Books within Books

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Hebrew manuscript fragments that were reused as bookbinding material are found in many medieval notarial protocols in the Historical Archive of Girona (Arxiu ...
Books within Books New Discoveries in Old Book Bindings

Edited by

Andreas Lehnardt Judith Olszowy-Schlanger

LEIDEN •• BOSTON 2014

© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5

CONTENTS List of Illustrations .......................................................................................... Contributors  ..................................................................................................... Editors’ Foreword ............................................................................................

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Introduction: “Books within Βooks”—The State of Research and New Perspectives ............................................................................... Andreas Lehnardt and Judith Olszowy-Schlanger

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PART I

HISTORY OF RESEARCH Carta Pecudina Literis Hebraicis Scripta: The Awareness of the Binding Hebrew Fragments in History. An Overview and a Plaidoyer  ....................................................................................................... Saverio Campanini

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PART II

STUDIES IN HEBREW FRAGMENTS The First Autograph of the Tosafijists from the European Genizah  ......................................................................................................... Simcha Emanuel The Reconstruction of a Sefer Haftarot from the Rhine Valley: Towards a Typology of Ashkenazi Pentateuch Manuscripts  ................................................................................................. Judith Kogel A Newly Discovered Fragment from Midrash Tanhuma in the Collection of Western European Manuscripts in the Russian State Library (Moscow)  ............................................................................ Alina Lisitsina

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Josephus Torn to Pieces—Fragments of Sefer Yosippon in Genizat Germania  ...................................................................................................... Saskia Dönitz

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Binding Accounts: A Leger of a Jewish Pawn Broker from 14th Century Southern France (MS Krakow, BJ Przyb/163/92) ... Judith Olszowy-Schlanger

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Hebrew Fragments as a Window on Economic Activity: Holdings in the Historical Archives of Girona (Arxiu Històric de Girona)  ...................................................................... Esperança Valls i Pujol

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PART III

REGIONAL PROJECTS A Regional Perspective on Hebrew Fragments: The Case of Moravia  ......................................................................................................... Tamás Visi and Magdaléna Jánošíková

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Bindings and Covers: Fragments of Books and Notebooks from the Angelica Library (Biblioteca Angelica, Rome)  ................ Emma Abate

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Medieval Hebrew Manuscript Fragments in Switzerland: Some Highlights of the Discoveries  ..................................................... Justine Isserles

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Newly Discovered Hebrew Fragments in the State Archive of Amberg (Bavaria)—Some Suggestions on Their Historical Background  .................................................................................................. Andreas Lehnardt European Fragments in the Spines of the Book Collection of a Yemenite Community  .............................................................................. Michael Krupp

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Genizat Yerushalayim: The National Library of Israel in Jerusalem  ...................................................................................................... Abraham David

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Fragments as Objects: Medieval Austrian Fragments in the Jewish Museum of Vienna  .................................................................................... Martha Keil

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Index of Persons  .............................................................................................. Index of Subjects  .............................................................................................

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© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5

HEBREW FRAGMENTS AS A WINDOW ON ECONOMIC ACTIVITY: HOLDINGS IN THE HISTORICAL ARCHIVES OF GIRONA (ARXIU HISTÒRIC DE GIRONA)1 Esperança Valls i Pujol Introduction Hebrew manuscript fragments that were reused as bookbinding material are found in many medieval notarial protocols in the Historical Archive of Girona (Arxiu Històric de Girona henceforth, AHG), in Catalonia, Spain. This paper analyzes these fijindings, with a particular focus on fragments from documents relating to the conditions of borrowing and lending.2 Of the 962 fragments that have been restored to date, nearly one-quarter (223 fragments, representing 23.19%) originate from fijinancial documents. The vast majority of these (205 fragments, representing 91.9%) record the activities of Jewish moneylenders, predominantly from the 14th century. These manuscripts were all written on paper in a cursive script, in a combination of Catalan and Hebrew. These manuscripts document communal records and private documents that comprise part of the corpus of

1  This research is being conducted with the support of a doctoral grant from the Rothschild Foundation (Hanadiv) Europe. 2 As of January 2012, 962 Hebrew fragments and 1157 Latin fragments have been extracted from the bookbindings of the eleven fourteenth- and fijifteenth century notarial registers. This project of extraction and restoration is not far from complete. We have estimated that approximately ten additional Hebrew manuscript fragments will be recovered from the 110-plus remaining notarial registers that were bound from the thirteenth- to fijifteenth centuries. We anticipate that this expanded corpus will enable further study of the Jewish community of Girona, probably through additional texts of an economic nature. These documents are all being cataloged in an online database (http://manuscritshebreus .cultura.gencat.cat/), which is linked to the governmental website of the DirectorateGeneral for the Cultural Heritage of Catalonia (http://www.patrimoni.government gencat. cat). For an overview of the ‘Girona Genizah,’ see Mauro Perani, “The ‘Girona Genizah’: An Overview and a Rediscovered Ketubah of 1377.” Hispania Judaica Bulletin 7 (5770/2010): 137–173. For an addendum to that study consult the edition and translation of a pinqas from AHG: Esperança Valls i Pujol, “The Electronic Cataloguing of the Fragments and a Sample of a Moneylender Register of the Year 1342,” pp. 153–159. Also see Esperança Valls i Pujol, “De què parlen els manuscrits hebreus de l’AHG?” Els Apunts 11 (2010): 1–2; Esperança Valls i Pujol, “Tipologia i descripció textual dels fragments hebreus catalogats de l’Arxiu Històric de Girona” in Homenatge al professor Luís Diez Merino, ed. Meritxell Blasco and Ana María Bejarano, (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2010), [in press].

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historical documents from the Jews of Girona and its surroundings. Once the debt had been repaid or the outstanding amount was transferred from the registers to another notebook, such accounting notes were no longer needed and the paper on which they were written could be used for other purposes, namely the binding of notarial records. The discovery of Hebrew documents within medieval bookbindings in Catalonia has already provided data on Jewish fijinancial dealings: pages from a moneylender’s notebook (14th century, Girona) in the City Archive of Barcelona (Arxiu de la Ciutat de Barcelona);3 various fragments in the holdings of the Municipal Archive of Girona (Arxiu Municipal de Girona) and in the Cathedral Archive of Girona (Arxiu de la Catedral de Girona); fijindings from Perpignan;4 pages from an account book found within the covers of a codex binding in the Library of Catalonia (Biblioteca de Catalunya);5 and, a text called La Pabordia de’n Xuclà in the Diocesan Archive of Girona (Arxiu Diocesà de Girona).6 Although each of these manuscripts is preserved in a diffferent archive, some are linked to one other or to AGH fragments.7 Now that so many additional manuscripts

3 Josep Maria Millàs i Vallicrosa, “Petita llista d’un prestamista jueu.” Estudis Universitaris Catalans 13 (1928): 188–290; Jordi Casanovas Miró et al., Libro de cuentas de un prestamista judío gerundense del siglo XIV (Barcelona, Universitat de Barcelona, 1990). 4 A thirty-two folio pinqas from the Perpignan Synagogue is in the collection of the Historical Archives of the City of Girona (Arxiu Històric Municipal de Girona; henceforth, AHMGi). See J. Ramon Magdalena Nom de Déu, “A Fifteenth-Century Hebrew Manuscript from the Aljama of Perpinyà.” Hispania Judaica Bulletin 3 (5760/2000): 145–183. 5 Meritxell Blasco Orellana, “Aspectos económicos y comerciales de los judíos de la Corona de Aragón a fijinales del siglo XIV (Ms. 3090 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Catalunya),” Anuari de Filologia. Estudis Hebreus i Arameus, 22/secció E, 9, (2000): 89–100; “Lèxic català en un manuscrit hebraicoaljamiat del segle XIV (Còdex Soberanas, Ms. 3090 de la Biblioteca Nacional de Catalunya)”, in Actes del I Congrés per a l’estudi dels jueus en territori de llengua catalana, Barcelona—Girona, del 15 al 17 d’octubre de 2001 (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2004), 139–145; Manuscrito hebraeicoaljamiado de la Biblioteca Nacional de Cataluña “Codex Soberanas” (ms. Nº 3090, siglo XIV) (Barcelona: Promociones y Publicaciones Universitarias, 2003). 6 Meritxell Blasco Orellana, “La Pabordia de’n Xuclà: un manuscrit hebraicocatalà de 1398 de l’Arxiu Diocesà de Girona,” in Actes del IV Congrés per a l’estudi dels jueus en territoris de llengua catalana. Barcelona—València 18, 19 i 20 d’octubre de 2010 (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Món Juïc, 2012) (in press). 7 The pinqas edited by Jordi Casanovas, et al. (see footnote 3), is linked with some fragments from AHG and from the Cathedral Archive of Girona, as I indicate in the online catalogue and in my previous works (see n. 2): fijive bifolios and one folio containing a 14thcentury moneylending register (Gi 1,51-codavant 1–5 and codarrere 1/1361; Gi 1,62-codavant 1–2/1363; Gi 1,140-codavant 4–5 and 8/1391–1392; Gi 1,56-codarrere 1 and codavant 2/1361– 1362; Gi 1,140-codarrere 1/1391–1392). For part of this notebook, see the recent article by Meritxell Blasco Orellana, “Notas sobre algunos fragmentos hebraicos de la ‘Genizàh de Girona’ (Arxiu Històric).” Miscelánea de estudios árabes y hebraicos. Sección de Hebreo 60

© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5

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have been uncovered, we have a sufffijiciently large corpus to begin evaluating Jewish economic activity and lending practices in the Girona region as documented by Jewish sources. Of the nearly one thousand fragments detached from bindings in the AHG, this study analyzes fragments from pinqasim (records) that reflect economic life: registers kept by moneylenders, internal community records of taxes levied on the purchase and sale of goods and services, borrowing and lending; community fijinancial records; miscellaneous private accounts (e.g., records of payment, receipts, documentation of work preformed, inventories kept by traders, merchants and craftsmen). Economic activity recorded in legal documents—such as decisions by the beit din, ketubbot, records of donations, disputes, agreements, etc.—extend beyond the scope of this investigation.8

(2011): 49–66. On other hand, J. Ramon Magdalena and Jaume Riera assert that the thirtytwo paper fragments from an accounting record from the Perpignan Synagogue (AHMGi) are linked with a book discussing economic subjects from Roussillon, currently preserved in the Royal Archive of Barcelona (Arxiu Reial de Barcelona), also known as the Archive of the Crown of Aragon (Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó). 8 Among these legal documents on economic matters, we fijind a range of texts, including: a draft of a document from the beit din of Girona, that resolved a disagreement prompted by the ketubbah of a woman named Falcó, (Gi 5,120-codarrere 1/1361); a document that discusses a dispute concerning a number of houses, that involved a woman named Dolça and several notable members of the Girona community (Gi 1,51-codarrere 1/1361); property records, a text granting Shemuel Cresques ownership of goods that had belonged to Esther, daughter of Miriam and Yitzhak (Gi 1,260-codavant 1/1400); formal agreements, such as a record of the reconciliation between Shelomoh Falcó and Shelomoh Gracian, (Gi 1,182-codavant 2/1368–1369); court records from Girona, namely an act related to a record from the Barcelona court—a draft report on houses in Barcelona that list the names of several witnesses (Gi 5,120-codavant 1/1361) and a statement made before a rabbinical court from the year 5109 (corresponding to 1309 CE), where Yitzhak, Joseph and Shelomoh Benvenist are mentioned (Gi 5,136–9/1351–1352); several drafts of the agreements and elections of treasurers for the community (including one dated from 1353) that refer to delegates and the “community afffairs in Barcelona” (Gi 5,120-codarrere 2/1361) which appears beside a list of people who were participants in the governance of the Jewish community, and a statement from the rabbinical court in relation to houses in the Jewish quarter that Ananias sold to Maimon Vidal in order to pay Bonafijilla, Hanan’s widow, in fulfijillment of her ketubbah (Gi 5,120-hecodarrere 3/1361); another legal document contains a mix of subjects—it mentions several witnesses with regards to certain amounts of money, while also referring to parcels of land, properties and other possessions, and an assertion that a certain individual named Shem Tov forced a boy, Iqsal, to be in his service (Gi 5,120-codarrere 4/1361); and, the ketubbah of Castelló d’Empuries, analyzed in Perani, “The ‘Girona Genizah’ ”, 153–159. The present author has also published an analysis of a manuscript that contains a decision of a case brought by Hasday ben Avraham and Yehudah ben Moshe Abarbalia before the beit din of Girona in response to a previous decision by the beit din of Barcelona: Mauro Perani, “A Testamentary Dispute from the Year 1307 from the “Girona Genizah.” The Hebrew Fragment Girona 1,264,1 and 2.” Materia Giudaica 14/2 (2009): 407–410.

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esperança valls i pujol Lending Activity

The fragments examined here offfer Jewish records of lending activity in Catalonia, and especially the Girona area. Unfortunately, this is not a collection of organized and systematic documents such as the libri iudeorum or other medieval notarial registers. In contrast to such systematic records, due to the process of reuse and rediscovery, our evidence varies widely in terms of its state of conservation, the portion of a page preserved and its source—at best a dozen full pages originate from the same volume.9 By defijinition, these Hebrew fragments cannot provide full details: from some we can decipher all information provided, whereas from others we can discern partial data: names, fijigures or dates. In many instances we are unable to trace their exact origins, due to their private or provisional nature and to missing or illegible identifying details. This analysis is based on 1631 loan records that were gleaned from 126 fragments, a signifijicant sample for the study of Jewish lending activity that complements previous studies of contemporaneous Christian sources. Our data reflect a period when medieval Catalan society had entered a cycle of constantly revolving debt. Prior studies of this dynamic, based solely on Christian documents, afffijirm the indispensible role of this activity for developing the medieval Catalan economy. Credit operated in many strata of society: for instance, artisans, small traders, merchants and farmers all depended on the credit that Jewish lenders could offfer them, whether to buy tools and raw materials, or to cover the expenses that inevitably arose between harvests. In no case was this system a tool of impoverishment and misery; rather, such loans facilitated business as usual. Many Jews in Catalonia served as moneylenders in this economic system, be it as their main profession or as a supplement to their primary occupations. As lenders, they engaged with borrowers who were able to pay back the capital loaned with interest, thus excluding members of the lower classes.10 Moneylending concentrated on short-term monetary  9 This material was not taken from the covers of notarial books. It contains the state of accounts from 1443 by Yosef Zabara, treasurer of the Girona Jewish community (Gi 2,212, 1–9). See Eduard Feliu, “Llibre de comptes de Jucef Zabara, col·lector del clavari de la comunitat jueva de Girona (1443).” Tamid, 5 (2004–2005): 87–138. 10 Jewish lending activity has been studied from the perspective of Christian sources by several researchers. For lending activity by Jews in the area around Girona, see: Víctor Farías Zurita, “Iudei de Petralata. Un estudi de les activitats econòmiques dels jueus d’una vila catalana a l’entorn del 1300,” in Actes del I Congrés per a l’estudi dels jueus en territoris de llengua catalana. Barcelona—Girona, del 15 al 17 d’octubre de 2001 (Barcelona:

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loans, typically in small sums, variable from a term of one month to one year. In the lands surrounding Girona, much of this activity took place

Universitat de Barcelona, 2004), 239–256; Claude Denjean, Juifs et chrétienes. De Perpignan a Puigcerdà (xiiie–xive siècles) (Canet: Trabucaire, 2004); Manel Grau, La judería de Besalú (Girona): siglos XIII–XV (Olot: Imprenta Auber, 1997). Christian Guilleré, “Juifs et chrétiens à Gerone au XIVème siècle,” in Jornades d’història dels jueus a Catalunya (Girona: Ajuntament de Girona, 1987), 45–65 and “Les Juives de Gerone au milieu du XIVeme siècle” in Temps i espais de la Girona Jueva. Actes del simposi internacional celebrat a Girona. 23, 24 i 25 de març de 2009 (Girona: Patronat del Call de Girona, 2011), 175–204; Josep M. Marquès, “Nota sobre crèdits de jueus de Girona. 1418–1420.” Jornades d’història dels jueus a Catalunya, (Girona: Ajuntament de Girona, 1987), 333–338; Maria Dolors Mercader, L’aljama jueva de la Bisbal de l’Empordà abans de la pesta negra. Els Libri Iudeorum del segle XIV (La Bisbal de l’Empordà: Ajuntament de la Bisbal de l’Empordà, 1999); Albert Riera, “Deutes insatisfets i dret de marca: l’exemple de Bàscara al segle XIV.” Annals de l’Institut d’Estudis Empordanesos 29 (1996): 79–98; Xavier Soldevila, Els jueus de Torroella de Montgrí (1270–1348) (Torroella de Montgrí: Museu de Montgrí i del Baix Ter, 2002), 60–95 and the same author Crèdit i endeutament al comtat d’Empúries (1330–1355) (Castelló d’Empúries: Ajuntament de Castelló d’Empúries, 2008). Outside Girona, for Catalonia in general, see: Teresa Aleixandre, El Liber Iudeorum núm. 90 de l’Aleixar (1344–1348) (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 2004); Montserrat Casas, “El Liber Iudeorum de Cardona (1330–1334). Edició i estudi.” Miscel·lània de Textos Medievals 3 (1985): 119–350; Claude Denjean, “Les sources de l’histoire du crédit juif en Catalogne.” in Chrétiens et juifs au Moyen Âge: sources por la recherche d’une relation permanente ( Lleida: Mileno, 2006); “Crèdit jueu i usures cristianes a les viles rurals catalanes a la fiji del segle XIII: el jueu Issach Biona, el corredor Guillem Franchea i els canvistes de Barcelona: un mercat d’usures i barates a Vilafranca del Penedès a la fiji del segle XIII.” Revista de dret històric català 6 (2006): 259–283; Richard W. Emery, The Jews of Perpignan in the thirteenth century, an economic study based on notarial records, (Nova York: Columbia University Press, 1959), and “Le prêt d’argent juif en Languedoc et Roussillon.” Cahiers de Fanjeaux, 12 (1977): 85–96; Jordi Fernández-Cuadrench, “El crèdit jueu a la Barcelona del segle XIII.” Barcelona Quaderns d’Història 13 (2007): 157–196 and “Crèdit jueu i solidaritat vilatana en el Vallès del segle XIII.” Estudis històrics i documents dels arxius de protocols 15 (1997): 43–58; Antoni Furió, “Diners i crèdit. Els jueus d’Alzira a la segona meitat del segle XIV.” Revista d’Història Medieval 4 (1993): 127–160; Arcadio García Sanz, “Los intereses en los préstamos de los judíos de Vich durante la primera mitad del siglo XIV.” Ausa 41 (1962): 247–255; Montserrat Graells, “L’activitat creditícia dels jueus de Cervera a mitjans del segle XIV.” Miscel·lània cerverina 11 (1997): 45–69; José Hinojosa, “El préstamo judío en la ciudad de Valencia en la segunda mitad del siglo XIV.” Sefarad 45 (1985): 325–399 and “Actividades judías en la Valencia del siglo XIV”, En la España Medieval 23 (2000): 1547–1565; Irene Llop, “Els libri iudeorum als arxius catalans”, in Actes del IV congrés per a l’estudi dels jueus en territoris de llengua catalana, Barcelona—Perpinyà, 15, 16, 17 i 18 d’octubre de 2007, (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Mön Juïc, 2010, in press); José Ramon Magdalena, Judíos y cristianos ante la “Cort del Justícia” de Castellón (Castelló: Diputació de Castelló, 1988); Enric Mateu Boada, “Notes sobre les mencions a jueus en els Llibres de Claveria (Tortosa, segles XIV i XV),” in Actes del I Congrés per a l’estudi dels jueus en territoris de llengua catalana. Barcelona-Girona, del 15 al 17 d’octubre de 2001 (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2004), 299–315; Antonio José Mira, “Els diners dels jueus. Activitats econòmiques d’una família hebrea al món rural valencià.” Revista d’Història Medieval 4 (1993): 115–119; Imma Ollich, “Aspectes econòmics de l’activitat dels jueus de Vic segons els Libri Iudeorum (1266–1278).” Miscellània de Textos Medievals, 3 (1985): 1–118; Ana Rich, La comunitat jueva de Barcelona entre 1348 i 1391, a través de la documentació notarial (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 1999).

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in rural areas and emergent urban settlements. In cities such as Barcelona, credit trends were similar, but the borrowers were more diverse.11 Most documents record mutuum loans, i.e. simple fijinancing by means of a document that established the debt or articulated the terms of obligation. These short-term loans brought necessary liquidity to a broad spectrum of the medieval society: farmers, craftsmen, bourgeoisie, nobility and clergy. It allowed debtors fast access to money, the recovery of capital by creditors and enabled ready movement of funds, in contrast to alternative lending mechanisms that immobilized borrowed capital for years. This process developed as a small-scale response to changing dynamics in trade, the emergence of new markets and new urban areas that was encouraged by Christian law, despite its offfijicial sanctions against loans on interest.12 Christians typically opted for formulas of credit which masked the interest component, which could not always be accessed. The Christian sources analyzed in earlier studies show that, starting in the second half of the 13th century, Jews acted as moneylenders for 40%–50% of capital loans, and the majority of those incorporated the payment of interest. This type of loan remained dominant until the mid-14th century, when it gradually became less common, as loans that offfered lower interest rates over a longer term gained popularity (such as violaris and censals, that Jewish moneylenders also carried, but to a lesser degree).13 The strong preference by

11  Fernández Cuadrench, “El crèdit jueu,” 167: “A partir de la dècada dels quaranta i durant la resta del segle XIII, queden ben defijinides les dues formes de crèdit jueu: els préstecs amb interès -els més nombrosos, car representen el 81,18% dels contractes estudiats—i els préstecs gratuïts, que suposen el 18,82% restant,” (From the decade of the forty and during the rest of the 13th century, remain very clear-cut the two shapes of Jewish credit: the loans with interest—the most numerous, because they represent 81,18% of the agreements studied—and the free loans, that suppose 18,82% remaining). However it is very likely that many of these loans were not in fact “free.” 12 The development of the credit market among Christians during the medieval period was limited by the Church’s prohibition against applying interest in loans. The ecclesiastical councils—especially the Fourth Lateran Council (1215)—and several royal decrees from the mid-thirteenth century onwards confijirm this prohibition. But the reality was more complex. The Catalan constitution, local laws and other lending mechanisms approached this activity to Christians. On this issue, see Soldevila, Els jueus, n. 4, 83. The matter of Christian-owned capital that was loaned to Jews presents another angle on this issue, which is somewhat difffijicult to verify in the absence of written records. Alternatively, the Bible permitted Jews to profijit from loans made to Gentiles (Deut. 23:20–21). 13 The censal was one mechanism for extending credit during the Middle Ages, and it spread throughout most of Europe under various names. A censal was a perpetual annuity paid to an investor in return for a (typically substantial) cash investment. The violari is a type of loan that is particular to medieval Catalan civil law. Conceived as a form of long-term credit, generally reputed as a fijinancial scheme that evaded the ecclesiastical restrictions on usury. The violari was arranged for a set period, usually one or two lifetimes,

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Christians for these newer forms of credit gradually displaced Jews from this sector and weakened their position as lenders. Hence, both Christians and Jews were involved in borrowing and lending, as regulated activities between their respective communities. Evidence for the Regulation of Credit These Hebrew documents include several lists that illustrate how Jewish moneylenders were obligated to declare their lending activities. They appear in two formats. Each listing has two sections: one provides the creditor’s name, followed by the debtor’s name, place of origin/residence, amount of the loan and the notary’s name; the other records the lender’s name and the sum payable, which corresponds to the called tax of “ajuda” or “cisa” (that literally translates as aid tax) in Catalan or ezer tax in Hebrew texts, a set of indirect taxes on goods, loans and merchandises, paid both by Christians and Jews. These lists have a two-fold signifijicance: as the only fijindings of this type in Catalonia so far, and as evidence which can be compared with the taqqanot of Castelló d’Empuries (a town in the vicinity of Girona), where similar regulations were probably in place).14 In Castelló d’Empúries, these taqqanot, written in Hebrew, Catalan and Latin, included regulations of the tax of “ajuda” during the one-year span form 1 August 1392 to 31 July 1393. The enforcement of this tax was also included in this provision. Under the title “tax debts,” these taqqanot also regulated all matters relating to various aspects of debts between Jews themselves as well as between Jews and Christians: the obligation to declare the agreement, swearing the oath, circumstances of the declaration, along with the tax rates, sanctions, exemptions and requirements incumbent on such

after which the pension automatically expired. Because of its fijixed temporal scope, the loan contracted through the violari, it carried double the rate of interest of the censal. On this issue, see: David Rubió, “El circuit privat del censal a Barcelona.” Barcelona quaderns d’història 13 (2007): 239–255; Juan Vicente García Masilla, “La formació d’un mercat de crèdit. Orígens i difusió del censal en la societat valenciana (segles XIII–XIV).” Butlletí de la Societat Catalana d’Estudis històrics 12 (2001): 135–144; Josep M. Passola i Palmada, “Introducció del censal i el violari en el Vic medieval.” Ausa 12/117 (1986): 113–123; Jefffrey Fynn-Paul, “Civic Debt, Civic Taxes, and Urban Unrest: A Catalan Key to Interpreting the late Fourteenth-Century European Crisis,” in Money, Markets and Trade in Late Medieval Europe, ed. Lawrin Armstrong, Ivana Elbl, and Martin M. Elbl, (Leiden: Brill, 2007). 14 Edited and translated by Miquel Pujol, “Dues tabes hebraiques de l’aljama de Castelló d’Empúries.” Calls 4 (1990): 7–52.

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transactions, and the rights and duties of the tax of “ajuda” as they applied to purchasers. It was assumed that these loan agreements would be formalized with a notarial document. The obligation to make a declaration is repeatedly mentioned in these taqqanot, as a mechanism for preventing tax evasion. Notary publics were required to swear a general oath twice a year plus a specifijic oath required by buyers of the tax of “ajuda”. Members of the Jewish community were prohibited from working with notaries who did not take these oaths. If a notary declined, another would need to be hired. Oaths for loan agreements were taken in the synagogue, where the proceedings—including the loan amount and the names of the lender and of the notary were transcribed in a book specially designated for these records. When applicable, debts had to be registered in Christian notarial books known as Llibre Comun (The common book) or Manual comun i Nota (The common manual and notes) or, in the towns where there was a sizeable Jewish community, in specially designated notarial records, the libri iudeorum (the books of the Jews).15 Such lists appear in two Girona manuscripts—Gi 1,256 a/b sense signatura (transcribed and translated in the Appendix as an example) and Gi 1,256 codavant 3–4—restored from the binding of the Pere Despont’s notarial fijile of 1397; these fragments may have originated in the aforementioned Jewish community account book (or its draft). No date is evident, since it would have appear in the epigraph, which is missing from this fragment. Based on the lenders’ names, these lists appear to be from the records of the Jewish community of Girona between the late 14th and the early 15th centuries. The lender who appears most frequently in this record is Avraham Ravaya, the Head and Counselor of the Jewish community who also served as the Secretary of the Pious Foundation from 1388 to 1390; two lenders had 17 loans in their names: Belshom Benet, from 1374 to 1391; and Yossef Falcó, another prominent member of the Girona community, from 1366 to 1391. Bonastruc de Maestre was registered for 11 loans, from 1412 to 1423. Also listed as lenders are: Avram Cabrit, Belshom Benet, Adret Haninai, Yitzhak Bonjudà, Escapat Vidal, Astruc Ananies, Astruc Bonet, Astruc Cohen, Astruc Lobell, Arnal Shelomo Bonafed, Belshom Moshe Falcó, Belshom Falcó, Benet Avram, Benet Belshom, Bonet Shaltell,

15 Such books were created as a result of decrees promulgated by James I, and are known from his reign onwards. The names of the Jewish lenders had to be noted in these public books. Thus, by law, loans between Christians and Jews were routinely recorded in these books or common manuals. The majority of contracts recorded in these registers are debts recognitions, in which the debtor acknowledges owing a particular sum of money to the lender. For an overview of libri iudeorum in Catalonia, see Llop, “Els libri iudeorum.”

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Fig. 8.1 Sample of Gi 1,256 a/b sense signatura and codavant 3–4.

Bonassan Astruc, Bonjudà Escapat, Bonastruc Atsmies, Bonjudà Astruc, Bonjudà Yitzhak, Bonjudà Maimon, Astcapat Cabrit, Falcó Bondia, Falcó Moshé, Ferrer Bonassan, Yom Tov, Bonitsac Bonsenyor, Yom Tov’s son, Yossef Belshom, Yossef Astruc, Yitzhak Belshom, Yitzhak Benet, Nassan Moshe, Natanel, Rouben Nissim, Todros de (?), Todros Hasday, Vidal de Cal Ramont, Vidal Lobell, Shelomo sa Porta, Shelomo Adret, Shelomo Bonjuda and Shelomo de Bellcaire.16 This record itemizes 338 loans—ranging from 2 to 900 solidi—and contains the names of 215 Christian borrowers from several villages near Girona.

16 Many of them are documented in the extant regesta. See the classic regesta by Fritz Baer, Die Juden im Christlichen Spanien, Erster Teil: Urkunden und Regesten: vol. 1: Aragonien und Navarra (Veröfffentlichungen der Akademie für die Wissenschaft des Judentums, Historische Sektion, 4,1), (Berlin: 1929/1936; reprint Farnborough, Gregg, 1970) and Joseph Jacobs, An Inquiry into the Sources of the Jews in Spain (London: Nutt, 1894); Jean Régné, History of the Jews in Aragon: Regesta and Documents 1213–1327, ed. Yom Tov Assis, (Hispania Judaica, 1), (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1978); Gemma Escribà and Maria Pilar Frago, Documents dels jueus de Girona: 1124/1595 (Girona: Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat/Arxiu Diocesà de Girona, Ajuntament de Girona, 1992); David Romano, Per a una història de la Girona jueva, 2 vols. (Girona: Ajuntament de Girona, 1988). Several names on the list are among the members of the Jewish community of Girona documented after the pogrom of 1391: Jaume Riera, “Els avalots de 1391 a Girona.” in Jornades d’història dels jueus de Catalunya, abril 1987 (Girona: Ajuntament de Girona, 1990), 157–158.

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Fig. 8.2 Abbreviated names of notaries.

The names of the notaries in these lists are abbreviated, which complicates the task of identifying them. The notaries who have been identifijied are all from the Girona district: ‫—לובט‬Guillem Llobet (1354–1399, Gi-01), ‫—מוט‬Pere Mut (1362–1442, Gi-01), '‫—פינטו‬Bernat Pintor (1362–1409, Gi-07), '‫—פונקו‬Joan de Fontcuberta (1365–1393, Gi-05), '‫—בסגאי‬Simó Bassagais (1349–1390, Gi-02), '‫—קנטל‬Francesc de Cantallops (1376–1384 Gi-04) or Bernat de Cantallops (1353–1368, Gi-05 and 11), and—'‫בנגילס‬ Guillem Banyils (1330–1388, Gi-07). In the group of manuscript fragments Gi 1.51-codavant 1a–b; 2a–b; 3a–b; 4a–b; 5a–b/1361; Gi 1.62-codavant 1a–b; 2a–b/1363; Gi 1.140-codavant 4a–b; 5a–b and 8a–b/1391–1391, where loans from 1324–1331 are recorded, the Girona notaries Arnal Mas (or Arnau Delmas, 1324–1333, Gi-05–8) and Jaume Transfort (1315–1348, Gi-04) frequently appears. The requirement for Jewish community members to work with notaries who swore oaths cannot be overemphasized. Similarly, the obligation for notaries to declare before Christian authorities is underscored by documents that mention such an oath. It is noteworthy that the loan amounts, generally listed in pounds and solidi, are often estimates. Several sums in these lists reflect the rates applied to taxable loans in Castelló Empúries. It seems that the interest on the lent capital mirrors precisely the tax levied on that sum.

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hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity Record

Capital borrowed

Among according the dead

15.23.1

120 s.

90 (interest rate 30 s.)

33.34%

15.23.2

436 s.

370 (interest rate 66 s.)

17.84%

15.23.3

240 s.

210 (interest rate 30 s.)

14.29%

15.23.4

145 s.

130 (interest rate 15 s.)

11.54%

15.23.5

140 s.

120 (interest rate 20 s.)

16.67%

15.24.6

17 s.

15 (interest rate 2 s.)

13.34%

15.24.7

120 s.

110 (interest rate 10 s.)

9.10%

15.24.8

73 s.

58 (interest rate 15 s.)

25.87%

159

Interest rate (of total loan)

Fig. 8.3 Records from Gi 1,178-codarrere 12b/1368 (FH 15.23) and Gi 1,178– codarrere 13/1368 (FH 15.24).

Within the broader theme of credit regulations, the documents from Girona also give an indication of the interest rates actually charged. Often camouflaged in the guise of mutuum amicale—term designating a loan free of interest—the absence of interest recorded in many Christians contracts should not be interpreted to mean that it was not applied. Rather, a clause was often added stipulating that if the loans were not liquidated by an agreed upon deadline, future sanctions would be imposed at 20% of the original loan (namely the legally permitted annual interest rate).17 In our corpus, a record of payments is commonly listed beside each initial entry, next to the records of the subsequent payments. Most records do not specify a required annual increase of the capital, i.e., do not show the interest, but we can determine its inclusion within the total capital repayment. Some records, however, show clearly that the increment was concealed after the capital was recorded in the notarial contract: the amount paid was recorded and confijirmed in the Hebrew deed with the expression “according to the (Christian) deed”, followed by the payment (Fig. 8.3). Still other records enumerate the payments and schedules for payments, and the sum of all these installments signifijicantly exceeds the initial amount of accorded loan (Fig. 8.4). These few records allow us to 17 On this topic, see Jean Régné, History of the Jeves in Aragon: Regesta and Documents 1213–1327, ed. Yom Tov Assis (Hispania Judaica 1), (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1978): doc. 4, 5, 10, 11; García Sanz, “Los intereses,” 251; Fernández Cuadrench, “El crèdit jueu,” 168.

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160 Hebrew fragment

esperança valls i pujol Register

Capital in deed

Increment

Capital total paid

Interest rate

Date

Term

Gi 1,62Codavant 1b/ 1363 (FH 5.2)

5.2.1

700 s.

100 s.

800 s.

14.29%

May/1324

4 years/ 200 per annum

Gi 1,62Codavant 1b/ 1363 (FH 5.2)

5.2.3

600 s.

150 s.

750 s.

25%

August/ 1324

5 years/ 150 per annum

Gi 1,62Codavant 2a/ 1363 (FH 5.3)

5.3.1

350 s.

50 s.

400 s.

14.29%

1322

8 anys/ 50 per annum

Gi 1,62Codavant 2B/ 1363 (FH 5.4)

5.4.3

50 s.

16 s.

66 s.

32%

1321

Final Payment

Gi 1,178codarrere 11a/1368 (FH 20.2)

15.20.2

50 s.

12 s.

62 s.

24%

135x

Final Payment

Gi 1,178codarrere 11a/1368 (FH 5.2)

15.20.4

40 s.

10 s.

50 s.

25%

December 1350

Final Payment

Fig. 8.4 Records where the amounts of the total of the agreed fijinal payments exceed the initial capital.

calculate the real interest rates, which cannot be determined based on the information in Christian sources. The lowest annual rate of interest is 9.10% and the highest is 33.34% (over 60% above the legal limit); most range from 11% to 26%. The applied interest rate is independent of the borrowed amount, of the number of borrowers, of the presence of guarantors, or of the terms of the loan. Thus, conditions were apparently agreed upon on a case-by-case basis. Analysis of Creditors’ Records As mentioned above, our fijindings include fragments from moneylenders’ accounting records, with varying levels of detail and representing both occasional and more regular ongoing activities of a particular creditor. Despite the diffferences among individual lenders, their levels of activity

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and styles of bookkeeping, these sources on the whole document a continuous stream of activity. These records share an overall format that includes essential elements—each borrower’s identity and place of residence, the amount of the borrowed capital and the term or maturity date of the loan, as well as a mixture of optional additional information, such as18 the borrower’s profession, the name and trade of the guarantor(s), the date and location when the agreement came into efffect19 the loan’s conditions, the reference to the corresponding Christian documents, an itemization of payments, the capital remaining after each installment and the resulting balance, as well as other related details (e.g., transfer of debts, oaths, notaries, brokers, exemptions, etc.). In contrast to Christian records, in Jewish sources the purpose of the loan is rarely recorded. Usually the diffferent records are written one after another in a sequence. In some documents, the lines or full text pertaining to it have been blotted out after the loan had been repaid. The loans were most commonly sought by individuals, but diffferent associations of relatives and partners would also borrow money collectively (i.e. a father and children, siblings, partners, and, in some cases0,5%-, unmarried women and widows). The majority of debtors (68%) are men alone. In 31,5% of cases the debtor is accompanied generally by his wife and/or by their sons (216). On 49 occasions we have registered loans with the father—and on 2 further occasions with the mother. The remaining joint loans are carried out mostly by men from the same or from a neighboring village (31), and fijinally by a brother or by a father-in-law (27 cases). The bonds between debtors could be familial or socio-professional. Unfortunately, the professions of the borrowers are seldom included in these entries; they are generally noted only when the profession or role conferred status or served as a primary identifijier (over his name): priests (10), knights (1), batlles/mayors (3), physicians (3), furriers (2), barber (1), carpenter (1), jeweler (1), and tailor (1). Loans varied greatly in size, but those granted to Christians in small towns were generally quite modest, averaging approximately 100 solidi.20 Only 15% of loans to Christians exceeded that sum. There is a small 18 The “literature of pinqasim” is characterized by its schematic style and limited vocabulary. See Blasco, “Aspectos económicos y comerciales,” 93–94. 19 Maçanet de la Selva (37), Fornells de la Selva (24), Franciac (18), Fortià and Santa Coloma de Farners (2). 20 The loan of a smaller sum of 1 s. for En Rissec de Montnegre was assigned in February 1338 and reached maturity in June of that same year (Gi 1,56-codarrere 1a /1361–1362).

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esperança valls i pujol

Number of debtors

Number of registers

1

695

2

272

3

45

4o+

8

Fig. 8.5 Number of debtors per entry.

0,75%

4,50%

26,25% 1 2 3 4

68,50%

Fig. 8.6 Distribution of borrowers according to debtors per loan.

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1 6 12 17 22,5 27 32,5 38 43 49 56 65 73 84 95 105 120 130 150 190 220 253 350 410 540 800 400?

50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Fig. 8.7 Number of loans according to their value (in solidi).

number of loans between members of the Jewish community (0,5%), and always involving higher amounts. In these cases of inter-community loans the borrower was exempted from the payment of interest (such as a record of the year 1337 that scores 4000 s. for the expenses of the marriage of a certain Cresques).21 The presence of a guarantor in the loans depended on several factors. The guarantor could be the same person for diffferent transactions or, inversely, one transaction could involve more than one guarantor. There are some loan notebooks in which these guarantors always appear, while in other fragments they are almost never mentioned. The number of guarantors is not fijixed. There is not always a relationship with the amount of the loan and the number of the guarantors. On the other hand, individuals recorded as debtors in some documents, may act as guarantors in the others. The origin of the guarantors is to be sought in the mediaeval solidarity. Most of the guarantors are from the same town as the debtor and there is not always a family relationship. In the rare loans granted to Jews, the guarantors never appear, and the loans are conceded without guarantee or in exchange for a pledge. These transactions are monetary and we rarely fijind transactions with agricultural products.22 In some cases, when there is no guarantor, the guarantee consist of everyday items, such as: cups, silver belts, trays,

21  Gi 7,71/1397–1398–8a. 22 Mitgeres (measure of weight) of wheat (Gi 1,5–4a/1341–1343) and ground grain (Gi 1,178-codarrere 5a/1368).

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24,50%

With guarantor Without guarantor

74,50%

Fig. 8.8 Percentage of guarantors in the records.

2,00% 5,00% 13,000% 0 1 2 30+ 80,00%

Fig. 8.9 Percentage of loans with credit guarantors per register.

cutlery, silks and dresses.23 Very few loans are guaranteed by land or real estate, and only in two by hostages as a security.24 Regarding the way the time is reckoned, the records are schematic and the dates were commonly noted according to the Christian calendar (often without noting the fijirst millenium, and at times without the

23 Gi 1,51-codavant 1a–b; 2a–b; 3a–b; 4a–b; 5a–b/1361; Gi 1,62-codavant 1a–b; 2a–b/1363; Gi. 1,140-codavant 4a–b; 5a–b i 8a–b/1391–1391 (1320–1340). See n. 7. 24 Gi 1,211/1378–1379 (records from 1339–1355) and Gi 7,71/1397–1398–8a (1347).

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hundreds, assuming that these numbers were understood; as a result, current readings can err by a factor of a full century), with the months in Catalan and days according to Christian observances: the feast days of Sant Miquel, Sant Feliu, Sant Ramon, Sant Lluc, Sant Martí and Sant Gregori, Martror (All Saints’ Day), Carnes Tollendas (Carnival), Nadal (Christmas), Corpocrist (Corpus Christi). Hebrew substitutes for the terms ‘kalends’, ‘nones’ and ‘ides’ were regularly used; and one group of documents works directly with vocabulary from the Roman calendar: “kalends” ('‫)קלינד‬, “nones” (‫ )נונש‬and “ides” ('‫ )יד‬instead of their Hebrew equivalents— '‫כני‬, (‫ חצי )כניסה‬and '‫)יציאה( יצי‬. It was clearly practical to record information regarding loans to be paid in accordance to Christian dates by the terminology of that calendar. The loan period typically ranged from 15 days to one year, though it was longer in some cases.25 Some entries record partial payments distributed over two or more terms. Our corpus records loans dated from 1261–1355, years that can be reasonably considered as terminus ante quem for these Hebrew documents.26 The books in the Historical Archive of Girona from which these fragments were detached are dated between 1345/1346 (Arnau Despoll) and 1498/1499 (Fons Hospici, 67). Most records reveal high levels of credit activity until the deep crisis that began in 1333 (lo mal any primer) and persisted through the years prior to the onset of the Black Death in 1348. We have to keep in mind, on the other hand, that not all the loans could be liquidated. Several documents show payments or enlargements of the initial agreement. Only 174 records are clearly cancelled. Finally, as for geographical area, this corpus includes over 315 toponyms, most derived from towns in the Catalan regions of Alt and Baix Empordà, La Selva, Pla de l’Estany and Gironès. Based on these names, the radius of moneylending recorded here can be calculated at 20–30 kilometers from Girona.27 Of the thousand of names that have been culled from

25 The longest recorded term for a loan is eight years, for 300 s. in 1321 (1,62-Gi Codavant 2b/1363). The shortest term is a week and a half (55 s. in 1330), Gi. 7,71, 10 a, 8. 26 These are the dates on the registers from Gi 1.S–4a/1341–1343 and Gi 7,71–2/1397– 1398. 27 This radius of activity is similar to the Jewish lenders from La Bisbal and Peralada. See Mercader, L’aljama jueva, 55 and Farías Zurita, “Iudei de Petralata,” 242. On the other hand the villages with more recorded loans are Celrà, Riudellots de la Selva, Juià, Madremanya, Campllong, Cassà de la Selva, Fornells de la Selva, Sarrià de Ter, Mieres, Llambilles, Palol de Revardit, Camós, Amer, Corçà, Felines, Llagostera, Rupià, Corçà and Salt.

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esperança valls i pujol 2,50%

1,00% 3,50% 4,00% 5,00%

34,50%

less than 1 year 1 year 1 year and half 2 years 4 years 5 years 6 years 7 years 8 years

4,50%

17,00%

34,50% 28,00% 17,00% 4,50% 5,00% 4,00% 3,50% 1,00% 2,50%

28,00%

Fig. 8.10 Timeframes for loan agreements.

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1321 1323 1325 1327 1329 1331 1333 1335 1337 1339 1341 1343 1345 1347 1350 1353 1355 1363 1388 1391 1393

Fig. 8.11 Distribution of loans per year (as a percentage of total loans analyzed).

60 50 40 30 20 10 0 ary nu

Ja

ry

rua

b Fe

rch

Ma

ril

Ap

y Ma

e

Jun

y

Jul

ust

g Au

r

be

Se

m pte

er

tob

Oc

r er be mb em e c v De No

Fig. 8.12 Percentage of loans granted per month.

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these fragments, most come from individually recorded notebooks, and 85% are identifijiably Christian. Miscellaneous Economic Activity and Catalan Vocabulary in Hebrew Transaction Records The fragments analyzed here also provide incidental data relating to other economic activity, relating to local trade and crafts: • Sales records: some fragments document the purchase and sale of textiles and bedding.28 These records include many Catalan words appear in Catalan vocabulary transcribed in Hebrew script: matalaf—‫מטלאף‬ (mattress), flassada—‫( פלסדה‬blanket), vànova—‫( ונובה‬bedspread) or trosser—‫טרושיר‬.29 • Transactions involving livestock, wheat, grapes, and miscellaneous payments (for candles, paper, court taxes, etc.) are also mentioned.30 • Inventory: a fragment containing an inventory of textiles and clothing provides another instance where many Catalan words appear in Hebrew script: vànova—‫( ונובה‬bedspread), esponeres ‫( אשפוניריש‬a cloth to cover one side of the bed), llistada—‫( לישטדה‬striped), blau—‫( בלב‬blue m.s.), blava—‫( בלבה‬blue, f.s.), groga (‫( )גרוגה‬yellow, f.s.).31 • Construction records: one highly unusual fragment contains notes written by a Jew regarding the activity of his building fijirm (see Appendix 2). It describes plans for constructing a wall, and the distance from an existing wall that must legally be maintained. This register also lists his daily outlay for materials (e.g., beams, stones, plaster and lime) and the work to be undertaken on it: a room; several ceilings for Belšom Benet; and a lintel for Vidal de Bellcaire. This record is written in a mixture of Hebrew and Catalan with respect to persons and material, such as ‘guix’—‫( גיש‬plaster).32

28 Gi 1,258-codarrere 1–6 and codavant 1. 29 Medieval Catalan word that can translate for “bundle of clothes” Cf. Trossa, [Troça] in Germà Colón Domènech, Vocabulari de la llengua catalana medieval de Lluís Faraudo de Saint-Germain (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, www.iec.cat/faraudo). 30 Gi 1,140/1391–1392. 31  Gi 1,160-codavant 5/1361–1362. 32 Gi 1,115-codavant 3/1377.

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esperança valls i pujol

• Community accounts or a listing count of tax of “ajuda”on meat of the year 1345. Included in these fragments.33 • A series of ten pages (written on paper) contains the account of the Jewish community of Girona, as recorded by its Treasurer Yosef Zabara.34 Conclusion As we have seen, these fragments are dominated by documentation of credit activity conducted by the Jews of Girona. Medieval society had entered a constant debt dynamics. In the context of a medieval economy characterized by a continuous ebb and flow of debts, Jews were visible and essential actors in the credit system. However, as Fernandez-Cuadrench has remarked, “the Jews were not unscrupulous lenders and the lending activity was not only one-time activity,” an observation that is confijirmed by the fragments that document records of accounts and the requisite paperwork prepared by creditors, whether this was their full- or part-time profession. While some historians have suggested that too much attention is focused on the place of Jews in granting credit on interest, this study indicates the contrary. In fact, these lists of creditors, debtors and notaries with respect to the tax of “ajuda” allow us to better understand the complexity of fijinancing medieval loans, within a system that was highly regulated for both Christians and Jews. But interest in this regulation happened for several reasons: Among Jews this regulation was associated to their fijinancial obligations to the monarchy, in order to maintain their privileges and security as a religious minority, and for internal communal assessments. While Christians were religiously barred from participating in loans that involved interest, economic realities led them to seek alternate means to work within the credit system. The Hebrew fragments from the Historical Archive of Girona are situated in a medieval context driven by economic and societal change, namely the development of small new urban zones and emergent markets. These manuscripts enable us to analyze medieval economic activity among Jews in Girona and Catalonia from the perspective of Jewish sources, which carry their own message, and complement prior studies based on Christian sources alone.

33 Gi 1,160-codavant 6 / 1361–1362. 34 See n. 9.

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‫‪hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity‬‬ ‫‪Appendix 1‬‬ ‫)‪FH 28.21 (Gi 1,256 s.s, a/1397‬‬ ‫)‪Right column (a‬‬

‫‪[. . .]  1‬‬ ‫‪ [. . .]  2‬מודג]‪[. . .‬ו‬ ‫‪[. . .]  3‬ג ברנגיר ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪ [. . .]  4‬הנו'‪[. . .] 36‬‬ ‫‪[. . .]  5‬ש' דוי בונגורן ג]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪ [. . .]  6‬מאש]‪ [. . .‬גק]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪ [. . .] [. . .]  7‬רטייא]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪]  8‬יוס[ףֹ אצמיאש ארנאב ]‪[. . .‬ב‬ ‫‪ [. . .]  9‬ברינגי' ניקולא דאויג]‪[. . .‬יט ופי' שגלאש‬ ‫‪ [. . .] 10‬פר]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪]  11‬בונ[גודה איצק גֹקמי סובלינה דקולונייא‬ ‫‪] 12‬ב[ונגודה איצק פי' קלי]‪[. . .‬י דשילש‬ ‫בוס'‬ ‫‪13‬‬

‫]‪[. . .‬ד'‪35‬‬ ‫יב ד'‬ ‫טו ]ד'[‬ ‫]‪ [. . .‬ד' ד פ'‬ ‫]‪ [. . .‬ד' ד ל]יט'[‬ ‫א ד'‬ ‫פב ד'‬ ‫צ ד'‬ ‫יא ד'‬ ‫ו ליט'‬

‫א‬ ‫ג‬ ‫ז‬

‫‪ 14‬פ]‪ [. . .‬דנאשך \]‪[. . .‬שה‪ /‬ברנד טייא דו]‪[. . .‬שה‬ ‫‪ 15‬בו]‪[. . .‬ום פיל]‪ [. . .‬טורון דש' דלמאי‬ ‫‪[. . .] 16‬מן גי' ]‪ [. . .‬דבלאנקה וגי' דס]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪ 17‬בונאשן אשתרוק פי' טריל דקסאן‬ ‫טו'‬ ‫‪ 18‬פריר בונאשן טוני קול דמונטגירי‬ ‫]‪ [. . .‬ד' ד פ'‬ ‫‪ 19‬בונא]ש[ן אשתרוק ברנך נוא]י[ל דברוגו‬ ‫נה ד'‬ ‫‪ 20‬מושה קבריט וי]‪[.‬גוט אוונאד דפלול ובנו‬ ‫‪ 21‬מימון ]בונ[גודה ברנד נואיל וארנב פלגירש‬ ‫יג ]ד'[‬ ‫דברוגו'‬ ‫‪ 22‬‬ ‫צה ]ד'[‬ ‫‪ 24‬שלמה דב]י[לקיי' ברנגי' ס]‪[. . .‬ו דאשט]‪[.‬ק‬ ‫‪ 25‬פריר בונאשן פרנסשק רשטוי דלמבילש ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬בונ]‪ [. . .‬אברם פרנסשק ]‪[. . .‬קרוש ופרנס]שק[ ]‪ [. . .‬‬ ‫כ ד'‬ ‫דבורדילש‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫יד ד'‬ ‫‪ 28‬שלמה דבילקיי' ברטומיו קונומינה וגי' אס]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫קטו ד'‬ ‫‪ 29‬יוסףֹ פלכו ארנב טורינט דקסס]א[]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫ל]‪[. . .‬ד'‬ ‫‪ 30‬אשתרוק בניט פרנסשק פדרון קטן ד]‪[. . .‬ש‬ ‫יב ד'‬ ‫‪ 31‬בניט בילשום פרנסשק פו ֹג דפ]‪[. . .‬ש‬ ‫‪ 32‬וידאל לוביל גי' טאסי דפו ֹג פל]‪ [. . .‬וגק]מי[‬ ‫קשטיון מאש‬ ‫‪ 33‬‬

‫ו ד'‬ ‫נ ד'‬ ‫כב ד'‬ ‫ו ד'‬ ‫כב ד'‬

‫ש]‪[. . .‬ש' מזה ל]‪[. . .‬ף ]‪[. . .‬גודא‬ ‫‪34‬‬ ‫‪ 35‬שלמה דבילקיי' ארנב בופי דבורדילש‬

‫יב‬

‫]י[א ד'‬

‫ליט' ‪35‬‬ ‫הנוח ‪36‬‬

‫‪© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5‬‬

170

‫כא‬

esperança valls i pujol '‫יו ד' נ פ‬ '‫ז ד‬ '‫פ ד‬ '‫סה ד‬ /‫כט‬

‫[דפורנילש‬. . .]‫ בונשתרוק דסמאישטרי פי' אשטרו‬36 ‫[ דבלאניש פי' פילק דברוגולה‬..‫ל‬.]‫ ש‬37 ‫[וס דיבלו גואן מרטין דפורנילש וברנד‬. . .] 38 ‫אורט דאיי' ויבה‬ 39 ‫ בונגודה איצק פי' גראב דפורנילש‬40 '‫דוסג‬ 41

'‫ איצק בונגודה מטיו שירה דאיי' ויבה וגואן קולומיר \כה ד‬42 '‫ופי' שירה דפרנסיאק ]בו[סגאי‬ 43

    1  (. . .)37  2  (. . .) s. | 1  3  (. . .) Berenguer (. . .)  4  (. . .) store (. . .) 12 s.  5  (. . .) Davi Bonjorn (. . .) 15 s. | 3  6  (. . .)s., 4 d.  7  (. . .) s. 7 l. | 6  8  [Yosse]f Atsmies, Arnau (. . .) 1 s.  9  (. . .) Berengue(r) Nicolau d’Avig(. . .) and Pere Saglàs,38 82 s. 10 (. . .) 90 s. 11  [Bon]judà Yitsaq, Jaqme sa Vaulina de Colonya, 12 s. 12 [B]onjudà Yitsaq, Pere Cal(. . .) de Sils, 6 l. 13 BOS39 14 (. . .) de Nassan (. . .) Bernad Teià de (. . .) 6 s. | 12 15 (. . .) Toron de S(ant) Dalmai, 50 s. 16 (. . .) Gui(em) de Blanca and Gui(em) de sa (. . .), 22 s. 17 Bonassan Astruc, Pere Tarell40 de Cassan, 6 s. 18 Ferrer Bonassan, Toni Col(l) de Montguiri,41 22 s.| 15 19 Bonassan Astruc, Bernad Noall de Brugo(nyà), (. . .) s. 4 d. 20 Moshé Cabrit, Vi(. . .)lgot Avonar de Palol and his son, 55 s. 21 Maimon [Bon]judà, Bernad Noall and Arnau Falgueres 22 de Brugo(nyà), 13 s. 23 (. . .) Falcó, Pe(re) Perpinyan de Caules, 26 s. 24 Shelomo de Bellcai(re), Berengue(r) (. . .), 95 s. 25 Ferrer Bonassan, Francesc Rostoi de Lambilles (. . .) 26 (. . .) Avram, Francesc (. . .) and Francesc (. . .) 27 de Bordils, 20 s. 28 Shelomó de Bellcai(re), Bartomeu Conomina and Gui(em) (. . .), 14 s. 29 Yossef Falcó, Arnau Torinet de (. . .), 115 s.

37 This area was the abbreviated name of the notary that preceded the fijirst group of loans in this column. 38 Sagalàs, Sagales or Sagalés 39 This is the abbreviated name of the notary. 40 Tarall? 41  It is probably a mistake: ‫מונטגרי‬, Montgrí.

© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5

hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity

171

30 Astruc Benet, Francesc Padron junior de (. . .), 5(. . .) s. 31  Benet Belshom, Francesc Puig de (. . .), 12 s. 32 Vidal Lobell, Gui(em) Tassi de Puig (. . .) and Jacme 33 Castion Mas 34 (. . .) from here (. . .) 35 Shelomó de Bellcai(re), Arnau Bofí de Bordils, 11 s. 36 Bonastruc des Maestre, Pe(re) Astr(. . .) de Fornells, 16 s. 50 d. 37 (. . .) de Blanes, Pe(re) Pilac de Brujola, 7 s. | 21 38 (. . .) Diulo (?), Joan Martin de Fornells and Bernad 39 Ort d’Ai(gua) Viva, 80 s. 40 Bonjudà Yitzaq, Pe(re) Garau de Fornells, 65 s. 41 DOSG42(?) 42 Yitzaq Bonjudà, Mateu Serra43 d’Ai(gua) Viva and Joan Colomer, /25 s.| 26\ 43 and Pe(re) Cera de Franciac | BOSGAI |44 Left column (b) ['‫מד ]ד‬ '‫ו ליט' ]יב[ ד‬ ['‫[ ג ]ד‬. . .] '‫מ ליט‬ '‫ה ליט‬ '‫כג ד‬ ‫לז‬

'‫ג ליט‬ '‫[ ד‬. . .] '‫כה ד‬

‫לט‬

'‫נח ד‬ '‫מד ליטר‬

‫מ‬

'‫נ ד‬ '‫עה ד‬ '‫סא ד‬ '‫קמ ד‬

‫[ט ברנגי' ספלאנא ]ד[פאלגאש‬. . .]‫  ברק‬1 ‫  מי]מ[ון בונגודה פרנסשק משאון ואשטניול‬2 ‫דקניט‬ 3 ‫[מאש' ארנב בופי דקורצן‬. . .] ‫[ן‬. . .]‫[נש‬. . .]  4

[. . .]‫[פ‬. . .] ‫[ קדש תלמו[ד[ תורה על כלל בשקרא‬. . .]‫  גזב‬5 [. . .]‫  בנ‬6 ‫  בונגודה מימון פי' ארמאדש דפלפרוגיל‬7 '‫פינטו‬ 8 ‫  יוסףֹ פלכו ברנגי' אבריק דסלראן‬9 ‫[פש‬. . .]‫[א ובנו ד‬.]‫[שמש‬.] ‫ בלשום בניט‬10

‫[ש‬. . .]‫[ט‬. . .]‫[ ש‬. . .]  11 [. . .] ‫[שלמה‬. . .] 12 [. . .]‫[ד[ס]דלו‬. . .]‫[פו‬. . .]‫ אשתרוק בניט ב‬13 [‫[ גואן אגוייאנה סופר דבגול[ש‬. . .] 14 '‫פינטו‬ 15

‫[ ספורטא פי' מונטגוט ופי' לינאש‬. . .] 16 ‫דקשטלאר‬ 17 [']‫[ ברנד פושאן ורמון וידאל וברנגי‬. . .] 18 ‫גאשגוש‬ 19 ‫ בלשום בניט פרנסשק לדון דפדרינא‬20 '‫ בונגודה א]יצ[ק ברנד פושאן ורמון וידאל וברנגי‬21 [‫]גאשגוש‬ 22

42 This is the abbreviated name of the notary. 43 Or Cera 44 This is the abbreviated name of the notary, probably Simon Bassagais (also Bossegais), documented between 1349 and 1390. AHG, Districte notarial de Girona 03.

© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5

‫‪esperança valls i pujol‬‬ ‫‪[. . .] 23‬ט בלשום פי' גראב‪ /‬דפלאב \ ופי' דספוג דק]‪[. . .‬רט‬

‫‪ 24‬נשאר'‪ 45‬לפרוע‬ ‫‪[. . .] 25‬בונגורן ברנגיר פדרון ואש'‪ 46‬וב]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪] 26‬בל[שום בניט גי' ספונט באג ופי' ספו]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫דשילש‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫‪[. . .]  28‬ק ]‪ [. . .‬גי' פגיש דש' לוגייאן‬ ‫‪ 29‬אשתרוק]בניט[ פי' דרנאב דליש‬ ‫‪ 30‬דוויט ]‪[. . .‬בר]‪ [. . .‬ר]‪ [. . .‬פג]‪ [. . .‬דאשטניול‬ ‫‪ 31‬בלשום פלכו פ]י' ‪[...]'[ ]...‬לור]‪[.‬אן דסנטיונש ואביו‬ ‫‪ 32‬יוסףֹ פלכו פי' אנג]ל[אדש דסרניאן‬ ‫‪ 33‬נסנאל ברנגי' מל]ו[יט דסאייש‬ ‫‪ 34‬ק]‪[. . .‬ן דסמאש ברנגי]'[ ]‪[. . .‬צו‬ ‫‪ 35‬שלמה ספורטא גי' שירה דש' גרגורי‬ ‫‪ 36‬בכ]‪[. . .‬שע י אבריל פו והתחיל מיד לורינץ‬ ‫‪ 37‬לכתוב ו]‪[.‬סר ]‪ [. . .‬משם שם היחודי‬ ‫‪ 38‬איצק בונגודה ברנד גאריק דוואל דש' גרגורי‬ ‫‪ 39‬יוסףֹ פלכו פי' פוב ‪ /‬דפורנילש \ ופרנסשק בישן דסוולנדה‬ ‫‪ 40‬מושה קבריט גקמי קאמש דוי' בלרש‬ ‫‪ 41‬יוסףֹ פלכו גקמי בושן ובנו דאדרי‬ ‫‪ 42‬דוי פלכו ברנגיר בשקוס ו ברנגי' פראט‬ ‫דסלראן‬ ‫‪43‬‬

‫‪172‬‬

‫ז ד'‬ ‫נה ד'‬ ‫מד‬

‫]‪ [. . .‬ד'‬ ‫יו ד'‬ ‫עה ד'‬ ‫כב ד'‬ ‫ו ליט' י[ב[ ד' ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫לו ד'‬ ‫יג ליט' יו ד'‬ ‫י ד'‬ ‫נא‬ ‫קכב ד'‬ ‫סא ד'‬ ‫קכא ד'‬ ‫כ ד'‬ ‫סה ד'‬

‫נד‬

‫יד ד'‬

‫נה‬

‫‪(. . .) Berengue(r) sa Plana [de] Falgàs,47 40 s.‬‬ ‫‪Maimon Bonjudà, Francesc Masson and Estanyol‬‬ ‫‪ 3  de Canet (d’Adri), 6 l. [12] s.‬‬ ‫‪ 4  (. . .) Arnau Bofí de Cortsan, (. . .) 3 s.‬‬ ‫)‪ 5  (. . .) sacred Talmud Torah about the rule (. . .‬‬ ‫‪ 6  (. . .), 40 l.‬‬ ‫‪ 7  Bonjudà Maimon, Pe(re) Armades de Palafrugell, 5 l.‬‬ ‫‪  8‬‬ ‫‪PINTO48‬‬ ‫‪  9  Yossef Falcó, Berengue(r) Abric de Salran, 23 s.‬‬ ‫‪10 Belshom Benet, (. . .) and his son de (. . .), 3 l. | 37‬‬ ‫‪11  (. . .) s.‬‬ ‫‪12 (. . .) Šelomó (. . .), 25 s.‬‬ ‫‪13 Astruc Benet, (. . .) de (. . .), 58 s. | 39‬‬ ‫‪14 (. . .) Joan Agullana, scribe de Bajoles, 44 l.‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫‪PINTO49‬‬ ‫‪16 (. . .) sa Porta, Pe(re) Montagut and Pe(re) L[l]inars, 50 s. | 40‬‬ ‫‪17 de Castelar‬‬ ‫‪18 (. . .) Bernad Fossan and Ramon Vidal and Berengué‬‬ ‫ ‪  1‬‬

‫ ‪ 2‬‬

‫ונשארו ‪45‬‬ ‫אשתו ‪46‬‬ ‫‪47 Sant Pere de Falgars.‬‬ ‫‪48 Abbreviated name of the notary Bernat Pintor (1362–1409, Gi-07).‬‬ ‫?‪49 Gasgós‬‬

‫‪© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5‬‬

hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity

173

19   Gassagós, 49 75 s. 20   Belshom Benet, Francesc Ladon de Pedrinà, 61 s. 21   Bonjudà [Yitz]saq Bernad Fossan and Ramon Vidal and Berengue(r) 22 [Gassagós], 140 s. 23 (. . .) Belshom, Pe(re) Garau \de Palau/ and Pe(re) sa Puig de (. . .) 24 and remained to pay 7 s. 25 (. . .) Bonjuran, Berenguer Padron and his wife, 55 s. 26 [Bel]shom Benet, Gui(em) sa Pont Bag and Pe(re) sa (. . .) 27 de Sils, (. . .) s. | 44 28 (. . .) Gui(em) Pagès de S(anta) Logaian,50 16 s. 29 Astruc [Benet], Pe(re) d’Arnau de Les,51 s. 30 Davit (. . .), d’Estanyol, 22 s. 31   Belshom Falcó, Pe(re) (. . .) de Santions (?) and his father, 6 l. 12 s. | (. . .) 32  Yossef Falcó, Pere d’Ang[l]ada de Seranian,52 36 s. 33  Nassanel, Berengu(er) Mal[v]et de s’Alls,53 13 l. 16 s. 34 (. . .) de sa Mas, Benrengu(er) (. . .), 12 s. 35  Shelomó sa Porta, Gui(em) Serra54 de S(ant) Gregori, 122 s.| 51 36 (. . .) 10 abril (13)87, and began by the hand of Lorenç 37   To writte and (. . .) from there, on behalf of the each individual. 38 Yitzhak Bonjudà, Bernad Garic55 de Val[l] de S(ant) Gregori, 61 s. 39 Yossef Falcó, Pe(re) Pou \ de Fornells / and Francesc Bissan de sa Vaulanada, 121 s. 40 Moshe Cabrit, Jacme Cams de Vi(la) Blareix, 20 s. 41    Yossef Falcó, Jacme Bossan and his son, d’Adri, 65 s. | 54 42 Daví Falcó, Berenguer Bascós, and Berengu(er) Ferrat 43 de Salran, 12 s. | 55 FH 28.22(Gi 1,256 s.s, b /1397) Right column (a) '‫קי ד‬

‫[דור מבת בונגודה אשתרוק‬. . .] ‫[ק‬. . .] 1 [. . .] ‫[ קלומי[ר[ דקניט‬. . .] 2

[. . .][.]‫[א נשו לפר‬. . .]‫[ ד‬. . .] ‫[טאי‬. . .] ‫[ב‬. . .] 3 [. . .] ‫[ סקסרה‬. . .]‫[ ]ש[למה דב]יל[קיי' ברט‬...] 4 [. . .] ‫[שדורני‬. . .]‫ פ‬56'‫ ] בו[נשתרוק דסמא‬5 [. . .] 6 [. . .] 7

50 Santa Llogaia del Terri or Santa Llogaia d’Àlguema. 51  Llers. 52 Serinyà. 53 Sant Cebrià dels Alls. 54 Cera? 55 Garric? 56 ‫דסמאישטר‬

© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5

‫‪174‬‬

‫‪esperança valls i pujol‬‬ ‫‪ [. . .]  8‬ובן נסים בר]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪] [. . .]  9‬יו]סףֹ פלכו ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫דק ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪ 10‬‬ ‫‪[. . .] 11‬ן בו]נג[ודה פי' ט]‪[. . .‬ש ופי' פ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪] 12‬ש[למה ספורטא פי' לינאש ד]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪] 13‬ב[לשום פלכו יום טוב ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪] 14‬בו[נשתרוק דסמאש דונוא ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫בוס'‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫‪] 16‬של[מה דבילקיי' פי' דסק ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫יעקב ד]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪ [. . .] 17‬נבא'‬ ‫‪[. . .] 18‬אל פי' פריגולה דקניט ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪ [. . .] 19‬ברנגיר פריר דרופין‬ ‫‪ [. . .] 20‬משא]‪ [. . .‬דקניט ובנו‬ ‫‪[. . .] 21‬ך פלכו ברנד כרניש דגוייאן וגי' מר]טין[‬ ‫‪ [. . .] 22‬ברמד פריר דסלראן‬ ‫‪[. . .] 23‬ש שאי גואן טורט דאואיל קניט‬ ‫‪[. . .] 24‬פלכו אנדריו כפילא דקמלונך‬ ‫‪[. . .] 25‬נאל רמון דגי]‪[. . .] [. . .‬ל]‪[. . .] [.‬פ]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪ [. . .] 26‬יום טוב ובנו ויד]‪[. . .] [. . .‬ט]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪[. . .] 27‬בונגורן רמון ]‪[. . .‬ניל דקבנלש ופי' מוראט‬ ‫‪[. . .] 28‬ש' דיוסף פלכו‬ ‫‪[. . .] 29‬מ' אנבונגודה אשתרוק ‪[. . .]/‬ך ]‪ \[. . .‬דאמיר‬ ‫‪ [. . .] 30‬בילשום פרנסשק ונאלוביתה דפלאב‬ ‫‪] 31‬בונגו[דה מימון ברנד נ]‪[. . .‬אל דברוגו'‬ ‫‪[. . .] 32‬רם קבריט גואן בגייאן דקמוש‬ ‫‪ ] 33‬א[ברם רו]י[ה ברינגי' מוריל ד רידלו'‬ ‫‪ [. . .] 34‬בילשום גואן דיואלש ולורינץ‬ ‫דספלאן דרידלוטש‬ ‫‪ 35‬‬ ‫‪[. . .] 36‬דרום די בלו' ברנגי' פריר דפליניש‬ ‫‪ 37‬בלשום משה גי' פוג ופי' רייניש וגראב‬ ‫|גיל'|‬ ‫קמרדון דמללבין‬ ‫‪ 38‬‬ ‫‪ 39‬בלשום בניט פי' קבליש ושבה דקבליש‬ ‫‪ 40‬בונשתרוק דסמאש גואן גנישטא דאסוי‬ ‫וברנד ריג דמוליט‬ ‫ ‪ 41‬‬ ‫מח ד'‬ ‫‪ 42‬יוסף בלשום גי' לורינץ דאסוי‬ ‫ונשא'‪58‬‬ ‫פר'‪57‬‬ ‫‪ 43‬‬

‫כב ד'‬ ‫קנ כב ]ד'[‬ ‫כט ד'‬ ‫ח ד'‬ ‫לט ד'‬ ‫כ ד'‬ ‫כב ד'‬ ‫סב ד'‬ ‫\רלב‪ /‬ד'‬ ‫]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫פח ד'‬ ‫מה די‬ ‫כג ד'‬ ‫כד ד'‬ ‫עד‬ ‫ו ד'‬ ‫מט ד'‬ ‫ע ד'‬ ‫קיו ד'‬ ‫כה ד'‬ ‫כו ד'‬ ‫כד ד'‬

‫‪1 (. . .) the daughter of Bonjudà Astruc, 110 s.‬‬ ‫)‪2 (. . .) Colomer de Canet (. . .‬‬ ‫)‪3 (. . .) they swore for to pay (. . .‬‬ ‫)‪4 Shelomo de Be[ll]cai(re), (. . .) sa Casara (. . .‬‬

‫פרעו ‪57‬‬ ‫ונשארו ‪58‬‬

‫‪© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5‬‬

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175

(. . .) n’Astruc de sa (. . .) Sadorní (. . .) (. . .)  7  (. . .)  8  (. . .) and Ben Nassim (. . .)  9  (. . .) [Yo]ssef Falcó (. . .) 10 (. . .) 11  (. . .) Bon[ju]dà, Pe(re) (. . .) and Pe(re) (. . .) 12 (. . .)[She]lomo sa Porta, Pe(re) L[l]inas de (. . .) 13 (. . .) [Be]lshom Falcó, Yom Tov (. . .) 14 (. . .) [Bo]nastruc de sa Mas (. . .) 15 BOS’ 16 (. . .) [She]lomó de Bellcai(re), Pe(re) de sa (. . .) 17 (. . .) Yaqov de (. . .) 18 (. . .) Pe(re) Farigola de Canet (. . .) 19 (. . .) Berenguer Ferrer de Rupian,59 22 d. 20 (. . .) de Canet and his son, 150 s. 22 (d.) 21 (. . .) Falcó, Bernad Carnés de Juian and Gui(em) Martin, 29 s. 22 (. . .) Bernad Ferrer de Salran, 8 s. 23 (. . .) Joan Tort d’avall Canet, 39 s. 24 (. . .) Falcó, Andreu Capella de Camlonc, 20 s. 25 (. . .) Ramon de (. . .), 22 s. 26 (. . .) Yom Tov and his son, (. . .), 62 s. 27 (. . .) Bonjudan, Ramon (. . .) de Cabanelles and Pe(re) Morat, 232 s. 28 (. . .) de Yossef Falcó (. . .) 29 (. . .) en Bonjudà Astruc (. . .) d’Amer, 88 s. 30 (. . .) Belshom, Francesc and na L[l]obeta de Palau, 45 s. 31 (. . .) [Bonju]dà Maimon, Bernad (. . .) de Brugo(nyà), 23 s. 32 (. . .) Joan Bagian de Camós, 24 s. 33 [A]bram Rava[y]a, Berengue(r) Morel(l) de Ridalo(ts), 6 s. | 74 34 (. . .) Belshom, Joan de Valls and L(l)orents 35 de sa plan de Ridalots, 49 s. 36 (. . .) de Bel(loc), Berengue(r) Ferrer de Felines, 70 s. 37 Belshom Moshé, Gui(em) Puig and Pe(re) Reines and Garau 38 Camradon de Malalven, |GIL|60 116 s. 39 Belshom Benet, Pere Cavalls and.(. . .) de Cavalls, 25 s. 40 Bonastruc de sa Mas, Joan Ginesta d’Assavi(?) 41 and Bernad Reig de Mol(l)et, 26 s. 42 Yossef Belshom, Gui(em) L(l)orents d’Assavi, 48 s. 43 They paid and remained 24 s.  5 

 6 

Left column (b) [. . .]‫[דרוס חסדא‬. . .] 1 [. . .] 2

59 Rupià. 60 Abbreviated name of the notary.

© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5

‫‪esperança valls i pujol‬‬ ‫‪[. . .]  3‬‬ ‫‪[. . .]  4‬ל]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪[. . .]  5‬‬ ‫‪[. . .]  6‬קמל]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫‪[. . .]  7‬ר דקניט ואשת גי'‬ ‫בוס'‬ ‫‪8‬‬

‫טו ליט'‬ ‫ק ד'‬ ‫\כה ד'‪/‬‬

‫‪ [. . .]  9‬דפלול‬

‫‪[. . .] 10‬פ]‪[. . .] [. . .‬שן גואן דבשקנון ואש'‬ ‫]ב[וס'‬ ‫‪[. . .]  11‬‬ ‫‪ [. . .] 12‬ברנד פרטוש ובנו דאסוי‬ ‫בוס'‬ ‫‪13‬‬

‫‪[. . .] 14‬צלון‬

‫‪ [. . .] 15‬וברנגי ר מ]‪[. . .‬ן‬

‫‪176‬‬

‫קפב‬

‫עה ד'‬ ‫יו ליט'‬ ‫יא ליט'‬

‫]‪[. . .‬ה ואבו‬

‫פ ד'‬ ‫פח‬

‫קפה‬

‫‪[. . .] 16‬ש ]‪[. . .‬‬

‫‪[. . .] 17‬ד]‪[.‬ליל וא]‪ [. . .‬כיוש‬ ‫‪[. . .] 18‬ה]‪ [.‬פי 'אשקמכ]‪[. . .] [.‬ו ופי' דלמב‬ ‫כיוש‬ ‫‪ [. . .] 19‬דפ]‪[. . .‬אן‬ ‫‪ 20‬אברם רויה פי' רוברה ד]‪[. . .‬‬ ‫כה ד'‬ ‫‪ 21‬שלמה דבילקיי' ]‪[. . .‬א'‬ ‫‪ 22‬איצק בונגודה גי' ברנד וגואן קולומיר דאי' ויבה‬ ‫‪ 23‬בוניט אברם מטיו פריר דרידלו' ומרטין גראב‬ ‫דפורנ פונקו'‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬איצק בונגודה פי' גשואן דש' דלמאי‬ ‫‪ 26‬שלמה דבילקיי' אנטוני קול דמונטניגרי‬ ‫‪ 27‬אשתרוק בניט גקמי גישירש דקורניאן‬ ‫‪ 28‬ארגאל שלמה בונפיד ברנד אנדריו דפגרש‬ ‫עומד בעד אנשלטיל גרםיאן‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪ 30‬בונגודה מימון גי' ספונט דקמוש‬ ‫‪ 31‬נםיאל ש]‪..‬ה[' רמון אלב]‪[. . .‬ט דמונטניגרי‬

‫יא ליט' י ד'‬ ‫ט ליט' י ד'‬ ‫קב ד' ח פ'‬

‫קפז‬

‫מ ד'‬ ‫נ ד'‬ ‫יב ד'‬ ‫יב ד' ו פי‬ ‫י ד'‬ ‫עה ד'‬ ‫כ ד'‬ ‫קצב‬

‫קצא‬

‫ה ד'‬

‫)‪(. . .‬‬ ‫)‪(. . .‬‬ ‫)‪ 3  (. . .‬‬ ‫)‪ 4  (. . .‬‬ ‫‪ 5  (. . .) 15 l.‬‬ ‫‪ 6  (. . .) 100 s.‬‬ ‫‪ 7  (. . .) de Canet and the wife of Gui(em), 25 s.‬‬ ‫‪ 8‬‬ ‫’‪BOS‬‬ ‫‪ 9  (. . .) de Palol, 75 s. |182‬‬ ‫‪10 (. . .) Joan de Bescanon and his wife, 15 l.‬‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪[B]OS‬‬ ‫‪12 (. . .) Bernad Pratós and his son d’Assui, 11 l.‬‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫‪BOS‬‬ ‫ ‪ 1‬‬

‫ ‪ 2‬‬

‫‪© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5‬‬

hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity

177

14 (. . .) and his son, 80 s. 15 (. . .) and Berenguer, 88 s. |185 16 (. . .) 17 (. . .) |CI[O]S|61 11 l. 10 s. 18 (. . .), Pe(re) (. . .), and Pe(re) Dalmau (. . .) 19 (. . .) |CIOS|, 9 l., 10 s. 20 Avram Ravaya, Pe(re) Roura de(. . .) 102 s., 8 d. 21 Shelomó de Be[ll]cai(re), (. . .), 25 s. 22 Yitzaq Bonjudà, Gui(em) Bernad and Joan Colomer d’Ai(gua) Viva, 40 s. 23 Bonet Avram, Mateu Ferrer de Ridelo(ts) and Martin Garau, 50 s. 24 |de FORN FONQ|62 25 Yitzaq Bonjudà, Pere Gaixon de S(ant) Dalmai, 12 s. 26 Shelomo de Be[ll]cai(re), Antoni Coll de Montnegre, 12 s. 6 d. |191 27 N’Astruc Benet, Jacme Gisseres de Cornian, 10 s. 28 N’Argal Shelomo Bonafed, Bernad Andreu de Pagres, 70 s. 29 was maintained until en Shaltell Grassian, 20 s. 30 Bonjudà Maimon, Gui(em) sa Pont63 de Camós |192 31 Nassiel (. . .), Ramon (. . .) de Montnegre, 5 s.

Appendix 2 FH 11.23 (Gi 1,115-codavant 3a/1377) Right column (a) [. . .] ‫[צר לחוק‬. . .] ‫[ה שעשיתי‬. . .]‫[ ה‬. . .]  1 ‫[ת מקיר לקיר כ די' שלא יהרס‬. . .]  2 '‫[שא גיש ב די' ה פש‬. . .]  3 '‫[ לברנגיר משכירות יום ה די‬. . .]  4 '‫[לכערו ג די‬. . .]  5 '‫[סמרים יו פש‬. . .]  6 '‫[ לשתות ח פש‬. . .]  7 '‫[ץ שמשכן אותי ד פש‬. . .]  8 '‫[שתרוק דפטיטה ולמחוק הקנס ס פש‬. . .]  9 '‫[ס אנוידאל דבילקיירי ולכתוב ד פש‬. . .] 10 ‫[ קורות קטנים דנבלשום בניט‬. . .]  11 '‫[תו מהן ב די‬. . .] 12 ‫[ לחשוב ביטול שעשו בעד שער‬. . .] 13 ‫[ וידאל דבילקיירי והמשקוף‬. . .] 14 1 (. . .) that I made (. . .) for the stair (. . .) 2 (. . .) wall to wall, 20 s. that will not destroy (. . .)

61  Abbreviated name of the notary. 62 Abbreviated name of the notary. Joan de Fontcoberta (1365–1393)?. 63 Or sa Font.

© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5

178

esperança valls i pujol

. .) guix,64 2 s. 5 d. . .) to Berenguer, day wage, 5 s.  5 (. . .) to make ugly it., 3 s.  6 (. . .) 16 d.  7 (. . .) to drink, 8 d.  8 (. . .) that pawned to me, 4 d.  9 (. . .) Estruc de Petita and for the strickle of canes65 10 (. . .) en Vidal de Bellcaire and for the writing, 4 d. 11  (. . .) little beams de’n Belshom Benet 12 (. . .) of them, 2 s. 13 (. . .) to devise canceling that they made up to a door 14 (. . .) Vidal de Bellcaire and a lintel  3 (.

 4 (.

Left column (b) [. . .] '‫[ קניתי ב שקים גיש ב די‬. . .]  1 [. . .] '‫ ב שקים ב די‬67'‫ ברכו‬66'‫  עו' ע‬2 [. . .] '‫ סיד ט די' ד פש‬68'‫  ב משואו‬3 ‫יום ג‬ 4 [. . .] '‫  ד אבנים גדולות עם משא ב די‬5 [. . .] '‫  ב משואו' סיד ט די' ד פש‬6 ‫יום ד‬ 7 '‫  משא סיד ד די' ח פש‬8 [. . .] '‫  שני אבנים יב פש‬9 ‫[רח‬. . .]‫ פרעתי לאנפונט ס‬10 . .) I bought 2 sacks of guix, 2 s. (. . .) I made some cisterns, 2 sacks 2 s. (. . .)  3 2 loads of lime, 9 s. 4 d. (. . .)  4 Tuesday69  5 2 stones with load, 2 s. (. . .)  6 2 loads of lime, 9 s. 4 d. (. . .)  7 Wednesday70  8 A load of lime, 4 s. 8 d. (. . .)  9 Two stones, 12 d. (. . .) 10 I paid to en Pont (. . .)  1 (.

 2 Item

64 Plaster. 65 Measure of Catalonia, the Balearic Islands and Northern Catalonia, which is equivalent to 8 foot thick, or 6 feet, or 2 steps, and in Barcelona is equal to 1.555 meters. 66 ‫עשיתי‬ 67 ‫ברכות‬ 68 ‫ משואות‬but is ‫משואים‬ 69 Or “3rd working day”. 70 Or “4rd working day”.

© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5

hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity

179

Fig. 8.13 FH 28.21 (Gi 1,256 s.s, a/1397) [131 × 168,4 mm].

© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5

180

esperança valls i pujol

Fig. 8.14 FH 28.22 (Gi 1,256 s.s, b/1397) [131 × 168,4 mm].

© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5

hebrew fragments as a window on economic activity

181

Fig. 8.15 FH 11.23 (Gi 1,115-codavant 3a/1377) [246,7 × 169,3 mm].

© 2014 Koninklijke Brill NV ISBN 978-90-04-25849-5