fund (Tabung Haji) was set up and the poorly organized Yayasan Pembangunan Ekonomi Islam (Malaysian Islamic Development Foundation) was restructured. The ruling government under the Mahathir regime also showed concern for Muslim desires to improve Islamic education. In responding to this, the schools’ curriculum gave priority to religious studies and offered Arabic as an elective subject (Hashim, 1996). Moreover, all university students were required to take one course in Islamic civilization and all Muslims had to take a course in Islamic religious instruction (Wan Daud 1989; 110). In addition, Aziz, and Shamsul (2004:353) state that by increasing the number of government-funded primary and secondary religious schools, the most noticeable result was the foundation of the International Islamic University (IIU) and Islamic faculties in local public universities to cater for the enlarged student population specializing in Islamic education. Arakaki (2008) demonstrates that the Islamic programme was also involved in symbolic measures such as building more mosques, implementing daily broadcasts of the azan (the Muslim call to prayer) and organizing the annual Qur'an recitation competition. By the end of the 1980s, the project of Islamization by the Malaysian ruling elite became more discernible during that period. There are indications of a closer identification with Islam taking root amongst the general Muslim populace. As Mutalib (1993) asserts;

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A large number of Malays have returned to the mosques and surau (smaller prayer houses) for prayer and Islamic lessons, taken to wearing the purdah (in Malaysia purdah refers to a veil across the face), mini telekong (mini-veil) and serban (turban) and other forms of clothing clearly associated with a Muslim cultural identity (Mutalib,1993:33).

Nevertheless, many scholars (see for example Mutalib, 1993; Hashim, 1996; Verma, 2002; Esposito and Voll, 1996 and Arakaki, 2008) claimed that all of these supportive policies in favour of Islam were Mahathir’s attempt to outwit PAS in their quest for Malay Muslim votes. In other words, the major factor that motivated such extensive Islamic programmes under Mahathir’s ruling government derived from the pressures from the Islamic party, PAS. From this perspective, it reaffirmed the fact that, despite its mission to build an Islamic State, this has not yet materialised and PAS influence has been a great force in the Malaysian political milieu. It also emphasizes that the Islamic resurgence or dakwah movements in Malaysia demonstrate the power of religion to influence the public sphere and to challenge the government or state. In regards to the influence and challenge of the dakwah movement on the state, an influential organization known as Darul Arqam, founded in 1968 by Ashaari Muhammad, a government religious teacher also contributed to challenge the power of the ruling government. This organization sought to create a self-contained Islamic society and to develop business enterprises in a manner consistent with Islamic principles. From its inception, the organization was critical of the government’s limited focus on Islamic education and teachings. Darul Arqam sought to rectify this by establishing a model of Islamic communities with their own madrasah (school), clinic, mosque and shopping centre (Abu Bakar, 1981). By the beginning of the prosperous period, this organization had set up around forty eight self-supporting communities excluding international branches (verma, 2002).Based on this scenario Darul Arqam rekindled the state pattern of progress through economic enhancement. As Abu Bakar (1981:1048) argues, Darul Arqam challenged the state-building project by creating an alternative social sphere based upon Shariah law in the form of an Islamic commune. In 1994 Darul Arqam was banned by the government who labelling it a deviationist cult based in illegal activities and threats to public order. As far as the Islamic resurgence under Mahathir is concerned, even though many contend that Mahathir was forced to respond to PAS pressures or other dakwah movement like Darul Arqam, however he had an instrumental part in Islamic development in Malaysia. Mahathir not only had fostered Islamic values in Malaysian administration and favoured a multi-ethnic society, but also he had portrayed Malaysia as a moderate Islamic state in the Muslim world. Even though there was a visible increase in Malaysian participation in the Muslim Bloc as a result of its pro-Muslim foreign policy (especially as a prominent member in the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC)), nevertheless the government, under Mahathir’s leadership, remained cautious towards more ‘extreme’ Muslim countries. As Coumroux (1996:866) observes, “apprehensive of the “exporting” of the Iranian model, the Mahathir government distanced itself from the Khomeini regime in Tehran and even considered banning visits to Iran by Malaysian citizens”. In short, Mahathir attempted to impose his own ‘brand’ of Islam that was moderate and rational in the context of a multicultural Malaysia. This led to the acceptance of Islam as an essential part of the discourse of domestic politics in particular and Muslim countries in general. Thus, it seems that a combination of international and domestic events influenced the government to renew its focus on Islam which was associated with

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the dakwah movement in its fourth phase; the dakwah movement during the phase of the industrialization of Malaysia and onwards. 6.0 Globalization and challenges of Islamization in Malaysia During the late 1990s, Malaysian society faced a new set of challenges following globalization and modernization. Increasing calls for a more Islamic state were notable. Accordingly, in moving towards an industrialized country in 2020, Malaysia decided to shape its own destiny, guided by spiritual, religious and moral consciousness of the highest level (Shamsul, 1997). In addition, Tiek (1995: 858) indicates that, “… Islamic values of thrift, hard work, discipline, piety, and loyalty are precisely those values required to bring Malaysia to the status of a fully industrialized country”. Given this picture, Malaysia has therefore initiated special Islam-oriented policies in the economy that make the nation unique, especially when compared to the West. From this perspective it could be argued that Islam in Malaysia demands to be accepted as a comprehensive system of values that should encompass all aspects of human life. Overall, the dakwah movement has seen astonishing grow from a marginal position to a central position in the public lives of Malaysians. Indeed, the impact of dakwah on the social fabric of Malaysian life is widespread and felt not only by Muslims but also by non-Muslims of Chinese and Indian descent. In undertaking the active Islamization program, the Malaysian government created unease among the Chinese and Indian communities even though the ruling government had assured them that Islamization was not intended to convert non-Muslims to Islam. To them, Islamization invariably gravitates towards a greater sense of “Malayness” in terms of promoting Malay ethnic demands and interests (Mutalib,1993:107). With the potential of backlash and keeping in mind the need to govern a multiethnic society, in July 1992 the government endowed the Institute of Islamic Understanding (IKIM from the Malay acronym) in attempt to explain Islam to non-Muslim within Malaysia and to a larger international audience (Comroux, 1996). This situation implies that the Islamic resurgence’s impacts on interethnic relations are of real significance. In light of the Islamic resurgence in most of the Malaysian social fabric, the latest and most ambitious effort comes by way of Islam Hadhari (civilization Islam), introduced by Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as Dr.Mahathir’s successor in 2003. The concept of Islam Hadhari “stresses technological and economic competitiveness, moderation, tolerance and social justice” (Gatsiounis, 2006:78). According to Abdullah, Islam Hadhari refers to ‘progressive’ or ‘civilisation’ Islamthat “emphasises on development, consistent with the tenets of Islam; focused on enhancing the quality of life through the mastery of knowledge and the development of the individual and the nation” (Abdullah,2006:3). However, Abdullah contests that the Islam Hadhari policy will turn Malaysia into a theocratic country “based on the principles of Parliamentary democracy” which profess the freedom of worship (The star online, 2006). Islam Hadhari to a larger extent is a rational product of social, political and Islamic realities in Malaysia. As its emphasis on tolerance appeals to Malaysians of all backgrounds, it could be considered a progressive approach for all Malaysians regardless of their ethnicity; Muslim or nonMuslims. This concept is envisaged as universalizing the identity of all existing ethnicity under the roof of Islam. Significant evidence of this can be traced to the 2004 election where non-Muslims embraced the potential of Islam Hadhari (Mohd Sani, et.al., 2009). Those scholars further assert that

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Islam Hadhari is perceived a general framework for the development of the Muslim ummah away from the violent trend of jihad, extremism, and militaristic Islamic groups; especially from al-Qaeda and Jumaah Islamiah (Mohd Sani, et.al., 2009:112). Hence, the tendency of Malaysians to accept a moderate and progressive Islamic approach in their daily life is linked to issues of national identity and nation building. Nevertheless, the Islam Hadhari concept lost its priority after the present Prime Minister took over the position from Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and promoted his new slogan ‘1Malaysia’. The 1Malaysia concept takes a central place in the government’s nation building project. In so far as national identity and nation formation are concerned, Shamsul (1997) argues that the Islamic resurgence in Malaysia redefined the social and political lives of all Malaysians who became bound through a shared identity and the strengthening of nation. Building on this argument, it is fair to say that religion and nations in Malaysia have overlapped so that religious identity has become part of national identity. Efforts to uphold Islamic values in government policies have led to the mainstreaming of Islam into all domains of Malaysian social life and this is most keenly felt in the economic sphere. This condition implies that the communities in Malaysia (particularly the Malays) have, themselves been transformed with a new identity, a higher economic profile and an increased sense of religiousity. On the whole, this social transformation with the notable Islamic development creates a new bench-mark in the construction of Malaysian national identity in future. 7.0 Conclusion Given the dominant position of the Malay in Malaysian politics, Islam is upheld as the official faith in the constitution. As such, the increasing attention given by Malay population particularly the Islamic political parties and Islamic organizations to Islam, appear as an Islamic resurgence phenomenon in Malaysia. The last part of this chapter has highlighted the emergence of a political movement or dakwah and the impact of Islamic resurgence on the socio-political fabric of Malaysia. It has illustrated that competing ideology is able to review religion critically and prove that it impacts on the project of nation building and identity formation. It has also shown that the government prefers to govern the country based on a moderate, revivalist approach that values both spiritual and material foundations. It can be argued therefore that a moderate approach towards Islam in a multiethnic society like Malaysia is still appropriate. On the whole, there is no doubt that the Islamic resurgence evident within the Malay community since the 1970s has created a new social and political force in Malaysian society. Despite the view that the Islamic resurgence has been connected with religious nationalism, it can be argued that dakwah is important within a Malaysian context because it not only makes Malaysians more aware of Islam, but it also raises the wider question of the type of nation that Malaysia is moving towards. The overall discussion in this chapter suggests that it is essential to cultivate knowledge of the history and traditions of the country amongst its communities to develop mutual respect and understanding in the construction of a common national identity and nation of intent in the future.

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References Abdullah, A and Pedersen P.B. (2003). Understanding Multicultural Malaysia Delights, puzzles & Irritations. Petaling Jaya: Prentice Hall Malaysia Sdn Bhd. Abdullah, A.B. (2006). Islam Hadhari: A Model Approach for Development and Progress. Petaling Jaya: MPH Publishing Abu Bakar, M. (1981). ‘Islamic Revivalism and the Political Process in Malaysia.’ Asian Survey. 21(10): 1040–1059 Arakaki, R. K. (2008). ‘2008 Malaysian elections the end of Malaysia’s ethnic nationalism?’ Paper presented at the annual meeting of the MPSA Annual National Conference, Palmer House Hotel, Hilton, Chicago, IL, Apr 03, 2008, [ Online].[Accessed 20 Nov.2009]. Available from World Wide Web: Aziz, A. and Shamsul, A. B. (2004). ‘The religious, the plural, the secular and the modern: a brief critical survey on Islam in Malaysia’. Inter-Asia Cultural Studies. 5(3): 341-356 Comroux, D.(1996). ‘State responses to Islamic resurgence in Malaysia accommodation, co-optation, and confrontation’. Asian Survey. 36(9): 852-868 Esposito, J.L and Voll, J.O (1996). Islam and Democracy, US: Oxford University Press. [Accessed 28 Dec.2008]. Available from: Esposito, J. Ed.(1997). Political Islam: Revolution, Radicalism or Reform? Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner. Gatsiounis, I. (2006). ‘Islam Hadhari in Malaysia’. Current Trends in Islamist Ideology. [online] [Accessed on 4 Nov 2009]. Available from World Wide Web: http://www.currenttrends.org/research/pubID.43/pub_detail.asp Ghee, L.T, Gomes, A and Rahman, A. (2009). Multiethnic Malaysia, past present and future. Petaling Jaya: Strategic Information and Research Development Centre. Hashim, R. (1996). Educational dualism in Malaysia: Implications for theory and practice. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press. Khader, F. R. (2012). ‘The Malaysian Experience in Developing National Identity, Multicultural Tolerance and Understanding through Teaching Curricula: Lessons Learned and Possible Applications in the Jordanian Context’, International Journal of Humanities and Social Science , 2(1): 270-288

Mohd Sani, M.A.,Yusof,N.,Kasim,A., and Omar, R.(2009). ‘Malaysia in Transition: A Comparative Analysis of Asian Values, IslamHadhari and 1malaysia’. Journal of Politics and Law, 2(3): 110-118 Mutalib, H. (1990). Islam and ethnicity in Malay politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Mutalib, H. (1993). Islam in Malaysia from revivalism to Islamic state. Singapore: Singapore University Press. Ottaway, M. (2002). ‘Nation Building’, Foreign Policy, No. 132: 16-24 Rahman, S.A. and Nurullah, A.S. (2012). ‘Islamic Awakening and Its Role in Islamic Solidarity in Malaysia’, American Journal of Islamic sciences, 29 (1): 98-125 Shamsul, A. B. (1997). Identity Construction, Nation Formation and Islamic Revivalism in Malaysia. In Islam in the Era of Nation States. Robert H. and Patricia H. (eds). Honolulu: Hawaii University Press: 207-224 Sundaram, J.K and Cheek, A.S.(1988). ‘The politics of Malaysia’s Islamic resurgence’. Third World Quarterly. 10(2): 843-868 Tiek.K.,B.(1995). Paradoxes of Mahathirism. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. The Star Online. (2006). ‘Pak Lah: Islam Hadhari not a new religion or order’, thestaronline (July 25), [Online] Available: http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2006/7/25/nation/14927885&sec=nation Verma, V. (2002). Malaysia: State and Civil Society in Transition. Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Wan Daud, W.,M.,N. (1989). The Concept of Knowledge in Islam and its Implications for Education in a Developing Country. London: Mansell

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ORAL HISTORY ASSOCIATION OF MALAYSIA AND ORAL HISTORY PROGRAMMES IN MALAYSIA:ISSUES AND CHALLENGES ZahidiDato’Zainol Rashid Oral History Association of Malaysia [email protected]

Abstract: The Oral History Association of Malaysia was formed in order to gather information based on oral history approaches and to promote this information sources as an important material for research on history in the near future.Historical records of an event can be completed through oral history since part of the information still resides in a person’s memory.Interview is one method that is used in oral history to collect information from an individual.Evidence shows that not all documented records are thorough and adequately recorded.Gaps still exist in history.It is within this context that Oral History Association of Malaysia will help to fill gaps that exists particularly in historical events.Many institution are involved in oral history activities which were carried out by full-time and part-time staff as well as students.Among the issues and challenges faced were “the race against time”,the high cost of conducting an oral history project,choice and scope of the topic chosen,authenticity of material collected. Keywords:Oral History Association of Malaysia,historical records,oral history programmes,issues and challenges.

INTRODUCTION The desire and ambition to form the Oral History Association of Malaysia was not something new but only recently with the positive development in state public libraries and university libraries throughout Malaysia. It coincides with the recent development in libraries which encourage each library to carry out oral history project (Zahidi, 2013).Thereby the formation of Oral History Association of Malaysia is timely and will be supported by public libraries and university libraries throughout Malaysia.The association will cooperate with related government agency and NGO such as National Archive,National Library,National Museum,JabatanWarisan Negara and NGO such as PersatuanSejarah Malaysia,PersatuanMuzium Malaysia,IkatanAhliArkeologi Malaysia.

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RECENT DEVELOPMENT Many prominent personalities have passed away including actors,actresses and popular singers and not many of the veteran Malay film personalities are still alive. Such film and singing personalities who had passed away were Dato’SharifahAini,AzeanIrdawaty,Dato’AzizSatar,Omar Suwita,Kuswadinata,Latifah Omar,KartinahDahari,DatinUmiKalthum,S.Shamsuddin.Besides that personalities, there was a prominent academic figure ,Tan Sri Awang Had Salleh. In addition,Dato’AbdulRazak Abdul Hamid,the only Malaysian survivor of Hiroshima atomic bomb. Heroic figure, Dato’KanangAnakLangkau and prominent sport figure Istiaq Mubarakare just to name a few. It is a great lost to the country if these prominent figures passed away without the opportunity to record their experiences and sacrifices to the country. On 2nd July 2013 during the opening ceremony of the new Sungai Siput Police Station, we were shocked with the appearance of an English gentleman who once served at Sungai Siput Police Station in 1948.Lieutenant(rtd)A.A.Walter,92 years old served at the Sungai Siput Police Station from 1948 until 1958 who appeared at the ceremony attired with a complete a police uniform during the colonial era. However, we were unable to interview him because a few weeks after the event, he passed away.

ORAL HISTORY ASSOCIATION OF MALAYSIA The main objective of the association is to promote awareness of the significance of oral history.The association hopes oral history project will be on-going and sustainable.The association will organize workshops on oral history from time to time.It will be active in publication because it is the only way to publicise awareness of the significance of oral history.The association will publish bulletins and books on oral history in Malaysia (Zahidi, 2013). The Oral History Association of Malaysia was registered under the Registrar of society and its registration number is PPM-007-10-03082013 on August 3rd 2013. Our registered address is: Oral History Association of Malaysia d/a PerbadananPerpustakaanAwam Selangor JalanKelab Golf 13/6 Seksyen 13 540100 Shah Alam Selangor

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The objectives of the association are:

   

It serves as a platform for cooperation with other agencies in undertaking oral history research The association organizes courses on oral history It documents oral history materials It formulates codes of practice for oral history Table 1: Committee Members of the Oral History Association of Malaysia

Patron

Director –General of National Archive of Malaysia

Advisor

Director of Selangor State Library

Chairman

DrZahidiDato’Zainol Rashid

Deputy Chairman

Associate Prof.DrFaridahMohd Noor (University Malaya)

Secretary

Hikmah Hassan (Selangor State Library)

Assistant Secretary

HanisDiyanaKamarudin (UiTM)

Treasurer

Nazaleeza Hassan (Selangor State Library)

Committee Member

SharifahNorashikin Syed MohdPisal (Selangor State Library) Tn.Haji Mohamad NazariHj.Abdul Hamid (Perak State Library) KhairilHishamMohdAshaari (Negeri Sembilan State Library) Habsah Abdul Rahman (USM)

Audit

Noor Lela Osman (INFRA) MazrizalHashim (KL Library)

Table 2: Committee Member of the Oral History Association of Malaysia Kedah Patron

Dato’WiraAffifudinHj.Omar

Advisor

Dato’(Dr) Wan ShamsuddinMohdYusof

Chairman

Associate Prof.DrMohd Isa Othman (USM)

Deputy Chairman

DrMohdKasriSaidon(UUM)

Secretary

Rebeca Lily MohdPerok (PSMCK)

Treasurer

HaslindaHj.Hassan (UUM)

Committee Member

Rohani Hassan (ANM) MohdFarit Ahmad (PSMCK)

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Mohd Jamil Hj. Ramli (PSMCK) MukhtarMansor (PSMCK)

The first project undertaken by the association is Seminar InternasionalSejarahLisamRumpunMelayu 2014.It was organized with the cooperation of MasyarakatSejarahwan Indonesia Cabang Riau and Konsulat Malaysia Pekanbaru.It was held at Gedung Guru Riau,Jl.Jend.Sudirman,Pekanbaru,Indonesia on 27-30 March 2014. The relationship between the state of Siak Seri Inderapura and the Malay Peninsular from the point of view political and social studies and the role of Raja Kecil Siak and his contribution to the history of Malay Peninsular traced.Also the migration diaspora Sumatra to the Malay Peninsular from the perspective of the Malay world traced in this seminar.The theme of this seminar is Malay world from the perspective of history and culture. The objectives of this seminar were:

  

To strengthen the understanding of Malay world from historical and cultural perspective To increase the relationship between Malaysia and Indonesia through history information and culture To preserve the understanding between Malaysia and Indonesia through history and culture

28 speakers presented their papers which included 8 from Indonesia namely the following: Table 3: Presenters from Indonesia No. 1

Presenters Prof.Suwardi (MSI)

2

Drs.A.LatifHasyim (MSI)

3

Prof.DrIsjoni (PGRI)

4

Drs.O.K.Nizami( YWBMR)

5

DrEllyasRoza (UIN)

6

Prof.Dr M Dien (UIN)

7

TenasEffendy (LAMR)

8

Al-Azhar (LAMR)

317

22 presenters from Malaysia which included the following: Table 4: Presenters from Malaysia No. 1

Presenters Prof.MadyaDr Haji IshakSaat(UPSI)

2

Prof.MadyaDr Ahmad Jelani Hsalimi(USM)

3

Major General Dato’Dr Amir Guntur Kamparputra(IkatanAnak Kampar Malaysia)

4

Ahmad Farhan Abdullah(UM)

5

DrAzmanYusof(Unikl)

6

DrSolahuddin Abdul Hamid((UUM)

7

MohdNizho Abdul Rahman(UUM)

8

DrMohdAkramDato’Dahaman(UUM)

9

ZulhilmiPardi(UUM)

10

Dr Amar Muhamad(UUM)

11

Mohamad KhadafiHjRofie(UUM)

12

Prof.MadyaDrRohani Ab Ghani(UUM)

13

DrMohdKasriSaidon(UUM)

14

DrSuhanim Abdullah(UUM)

15

Nor Azlah Sham Rambery(UUM)

16

KamarulAfendyHamimi(Unikl)

17

DrBasri Hasan(UIA)

18

Prof.Dato’Dr Raja Abdullah Yaacob(UiTM)

19

JazmiIzwan Jamal(Aswara)

20

ZaihasriahZahidi(MMU)

21 22

Hikmah Hasan(PPAS) Suzliana Abdul Hamid(PPAS)

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ORAL HISTORY PROGRAMME Among oral history project undertaken by National Archive of Malaysia (Mahani, 2013) were: Table 5: Oral History Projects by National Archive of Malaysia No 1

Oral History Projects Biography of Tunku Abdul Rahman

2

Biography of TunDr Mahathir Mohamad

3

Bioraphy of Tun Hussein Onn

4

Biography of Tan Sri P.Ramlee

5

Malayan Union

6

Force 136

7

Emergency

8

Japanese occupation

9

ASEAN

10

Death Railway

Among oral history project undertaken by the Kedah State Library (Hasmah, 2013) were: Table 6: Oral History Projects by Kedah State Library No 1

Oral History Projects Biography of Tunku Abdul Rahman

2

Biography of TunDr Mahathir Mohamad

3

Kedah Volunteer Force

4

Kedah Civil Service

5

Biography of PanglimaNayan

6

Biography of Hj Ahmad Rabat

7

Malayan Union

8

Baling Talk

319

9 10

Sedim UMNO

11

PekanRabu

12

Football

Among the oral history projects undertaken by USM (SitiRoudhah, 2013) were: Table 7: Oral History Projects by USM No 1

Oral History Projects Japanese occupation

2

Penang personalities

3

Memory

4

Peranakan

Among the oral history project undertaken by UKM (MohdSamsudin, 2012) were: Table 8: Oral History Projects by UKM No 1

Oral History Projects AskarMelayu

2

Biography of DrMohd Said

3

Memali

4

Thai Community in Kedah, Perlis and Kelantan

5

Malay leftist and 10 Regiment of PKM

6

Emergency

7

GuaMusang

8

Biography

th

The National Archive of Malaysia has interviewed 617 prominent personalities (Mahani, 2013) which included H.R.H. Tuanku Syed Putra Jamalulail,RajaPerlis,H.R.H.TuankuJaafar,Yang DipertuaNegeri Sembilan and TunDr Mahathir.Also the national archive has interviewed film personalities such as Tan

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SriJinsShamsuddin and Dato’AzizSatar and singer Dato’S.M.Salim.The national archive has interviewed non-elite personalities such as Kalimuthu,SalmiahMohd Isa,HjSamadMokhtar who once served the first Prime Minister of Malaysia,Tunku Abdul Rahman. During the silver jubilee celebration of H.R.H.Sultan Abdul Halim MuadzamShah,Sultan Kedah the Kedah State Library present a special programme named “Tuanku,this is your life” (Hasnah, 2013).The library interviewed the sultan’s teacher namely DarusHanafi and Mr Zain Rashid.Also the sultan’s classmate Mohd Nor Rauna and Ahmad Shafie.During the opening of RumahKelahiran Mahathir prominent personalities interviewed were TunDr Mahathir’s sister Rafeah and Habsah and his brother Mashor.Also his classmate Dato’AhmadNordin,Tun Mohamad Zahir,Osman Abu Bakar and Ahmad Ariffin.Also his business partner at PekanRabu Ahmad Cina.In the Sedim incident where Tunku Abdul Rahman kidnap his father Sultan Abdul Hamid during Japanese occupation Abdul Hamid Saad andChe Li Che Had were interviewed ISSUES AND CHALLENGERS The choice and scope of the topic in any oral history project is not entirely limited to history (Raja Abdullah, 1985) but may also include other disciplines which comprised topics such as:

1. Biography 2. Local history 3. Culture 4. Economy 5. Literature 6. sociology 7. Medical 8. Music 9. Science and technology 10. History 11. Performing Arts 12. Administration 13. Visual art 14. Women studies Individuals to be interviewed comprise of elite and non-elite personalities.We may encounter difficulties in interviewing elite such as high ranking government officials and ministers.They may not want to reveal information that they consider as confidential. To scheduleappointment dates pose a problem as they may be very busy.Elite personalities comprise of political,economic,social, and army personalities.Non-elite personalities comprise of government servants,private sector workers,teachers,farmers, armies, businessmen ,housewives (Shamsil, 1992). Information obtain from interview should be copied,checked and typed to be used as reference sources. Many factors to be considered in embarking on oral history project topics and incidents to be searched.When I was asked to write a biography on TunDr Mahathir,I read 18 books written on him (Zahidi, 2011).I completed the book with facts obtained from the books. To cater for insufficient materials,I completed the gap by having interviews to get the information. When the Kedah Historical 321

Society wanted to do research on the sea gypsies in Phuket,we found out no materials available on them.While visiting Indonesia at any time there will be a book available on the biography of Sukarno but there were not many books on Tunku Abdul Rahman.Not many books were written on Tunku Abdul Rahman except books written by Mubin Shepard and Ramlah Adam. Oral history contributes to subject area such as science,medical and agriculture.It has potentials to obtain unknown information which were kept in memory of individuals and group (Nadzan, 2012). Oral history project requires large amount of expenses namely in buying recording equipment,travelling cost,correspondence,processing the recording and documentation (Nadzan, 2012). Some questioned on the authenticity of information gathered from the interview.Thereby before undertaking oral history project on a particular topic a detail research should be carried out.Oral history project is facing the issue of the race against time.As many informant in oral history project were individuals who were in their 80s years old , we will face the issue of time as we may not be able to interview the individual as they may passed away or hospitalized.

CONCLUSION Many institutions are now involved in undertaking oral history projects. With the formation of Oral History Association of Malaysia, it is hope will coordinate with this institution in undertaking a successful oral history projects. Other than documenting oral history programme, it will hinder duplication among institutions. Also the association will formulate codes of practice for oral history. One important effort that will be undertaken by the association will be the setting up of a database of oral history project. With each institutions namely government agencies, NGOs, undertaken oral history projects, the country’s histories and heritage will be richer and it will be useful for research. Adequate sum of money should be allocated for oral history. Other than buying recording equipment, doing oral history projects involve travelling, corresponding, documentation and publication. Information gathered would be authentic and could be used for research purposes. Oral history is not limited to do research in history but may involve other discipline such as science, technology and agriculture.

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REFERENCES HasnahHjTaha. (2013). Pembangunan KoleksiTempatandanSejarahLisanNegeri Kedah in Seminar Pembangunan KoleksiTempatandanSejarahLisan 29 – 30 Mei 2013. Mahani Muhammad. (2013). Program PerkembanganSejarahLisan di Arkib Negara in Seminar Pembangunan KoleksiTempatandanSejarahLisan 29 – 30 Mei 2013. MohdSamsuddin. (2013). SejarahLisan: Kepentingandan Masa Depannya in Seminar Pembangunan KoleksiTempatandanSejarahLisan 29 – 30 Mei 2013. NadzanHaron. (2012). PanduanPenyelidikandanPendokumentasianSejarahLisan. Kuala Lumpur: PersatuanSejarah Malaysia. NadzanHaron. (1979). SuatuPandanganTerhadapSejarahLisanDalamKonteksPengkajianSejarahMalaysias.Jebat: Malaysiasn Journal of History,Politics and Strategic Studies,(9) pp:44-58. Abdullah Yaacob&ZahidiDatoHjZainol Rashid. (1995). Program SejarahLisan di Malaysia danKajian Di Kedah. Cetera (12) pp: 85 – 102. ShamsiShariff. (1992). The non-elit Interviewing Actors of the Nations Heritage in ASEAN Oral History Colloquium, Singapore 28 May 1992. SitiRoudhah Muhammad Saad, RadiahBanu Jan Muhamad, CheRamlahCheJaafar& Noor Azlinda Wan Jan. (2012). PenukilanIlmu Baharu MelaluiSejarahLisan. Journal PPM(6) PP: 63 – 76. ZahidiZainol Rashid.(2013).Perkongsianmaklumat In Seminar Pembangunan KoleksiTempatan&SejarahLisan,ShahAlam. ZahidiZainol Rashid.(2013).Teknik-teknikwawancaradankajiankes In Seminar pembangunanKoleksiTempatan&SejarahLisan,ShahAlam ZahidiDato’ Zainal Rashid. (2013). UcapanDrZahidiDatoZainol Rashid di MajlisPerasmianSejarahLisan Malaysia 29 Ogos 2013.

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i

Conventions of international law of human rights , which was published by General Assembly resolution to the United Nations 217 A ( 3) of 10 December / December 1948 article 18 .

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ii

D . Nasr Aref , concept of development , Faculty of Political Science , Cairo University , P 2 . Ahzab, 72 iv Nasr Aref , concept of development , Faculty of Political Science , Cairo University . P 3 v Ibid, p. 3 vi Cow : 276 . vii Nasr Aref , concept of development , Faculty of Political Science , Cairo University , p 4 . (1) Abdul Rahman Hassan Hpennekh field , a series of enemies of Islam , c 3 , the three wings cunning , i 7.1974 , Dar Pen , Damascus , p 87 . 1 Anwar soldier , the Islamic world , colonialism, political , social, cultural , Arab and Islamic encyclopedia , c 4 , i 21 983 , Book House of Lebanon , Beirut , p 333 . viii Abdul-Malik Mansour Musabi , unpublished entitled freedoms and civil rights and practices , p 7 . ix Cow : 256 . x Yunus: 99 . xi Roman: 30 . xii Cave : 29 . xiii Muslim , d . T. , page number or the modern 6926 . xiv Cow : 256 . xv Sun: 7.8 . xvi Balad: 10 . xvii Abdul-Malik Mansour Musabi , unpublished entitled freedoms and civil rights and practices , p 79 xviii Book series of the nation , No. 87 - February 1423 - twenty-second year . P 46 . xix Cow : 217 . xx Ibid , p 52 . xxi Abdul-Malik Mansour Musabi , unpublished entitled freedoms and civil rights and practices , p 11 . xxii Encyclopedia of the Islamic Assembly, 1422 / 2001 , Arab Republic of Egypt , the Ministry of Awqaf , the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs , Cairo , p 555 . xxiii Book series of the nation , No. 87 - February 1423 - twenty-second year , p 55 . xxiv Ibid , p 52 . xxv Cow : 179 . xxvi Question of Ethics , p 55 . xxvii Muwatta , Book of good manners . xxviii Correct string , or page number : 3/38 , attributed correctly . xxix Muhammad , verse 7 . xxx Cow : 191 xxxi Cow : 193 iii

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