Chapter 1

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HOSPITALITY, TOURISM AND MARKETING STUDIES

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GAZING AT DEATH

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DARK TOURISM AS AN EMERGENT HORIZON OF RESEARCH

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Additional books in this series can be found on Nova’s website under the Series tab.

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Additional e-books in this series can be found on Nova’s website under the eBooks tab.

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GAZING AT DEATH

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DARK TOURISM AS AN EMERGENT HORIZON OF RESEARCH

MAXIMILIANO E. KORSTANJE AND

EDITORS

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BINTANG HANDAYANI

New York

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All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher.

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Copyright © 2017 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

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NOTICE TO THE READER

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The Publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this book, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained in this book. The Publisher shall not be liable for any special, consequential, or exemplary damages resulting, in whole or in part, from the readers’ use of, or reliance upon, this material. Any parts of this book based on government reports are so indicated and copyright is claimed for those parts to the extent applicable to compilations of such works.

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Independent verification should be sought for any data, advice or recommendations contained in this book. In addition, no responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property arising from any methods, products, instructions, ideas or otherwise contained in this publication.

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This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information with regard to the subject matter covered herein. It is sold with the clear understanding that the Publisher is not engaged in rendering legal or any other professional services. If legal or any other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent person should be sought. FROM A DECLARATION OF PARTICIPANTS JOINTLY ADOPTED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND A COMMITTEE OF PUBLISHERS.

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Additional color graphics may be available in the e-book version of this book.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

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ISBN: 978-1-53610-666-4

Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. † New York

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CONTENTS Preface

Towards New Horizons in Dark Tourism Studies Maximiliano E. Korstanje

Chapter 2

Smart Tourism for Dark Sites: The Sacred Site of the Dead, Trunyan Cemetery Bintang Handayani, Stanislav Ivanov and Maximiliano E. Korstanje

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An Analysis of Online User Reviews of the Death Sites Bintang Handayani and Babu P. George

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Chapter 3

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Chapter 1

Assessing Dark Tourism as a Sustainable Economic Activity for Emerging Destinations Using a Multi Criteria Approach Hugues Séraphin

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Chapter 4

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Chapter 5

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Chapter 6

Chapter 7

England and the Culture of Achievement: The Roots of Dark Tourism Maximiliano E. Korstanje

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Dark Tourism as Quasi-Suicide: A Case Study of The Sea of Trees Bintang Handayani and Babu P. George

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Terrorism and Tourism: Underlying Commonalities and Emerging Patterns Anthony Clayton

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Interview with Rabbi Peter Tarlow, Terrorism and Dark Tourism Peter Tarlow

About the Editors

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Index

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Chapter 9

Staging Pilgrimage on Skopelos after Mamma Mia! (2008): Digital and Terrestrial Hospitality in Cinematic Tourism Rodanti Tzanelli

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Chapter 8

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Contents

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PREFACE

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For social imaginary, tourism should be understood as an activity related to leisure, relax and entertainment. After MacCannell`s (1976) book The Tourist, students and scholars started to understand the importance of tourism to revitalize the psychological frustrations as well as the inter-class discrepancies in order to keep capitalist society well-functioning. Doubtless, this means that patterns holiday makers follow derive from a cultural matrix that is previously defined by productive system. In terms of John Urry, it is important to reflexion not only on the needs of escaping to revitalize day-today frustrations, but the role played by gazing in the current stages of production. Urry is convinced that gazing was the necessary expression of pleasure-maximization, a mainstream cultural value of capitalist society enrooted in our behaviour. In sum, in Urry`s development, lay-citizens are prone to be in quest of novelty while tourism endorses legitimacy to a privileged-elite (Urry, 2002). In this point his argument is not discordant with Maccannell, but what is more important, both scholars did the correct thing in showing societies can be understood by the ways tourism is envisaged. Over recent decades, academicians theorized on new segments of tourists which are moved to visit spaces of mass-death, as ground-zero in New York City, houses where macabre crimes were perpetrated or Auschwitz Museum in Poland. This suggests that the patterns of beautiness of destinations have experienced a substantial shift. If our grand-parents travelled to beaches and paradisiacal destinations to enjoy from their holidays, now death (even pain) centers as the main commodity of new destinations known as “dark tourism sites” (Lennon 1999; Miles 2002; Wight 2006; Stone & Sharpley, 2008; Cohen 2011; Korstanje 2011). From the lessons left by death to humans, one seems to be of paramount importance. Death not only reminds our

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vulnerability but its surprise-factor. Anthropologically speaking, the construction of shrines serves to alleviate the disrupting effects of disasters, and traumatic events (Malinowski, 1948). The figure of death resonated not only in tourism, an increase number of movies are based on an apocalyptic landscape of the earth fraught of zombies, or walking dead, who not only devour human flesh but place humankind between the wall and blue sea (Skoll & Korstanje, 2014). The sways of Zombie-World reminds how important the others` death is for modern global audiences. At some extent, while the others` death situated as new emergent way of entertainment, the aura of supremacy is still affirmed by those gazers who are exempted to die. As contemporary societies expanded in basis with the dichotomy between exploiters and exploited classes, now the gap is given by what classes which monopolize the resources to expand life, and the other less fortunate classes which are prompted to die with nothing. Most likely, the time of this “Thana-Capitalism” can be reflected in movies of Hunger Games, where the centre-periphery exploitation is based on the introduction of “social Darwinism”, which fosters not only the survival of the strongest, but the war of all against all (Korstanje 2017). For this and other reasons, Dark-Tourism offers a fertile ground to interdisciplinary studies to expand the current understanding of the phenomenon. The first point of entry in this discussion is given by those scholars who believe visitors look to reinterpret their own lives through the others´ death (thanaptosis) (Seaton, 1996; Biran, Poria & Oren, 2011; Stone 2012; Skinner 2010; Sather-Wagstaff, 2011), while other family of theorists focuses on dark tourism as an exploitative instrument of control that legitimizes a much deeper dependency between have and have-nots (Williams 2004; Bowman & Pezzulo, 2009; Tzanelli 2006; Korstanje 2017). In the next line, we will discuss the map of the book, and a bridged snapshot of each chapter. In this vein, Korstanje starts the discussion with a first chapter entitled “towards new horizons in dark tourism studies”. This reflection, is not an applied-research, but reflects my experience as fieldworkers in sites of dark tourism. Neither and attack to any author, neither an enthusiastic approach on the current specialized literature, this chapter synthetizes the conceptual limitations of dark tourism literature at the time, it poses new horizons for research in the days to come. In the second chapter, Handayani, Ivanov & Korstanje analyse the social background in order to expand the current understanding of this issue. The adoption of ICT, as well as creative tourism, would offer a fertile ground for sites of dark tourism. While dark tourism plays

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Maximiliano E. Korstanje and Bintang Handayani

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a leading role accelerating the recovery process in post disasters landscape, smart tourism should be applied in parallel to shorten the ethical dilemmas open up to date. In this respect, the third chapter, solely authored by Bintang Handayani, explores the world of e-complaints in dark tourism shrines and destinations. Although many voices have focused on the experience of visitors, less attention was given to those who have experienced an inevitable dissonance between expectances and their experience in-situ. An in-depth review suggests that e-complaints are not resulted from bad experience, but sometimes by the over-production and easily affordability of information. Through Chapter 4 Hugues Séraphin reviews the allegorical elements of dark tourist destinations as an emergent target for international demand. Per his outcome, he holds the thesis that under-developed nations which characterized by a ongoing political instability should appeal to dark tourism to revere their economic backward situation. As he puts it, the effects of tourism in economies today is profound. At some extent, dark tourism exploits a previous atmosphere of nostalgia and trauma which is extensive towards a collective memory. This raises some interesting question, which for specialized literature remains unchecked: why English speaking researchers are more interested in these type of issues than Latin Americans, Africans or Asians?, to what extent does dark tourism represent a much deeper ideological discourse enrooted in Anglo-Centrism?. In chapter 5, Maximiliano Korstanje locates England as the cultural nation where dark tourism emerged. Not surprisingly, this country offers a rich cultural background, which is associated to Norse Mythology and Predestination. From its inception, Anglo-Saxons were not only concerned by death, but also by forging a culture of achievement which was conducive to modern capitalism. While dark tourism recently flourished as a new emergent segment in tourism industry, it is interesting to pay attention to the gravitation of this topic throughout English Speaking nations. His outcome is that dark tourism exhibits a new emergent segment associated to the rise of a new global capitalism: Thana Capitalism. From another angle, Bintang Handayani, in sixth chapter, brings the study case of those sites disposed for people to commit suicide. This chapter focuses on the movie “Sea of Trees” whose plot situates in Aokigahara-Jukai, at the base of Japan`s Mount Fuji. Not only this poses the ethical dilemma of suicide on the foreground but calls the attention of curiosity of tourists to commoditize this personal act. The hot debate this text wakes up goes around two interesting points. On one hand, the intersection of witnessing with hospitality, death, and suicide results in shared values. On another, no less true is that

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these types of macabre spectacle may very well help visitors to interrogate themselves about life. Anthony Clayton, a well-read experts in security and terrorism, presents in 7 chapter a more than interesting thesis which continues his work jointly to Korstanje to explain the commonalities between tourism and terrorism (Korstanje & Clayton 2012). Though for a whole portion of literature, terrorism wreaks havoc in the local industries of services as tourism, the fact is that some evidence suggests the opposite. Tourism and terrorism seem to be inevitably entwined. Dark tourism thematises on disasters and terrorism in order to revitalize community`s losses. Combining the benefits of cinematictourism with a much deeper philosophical discussion, R. Tzanelli explores the synopsis of Mama Mia!, and the concept of philoxenia. This chapter centres on the former Orthodox Shrine whose religious meaning was emptied by global tourism and heritage seekers in the adaptation of film Mama Mia!. Per her viewpoint, cinematic tourism appeals to the dark landscapes of cultures in order to thematise “otherness”. In consonance with earlier chapters, Tzanelli concludes that the roots of nation-state is enrooted in a fictional memorization of past-time, which means a consumption of tragedy through the lens of heritage. First world tourists allude to “dark tourism” to feel superior, different, outstanding respecting to “the visited other”. Last but not least, we are honoured to interview Peter Tarlow, a senior sociologist who does not need presentation. Tarlow responds, in this section, to all questions with focus in the intersection of terrorism and dark tourism. While over recent years, tourist destinations have been targeted by much wider radicalized cells as ISIS, no less true is that dark tourism offers an interesting opportunity to accommodate fear into a commoditized product. Once again, we are grateful to Nova Science publishers a well-famous and leading publisher which accepted our proposition, as well as the distinguished authors who accepted to take part of this project, a point very well will continue in next years because dark tourism still interrogates the fears and worries of Western civilization to death.

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REFERENCES

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Biran, A., Poria, Y. and Oren, G. (2011). Sought experiences at (dark) heritage sites. Annals of tourism research, 38(3), 820-841. Bowman, M. S. and Pezzullo, P. C. (2009). What’s so ‘dark’about ‘dark tourism’?: Death, tours, and performance. Tourist Studies, 9(3), 187-202. Cohen, E. H. (2011). Educational dark tourism at an in populo site: The Holocaust Museum in Jerusalem. Annals of tourism research, 38(1), 193209. Korstanje, M. E. (2011). Detaching the elementary forms of dark-tourism. Anatolia, 22(3), 424-427. Korstanje M. E (2017) The Rise of Thana Capitalism and Tourism. Abingdon, Routledge. Korstanje, M. E. and Clayton, A. (2012). Tourism and terrorism: conflicts and commonalities. Worldwide Hospitality and Tourism Themes, 4(1), 8-25. Lennon, J. J. and Foley, M. (1999). Interpretation of the unimaginable: the US Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington, DC, and “dark tourism”. Journal of Travel Research, 38(1), 46-50. MacCannell, D. (1976). The tourist: A new theory of the leisure class. Berkeley, University of California Press. Malinowski, B. (1948). Magic, science and religion and other essays (Vol. 23). Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Miles, W. F. (2002). Auschwitz: Museum interpretation and darker tourism. Annals of Tourism Research, 29(4), 1175-1178. Sather-Wagstaff, J. (2011). Heritage that hurts: Tourists in the memoryscapes of September 11 (Vol. 4). Walnut Creeks, Left Coast Press. Seaton, A. V. (1996). Guided by the dark: From thanatopsis to thanatourism. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 2(4), 234-244. Skinner, J. (2010). Writings on the dark side of travel. Journeys, 11(1), 1-28. Skoll, G. and Korstanje, M. (2014). The Walking Dead and Bottom days. Antrocom: online Journal of Anthropology, 10(1), 11-23. Stone, P. R. (2012). Dark tourism and significant other death: Towards a model of mortality mediation. Annals of Tourism Research, 39(3), 15651587. Stone, P. and Sharpley, R. (2008). Consuming dark tourism: A thanatological perspective. Annals of tourism Research, 35(2), 574-595. Tzanelli, R. (2016). Thanatourism and Cinematic Representations of Risk. Abingdon, Routledge. Urry, J. (2002). The tourist gaze. London, Sage.

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Wight, A. C. (2006). Philosophical and methodological praxes in dark tourism: Controversy, contention and the evolving paradigm. Journal of Vacation Marketing, 12(2), 119-129. Williams, P. (2004). Witnessing genocide: vigilance and remembrance at Tuol Sleng and Choeung Ek. Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 18(2), 234-254.

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In: Gazing at Death ISBN: 978-1-53610-666-4 Editors: Maximiliano E. Korstanje et al. © 2017 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.

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TOWARDS NEW HORIZONS IN DARK TOURISM STUDIES Maximiliano E. Korstanje*

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University of Palermo, Argentina

ABSTRACT

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This chapter discusses on the needs of introducing new methodologies in dark tourism fields. At the same time, it is necessary to revisit the limitations and controversies in the current specialized literature. Because of dark tourism arose as an emergent theme in tourism academy, scholars have little information on this theme. We juxtaposed my own experience in the fieldwork as researchers with the outcomes of colleagues who have delved in dark tourism site. We discuss the preliminary outcomes of some authorative voices as Phillip Stone, Richard Sharpley and Anthony Seaton. They start from a biased diagnosis of Thanaptosis which merits to be discussed. In this essay we hold the thesis that knowledge-production in this field stagnated because of two main reasons. Firstly, scholars do not dissociate what is cognition from emotionality, confusing perception with interpretation. Secondly, fieldworkers over-valorize some obstructive methods as questionnaires or formal interviews over qualitative viewpoints. Helping to expand their current understanding of dark tourism, this work dissects on what are the next horizons for research. Dark tourism studies, nowadays, lack of concise epistemological discussion to understand “thanaptosis,” as well

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[email protected].

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as an excess of credibility for what tourists say. Open or close-ended questionaries’ are administered in these sites by students or fieldworkers who somehow conditions interviewees to respond what they expect. In other conditions, interviewees are not familiar with their inner-life, answering what is socially accepted. Last but not least, the term “thanaptosis,” as it was used in specialized literature, needs further clarification.

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Maximiliano E. Korstanje

Keywords: dark tourism, research, fieldwork, epistemology, consumption

INTRODUCTION

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One of the fathers of modern anthropology, Claude Levi-Strauss (1968) theorized on the epistemological boundaries between observed and observer. He found that ethnographers, as fieldworkers, not only were accustomed to watch to understand social facts but to interview others to know further on their experiences. The fact was that what we feel, as well as those events we face, is often interpreted according to a cultural matrix that precedes human action. What are the real implications of this for us? Basically, there is a clear gap (dissociation) between people overtly say from what really accomplish. Although Levi-Strauss was a staunch enemy of ethnomethodology, he was right in one thing. Sometimes, whether ethnographers gather enough information which is extracted from natives´ experience, people lie or in some other conditions, they remain unfamiliar of their behaviors. In the fields of tourism, within dark tourism situates as sub-field, professional researchers are prone to administer open-ended questionaries’ or informal interviews applied on tourists and visitors as the only valid methodology to understand their studied object. For them, dark tourism seems to be a social expression, recently emerged, where visitors manifest their interests for others´ death, or traumatic events), where death is the key-factor to gain attraction. (Foley & Lennon, 1996; Seaton, 1996; Miles, 2002; Strange & Kempa, 2003; Wight, 2006; Stone 2006; Jamal & Lelo, 2008; Robb, 2009; Stone & Sharpley, 2008; Sharpley, 2005; Stone, 2012; Kang et al., 2012; Raine 2013). At a first glance these earlier-mentioned studies were of paramount importance to construct a conceptual platform that explains these new trends, but further discussion is needed to resolve the methodological limitations of applied-research. Much of the problem how tourism fieldworkers process the obtained information comes from the previous theoretical framework they developed (Korstanje 2011b).

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On another hand, if dark tourism can be defined as a valid instrument to accelerate times in post recovery process (Korstanje & Ivanov, 2012), or simply as a form of fictionalization which is disposed by politicians, it is interesting not to lose the sight, there are higher probabilities disasters repeat if community did not learn the lesson. In this short essay-review, we explore the main families of theories which focused on dark tourism, highlighting the own experience in fieldworks as Cromañón (Argentina), Ground-Zero (US) and Concepcion (Chile). Anthropologically speaking, what sites of dark tourism have in common seems to be aimed at ritualizing death; these shrines are constructed as iconic rituals oriented to understand disrupting events which threaten the sense of security of community.

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Towards New Horizons in Dark Tourism Studies

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THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF DEATH

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Thanatology sheds light on the intersection of culture and death in order for expanding the current understanding on death tolerance. While tribal communities have historically developed a higher tolerance to death, in fact because the belief in after-life secularized societies show some problems to understand death in all its dimensions (Bardis 1981; 1986). For example, interesting evidence collected by Korstanje (2006) reveals that upper-classes are reluctant to death while blue-collar workers have developed more efficient adaptive mechanisms (Korstanje 2006). In this respect, Bardis (1986) argues convincingly that “blacks” acquired further acceptance to death than white males in US. The same can be applied to urban-dwellers who are insensitive to religion, in comparison to farmers or people who live in rural zones. The German Philosopher (F. Feuerbach, IV) anticipated that religion and economy are inevitably entwined. Following this, J. Huizinga (1993) confirmed, death never was an obstacle for medieval man simply because religion played a vital role as intermediary between faith and the quest for life. In middle Ages, the concept of sacred-ness was something more than a mere Spectacle. It regulated the daily life and hopes famers endorsed to Catholic Church as a leading institution which marked the moral rule. As Philosopher Hans Belting (2007) puts it, whenever kings died, masks emulate the face of King as a reminder of his presence in difficult times. At some extent, the philosophy of image evinces, we are prone to draw visual icons (as dark tourism shrines) not only because of our fragility, but as reminder to the threshold of time. As this backdrop, B. Malinowski (1948) acknowledges that death represented an old problem for humankind. Once the disaster takes hit,

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survivors face days of extreme fear and anxieties. In order for alleviating this sentiment of anxiety, survivors build monuments, shrines, houses in the geographical point where events happened (Malinowski 1948). The expansion of secularization, which was conducive to the weakness of beliefs, ties and trust, paved the pathways for the rise of uncertainness. In this respect, Phillipe Aries (1975) says that while medieval men kept lower expectancy of life, they were attached to religion. Now, people live much time than their ancestors, but death became in “taboo,” a frightening object to avoid.

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Discussing Dark Tourism

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Doubtless, patterns of leisure and consumption have been substantially changed over recent decades. If our grand-parents travelled to paradisiacal destinations to spend their vacations, new emergent segments are captivated by sites of mass-death, suffering and mourning. Dark or Thana-Tourism, though other terms apply as Bottom-tourism or disaster-tourism, signal to a recent phenomenon where visitors consume others´ death as a form of personal development. In fact, dark tourism has woken up a hot debate among academicians. In this point of entry, two great families of theorists are distinguished. On one hand, a bunch of experts understand dark tourism as a sign of sadism, or the decomposition of social ties (Bloom, 2000; Baudrillard, 1996; 2006; Koch, 2005), but for others, it exhibits an alternative instrument for resilience to mediate between life and death (Lennon & Folley, 2000; Miles, 2002; Stone & Sharpley, 2008). While those cities, towns or areas which are devastated by disasters as quakes, hurricanes or any other type, dark tourism offers a fertile ground for a faster recovery, not only because of profits, but the lesson learned. However, under some conditions when “the tragedy” is commoditized, some risks surface. If in dark tourism sites, death is sold as a commodity, no less true is that this product captivates interests in others. In retrospect, the mutilated identity of community can be revitalized by the imposition of heritage which leads towards dark consumption (Poria 2007; Chauhan & Khanna, 2009). In this vein, Stone & Sharpley (2008) alert that many researchers misunderstand the roots of dark tourism with other similarlyminded segments. What is important to discuss is to what extent experience (of the tourists) are framed under shared values which leads to foster social cohesion (Stone & Sharpley 2008). From medieval times, lay-people alluded to death of others to understand their own life, Stone adds (2012), and this happens because dark tourism represents “a pilgrimage or an individual

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experience resulted from the needs of contemplating others´ death” to interpret the proper life. Undoubtedly, as Biran, Poria and Oren applied research seems to be more descriptive than explanatory. These limitations ushered researchers in marginal factors, instead of paying attention to the role played by “thanaptosis,” as the touchstone of this much deep-seated issue. Like heritageseekers, dark site visitors are in quest of answers which can be found in history, tragedy or death. What visitors look for is not other thing than an “authentic experience.” In an interesting research, Dorina Buda & Alison McIntosh (2013) toyed with the idea that dark tourism should be framed into the logic of voyeurism. Taking their cues from psychanalytic theory, which delved into desire as a catalyst for movement, they explain that experiences as dark only may be molded through consumption of the danger. Embedded within a logic of emulation where visitors want to feel like or what victims felt, dark tourism still opens the doors for interesting investigation in the fields of psychology, sociology and education. In addition, E. H. Cohen (2011) has observed that dark tourism serves as an educational instrument which gives a message to society. The meaning conferred to territory plays a vital role at this stage. Visitors tend to think as authentic those sites where the memorized event took room. Instead, whether museums or shrines are built on allegorical reasons in sites that nothing has to do with the founding trauma, they are pondered as inauthentic. Cohen’s outcomes not only reveal the political root of dark tourism, but also the importance of location whenever the self encounters with tragedy. Dark tourism sites are politically designed to express a message to community. Victims and their families not only have diverse ways of negotiating that message but also by appropriating an interpretation of social trauma. Dark tourism alludes to a psychological need of figuring one death by imagining the other´s death. Nonetheless, the myopia of scholars to understand dark tourism rests on two primary aspects. There are no clear boundaries or indicators to mark a unified site of memory which cannot be subject to political struggle. Furthermore, starting from the premise heritage depends on the political interests, sometimes the national discourse around dark sites are not accepted one side of community (White & Frew, 2013; Korstanje 2011). Additionally, Korstanje & Clayton (2012) acknowledged that tourism would be an splendid opportunity to make business to help others (social marketing), but the risks of fictionalizing disasters, or even terrorism consists in forgetting or remembering partially the reasons behind the traumatic event. If this happens, the probabilities for community to face a new similar blow turn higher. To what extent, visitors of Ground Zero are familiar with the history of

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terrorism in Middle East, or what would know a person in Auschwitz-Birkenau of the economic conditions that facilitated Hitler rise to power?. One of the authorative voices in this theme, Phillip Stone (2006), professor at University of Central Lancashire confirms dark tourism evolves to a much wider spectrum which oscillates from darkest to lightest expressions. While the former is characterized by devotional manifestations where pain runs very high, the latter corresponds with cultural forms of entertainment. The degree of suffering is vital to pass from a darkest to a lightest item in Stone’s model. This reminds that dark fun factories can offer dark landscapes as fictionalized products, which is perceived as less authentic by visitors, while other more macabre subtypes can reject mass-tourism as a main economic option. In recent years, some sociologists, who situates as detractors of this segment, have adamantly criticized tourism in post disaster areas, because it serves as a mechanism where material asymmetries of classes are enlarged. In context of total obliteration, affected families are economically assisted, but relegated to live in peripheral zones, while the centre is fulfilled by international mega resorts, skyscrapers, and commercial malls. For these voices, dark tourism is the ring to the finger for capitalist investors recycles regions at lower costs while enhancing higher profits (Korstanje & Clayton, 2012; Klein, 2007; Korstanje, 2011a, 2011b; Tarlow & Korstanje, 2013; Verma & Jain, 2013; Tzanelli 2016). In this respect, Korstanje & Ivanov (2012) argue convincingly that tourism is a vehicle that helps community to recover from adversities and disasters. Even tourism revitalizes communities from a collective trauma re-delineating the borders of authority. By the introduction of financial business, politicians buttress their legitimacy before citizenry. Some risks arise when politicians take advantage of disasters to impose economic programs otherwise would be rejected by worker unions. In a seminal edition, L White & E. Frew (2013) discuss the roots of dark tourism from many angles. They hold the thesis that victims negotiate the message possessing their own interpretation of trauma, which manipulated or not, express a political message to community. The anticipation of death by means of others connotes to a “psychological need” to understand “adversity.” Last but not least, Sather Wagstaff (2011) conducts an interesting selfethnography in Ground-Zero, NY, where she found that the proliferation of sentiment of loss and mourning lead to social trust. If we start from the premise that the self mediates between memory and future, dark shrines helps dealing with pain or emotions associated to disasters. From Hiroshima to Ground-zero, we are twinned up by the capacity to share feeling (which means

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situate in the place of others). This reflects, for example, the international solidarity received by US after the terrorist attacks in 2001. Since death strengthens social bondage, as founding event 9/11 fabricated “a shared experience” which was adopted by other states, audiences and cultures. The meaning of heritage in her development does not take the same signification than other authors. Sather-Wagstaff said that heritage corresponds with the political manipulation that is oriented to alienate citizens from the real message of disaster. This happens because of two main reasons. First and foremost, affected privileged classes shied away from their responsibilities that pushed community to disaster, and secondly, the manipulation of suffering would be an efficient mechanism of ideology. As Sather Wagstaff put it,

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“Sites of historical and cultural importance that represent violent events are particularly prone to a social misunderstanding about their emergence; it is believed that they have come into existence only through the events that take place at particular location: war results in battlefields, genocides produce mass graves, the assassination site of a political leader delineates a national sacred place. However, historical commemorative places are not made as important sites simply because of the events that may physically mark them as distinct places through bloodshed or the destruction of building or landscapes. These places are made through ongoing human practices in time and I argue, across multiple spaces and places.” (p. 47)

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Not surprisingly, Ground-zero exhibits two important aspects which merit to be discussed. Its symbolic hole is filled by the conflicts of involving actors, which range from politicians, families, neighbors and investors. All them struggle to impose their own discourse about 9/11. Sooner or later, stronger stakeholders monopolize the interpretation of the event in view of their own interests.

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The Fieldworks in Dark Tourism Research Recently, Jonathan Skinner edited by book entitled Writing the Dark Side of Travel where invited authors discuss to what extent we can homogenize a great variety of subthemes. At time of studying dark tourism, many marginal topics as battlefront commemorations, genocides and disaster converge. Based

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on a post-Marxist position, Skinner dangles the possibility postmodernism cements the rise of a new hedonist experience, where the others´ suffering revitalizes the deteriorated ego. Genocide museums not only remember a moral tragedy but disseminate a code enrooted in politics. The role of ethnologist consists in deciphering that code by writing and describing the context. The written word (text) is of paramount importance to understand the allegory of dark tourism sites. The discrepancies among authors who conform this book respecting to the archetype of death represents a serious problems to arrive to a all-embracing theory which allows expanding the current understanding of the issue. Editor J. Skinner warns that chapters included in this project do not examine the death but how it is interpreted by local cultures or story tellers. These tales are embedded in the text, not in history (Skinner 2012). Although this book exhibits a strong sensibility in the role played by the ethnography to unearth covered voices, some limitations and doubts arise. Skinner and his collaborators start from the premise of Seaton or Sharpley who posit an exaggerated trust in the perception, emotions and opinion of visitors or tourists. This point begs two interesting questions, how may we know interviewees are not lying or simply they are not familiar with the psychological laws of their behavior? It is unfortunate that the epistemology of tourism has some limitations to dissociate interpretation (emotionally-oriented) from perception (cognitiveoriented). To put this in other terms, risks perception stems from the cognitive structure while fear comes from the deepness of emotionality. I can perceive a destination as unsecure, but this does not impede I travel there in my holidays (Korstanje 2016). Besides, these investigations are designed to take tourists as the main source of veracity in the field. Although social anthropologists have already recognized that this represents one of the problems of positivism, which assumes asking is only pathway towards truth, somehow approaches in dark tourism alludes to what tourists feel to reconstruct the epistemological object of dark tourism. This stance ignores that likely people lie to protect their interests, or in other they are not cognizant of their real emotions, in which case all information we gathered can be biased by our prejudices (Korstanje 2016). To clarify this better, let´s explain my own experience in Cromañón Sanctuary, a site (night-club) where a fire suffocated almost 194 youth attendants in 2004. One day, a teenager came to me to explain me further on the slippery matter I was involved. I kindly accepted his invitation and switched on my tape recorder. While I supposed he was much to say, the

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interview lasted almost 6 hours. The information I obtained from this young was very important for me at a preliminary stage. Nonetheless, with the passing of months I have advanced my ethnography comparing the collated information by what I can hear and see. Not only I realized that the original interview was completely false, because the involved key-informant wanted to attract attention and exaggerated his stories, but he felt the needs to tell something to me. The importance of this story was not determined by its credibility. He had not lost anyone in the disaster of Cromañon, though developed a strange attachment for the event, for the other´s suffering. This empathy led him to alter his sense of reality. Paradoxically, although this interview was a fake, it underpinned the main hypotheses in my research opening the doors to new cosmologies and opportunities to be empirically validated. This story though false shed light on my investigation, reminding exactly what we have discussed. Not always, what people say is real. If psychoanalysis has left a legacy, it relates to the fact that the self never reconstructs things as they really happen, but only interpret combining deep unconscious forces with “the narcissist object,” as Haydèe Faimberg (2005) observed in her book The Telescoping Generations. Since Freud formulated the “Oedipus complex,” which was based on Oedipus myth, we started to understand not only the profundity of mind, but the role played by secrecy in individual behaviour. While Oedipus was defenseless trapped in a grim future, which resulted from a bloody past, his problem was not associated to the horrendous crime he perpetrated but to deceit (which means the secret he carried during his life). What this myth reminds, Faimberg explains, is that a most part of our acts are determined by the figure of our parents, likely even not remembering events as they happened in history, but only in the way they were deciphered by us. Our cognition as well as everything we say about us stems from a fake-story which is fabricated by our emotional inner-world.

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“We usually acknowledge after Freud, from a psychoanalytical perspective, that the Oedipus myth concerns Oedipus parricidal and incestuous desires and we view them as a paradigm of the unconscious desires felt by all men for their parents. The paradigm is usually called the direct Oedipus complex. Let us repeat it once again, Oedipus` destiny is not governed solely by the prophecy- by what, according to what just has been said, can legitimately be called the Oedipus complex- but also by an unspoken message.” (Faimberg, 2005: 67)

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As this backdrop, many disciplines emerged during XXs decade, are prone to hear from interviewees as valid source of information to reconstruct an allencompassing explanation that obscures rather than clarifies. In some circumstances, obtained information is misunderstood, duplicated, or exaggerated according to the cognitive frames of fieldworkers. Many other projects pursue diffuse goals. While improving the condition of life of communities castigated by disasters is a valuable goal, this places us far away from a real understanding of dark tourism. It is true that policy makers should read what social scientists produce, but in our discipline the borders between tourism-management and scientific-research are blurred. More interested in protecting profits than understanding the anthropological roots of dark tourism, part of dark tourism literature should be re-considered.

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CONCLUSION

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In view of limitations in space and time, I am unable to review all authorative voices in dark tourism in this essay, but in some respect we have detailed the main guidelines and horizons of the discipline to date. Though dark tourism offers an interesting platform to be investigated from an interdisciplinary viewpoint, researchers bemoan the lack of shared epistemology that helps understand the issue, adjoined to serious methodological limitations that obscure the outcomes. As fieldworker in dark tourism, I have come across with different obstacles, which were overcome appealing to “common sense.” Dark tourism studies, nowadays, lack of concise epistemological discussion to understand “thanaptosis,” as well as an excess of credibility for what tourists say. Open or close-ended questionaries’ are administered in these sites by students or fieldworkers who somehow conditions interviewees to respond what they expect. In other conditions, interviewees are not familiar with their inner-life, answering what is socially accepted. Last but not least, the term “thanaptosis,” as it was used in specialized literature, needs further clarification. In the reading of many texts I have found in almost all them the same mistake. The specialized literature suggests that dark tourism is based on “thanaptosis,” a term coined by Seaton or Sharpley, to denote “the fascination (interest) for others´ death to anticipate the own death.” However, far from being real, Thanaptosis was a word originally formulated by American Poet William Cullen Bryant (1817) alluding to the power of nature to recycle life. For the sake of clarity, let´s explain that Bryant endorses to Thanaptosis a

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different meaning than today is used. It consisted in understanding we cannot retain life, because in so doing, we neglect death, which is inevitable. To resolve the puzzle of human existence, which is the only specie have consciousness of death, we have to turn our eyes toward nature, where our death ignites a vital process in earth for others live. Life and death are inevitably entwined. From the moment we are born, we are slowly dying. While the place we left in this earth is used for new-born others, no less true is that sometimes, death of others help us to interpret the proper life. This connotation, at a closer look, sounds very different than Shapley’s understanding. In any case, Bryant (1817) is interested in life and death as forces which are alternated and complemented in nature. He has never associated Thanaptosis to “heritage,” as it was misunderstood by current readers.

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REFERENCES

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Aries, P. (1975). Western attitudes toward death: From the Middle Ages to the present (Vol. 3). Maryland, John Hopkins University Press. Bardis, P. D. (1981). History of Thanatology: Philosophical, Religious, Psychological, and Sociological Ideas Concerning Death, from Primitive Times to the Present. Washington DC, University Press of America. Bardis, P. D. (1986). “Thanatometer. A scale for the measurement of awareness and acceptance of death.” South African Journal of Sociology, 17(3), 71-74. Baudrillard, J. (1996). The perfect crime. London, Verso. Belting, H. (2007). Antropología de la imagen. Madrid, Editorial Katz. Biran, A. Poria, Y. and Oren G. (2011). “Sought Experience at Dark Heritage sites.” Annals of Tourism Research. Vol. 38 (3): 820-841. Blom, T. (2000). “Morbid-Tourism – a postmodern market niche with an example from Althrop.” Norwegian Journal of Geography. Vol. 54 (1), pp. 29-36. Buda, D. M. and McIntosh, A. J. (2013). Dark tourism and voyeurism: tourist arrested for “spying” in Iran. International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, 7(3), 214-226. Chauhan, V. and Khanna, S. (2009). “Tourism: a tool for crafting peace process in Kashmir, J&K, India.” Tourismos: an international multidisciplinary Journal of Tourism. Vol. 4 (2): 69-89.

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Cohen, E. H. (2011). “Educational dark tourism at an in populo site: The Holocaust museum in Jerusalem.” Annals of Tourism Research, 38(1), 193-209. Faimberg, H (2005) The Telescoping Generations: listening to the narcissistic links between generations. East Sussex, Routledge. Feuerbach, L. (2009). The Essence of Christianity. Madrid, Clasicos de la Cultura, Trotta Editorial. Foley, M. and Lennon, J. J. (1996). JFK and dark tourism: A fascination with assassination. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 2(4), 198-211. Huizinga, J. (1993) The Waning of Middle Age. Hodder & Stoughton Limited. Jamal, T. and Lelo, L. (2011). “Exploring the conceptual and analytical framing of dark tourism: From darkness to intentionality.” Tourist experience: Contemporary perspectives, 29-42. Kang, E. J., Scott, N., Lee, T. J. and Ballantyne, R. (2012). “Benefits of visiting a ‘dark tourism’site: The case of the Jeju April 3rd peace park, Korea.” Tourism Management, 33(2), 257-265. Klein, N. (2007). The shock doctrine: The rise of disaster capitalism. New York, Macmillan. Korstanje, M. E. and Clayton, A. (2012). “Tourism and terrorism: conflicts and commonalities.” Worldwide Hospitality and Tourism Themes, 4(1), 825. Korstanje, M. E. and Ivanov, S. (2012). “Tourism as a Form of New Psychological Resilience: The Inception of Dark Tourism.” Cultur: Revista de Cultura e Turismo, 6(4), 56-71. Korstanje, M. (2006). “Lo religioso en el siglo XXI: transformación de creencias y prácticas.” Ciencias Sociales online, 3(3), 28-55. Korstanje, M. E. (2011). “Reconnecting with poverty: New challenges of disaster management.” International Journal of Disaster Resilience in the Built Environment, 2(2), 165-177. Korstanje, M. E. (2011b). “Detaching the elementary forms of dark-tourism.” Anatolia, 22(3), 424-427. Korstanje M. E (2016) The Rise of Thana Capitalism and Tourism. Abingdon, Routledge. Koch, A. (2005). “Cyber citizen or cyborg citizen: Baudrillard, political agency, and the commons in virtual politics.” Journal of Mass Media Ethics, 20(2-3), 159-175. Lennon, J. and Foley, M. (2000). Dark Tourism: The attraction of Death and Disasters. London, Thomson Learning.

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Lemke, T. (2001). “The birth of bio-politics': Michel Foucault's lecture at the College de France on neo-liberal governmentality.” Economy and society, 30(2), 190-207. Levi-Strauss, C (1968) Structural Anthropology. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books. Malinowski, B. (1948). Magic, Science and Religion: And Other Essays, by Bronislaw Malinowski. Selected, and with an Introduction by Robert Redfield. Boston, Beacon Press. Miles, W. (2002).”Auschwitz: museum interpretation and Darker Tourism.” Annals of Tourism Research. Vol. 29 (4), pp. 1175-1178. Poria, Y. (2007). “Establishing cooperation between Israel and Poland to save Auschwitz Concentration Camp: globalising the responsibility for the Massacre.” International Journal of Tourism Policy, 1(1), 45-57. Raine, R. (2013) “A Dark Tourism spectrum.” International Journal of Culture, tourism and hospitality Research. Vol. 7 (3): 242-256. Robb, E. M. (2009). “Violence and recreation: Vacationing in the realm of dark tourism.” Anthropology and Humanism, 34(1), 51-60. Sather-Wagstaff, J. (2011). Heritage that hurts: Tourists in the memoryscapes of September 11 (Vol. 4). California, Left Coast Press. Seaton, A. V. (1996). “Guided by the dark: From thanatopsis to thanatourism.” International Journal of Heritage Studies, 2(4), 234-244. Sharpley, R. (2005). Travels to the edge of darkness: towards a typology of dark tourism. Taking tourism to the limits: Issues, concepts and managerial perspectives, 217-228. Skinner, J (2012) Writing the dark side of Travel. New York, Berghan Books. Stone, P. (2006) “A Dark Tourism Spectrum: towards a typology of death and macabre related tourist sites, attraction and exhibitions.” Tourism Vol 54 (2): 145-160. Stone, P. and Sharpley, R. (2008). “Consuming Dark-Tourism a Thanatological Perspective.” Annals of Tourism Research. Vol. 35 (2), pp. 574-595. Stone, P. (2012) “Dark tourism as mortality capital.” Annals of Tourism Research. Vol 39 (3): 1565-1587. Strange, C. and Kempa, M. (2003). Shades of dark tourism: Alcatraz and Robben Island. Annals of Tourism Research, 30(2), 386-405. Tarlow, P. and Korstanje M. (2013) “How do you build the trip product? Tourism as a tool for post disaster recovery Fukuyima, Japan.” Pasos: revista de turismo y patrimonio cultural. Vol 10 (5): 629-369.

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Tzanelli, R. (2016). Thanatourism and Cinematic Representations of Risk: Screening the End of Tourism. Abingdon, Routledge. Verma, S. and Jain, R. (2013). Exploiting Tragedy for Tourism. Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, 3(8), 9-13. Wight, A. C. (2006). “Philosophical and methodological praxes in dark tourism: Controversy, contention and the evolving paradigm.” Journal of Vacation Marketing, 12(2), 119-129. White, L. and Frew E. (2013) Dark Tourism: place and identity: managing and interpreting dark places. London, Routledge.

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Chapter 2

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SMART TOURISM FOR DARK SITES: THE SACRED SITE OF THE DEAD, TRUNYAN CEMETERY

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Bintang Handayani1,*, Stanislav Ivanov2,† and Maximiliano E. Korstanje3,‡ 1

Independent Researcher International University College, Dobrich, Bulgaria 3 University of Palermo, Buenos Aires, Argentina

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ABSTRACT

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In the recent decades, new emergent forms of tourism emerged. Dark tourism seems to have gained acceptance in Academicians as well as in policy-makers as a valid instrument to help communities in post-disaster contexts. Although some interesting studies have been published recently respecting this theme, little attention was given to the intersection of death with Smart Tourism. This chapter introduces the concept of Smart Tourism to promote the attractiveness of death sites, i.e., Trunyan cemetery. The discussion includes issues around Smart tourism perspectives coupled with the philosophy of slowness. Equally important, it fosters the idea of personification of space as an individual negotiation.

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E-mail: [email protected]. E-mail: [email protected]. ‡ E-mail: [email protected]. †

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How to apply the philosophy of Smart tourism on dark sites indicates implementation of ICT as for not only as individual information system but also expected for enrichment of value-added of place attachment which would generate the personification on the dark sites’ identity and images.

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B. Handayani, S. Ivanov and M. E. Korstanje

1. INTRODUCTION

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Keywords: Smart Tourism, Slow Tourism, Dark Sites, Trunyan cemetery, Bali

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This conceptual paper aims to explore the connections of “Dark Tourism” with the philosophy of slowness (i.e., slow tourism) which may be very well attached with dark sites attributes. Over recent years, smart tourism destination captivated the attention of some policy-makers and pundits (Wang, Li & Li 2013; Buhalis & Amaranggana, 2013). This neologism was certainly coined in view of a much broader term, smart-cities, which denote an increasing reliance in the use of ICT that gathers huge amount of dataset to be exploited from a business position. As Gretzel, Sigala, Xiang & Koo (2015) put it, “the term smart tourism has been added to cities (smart city) to describe efforts aimed at using technologies innovatively to achieve resource optimization, effective or fail governance, sustainability and quality of life (Gretzel et al, 2015: p. 180). The sense of creative tourism not only alluded to a cosmopolitan spirit of further tolerance (see Florida, 2004; Richards & Wilson, 2006; Richards, 2011), but also it was adopted in a moment where new risks and dangers placed tourism industry in jeopardy. We are living in a ever-changing and dangerous world. While threatening events as 9/11 shocked international public opinion worldwide, the outbreak of dangerous virus as SARS or Ebola cancelled thousands of flights suddenly affecting many jobs in tourism and hospitality industries (Sarrasin, 2004; Floyd, Gibson, Pennington-Gray & Thapa, 2004; Reisinger & Mavondo, 2005; 2006; Larsen 2007; Korstanje, 2009; Korstanje & Tarlow 2012). By the articulation of dark tourism, policymakers found an interesting toolkit to revitalize the economies of affected communities. Dark or Thana-Tourism, which originally was observed in sites as Auschwitz-Birkenau (Poland) or any other concentration camps, was adopted in many other contexts such as prisons (Strange & Kempa, 2003), cities effaced by natural disasters (Bowman & Pezzulo, 2009), or in memory of the victims of terrorist attacks as Ground Zero (Sather-Wagstaff 2011). This

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seems as though dark tourism allows refurbishing spaces of disasters or massdeath, by boosting material benefits for locals or victims. Smart tourism, like dark tourism, allows further profit-optimizations otherwise faded away. Much the risk posed in the tourist system, further needs of finding alternative markets as dark tourism or Smart tourism. In this direction, this essay-review discusses to what extent, Smart tourism and Slow tourism may be applied on dark sites as well as its conceptual and ethical limitations. In recent years, Dark Tourism gained further recognition and interests among academicians, but less attention was given to how technologies in spaces of dark tourism work. Therefore, we hold the thesis that dark sites' attributes consumption in the slow mode of travel may be enriched by the philosophy of Smart tourism. Mainly, the discussion is developed based on the case of Indonesia dark site i.e., Trunyan cemetery.

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Smart Tourism for Dark Sites

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2. SMART TOURISM

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While Smart tourism, with capital letter “S” on it, indicates philosophy of emerging forms of ICT that intertwines with tourism experience (Gretzel et al., 2015; Neuhofer, Buhalis & Ladkin, 2015), Slow tourism, with capital letter “S” on it, is attributed to behaviour on experiencing market offerings in the right speed (Honoré, 2009; Caffyn, 2012) and it serves as a goal-driven activity or series of activities (Oh, Assaf & Baloglu, 2014). Following this reasoning, Germann-Molz (2009) points out that speed, in modernity is commonly associated with positive values such as “freedom” and “progress.” The process of globalization, adjoined to the use of ICT, has changed not only the world is emotionally constructed but also how travels are experienced. In an ever changing world, social ties are determined by high-tech mediators which moulded the tourist experience (Wajcman, 2008; Germann-Molz 2012). In the terms of Honoré (2009) this is regarded as “fast revolution” that demands further velocity and instantaneity. However, some critical voiced alerted on the risks of a culture of speed, which paves the ways for the rise of new mental disorders as distress, insomnia, panic attacks and so forth. Opposed to the changes of ICT, slow tourism represents a cure for pathological forms of mobilities. Further, Molz (2009) and Caffyn (2009) suggest that Slow Travel is an emerging social movement that advocates travelling slowly and locally.

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Slow travel which derived from the philosophy of Slow tourism signifies the “right speed” as interpretation of travelling slowly and locally, to be implemented as for gaining tourism experience accordingly based on the platform of its authenticity, place attachment, and its sense of place attributes. One of the pioneers in discussing the negative effects of alienation in urban dwellers, Dean Maccannell, argued convincingly that tourism served as a mechanism of escapement for daily psychological frustrations suffered in humdrum routine can be revitalized by the inversion of rules (MacCannell, 1973; 1976; 1984; 1992; 2001). The needs to re-discover something that turns out authentic are certainly associated to the rise of insecurities modern consumers are bombarded in daily life (MacCannell, 1976; Korstanje, 2012; Rickly-Boyd, 2012). At some extent, dark and smart tourism share the quest of novelty by lay-persons who experience higher levels of alienation in urban spaces. Both are pending answers to the failures of well-fare states to protect their citizens. In that way, dark tourism and slow tourism offer new less alienatory experiences for tourists which exhibited a point very interesting to unravel. The sense of staged-authenticity seems to be the key factors that determine both forms of tourism (Ramkissoon & Uysal, 2014) and place attachment (Ramkissoon, 2015), which is aimed for personification formation on destination identity’s attributes (Ramkissoon & Mavondo, 2015; Korstanje 2011; Lewicka, 2011). As for contextually to interpret the Slow tourism definition which advocates travelling slowly and locally, thus destination and/or attractions to be experienced may be revolved around place(s) that offers not only authentic attributes i.e., involves unique and emotional selling propositions (Kotler, Saunders & Wong, 1999) but also has to be the touristic places which projecting the socio-cultural essence of topography. During centuries, death was symbolized as an eternal sleep, which means a rest in the lost paradise. This connotes an idea of slowness that is fitted against the acceleration of globalization. On another hand, application of Smart tourism coupled with Slow tourism on dark site would be not only embedded with the issues of authenticity but also would be attached with place attachment which would play role as core essence of personification attributes of dark sites. For instance, the study of Ramkissoon & Mavondo (2014) into pro-environmental behaviour indicates the importance of place attachment and place satisfaction. More so, several studies indicate that slow travel and/or slow tourism may enrich tourism experiences and can be useful instrument in facilitating sustainability of sociocultural and physical environment (e.g., Khan, 2015). Those variables

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2.1. Consuming Death

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As discussed in the introductory chapters, dark tourism wakes up supporters and detractors within academy. While some voices exert a radical criticism on dark tourism simply because it connotes an idea of sadism and morbidity (Podoshen et al. 2015; Heuermann & Chhabra, 2014; Korstanje & George 2015), other more nuanced arguments posit the belief that the needs of sensing Others` death connotes to an anthropological drive to forge reciprocity (Seaton, 1996; 1999; 2000; Sather-Wagstaff 2011; Gnoth & Matteuci, 2014; Stone & Sharpley 2008; Tzanelli 2016; Tzanelli & Korstanje 2016). In this respect, the key factor of dark tourism seems to be “thanaptosis,” a term originally coined by American Poet William Cullen Bryant (1817), who concerned by the alternation of death and life, developed a new conception of “anticipation for death.” Eloquently, Bryant found that since death is inevitable, we have to respect the nature. To put this in other term, we need to die for others live, while these others should do the same to allow future births (Bryant, 1948). It was unfortunate that this was misunderstood or ignored by some specialists of dark tourism as Seaton (1996) who envisaged “thanaptosis” as the needs of interpreting the proper life through the others` death. Quite aside from this, Erik H Cohen (2011) recently introduced the figure of “authenticity,” which means the degree of veracity where the traumatic event really happened, as the main element of dark tourism. As a pedagogical pursuit, Dark tourism offers a fertile ground in order for community to expand the current understanding of disaster or traumatic episodes (Cohen 2011). In a similarly-minded argument, Korstanje & Ivanov (2012) delineated the borders of a new conception to frame dark tourism as a mechanism of resilience, which in some conditions, helps society to recover from adversities or situation of total obliteration in post disaster context. Since death produces the weakening of social ties, thematising the reason behind the event is vital for officialdom to gain legitimacy in the in-group. As Stone claimed, the advance of dark tourism literature goes in snail`s pace, and of course, does not share a clear cut-edged methodology to find valid answers to

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that are proposed to be intertwined would be fuelled by the implementation of Smart and Slow tourism philosophy, which would serve as not only for enrichment of death tourism experience but also it may strengthen brand image attributed to the dark sites.

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the question, why we are interested by consuming others` death? (Stone, 2005; 2006; 2011; 2012a; 2012b). In this respect, White and Frew (2013) edited an interesting collection with seminal studies, many of them divergent respecting to the methodologies, but articulated in a common-shared argument. Dark tourism places or shrines are systematically designed to disseminate an ethical message to community. The content of this message is enrooted discursively in the history of the group, and emotionally connected to it. Since these voices are scattered retaining their own interpretation of the tragedy, once agreement is reached, heritage emerges “as a unified memory” centralizing an emergent meaning that should be negotiated with other stakeholders. In consonance with this, Sather Wagstaff (2011) retains some concern respecting to the fact heritage allows a genuine emancipation towards fraternity and understanding; rather, she contends that heritage is politically manipulated to ensure the profits of few actors. While emotions -as suffering- invite visitors to feel what victims feel (authentic feelings), political manipulation of dark sites gives an “unauthentic experience” of the tragedy. In a more than pungent book, entitled “Thana tourism and the Representational Risks,” Tzanelli (2016) reminds the intersection of Thana Tourism, and slumming, both segments oriented to sense the suffering of others, as a residual legacy of old colonialism and centre-periphery dependence. Based on the examination of movies, she understands that tourists in dark sites, are not genuinely in repentance of the policies of their respective nation-states throughout 19s century, but needs to reinforce “an exemplary aura” of superiority over the “peripheral Other.” Doubtless, she did not ignore, though dark tourism helps communities to boost their economies, but no less true is that the problem surfaces whenever politicians manipulate the message to protect their interests (Tzanelli & Korstanje 2016). This fictionalization, if unregulated remains, leads towards serious misunderstandings to interpret the traumatic event. Pro and cons of dark tourism still remains open and further discussion is needed in this direction. Here is where our model situates as a fertile ground to fill some conceptual gaps. Korstanje and George (2015) suggest that by visiting death sites, visitors are distracted from one’s own mortality. In this vein, Death tourism which is embedded with dark tourism emerges as the new market segment as it is attributed to a larger phenomenon than most people think (Foley & Lennon, 1996; Yuill 2004; Wilkinson, 2010; Sharpley, 2005; Carr 2010; SatherWagstaff, 2011). Still further, Bowman & Pezzullo (2010) indicate that other’s performances of funeral rites often leads to misunderstanding at other people’s

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attitudes toward or behaviour in response to death. This is perhaps due to a staple motif of representations designed to reinforce or exaggerate the difference between ‘us’ and ‘them.’ In terms of the study context, unlike Bali’s overall images which since 1920’s is acclaimed as one of the world's most beautiful places (Farhan, 2014; BBC NEWS, 2016), Trunyan village, where the Trunyan cemetery is in, Trunyan cemetery is not as well-known as "Ngaben" cremation, that its positioning is less-established (see TripAdvisor online review on Trunyan cemetery, 2016). Research into Balinese cultural heritage, particularly dark tourism is considered as an established domain (e.g., Geertz, 1966; Keesing, 1974; Kunst, 1994; Picard, 1990, 1997, 2008). However, unlike “Ngaben” cremation which has received much acceptance moved by other specific traditional Balinese rituals, Trunyan cemetery received little attention. Accessibility and the surrounds seem to suffer from lack of maintenance (Handayani, 2016a). Further, study that examines Smart tourism with death site seems to be limited as majority of research revolves around enrichment of established destination development and planning e.g., city branding. Specific study that employ online community review i.e., TripAdvisor as a tool for data collection (e.g., Handayani, 2016a) suggests to be used for mapping the personification embedded with this present research area. It denotes important platform and would emerge as influential pillars of the community (Hochmeister, Gretzel & Werthner, 2013). Research into death sites i.e., Trunyan cemetery in relations with online community reviews revolve around how the visitation to death sites influence visitors’ lifeworld and how the online reviews give brand image to the death sites and/or how it emerges as personification to the death sites (Handayani, 2016a). On the hospitality research spectrum, online reviews that employed TripAdvisor received scant attention. To date, it has been used to analyse hotel ratings (e.g., Ilieva & Ivanov, 2014; Banerjee & Chua, 2016; Schuckert, Liu and Law, 2015) and is used to explore the intertwind variables among the relationships on social media in online travel information search, Word-of-mouth (WOM) information search and/or eWOM (e.g., Gretzel & Yoo, 2008). Research also suggests that online reviews on travel experience in social media context revolves around the facts of the attractions and destination, details of how to get there, and the uniqueness of the experience (Xiang & Gretzel, 2010; Qazi, Syed, Raj, Cambria, Tahir & Alghazzawi, 2016; McIntyre, McQuarrie and Shanmugam, 2015; Sun, Fong, Law & Luk, 2015). Further, Professor Ulrike Gretzel (2016) points out the existance of the smart online review on social media. Smart online reviews i.e., positive, negative, and/or combination of

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positive and negative reviews would not simply discouraging or advocating tourist’s future behavioural intention. The rating scores which contains extreme reviews would not simply predicting tourists’ future behavioural intention as tourists nowadays are well-informed and has power to search for customisation on facts, details, and the uniqueness of the attraction and it's destination's profile attributes. In this sense, future study will not only enrich the body of knowledge on dark tourism especially the death sites but also may be used as recommendations for improving the surrounds of the cemetery. To bridge these knowledge gaps and lack of death sites’ maintenance, therefore, the statement that set as the research problem is how do Smart tourism, coupled with Slow tourism perspectives significance on enrichment of dark site's personification and its sense of place?

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3. METHODS OF STUDY

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This chapter adapts sequential design i.e., preliminary study and followed by structure review as instruments to a better understanding analysis of this much deep-seated issue. Technically, the preliminary study utilises past research that examining the tourists’ online reviews derived from online community i.e., Handayani, (2016a) and followed by structure review as methods of study, it aims to strengthen the current state of Trunyan cemetery identity’s attributed to personification of the death sites. In this sense, preliminary studies is employed for explanative aspect on the phenomenon that being investigated whereas structure review as methods of study is used to test the research question. The the data is derived from tourists’ online reviews derived from online community i.e., tripAdvisor website (2016), which revolves around venting feelings e-comments about about experiences visiting the Trunyan cemetery were analysed. Simple purposive random sampling was selected (Krejecie & Morgan, 1970) based on the venting feelings e-comments from year 20112015. They were useful to clasify and the results were used for mapping the personification identities attributed to the Trunyan cemetery as a dark site’s unique selling proposition and as the emotional selling proposition. Ultimately, this findings were employed for designing the scenario planning on implementing the Smartness philosophy of Smart tourism, coupled with the Slow tourism perspectives that are recommended by the review literature. For this reason, we disposed from a “structure review” as methods.

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Structure review was aimed to seek literature that can be adapted for the study context. Reviews may apply different approaches, namely systematic or structure reviews. Systematic reviews cover the review question(s), critical appraisal, data extraction and analysis (Mulrow and Oxman in Evans and Kowanko, 2000). On the other hand, structure reviews summarise a conceptually broader area than limited literature and recommendations (Stevens and Milne, 1998). A literature review as a method is considered research in its own right (Evans and Kowanko, 2000). Further, Cooper (1998) denotes to the uses of a literature review as seeking to describe, summarise, evaluate, clarify and/or integrate the content of a database which reports original types of scholarship, e.g., empirical, theoretical, critical/analytic or methodological. In this sense, a review of the literature indicates an investigation of certain issue(s) that relies on these types scholarship for integrating, summarising, evaluating and/or clarifying the issue(s) in the past, present, and predicting the future. In this vein, implementation of Smartness philosophy of Smart tourism revolves around the application of ICT development on enrichment of information distribution and building infrastructure i.e., applying Wayfinding and ‘smart shoes’ that could help travellers explore new destinations without consulting a map.

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3.1. Overview of the Study Context: Trunyan Cemetery

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Located on the edge of Lake Batur in northern Bali, the cemetery is where people from the nearby village of Kuban bring their dead to rest on top of the ground. The only dead allowed here are those who passed away because of old age or sickness brought on by old age, not those who died through accident or any other tragic cause e.g., being murdered. The site can only be reached by boat, a small fleet of which awaits visitors at the end of a wooden jetty overlooked by the stunning Mount Batur. Crossing the lake to Trunyan takes between 20 and 30 minutes and upon arrival a small huddle of men awaits the boats. The cemetery is small and seems to be poorly maintained, but what indicates the importance of this final resting place is the great number of human skulls lined up on stone shelves (Gower, 2010; Morton, 2014). Trunyan village was the only area of Bali not conquered by the Majapahit emperors, which means that the empire’s traditions, culture and belief structures did not influence the village (ANTARA TV, 2013). This may be an indication of why rituals of shared values in Trunyan cemetery are different from other classical types of Balinese cremation. The uniqueness of this ritual

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lies in not burying the body, but merely placing it under the tree named Teruyan (Teru Menyan). This tree has a strong scent, and the people of Trunyan village believe that it diminishes the smell from the dead body (Sutika, 2014). In the cemetery, under the teruyan trees, the bodies of the deceased are just covered in cloth and rudimentary bamboo cages. These cages are flimsy and practically leave the body open to the elements. The bodies left out in the open will of course decompose, and the potential for unwelcome odours and even health concerns is real. The presence of a banyan tree, described as a holy tree, seems to stand guard protecting the cemetery. Its leaves carpet the ground and presumably this is part of the way in which the tree keeps the area free from unwelcome odours. In addition, once the the bodies of the deceased are decomposed, old bones will be moved stone shelves, to make way for new ones. This sacred ritual profoundly indicates the shared values which distinguish the people of Trunyan from other Balinese and their cultural rituals for dealing with the death of family members. The Trunyan ritual denotes the mixed aspects of spirituality and religion with the cultural heritage.

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3.2. Preliminary Study: Empirical Setting

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As discussed, studies into Smart tourism coupled with Slow travel in relations with dark sites i.e., Trunyan cemetery received scant attention. Current research examine the online comments from TripAdvisor of visiting Trunyan cemetery and how it affects tourists’ lifeworld (Handayani, 2016a) i.e., involves discussion on the presentation of death and communication patterns and on the presentation of death and religiosity formation. As the purpose of this study aims to examine how do Smart tourism, coupled with Slow tourism perspectives significance on enrichment of dark site's personification and its sense of place, we adapted the derived findings of Handayani (2016a) to the personification attributed to the death sites i.e., Trunyan cemetery. The findings can be summarised as follows. Data collected from TripAdvisor.com from year 2012 to year 2015. The range of visits is from 2012 to 27 December 2015. Out of 50 top listed reviews and comments, total respondents for 2015 was 23; for 2014 was 15; for 2013 was 6; for 2012 was 5; and no date stated. The online comments from TripAdvisor on visiting the cemetery are judged by several criteria: overall rating of the attractions, title of the review, the review’s content, types of

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companion (i.e., couple, family with young children, family and teens, friends, business, and solo). Additional information includes the attraction’s phone number, website, recommended length of visit (1 hour, 1-2 hours, 2-3 hours, and more than 3 hours), followed by questions: (a) to what extent is the attraction free to the public? (b) is a gratuity suggested at this attraction? (c) would this be a good rainy day activity? (d) is food available at this attraction? (e) is a car required to access this attraction? (f) is this attraction accessible using public transport? An optional question regarding willingness to share photos about the trip is also asked. Six questions concern the overall rating of the Trunyan cemetery as an attraction, and recommendation to visit (as depicted in Table 1) rated on the scale “yes,” “no,” and “not sure” (TripAdvisor, 2015). In short, these criteria can be grouped into categories: (1) overall rating derived from the visit itself, e.g., type of companion; (2) recommended length of visit and its attractions profile; (3) and the optional question on willingness to share the information about the attraction’s phone number or website and willingness to share photos of the visit. Most responses are positive, and all respondents answered all the questions, leading to discussing the value of money, basic and expensive prices for accessibility, some dissatisfaction with the local people’s attitude (Table 1). In addition, discussion on the distinctiveness of the Trunyan cemetery was expressed by 13 respondents indicating negative feelings, 3 comments denoting both negative and positive feelings, and a few comments about historical facts. Among the more interesting comments are the story of Gunung Batur, an ancient Taru Menyan tree, Dewi Danu, classification of resting the dead body according to criteria of children, unmarried or married, the story of Bali Aga as a marginalised tribe and its label as the poorest one are. Further, both negative and positive feelings are expressed about the Trunyan cemetery as a dark site, denoting artificial dissatisfaction not only with the graveyard and the unfriendly environment but also about the local people’s attitudes; these imply Trunyan authenticity and its dark attributes are fundamentally distinct from other dark sites, signifying strong positioning. In fact, those comments that contains harsh word play coupled with negative feelings, which appear discouraging, suggests the attributes being commented on may emerge as central to authenticity and shared values, giving a brand image to the Trunyan cemetery as a premium dark site attraction. The brand image of a place, includes dark sites is about the value story derived from shared values such as culture, identity and image. These shared values are

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projected by the dynamics of organisational identity, namely expressing, reflecting, mirroring and impressing (Kavaratzis and Hatch, 2013).

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3.3. Important Implications

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The word play in the online community confirms what the literature indicated. The theory of word-of-mouth (WOM) in marketing communication (Gouldner, 1960; Gremler et al., 2001; Buttle, 1998; Allsop, Bassett & Hoskins, 2007; Palka, Pousttchi & Wiedemann, 2009; Kozinets, Valck, Wojnicki & Wilner, 2010; Meiners, Schwartling & Seeberger, 2010; Berger and Schwartz, 2011; CHIOSA, 2014) alludes to the value story about the place brand that is being discussed in social media interaction, encouraging brand authenticity to grow into a place brand image (Jalilvand and Samiei, 2012; Handayani, 2015; 2016b). It is noted that word play may lead to the personification attributed to the death sites. More so, it would strengthen brand image formation to the “darkness” attributes’s as identity which presumably can be aspired by the producer. Some of the word play most used denotes sarcasm, e.g., “Ancient culture in the middle of the Island of the Gods”; “Sad that this is a tourist attraction”; “Horrible experience”; “Bad experience”; Worst attraction I’ve ever done”; “Shocking!”; “Merkelig opplevelse” (“Strange experience”); “その土地の風習、文化” (“customs of the land, culture”). Negative feelings expressed include “Nice and new experience, just shame it became too touristy”; “Terrible locals”; “Don't bother....!!!”; “Just don’t go there. It is not worth it.”; “Cemetery okay, but Aga Village is a disgrace!”; “We wanted to learn about Trunyan beliefs and culture, but didn’t”; “Lebih Baik Bawa Guide Lokal” (“It is better to hire Balinese as tourist guide”), denoting dissatisfaction towards encountering dark site attributes; also, the overpricing, the local people’s characteristics, and lack of ready accessibility. As already established from the literature review, ecomments and e-WOM about visitors’ experience are largely motivated by helping a travel service provider, concerns for consumers, the need for enjoyment or positive self-enhancement, and expressing negative feelings about the site (Yoo and Gretzel, 2008); hence bearing this in mind, this study’s findings can be useful as a meta-theme of dark sites’ attributes in general, here attributed to Trunyan cemetery’s brand distinctiveness, which signifies its existential authenticity. In addition, as outlined in the overview of this study, the ritual of just leaving the bodies of the deceased on the ground, covered by cloth and rudimentary bamboo cages, leads to the question of shared values of

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this ritual. Perspectives of religion and spirituality interconnect with how this fascinates tourists and how it affects their lifeworld; and what are the explanations for this phenomenon. As the literature indicates, contemporary dark tourism (Seaton, 1996) in general and death sites as attractions in particular lead to contemplation and consideration of human feelings about death. In sum, this study’s findings which denote dissatisfaction expressed in the form of negative feelings expressed online indeed delineate this true philosophical dark site’s attributes.

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34 5

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Mixed feelings 3 3

Negative feelings

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Positive feelings

Local people’s characteristics and attitude √

13 2

Shared values and cultural rituals √

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Extreme Some effect Average Little effect on No effect on effect on on tourist’s effect on tourist’s tourist’s tourists’ lifeworld tourist’s lifeworld lifeworld lifeworld lifeworld extreme experience visiting dark site that changed tourist’s lifeworld (5) – experience visiting dark site has no effect on tourist’s lifeworld (1)

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Total number of respondents 50 Overall rating of the dark site

Surrounding views at this attraction √

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Posting e-reviews and/or e-comments Distinctiveness Value for Accessibility of the dark-site money/ attributes pricing √ √

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Table 1. Meta-theme of findings on dark attributes associated with Trunyan cemetery

Indicator:

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Adapted from Handayani (2016a). Source: January 2015 to 27 December 2015, TripAdvisor online community.

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The feelings of connectedness coupled with the attributes of spirituality as perceived by the people of Trunyan reflect their perceived values in finding more meaning in not burying the dead body. They denote spiritual values and a socio-cultural topography that fuel their way of life. The essence of spirituality, according to Krentzman (2013) and Willson, McIntosh and Zahra (2013) revolves around such questions as (1) where do we find meaning? (2) how do we feel connected? and (3) how should we live? reflected here in not burying the bodies. Understanding the role of teruyan trees within the cemetery, and using bamboo cages and cloths (Gower, 2010) to protect the body also signify their true belief and shared values that connect them with the

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universe and indicate the way to treat dead bodies. On the other hand, the tourists world determines their beliefs and values as they visit death sites, awakening their visualisation of life after death and fuelling the need for validation of modern tourists who assume they can avoid death, seen through the lens of other people’s death cultural settings and shared values. As it depicted in Table 1, the meta-theme findings indicate that distinct dark-site attributes can be grouped into value of money, accessibility, surrounding views at this attraction, local people’s characteristics and attitude, and shared values and cultural rituals (Handayani, 2016a). This is in line with the study of Bart de Langhe (in Nickelsburg, 2016) that suggests consumers are often influenced by brand reputation and price-signaling when reviewing a product. Of the 50 respondents who shared their experience of visiting Trunyan cemetery, 34 had positive feelings, 13 negative feelings, and 3 expressed both.

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4. STRUCTURE REVIEWS: HOW SMART IS SMART TOURISM?

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Smart tourism intersects with the relationship of information communication technology (ICT) with tourism experience (Hunter, Chung, Gretzel & Koo, 2015). It is understood as a result of emerging forms of ICT, which shifts e-tourism i.e., functions as individual information system, coupled with the demand for customisation and technology-mediated cocreation (Gretzel et al., 2015). Presumably, this may lead to the fast mode of travel as it allows traveller in making more intelligent decisions about alternative(s) as well as action that will optimise business process and business performance (Gretzel et al., 2015). As demand for customisation and technology-mediated co-creation are accommodated by the ICT, in this vein, Smart tourism as mainstream is associated with speed and acceleration distribution of information and infrastructure design. Importantly, as it is developed for tourist’s convenience and destination development platform, hence, smart tourism would enrich touristic market offerings’ competitive advantage which aimed to sustain tourist’s satisfaction and accelerate behavioural intention (BI). However, as Gretzel et al., (2015) point out that Smart tourism is expected to provide the backdrop for pioneering many of these smart technologies, the systematic and widespread coordination and sharing as well as exploitation of touristic data for value creation is still in its

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infancy, especially, studies into how Smart tourism is applied on the death tourism seem to be less-explored. To date, research into Smart tourism most likely is embedded with city development which emerges as attractions for tourists and is well-known as Smart city in urban planning domain. E.g., development of Singapore as Smart city-state (Neville, 1999) and city model enrichment (Smart, Quinn and Jones, 2011). There seems to be limited research on how the Smart tourism concept, foundation, and development are applicable for dark sites. In this sense, as it depicted in Table 1, the meta-theme findings indicate that distinct dark-site attributes can be grouped into value of money, accessibility, surrounding views at this attraction, local people’s characteristics and attitude, and shared values and cultural rituals (Handayani, 2016a). These five attributes are derived from TripAdvisor, communication and interaction among members of the online community about the experience visiting Trunyan cemetery providing the information for sharing their feelings. Sharing their feelings in the online community indicate how Smartness philosophy of Smart tourism can be applied. It is not only useful for the member of community online who share similar interest and shared values but also it is useful for the producer in shaping the design aspiration of types of identity attributes to be exposed. Presumably, philosophy of emerging forms of ICT intertwines with tourism experience that Gretzel et al., (2015) and Neuhofer, Buhalis & Ladkin (2015) pointed out can be interpreted in this way. In other words, Smart tourism which in this vein is attached with ICT development on tourist’s sites could be for both external publics e.g., segmented tourist i.e., members of online community and also the internal publics i.e., stakeholders and its destination marketing organisation (DMO).

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5. A SCENARIO PLANNING FOR TRUNYAN CEMETERY: AUTHENTICITY, PLACE ATTACHMENT, AND DESTINATION’S MARKETING AND DEVELOPMENT

People travel, they seek for authentic culture, uniqueness and emotional attachment of activities that presumably fulfill the needs and wants, generates happiness and satisfaction. In order to gain this happiness and satisfaction, tourist demands for authenticity, and coupled with the place attachment that derived from the personification of identity attributes. While demands for authenticity indicates genuinity of identity’s attributes of attractions, place

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attachment are formed based on tourists’ perceived images of identity’s attributes of attractions. In this sense, consumers are judging whether the branded offer is worth pursuing (Hill, 2010). This place attachment normally attributed accordingly along with the sociocultural psychology and topography where the tourist's attractions are established. With viewpoint, it suggests how emotion is interrelated with attractions and how destination's attributes i.e., topography enhance the experiences. Authentic tourist experience formation in this vein endow not only his/her well-being but also may emerge as value co-creator of tourism experience. To date, studies indicate that authenticity adds value to the touristic market offerings (Ramkissoon & Uysal, 2014). Further the study of Ramkissoon & Uysal (2014) suggest that existential, objective, and experiential authenticity may be significant in co-creation of the authentic tourist experience. Consequently, mapping the authenticity, and coupled with the place attachment of tourist’s sites or tourist’s market offerings could assist destination marketing and development in designing and programming market offerings. With this viewpoint, it is deemed appropriate that application of Smartness philosophy of Smart tourism can be potentially applicable for dark sites development. In addition, past studies suggest the importance of emotional experiences in the consumption of dark tourism, and suggests adopting a hot interpretation approach (Ballantyne & Uzzell, 1993; Uzzell & Ballantyne, 1989), which denotes the importance of authenticity in dark tourism settings (Miles, 2002; Shackley, 2001; Sharpley & Stone, 2009). However, there seems to be scant research to support this proposition. To date, research into hospitality indicates that when online customer reviews of hotels as participation increases, better evaluation is obtained, which would balance the positive and negative representations (Melián-González, Bulchand-Gidumal and López-Valcárcel, 2013). This research presumably would be irrelevant to the Dark sites as unlike “light tourism” market offerings, Dark sites authentically embedded with darkness attributes which discussed in the structure review of this study. Importantly, as Gretzel (2016) put it, venting feelings e-comments about about visitation experiences would not simply discouraging publics as online customer reviews are focuses on Smart reviews albeit research also indicates that text readability and reviewer characteristics affect the perceived value of reviews (Fang, Ye, Kucukusta & Law, 2016). Likewise, Schuckert, Liu and Law (2015) suggest that fake reviews have become more prevalent and proportion of suspicious ratings in online ratings is about 20% at a standard of 0.5. Therefore, perspectives of Smart reviews

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which revolves around facts, details of experiences, and uniqueness of brand image attributed to the destination and/or attractions is more relevant and most likely would not decreasing public's future behavioural intention. To bridge that knowledge gap, the study of Kang, Scott, Lee, and Ballantyne (2012), which highlights the importance of a hot interpretation approach to enhancing visitors’ emotional experiences and the benefits gained, is appropriate for this study context. Attractions appear to be authentic because of point of view, belief, perspective, or power (Wang, 1999). With this in mind, the existential authenticity that Wang proposes can be adapted; in this study context existential authenticity is attributed to elements of the dark site, which emerge as the new form of religiosity simply through online discussions about visiting a death site. Brand as a new form of religiosity in this case is interpreted as the diffusion process derived from discourses about dark site attributes which gradually become the brand image of a dark site’s profile. In other words, these preliminary findings which adapted from the study of Handayani (2016a) which revolves around: (1) value of money, (2) accessibility, (3) surrounding views at this attraction, (4) local people’s characteristics and attitude, and (5) shared values and cultural rituals are useful for place attachments. Presumably, these findings which seem to be attributed with the “darkness” attributes may emerge as personification’s identity, enriched also by the application of Smart tourism coupled with the Slow travel philosophy. In addition, as Neuhofer, Buhalis & Ladkin (2015) advocated that Smart may enrich the design of personalised experience, thus the current trend which suggests the zeitgeist of Smart shoes (Butler, 2016) could be appropriate to be explored for death sites's attributes. Arguably, this would not only enrich: (1) the customised the touristic market offerings; (2) it would serve as respond to the demand for standardised comfy accessibility, premium service and hospitality but also serve as instruments for engagement and enhancement the possibilities of personalised experience creation. Thus, Smart tourism coupled with Slow travel is suited applied as the emerging forms of ICT intertwines may enrich the tourism experience without lessen tourism experience. What is more, the death sites consumption is not only signify the “right speed” as interpretation of travelling slowly and locally i.e., to the death sites but also attributed with both business sided i.e., death sites as attraction-driven and tourism-demand.

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CONCLUSION

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This study has discussed several viewpoints around the theme of dark tourism. The findings suggest that smart tourism perspectives coupled with slowness philosophy are applicable to development of the death sites. Importantly, this study is in line with the review literature that promotes the idea of getting the touristic products to be experienced in the veracious speed, as it is projected by not only its authenticity but also by its personification derived from place attachment and sense of place. To sum up, Smart tourism which involves ICT development and application on death sites may: (1) fuels the destination, as it would enrich the destination functionality attributes; (2) influences the attraction(s), as ICT application and development would enhance the emotional aspects of the death sites e.g., through its ability as individual information system and/or its social-media phenomenon which drives the online community, and serves as experience enrichment and development of personification identity's attributed to the destination and/or attractions. Although some sociologists assume direct contact generates authentic experience, while the use of ICT leads to false ones, it is interesting to discuss to what extent, thematising disasters or spaces of mass-death, provides policy makers with an all-encompassing model to help others. In this view the convergence of ICT and Smart tourism resolves the ethical dilemmas open in dark tourism. Though further verification is needed, here two important assumptions can be made. The first and more important, dark tourism emerged as a modern phenomenon that escaped the one-sided gaze, calling to interdisciplinary research. Secondly, it represents an anticipating others` death as a valid form to appreciate life.

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Implications of the study As current state of the variables of this study seems to be limited, and past studies advocate for more research to better understand and enrich its perspectives, consequently this study adds to the literature a new layer of relationships between Smart tourism and Slow tourism perspectives on the dark sites attributes. In this vein, this study has answered the call for more research which aimed to enrich the Smart tourism as Gretzel et al., (2015) advocated in their article. As stated, this study provides with fresh alternative points respecting to the possibilities of applying Smart Tourism in Death sites, especially in the studycase of Bali discussed here.

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Future Research Directions

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This study leaves several issues to address future study. First, the research procedures administered i.e., employing online community reviews should be replicated for other death site as study context. Second, the proposed framework needs further rigorous research. Third, qualitative studies is necessary due to the review literature of this research only found few studies that intertwines the Smart tourism coupled with Slow tourism on the context of death sites development (Iacobucci & Churchill, 2010). Therefore, as much as it would be useful to re-test the robustness of this study findings and its context, future research may investigate this issues by employing qualitative approach with non-online reviews as unit analysis or future research may conduct following-up of this research by employing interview with members of this online community.

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AN ANALYSIS OF ONLINE USER REVIEWS OF THE DEATH SITES

Bintang Handayani and Babu P. George†

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Independent Researcher Fort Hays State University, KS, US

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ABSTRACT

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This chapter discusses e-complaints about the death sites which emerge from visitors’ online reviews, and is useful for strengthening identity attributed to brand image. Smart reviews offer an interesting topic to be developed in the next years. Though a lot of investigation has centred on the rise and expansion of dark tourism, little attention was given to the role of e-complaints as a key factor in boosting or dampening the “attractiveness” of dark destinations. The authors also discuss, to what extent the perceived authenticity stated via e-reviews explains future behavioural intention in visiting the death sites. Finally, we aim to answer whether negative reviews of otherwise normal destinations, reviews that rouse feelings of horror, attract dark tourists.

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Keywords: online reviews, e-complaints, death sites, thanatourism

 †

E-mail: [email protected]. Email: [email protected].

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1. INTRODUCTION

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E-Complaints are associated with negative reputation and disatisfiers, which are also may influence behavioural intention. Research indicates complaints, which identified as expressions of dissatisfaction, regardless it is subjectively experienced or not, is served as venting emotions or achieving intrapsychic goals, interpersonal goals, or both (Kowalski, 1996; Nasir, 2004; Gil-Or, 2010; Boden, 2015). In the tourism context, many researchers have investigated the intertwined relationships among complaints, booking intentions, perception of trust, and online hotel ratings (Iyiola & Ibidunni, 2013; Hannigan, 1980; Mills & Law, 2004; Lee & Hu, 2005; Park, 2005; Goetzinger, Kun Park & Widdows, 2006; Zheng, Youn & Kincaid, 2009; Sparks & Browning, 2010; Sparks & Browning, 2011; Sezgin, Efilti, Kalipçi & Algür, 2012; Levy, Duan & Boo, 2013; Ilieva & Ivanov, 2014; Xiang and Gretzel, 2010). Specific research examines the use and impact of online travel reviews, which generate Consumer-generated content (CGC) suggests that online travel reviews written by consumers is used to inform travel-related decisions (Gretzel & Yoo, 2008). This CGC most likely contains memorable experience which could be positive or negative reviews. The opportunity to provide e-reviews increased the likelihood of complaints (Williams & Kolbas, 2015; Krishnamurthy & Kucuk, 2009; Bailey, 2004; Harrison-Walker, 2001). Further, as Krishnamurthy and Kucuk (2009) denote that internet has empowered consumer through greater information access, instant publishing power, and a participatory audience, which launches meaningful anti-consumption, thus the outcomes of anti-branding i.e., three communication patterns of anti-brand sites (market, ideological, and transactional speech) should be managed properly. This highlights the intertwined relationships among variables such as (1) information communication technology (ICT) i.e., online community, ereviews; (2) impression management i.e., image, identity & reputation; and (3) behavioural intention which revolves around service quality and customer loyalty. As the backdrop of this, handing e-complaints profoundly important to attain and retain a pool of devoted and profitable consumers (Kotler and Armstrong, 2010; Zemke and Anderson, 2007; Sezgin, Efilti, Kalipçi & Algür, 2012). This chapter discusses e-complaints of the death sites on behavioural intention visiting the death sites. This chapter not only pays attention how ecomplaints in dark tourism sites can be addressed, but attempts to examine how such claims can be used to gain further positioning.

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2. PRELIMINARY DEBATE

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Over recent years, new emergent segments captivated the attention of practitioners and tourism-related researchers. Classic destinations as sun and beach products set the pace to “sites” where death, disaster and suffering were the main attraction (Korstanje & George 2015). The dark tourism consumption was addressed by Stone (2005), who defines it as symbolic pilgrimage in dark itineraries where death mediates between present and future. What tourists look in these types of places, is mediating with their possibility to die at some later day. Dark tourism research ignited a hot debate respecting to how ethical these practices are, as well as their potentiality to offer a pedagogic instrument to understand traumatic events in pastime (Cohen, 2011; Strange & Kempa, 2003; Biran, Poria & Oren, 2011; Hartmann, 2014). While some voices have emphasized on the role of dark tourism as a conduit to revitalize obliterated communities in post disaster contexts, others see in dark tourism an ideological instrument to alienation and social control (Verma & Jain 2013; Korstanje 2016; Tzanelli 2016). In this respect, the potentiality of dark tourism goes unnoticed for specialized literature, though it represents an incipient field of research which has much to say in the years to come (Seaton, 1996; White & Frew 2013; Wilson 2008). Recently, some specialists focused on “virtual dark Tourism,” as the result of technological advance adjoined to the lack of access in some dangerous places. It is not surprisingly to see how websites gives hints how to buy tours for places otherwise cannot be visited. This radical change in the way of envisaging travels defies how tourism is defined. Cyber-tourism has recently found an interest for “trauma-escapes” at the time the site where atrocity was perpetrated remains hard to be visited (Kaelber 2007). The fact is that, dark tourism consists in the act of “gazing death,” and of course, how death is watched depends on used instrument. Therefore, virtual (dark) tourism, quite aside from the lack of psychical movements, shares the same commonalities with dark tourism. In spite of the interests of scholars, little attention was given to the rates of e-complaints or claims in dark tourism sites. In this vein, this chapter intends to fulfil this already existent gap expanding the understanding of the issue. Part of discontent manifested by clients or customers corresponds with a much deeper dissonance between reality and expectancies, a dissonance which escapes to the logic of desire. This point offers a fertile ground for appliedresearch in next years, alternating the advance of others disciplines as psychology and anthropology in the configuration of discursive narratives,

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An Analysis of Online User Reviews of the Death Sites

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which form “the social imaginary.” Korstanje has convincingly argued that death played a vital role not only in the configuration of cultures, but also in the rise and expansion of secularization process which was the touchstone of capitalism. While medieval peasants lived a life with constraints to pass to a better stage once death, modern citizens embrace excesses, luxury and hedonism simply because they do not believe in here-in-after life. The death of God prompted the acceleration of technological breakthrough to expand the expectancies of life. Korstanje adds, this is the reason behind the current aversion to death in First World societies (Korstanje 2016). This discussion describes how some contemporary cultures attempt to avoid death as a sign of weakness, while others see in death a platform to live in a better stage. American Anthropologist, Vincent Crapanzano (2004) observes that cultures are constructed around the fear of death, which leads towards the needs of controlling contingency. Though each culture fleshes out its own adaptation to “future,” horizons are symbolically woven to bring security and a temporal sense of well-being to community. The rites of passage, death ignite, not only remind human´s ontological vulnerability but also seem to agree with the consolidation of politics and derived social institutions. This represents a sufficient reason that explains why dark tourism issues still are an interesting topic to be developed by tourism scholars. This begs some more than interesting questions, what does happen when consumers are not in agreement of services in dark tourism sites?, is technology conducive to these types of deceptions?.

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3. THE RISE OF E-COMPLAINTS

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The influence of ICT development on the hospitality and tourism spectrum, which promotes e-reviews and online ratings with its online community phenomenon on the dark tourism seem to focus only on the installation of information system and infrastructure attributes (see Ide, 2014 and Gretzel, Sigala, Xiang & Koo, 2015). As research indicates online users use CGC, thus online travel reviews written by consumers, is growing in importance (Gretzel & Yoo, 2008). Further, Neuhofer (2016) suggest that the ICT which is embedded with technology in the hospitality and tourism spectrum may enhance tourist experience. In this spectrum, installation of information system and infrastructure attributes may have two impacts: (1) may enhance tourist experience and (2) could lessen the inclusiveness of market offerings which foreseen is not for all kinds market. Presumably, this

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transforms the reviews ratings which shifted from conventional into digital, and allows publics to communicate their shared values (Handayani, 2016b). In the terms Hochmeister, Gretzel & Werthner (2013) this is regarded as influential pillars of the community. To date, little attention is given to examine the e-complaints on the “non-light” touristic market offerings such as death sites on the behavioural intention albeit Wilkinson (2010) points out that dark tourism has emerged as the new market segment that it is attributed to a larger phenomenon than most people think. In the context of death sites, the uniqueness of this ritual lies in not burying the body e.g., the dark site of Teruyan cemetery, but merely placing it under the tree named Teruyan (Sutika, 2014). Arguably, this is the authentic attributes which involves unique and emotional selling propositions as Kotler, Saunders & Wong (1999) pointed out, coupled with attributes of projected images of the socio-cultural essence of topography, and this attributes serves “non-light” touristic market offerings i.e., dark sites as attraction-driven and/or as tourist-demand. It is noted that in the spectrum of dark tourism, people being captivated by the disaster and suffering of others represents one of the most striking aspects of dark tourism (Gnoth & Matteuci, 2014; Ide, 2014; Korstanje & Ivanov, 2012; Seaton, 1996; 1999; 2000; Sather-Wagstaff 2011; Stone & Sharpley 2008; Tzanelli 2016; Tzanelli & Korstanje 2016). However, this type of dark sites, e.g., the one which the body is not buried and the fact that the death site is lack of maintenance and difficult to be accessed have generated viral e-complaint in social media and ratings web-sites. With the viewpoint that body is not buried, lack of maintenance and difficult access to the sites indicate paradoxical perspectives which not only would make dilemma on how to handle the e-complaints. E-complaint which is accommodated in social media and ratings sites for instances have shown the meta-themes of the death sites. It indicates that distinct death sites attributes derived from the online reviews are in line with the study that suggests publics are often influenced by brand reputation i.e., could be positive or negative and price-signalling when reviewing a product (Bart de Langhe in Nickelsburg, 2016). Distinctiveness of the death sites indicating negative feelings, combination of negative and positive feelings, and comments about historical facts.

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3.1. Venting via Smart Reviews

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Venting can be defined as the expression with a strong emotion about disappointment which often appeared by criticizing the product or service attributes. While it seems to be associated with negativity, venting which is channeled through the social media and ratings web-sites could be manifested as the form of Smart reviews. In this sense, it is beneficial for not only improvement for better product and services (Boden, 2015) but it also can be useful for enriching identity attributed as brand image to product and/or services. On the other hand, venting could be pretty much frustrating but it alleviates tension and stress for consumers because it allows a person to rationalize and validate his/her own fears, concerns, worries, dreams and hopes. Smart reviews is derived from other well-established disciplines and seems to be adapted from the philosophy of Smartness and Slow tourism perspectives i.e., Marketing and Branding Management. Coupled with the proliferation of information and communication technologies (ICTs) and postmodernism, Smart reviews denote complaint behaviour theories, authenticity, which would establish elements that could be attributed to the death sites. This may explain why unique features of tourism and hospitality attributes become the focus of the complaint. As mentioned that due to the proliferation of ICTs, e-complaints are inevitable, which also consequently urges for getting valuable feedbacks. Presumably, the characteristics of Smart reviews that attributed with smartness philosophy of Smart tourism may influence public's attitude towards reviews provided in the online community e.g., social media and the ratings web-sites. Given the increasing of competition in the market, it is imperative for DMO to understand the factors that affect e-complaints and how to use e-complaints for enrichment of identity attributed to the death sites. Hence, e-complaints that is projected in social media and/or in the web-sites should be the focus of DMO managers. This is because some of the ecomplaints could emerge as Smart reviews. Any kind of venting feelings that is projected in social media and/or in the web-sites would become powerful exposure. From the perspective of supplier i.e., the DMO which is the formal body that in charge for managing the death sites, this kinds of Smart reviews are useful, which is derived from random visitors who initially aimed for expressing their experience, is considered as low cost-budget in exposing death sites. It is believed that venting in social media is more reliable as it is derived from consumer’s experience and their shared values, not from the DMO or its endorsements. Bearing this in mind, the critical viewpoint that has to be

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explored is that how to optimising the meta-themes of e-complaints which is attributed to negativity, in a way that it is useful for establishing the death sites. Optimising in this vein, it revolves around the equation of death sites as attractions, it is attributed to darkness. In this case, it is relatively close to the fact that death sites is not for everybody and death sites also indicates the distinctiveness of market offerings i.e., unfamiliar attraction because it contains different core essence of shared values compare to the so-called “normal shared values” embraced by majority of people or communities. E.g., the e-complaints about the fact that the body is not buried. Visitors are using their “shared values” to determine host community’s shared values. This examples of e-complaints has sided perspectives, which denotes how the death sites is not for everybody and it indicates how the death sites’ authenticity as core essence of the attraction plays crucial role in fulfilling the thirst of spirituality. Therefore, the needs and want of modern and post-modernism society that goes along with the ICTs proliferation is served by visiting the death sites. Death sites as market offerings is for (only) segmented target market and this should be signalling the DMO on how to manage the death sites and how DMO should deal with the e-complaints. The e-complaints about the hospitality attributes and comments support elements of the death sites as attraction. The darkness elements attributed to the death sites (which is considered negative) and venting about the unique features of tourism and hospitality attributes (which considered as negative too) would enrich the “darkness” elements as core essence of the death sites. For this reason, the following section discusses handling e-complaints of the death sites.

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3.2. Handling e-complaints about the Death Sites

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What is so fatal about handling e-complaints is that it is treated just like handling conventional complaints, which mostly service providers think that they care and to think that they have serve the visitor’s needs and want as if they feel like they have identified the needs and want (Olins, 2014). In this sense, the measurement of handling e-complaints is using their perspectives as service provider. The tendency of service provider that put too much emphasis on consumer is always right may lead to dissatisfiers among the service provider' staffs. Further, the trend of relying on the findings of the market research without studying it contextually with the characteristic of the death sites would make handling e-complaints even more daunting. Paradoxically,

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shared values embraced by the service provider could lead to authenticity which denotes its "true" identity. In this vein, there must be a reason why the unique features of tourism and hospitality attributes which being the object of the e-complaints sustained (or even has strong positioning in the visitor's mind). Sean McPheat (2010) in his book Dealing with Conflict and Complaints, suggests that the root of complaints revolves around unmet expectation. Further, studies point out that there is tendency that 91% of people do not complain but prefer to take revenge by not retaining (and not purchasing the product/services), and interestingly but not surprisingly they would also spread the bad experience (Boden, 2015). The unmet expectation, however, in the terms of e-complaints on the death sites could be used as resource that beneficial for validating the “darkness” attributed to brand image of the death sites. In the terms of Angelena Boden (2015) complaints are good news as it would lead to market offerings’ improvement and satisfied consumers. In this vein, the e-complaints which signifies negativity should be seen from the reverse perspectives by optimising the “darkness” attributed to brand image. Presumably, the more e-complaints are being channeled by members of online community, the stronger elements of “darkness” emerge as brand image. In other words, visitors’ minds are hammered by the “true” shared values of the host community which positioned the characteristic of the market offerings. The unique features of tourism and hospitality attributes emerges as not only the object of the e-complaints of the visitors but most importantly it plays role as core essence of the death sites attraction.

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3.3. Death Sites and their Tourism Attributes

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For people visiting the death sites for the sake of experiencing other kinds of attractions that presumably may fulfill their thirst of validation, the need to ensure that they are safer, that they are not having the tragic life, are important. By visiting the death sites they embrace and acknowledge their immortality. They may not only witnessing the story of how people died, how people deal with the body and its methods of treating the body, and how the socio-cultural aspects of the surrounding influences the body, but also hospitality & accessibility of the surrounding are determined and compared with the visitor’s shared values. Paradoxically, venting feelings among the online community members about the death sites as unique feature of tourism and hospitality attributes can be seen as (un) met expectation.

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Death sites as literature has indicated is part of the dark tourism. In this sense, death sites suppose to be associated with the “darkness” elements that would be the main attraction. This kind of “darkness” elements logically emerge as core essence that could fulfill the needs and want of the visitors, whom in this case is people who are not seeking for devine beauty of the natural and man-made attractions that provided by “light” touristic market offerings. On the contrary, death sites provide the visitor's reflection about immortality with its whole package of the “story” of how the body is treated, how the body is being faced by certain community, and the shared values. Their socio-cultural contexts become aspects of circle of life, how other public sees the body, and how social classes and it religious believe(s) denote the relationships of God with the worshipers (i.e., vertical relationship) and the relationship among the worshipers (horizontal relationships). In this vein, the e-complaints vent about the unique features of death sites (and it's attachment on hospitality) can be seen as the major “darkness” elements that met the expectation of tourist who visited the death sites. Whatever the case may be i.e., the tourist’s expectation is met or unmet, death sites remains dark and its “darkness” elements capable for giving pressure for visitors to conduct selfreflection and contemplation. That may be explain why death sites as unique features of an attraction is not for everybody in general and why e-complaints emerged and goes viral in social media sphere and ratings web-sites in particular. However, the fact that the proliferation of ICTs has smoothen the flow of the vent e-complaints, it would not lessen the inclusiveness of death sites as the unique features and as the distinct market offerings.

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CONCLUSION

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Contrary to the “non-light” touristic market offerings, death sites which presumably are embedded with the darkness attributes’ identity, we posit that e-complaints of the death sites would not promote negative behavioural intention. Tourists nowadays are well-informed, smarter and are equipped by the “Internet of things” (IoT)’s perspectives (Morgan, 2014). In the terms of Ulrike Gretzel, tourists nowadays are well-informed and has power to search for customisation on facts, details, and the uniqueness of the attraction and its destination's profile attributes (Gretzel, 2016). E-complaints in social media sphere and the reviews scores in the rating web-site which contain extreme reviews would not simply predicting tourists’ behavioural intention albeit it may slightly take as consideration to watch out. Interestingly but not

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surprisingly, these e-complaints on social media which are attached with the death sites may construct the “darkness” elements attributed to the brand image of the death sites. As the literature suggests the modern society not only obsession by authenticity (Comaroff & Comaroff, 2009; Wang, 1999) but also is attracted to the slowness philosophy that advocated by Honoré (2009), therefore these e-complaints on social media may construct the “darkness” elements attributed to dark sites. More so, studies denote that negative experiences are more likely to be attributed to internal factors, and are perceived as unstable and specific (e.g., the study of Jiang, Gretzel & Law, 2010; Boden, 2015). In this respect, it is hoped that further research on the potentiality of DMO to understand the nature of dark tourism will be enriched by a much wider interdisciplinary discussion.

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Chapter 4

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ASSESSING DARK TOURISM AS A SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC ACTIVITY FOR EMERGING DESTINATIONS USING A MULTI CRITERIA APPROACH Hugues Séraphin*, FHEA, PhD, PGCE, MSc

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The University of Winchester (England), Department of Applied Management, Global Innovation and Knowledge Academy (GIKA) legate, UK

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ABSTRACT

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The tourism industry only started to be considered as an economic activity in 1911 (Scutariu, 2009). The reasons why people have been travelling and are still travelling to certain places are for sport and leisure; culture; Visiting Friends and Relatives; business; health; religion; education (Barrow, 2008). These different reasons contribute to the branding of some destinations by visitors and potential visitors. On that basis, it is legitimate to wonder whether being branded as a dark tourism destination can be economically (and socially) profitable for emerging tourist destinations. In order to address this question, a qualitative approach based on Multi-Criteria Decision Analysis (MCDA), a general

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[email protected].

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term for methods providing a quantitative approach to support decision making in problems involving several criteria and choices (Botti & Peypoch, 2013: 109) was adopted. Botti and Peypock (2013) also explained that to understand the competitiveness of a tourist destination, MCDA is a relevant tool as this method takes into consideration all the relevant factors that might typify the competitiveness of a destination. So doing, a four dimensions multi criteria framework was developed to evaluate dark tourism as a sustainable economic activity for emerging destinations. Haiti was selected as a case study because it is a Post colonial, post conflict and post disaster destination and also because the destination struggles to develop its tourism industry due to ‘blind spots’ (Séraphin, Gowreesunkar & Ambaye, 2016). The development of Voodoo events could enhance Haiti’s tourism offer and provide opportunities for locals to embrace their cultural heritage and come to terms with their past (Séraphin & Nolan, 2014). Unless the ‘blind spots’ of the destination are removed, there is no empirical evidence to confirm that tourism will bring prosperity to Haiti (Séraphin et al., 2016) nor that Voodoo can play a significant role in the country’s tourism sector (Séraphin & Nolan, 2014). Evidence derived from the travel writing Bonjour blanc a journey through Haiti (Thomson, 2014, 2004) shows that despite the fact that Voodoo is sometimes used as a commercial product in Haiti, this is only occasional and thus the religion has managed so far to keep its essence and original function.

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Hugues Séraphin

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Keywords: Voodoo, Haiti, Sustainable tourism, MCDA, Performance

1. INTRODUCTION

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The tourism industry only started to be considered as an economic activity in 1911 (Scutariu, 2009). The reasons why people have been travelling and are still travelling to certain places are for sport and leisure; culture; visiting friends and relatives; business; health; religion; and education (Barrow, 2008). These different reasons contribute to the branding of some destinations by external stakeholders, that is to say visitors and potential visitors. As a result, since 1682, France established itself as a destination known for the quality of its food and luxury hotels. Also, cities like Bath (in England), Baden (Germany) and Vichy (France) became known as health destinations because of their natural water sources used to treat some conditions (Séraphin, 2012). In the 18th century, places like Ostend (Belgium) and in the 19th century, places like Miami Beach and Palm Beach (US) became known as seaside destinations. Destination branding can therefore be considered as a long

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existing phenomenon. ‘Brands and branding have existed for as long as it has been possible to trace artefacts of human existence’ (Moore & Reid, 2008: 419). It is therefore important to have a good knowledge of the history of corporate brands to comprehend the current strategy or an organisation and provide guidance to management in terms of marketing and communication strategy for the future (Burghausen & Balmer, 2015; Balmer & Burghausen, 2015; Burghausen & Balmer, 2014a, b). In the tourism industry, corporate brands used for communication with the tourism market (Walter & Mair, 2012), are important intangible assets that can have significant positive effects on the performance of a destination (Park, Eisingerich, Pol & Park, 2013). On that basis, the purpose of this chapter is to investigate whether or not being branded as a dark tourism destination can be economically (and socially) profitable for emerging tourist destinations.

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Assessing Dark Tourism as a Sustainable Economic Activity …

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2. CONTEXTUAL FRAMEWORK 2.1. Tourism and Emerging Destinations

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Emerging markets are those lower-income but rapid-growth countries that are using economic liberalisation as their primary engine of growth (Hoskinsson, Eden, Lau & Wright, 2000). The low socio-economic development of these countries were often due to political instability, great deal of conflicts during a short period, no sense of national identity among the people, economic crisis, natural disasters and the outbreak of diseases (Gould, 2011). The emerging countries are most of the time, post-colonial, postconflict, or post-disaster destinations (Séraphin, 2014). They also fall into two groups: first, developing countries in Asia, Latin America, Africa, the Middle East; and then, transition economies in the former Soviet Union and China (Hoskinsson et al., 2000). Séraphin, Ambaye, Gowreesunkar and Bonnardel (2016) explained that tourism is quite often central in the strategy for the economic development of these countries. Indeed, the fastest growing trend for international travel has been for travel to less developed countries and emerging destinations (Holden, 2013). That said, these destinations struggle to establish themselves as tourist destinations as the tourism sector is especially vulnerable to exogenous factors like political instability, economic crisis, natural disasters and the outbreak of diseases (Ritchie, Dorrell, Miller & Miller, 2004). Those factors can cause destinations to decline and sometimes even totally disappear from the tourism map (Seddighi, Nuttall & Theocharus,

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2001). In this respect tourism can be considered to be a problematic industry (Korstanje & Tarlow, 2012). There has also been a good deal of discussion as to whether tourism is a godsend or an evil. Wagner cited in Crick (1989) points out that an industry as complex as tourism, which involves individual, local, national and international levels in addition to economic, social and cultural factors cannot be consistently ‘good’ or ‘bad’ for a third world country. The impact of tourism on the contemporary world is profound. Apart from war and insecurity, it accounts for the largest movement of human populations. It was the single largest item in world trade until the oil price hikes in the early 1970s having grown by 10% per annum since the 1960s. Many third world countries have chosen the tourism industry as a central development strategy, strongly encouraged in the 1960s by groups including the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, World Bank and the United Nations. Since the 1980s there has been a growing recognition that tourism requires more equality among all participants which has led to alternative forms of tourism where less foreign capital and more local people, food and architecture are engaged (ibid). That said, the fastest growing trend for international travel has been for travel to Less Developed Countries (Holden, 2013). Taking the example of Haiti, Séraphin, Ambaye, Gowreesunkar and Bonnardel (2016) explained that tourism is quite central in the strategy for the economic development of Less Developed Countries (LDCs) despite the fact these destinations struggle to establish themselves as tourist destinations. Authenticity is the key factor of appeal of these LDCs. This authenticity is what made Haiti the most popular destination in the Caribbean between the 1940s-1960s (Theodat, 2004). The following sentences summarise the situation and key issue related with authenticity: ‘Authenticity is regarded as the most important criterion for the development of heritage tourism’ (Xie & Wall, 2003 in Park, 2014: 62) ‘What tourists experience as authentic often turns out to be staged authenticity which is carefully manufactured and promoted by the local and tourism industry’ (…) ‘Staged authenticity in tourism seems to discourage modern tourists to search for authentic experiences’ (…) ‘The search for authenticity often becomes meaningless due to strategically contrived and constructed nature of tourism settings and experiences’ (Park: 2014: 60). In such a context, Cros and McKercher (2015) explain that it is important to find a fine line between selling some aspect of a culture and keeping this culture authentic. There is a call for the tourism industry to be more ethical in the way it does business (Lovelock & Lovelock, 2013). Cros and McKercher (2015) also emphasised

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on the fact that the intangible heritage of a destination is a strong indicator of its authenticity.

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2.2. Dark Tourism

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In her third year dissertation, Dorey (2016), under the supervision of the author of this book chapter, provided in her literature review a sharp presentation of dark tourism. This section of the book chapter is a further condensed version of this literature review, with a focus on the origin of dark tourism, as a new field of academic research (Price, 2005) and on the different types of dark tourism. The term ‘dark tourism’ was first coined by Lennon and Foley (1996) to define the relationship between dark tourism attractions and a specific interest in death, the macabre and the paranormal. Other academics such as Seaton (1996) have referred to this activity as ‘thanatourism,’ ‘morbid tourism’ and ‘blackspots’ used to describe a fascination for travelling to places where death or tragedy has occurred. Dalton (2015) outlines how dark tourism sites are typically places of genocide and mass murders, locations where terrorist’s acts have been executed or places where basic human rights have been violated. Although the visitation of sites associated with death and disaster have occurred over many years (Stone, 2006), it is only recently that this growing phenomenon has been academically identified. In more detail, Uclan (2015, [Online]) describes how dark tourism has “…occurred ever since people have had the means and motivation to travel for leisure.” Since the beginning of the 11th century, individuals were travelling to dark tourism destinations such as Jerusalem to visit the location of Christ’s Crucifixion, a popular site for travelers visiting the Middle East. The fascination of death and psychological instabilities were also studied in great detail by the Victorians. For example, visits to St. Mary Bethlehem hospital were a common form of dark voyeurism, particularly amongst the wealthy middle class (Robinson et al., 2011). Other early dark tourism consisted of 19th century undertaking morgue tours in Europe, medieval executions and Roman gladiatorial games (Uclan, 2015 [Online]). Furthermore, it is important to consider the varying degrees and types of dark tourism. A central debate surrounding dark tourism relates to whether this phenomenon is supply or demand driven. Smith (2010) outlines a very simple explanation of these terms. From a supply perspective, emphasis is placed on organisations and businesses that provide or deliver the service or experience. The opposite side, demand, focuses on the consumer seeking or participating in type tourism. However, Stone and Sharply (2008)

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describe how the nature of dark tourism, whether it is supply or demand driven, remains uncertain. Sharpley (2005) recognises that “based upon differing intensities of purpose with respect to both supply and demand, different ‘shades’ of dark tourism may be identified” (cited in Stone & Sharply, 2008, p. 579). Sharpley (2005) describes how this is reliant on the extent of the consumer’s fascination towards death and the degree to which the site or destination is able to facilitate this, as to whether the attraction or experience can be labelled as either pale or dark (cited in Stone & Sharply, 2008, p. 579). Following on and relating more so to dark tourism, Daams (2007) describes how educational experiences are one of the key motives for attending these types of events. He outlines how visiting death and disaster sites can raise awareness of historical events and prompt the visitor to understand the world in more clarity – ultimately creating an educational experience (cited in Niemelä, 2010, [Online], p. 16). For example, Stone (2010) describes how dark tourism genocide sites such as Auschwitz allow visitors to learn of the history and envisage the conditions and torture individuals had to endure. Whilst an educational aspect is clear, Bowman and Pezzullo (2010) describe another major motivation related to the contemplation of death, as such sites such as Auschwitz enable people to come to terms with the fragility of life. Another motivation for visiting dark tourist attractions can simply relate to entertainment factors. Stone (2010) outlines the London Dungeons as a key component to this describing how they use actors and entertainment values to exploit death and the deceased. Bowman and Pezzullo (2010) also describe how visits to dark tourism attractions can encourage a person to reflect on their own mortality. The motivations for dark tourism seem to be endless. However, there is an ethical issue related to dark tourism. Stone (2007) describes how travelling to destinations where people are known to have suffered or passed can raise issues relating to exploitation for business, education or entertainment purposes. As a result, Garcia (2012) describes how the sensitive nature of dark tourism attractions poses many challenges to practitioners. To this, Rachel Noble, a representative of the charity Tourism Concern, suggests that sites associated with dark attributes should be avoided for numerous, ethical reasons. She describes how tourists visiting counties which have suffered in any way, whether this be through natural disaster or genocide, should contemplate the appropriateness of this (cited in Stokes, 2015 [Online]). However, other dark tourism attractions such as museums are considered to provide the experience and education in a more sophisticated manner (cited in Stokes, 2015 [Online]).

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3.1. Sustainable Tourism

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The tourism industry has been highlighted as an industry that can positively contribute to the economic and social development of a destination (Buckley, 2012). However this industry can also negatively impact on a destination if poorly managed (Mazanec, Wober & Zins, 2007 cited in IniestaBonnillo, Sanchez-Fernandez & Jimenez-Castillo, 2016). Among the noticed negative impacts of tourism are the emerging challenges for the planet; the over-exploitation of resources like water, minerals, oil, etc; over-population (Sloan, Legrand & Chen, 2013). As a result, a destination is considered to be sustainable if the tourism industry does not impact negatively on the environment, on human-environment interactions and local communities; but equally, the industry needs to contribute to cultural exchange between locals and visitors and meeting the economic needs of the populations (Mbaiwa, 2005 in Iniesta-Bonnillo et al., 2016). To this list could be added: the longterm capacity of the industry to remain ‘clean’ from an environment point of view with the support of technological systems; a fair impact on all members of the population in the present and in the future; the development of policies at local, national and international level (Sharpley, 2000). The main concern of the development of tourism is for developing nations and indigenous peoples as the impacts of the industry can be either very positive or very negative (Buckley, 2012). Hence initiatives like Sustainable Tourism-Eliminating Poverty Program (ST-EP) initiated by the United Nations World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO) taken to use tourism to reduce poverty and increase net benefits for poor people as part of their ‘Pro-Poor Tourism’ policy (Holden, 2013). Destinations now consider sustainability as a competitive advantage to attract visitors, hence the growth of ecotourism, the fastestgrowing tourism sector globally (Iniesta-Bonnillo et al., 2016). Consumers are ready to pay more to spend their holidays in destinations considered as sustainable (Kazeminia et al., 2016). That said, much of the tourism industry so far has failed to be sustainable (Higgins-Desbiolles, 2010 cited in IniestaBonnillo et al., 2016), hence the reason why Sharpley (2000: 1) claimed that ‘sustainable development cannot be transposed onto the specific context of tourism.’ Twelve years later the United Nations (2012, cited in IniestaBonnillo et al., 2016:1) claimed that: ‘despite efforts to promote more sustainable tourist destinations, room for improvement exists in most countries.’ This seems to suggest that sustainability in the tourism industry is

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very hard to achieve, despite a strong will of academics since the late 1980s (Liu, 2003) and practitioners to develop policies and practices in the area (Sharpley, 2000). The wide variety of definitions of ‘sustainable development’ (more than 70) makes it even more difficult (Sharpley, 2000). In developing countries, it is even harder to implement sustainable tourism because of the socio-economic and political context (Tosun, 2001). As a result, Liu (2003), provided a list of issues related to sustainable tourism needed to be addressed: tourist demands in terms of sustainable products have not been taken into account; sustainability is mainly analysed from the preservation and conservation angle; the repartition of the benefits among stakeholders is poorly researched; most research focused on the fact that tourism has negative impacts on culture and the social life of the locals; research has focused on determining a threshold to tourism growth; and finally, despite the fact ecotourism, alternative tourism, responsible tourism, soft tourism, low impact tourism and community tourism have proven not to be the way forward for sustainable tourism, writers and practitioners are still promoting these forms of tourism as being the way forward. Holden (2013) also added that there is little data that inform us of the beneficiary impacts of tourism development on the poor. Our research can be considered as a continuity of Sharpley (2000) and Tosun (2001) as our study is based on tourism development in developing destination. This research can also be considered as a continuity of (Kazeminia et al., 2016; Iniesta-Bonnillo et al., 2016) as we are going to evaluate the potential of dark tourism (voodoo) as a factor of appeal and sustainable development for developing destinations (taking Haiti as an example). And finally, this research can be considered as a continuity of Liu (2003) as our hypothesis is that dark tourism corresponds to: (1) a tourist demand of authenticity; (2) does not impact negatively on locals’ culture but instead is shared with visitors; (3) the service providers, in general the poor people benefit directly from this form of tourism related activity; (4) this related tourism activity is an add on what is promoted by the Destination Marketing Organisation, therefore is not the main reason why people are visiting the destination, therefore, won’t impact on the carrying capacity of the destination; (5) and finally dark tourism (voodoo in the case of Haiti) is part of the way of life of some destination, therefore cannot be classified in one of the form of tourism, hence the reason we are referring to dark tourism as a ‘related tourism activity’ and not as a form of tourism. In this research paper, our main argument is that related tourism activities that are components of the daily life of the locals are the most sustainable ones. Voodoo (in Haiti) is used here as a case study to back up our claim.

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3.2. Heritage and Collective Memory

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Park’s (2014) extensive research on heritage and more specifically on heritage tourism enables us to sketch the term ‘heritage’ and its surrounding satellites in the following lines. Thus, it appears that the term ‘heritage’ covers a wide range of areas (including culture; history; politics; religions, communications, etc.) that can be classified into three main groups: built heritage (forts, relics, etc.); scientific heritage (plants, birds, natural habitats, etc.); and cultural heritage (fine art, customs, languages, etc.). Nostalgia plays an important role in the rising popularity of heritage as the latest appears as a secure and stable platform, hence its democratisation. On that basis, heritage can be assimilated to a re-enactment of the past. That said, it is very important to highlight the fact that despite the fact that history and heritage are quite close epistemologically speaking, within the context of tourism, both terms are totally different as heritage in this context uses the past for commercial purpose whereas history remains concern with rational explanations. As a result, the tourism industry has often been blamed for the commodification of heritage sold to tourists as products and services. Because of the commodification of heritage, authenticity becomes an issue. The form of tourism based on heritage is even referred as ‘staged authenticity’ and yet authenticity is considered as the most important criterion for the development of heritage tourism. ‘Identity’ is another key word associated with ‘heritage.’ Heritage in this instance enables a group to feel and remain connected to their ancestral roots. As for heritage marketing, the heart of this research paper, Park (2014) explains that this type of marketing is all about the use and very often the overuse of cultural symbols, historical values, sacred icons, images and stories in order to develop an emotional connection between heritage and (potential) tourists. Zelinzer (2008, cited in Volcic et al., 2014: 729) also explained that ‘collective memory makes the past convenient with how we would like to understand the present context.’ Zelinger (2008, cited in Volcic et al., 2014: 729) also added that ‘collective memory is a work in progress: taking place in the present but reflecting, refracting, and re-imagining the past.’

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3.3. Voodoo in Haiti Based on Park’s (2014) definition, voodoo can be considered as a form of cultural heritage. As explained by Séraphin and Nolan (2014) in: ‘Voodoo in

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Haiti: A Religious Ceremony at the Service of the ‘Houngan’ Called ‘Tourism,’ voodoo derives from the West African religion Vodun and was developed (almost solely) in Haiti by the imported African slaves. The religion was used a means to cope with the degradations of slavery including being forced to convert to Christianity and to speak Créole. voodoo became a way for the slaves to keep a connection with their African roots and also to retain some of their humanity (Damoison & Dalembert, 2003). It also helped slaves to resist their master’s cultural oppression (Saint-Louis, 2000) and to adapt to their new environment. Modern voodoo is said to have derived from a mixture of the master’s religion and African Vodun (Metraux, 1958). As a religion, voodoo is based on the belief in a Grand Maître, a Great Master or Creator, as well as several loa or spirits. The practise of voodoo involves ritual celebrations led by a Houngan or priest. Metraux (1958) explains that a good Houngan should be able to perform many roles: priest, healer, fortune teller, exerciser and entertainer. And as such it can be argued that as a religion, voodoo is perfectible. This flexibility, combined with the origins of voodoo (a means to survive difficult conditions) – demonstrates that voodoo is perfectly able to adapt to its environment and the needs of the market and thus our first hypothesis (if tourism is to play a major role in Haiti’s economy, voodoo can form a tourism product which meets visitors’ needs) is valid. Thomson (2004) explains that when he went to Haiti in 1990, he witnessed many voodoo ceremonies being staged for tourists at hotels ‘Friday night in the Oloffson [hotel]) was traditionally the night for a voodoo extravaganza carefully choreographed by (...) the showgirls’ (Thomson, 2004:46). During this decade Haiti received few tourists because of the political and economic situation of the country (Séraphin, 2013ab) but voodoo ceremonies were successfully staged for those it received. Although the hotel environment may have impacted the authenticity of the ritual, the Houngan were content to perform and the visitors pleased to watch. This commercialisation of voodoo described by Thomson (2004) in Bonjour Blanc, a journey through Haiti, has highlighted the importance of involving the locals in the tourism sector as they have contributed to the visitor experience (Séraphin, 2013c). As voodoo is an integral part of the Haitian culture, sharing this with visitors can also contribute to a better self-awareness, understanding and acceptance of this heritage.

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3.4. Dark Tourism (Voodoo) as a Marketing Tool: The Case of Haiti

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When talking about the Haitian identity or “Haitianity,” considering the Haitian leaders who played a major role in creating a national identity (Destin, 2014) is important. Such is the case of Toussaint L’Ouverture (1743-1803), who freed Haiti from the French domination and contributed to make Haiti the first black republic in the world. The black face of the first Destination Marketing Organisation logo (Figure 1) is a reminder of the African origin of Haitians, which leads naturally to the topic of religion and voodoo. An intimate link exists between voodoo and the culture and history of Haiti, because the Haitians are 100% voodooist and religion is the mainstay of Haitian society (Séraphin & Nolan, 2014). The first DMO logo (Figure 1) reflects this idea (Figure 1) by the black mambo, female high priest in the voodoo religion in Haiti (Séraphin, Ambaye, Gowreesunkar, 2016).

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Figure 1. Old logo Haitian DMO.

Figure 2. New logo Haitian DMO.

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In the same line of thought, Volcic (2008) added that media and journalists are: (a) archive of collective memories; (b) Constructor of collective memory; (c) agents to branding traumatic past; (d) adjust representation of past events to the contemporary political and social mentality and sensibility of the present. As a logo is a communication media (Park, 2014) we are arguing that it plays the same role as journalist. That said, based on the fact that the Haitian DMO changed its logo in 2012, to a logo (Figure 2) that does not give the full narrative of the destination (Séraphin et al., 2016), it is legitimate to wonder whether or not voodoo is a good branding approach for a destination.

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Sustainable tourism Dark tourism Voodoo Recovery strategy

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The analysis of our findings (section 2 and 3) provides information regarding the main areas or criteria to be considered for the assessment of dark tourism as a sustainable economic activity for an emerging destination:

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The above list can also be considered as multi criteria to assess dark tourism. Multi-Criteria Decision Analysis (MCDA) is a general term for methods providing a quantitative approach to support decision making in problems involving several criteria and choices (Botti & Peypoch, 2013: 109). In this research, we are opting for a qualitative approach.

5. RESULT AND DISCUSSION

The above 4 dimensions multi criteria analysis developed provide evidence that dark tourism is a sustainable form of economic activity for emerging destinations (like Haiti). Botti and Peypock (2013) explained that to understand the competitiveness of a tourist destination, Multi Criteria Decision Analysis (MCDA) is a relevant tool as this method takes into consideration all the relevant factors that might typify the competitiveness of a destination.


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VOODOO

SUSTAINABLE TOURISM

RECOVERY STRATEGY (Séraphin et al., 2016) Leaders Stepping Tourism Improvement change of outside = national of condition behaviour comfort concern of life of zone = locals learning No negative impact X X X X Authenticity on the environment/human interaction/local communities Contribute to X X X X Tourism cultural exchange tool local-visitors Meeting economic X X X X Flexible/ needs of the local adaptable Long term ability to X X X X Locals remain clean involved environmentally Development of X X X X Cultural policies heritage No need for Education Wide Long going sophisticated experience variety of interest infrastructure dark tourism DARK TOURISM

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Table 1. Four dimension analysis of dark tourism (voodoo)

CONCLUSION

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As Haiti lacks visitor attractions the development of an authentic events programme is going to be an essential part of the on-going tourism strategy (Séraphin & Nolan, 2014). Culturally rich events are part of the appeal of a destination and can be cost efficient to organise. Furthermore it is well documented that planned events have the ability to improve communities: They provide the means to achieve a diverse range of social outcomes, including community cohesion, educational development, support for families and regional development (Bladen et al., 2012: 379).

If the development of events can provide positive social outcomes for the Haitians, the performance of this revived community will increase (Séraphin & Nolan, 2014). O’Toole (2011) suggests that a programme of events and

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festivals are crucial to increasing national pride in small developing countries in a post-colonial state of recovery. He goes on to give examples of Destination Management Organisation (DMO) led strategies that combine events and tourism objectives, and gives examples of how these have been successfully implemented in other countries. These provide both an overview and an insight into the complexities of such strategies, and reinforce the notion that both tourism and events are interdependent. Thus, the development of voodoo events will enhance Haiti’s tourism and provide opportunities for locals to embrace their cultural heritage and come to terms with their past (Séraphin & Nolan, 2014). This supports our hypothesis that dark tourism can play a major role in Haiti’s economy. Unless the ‘blind spots’ of the destination are removed, there is no empirical evidence to confirm that tourism will bring prosperity to Haiti (Séraphin et al., 2016) nor that voodoo can play a significant role in the country’s tourism sector (Séraphin & Nolan, 2014). Evidence derived from the travel writing Bonjour blanc a journey through Haiti (Thomson, 2004) shows that despite the fact that voodoo is sometimes used as a commercial product in Haiti, this is only occasional and thus the religion has managed so far to keep its essence and original function. Voodoo emerged through slavery, was suppressed by masters (white people) and today in a reversal of roles, the (mainly) white visitors are now paying the locals (descendants of slaves) to enact this ancestral religion. Voodoo events as staged ceremonies are now a form of servility involving a reversal of roles as the ‘master’ pays to watch, hence this should be called ‘agreed servility’ (Séraphin & Nolan, 2014).

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Logo Design, Journal of Business Research, doi:10.1016/j.jbusres. 2016.04.074. Séraphin, H. and Nolan, E. (2014) Voodoo in Haiti: A Religious Ceremony at the Service of the ‘Houngan’ Called ‘Tourism,’ in Frost, W. and Laing, J. (Eds), Rituals and traditional events in the modern world, New-York: Routledge. Séraphin, H. (2014) Le tourisme : L’ouverture pour le peuple de Toussaint ? Paris: Publibook. Séraphin, H. (2013a) Entrepreneurship in tourism as a driver for recovery and sustainable development of the countryside in Haiti. The guest houses as a strong potential option, International conference on active countryside tourism, International Centre for Research in Events, Tourism and Hospitality (ICRETH), Leeds Metropolitan University (England). Séraphin, H. (2013b) The contribution of tour guides to destination understanding and image. The case of Haiti via an analysis of: ‘Bonjour blanc, a journey through Haiti,’ International Research Forum on Guided Tours, Breda University of Applied Sciences (Netherland). Séraphin, H. (2013c) A human resources approach of Haiti’s performance as a tourist destination, TourTer, 6 (3), 163-182. Séraphin, H. (2012) L’enseignement du tourisme en France et au RoyaumeUni, Paris : Publibook. Sharpley, R. and Stone, P. R. (2009), “The Darker Side of Travel,” Bristol: Channel View Publications. Sharpley, R. (2000) Tourism and sustainable development: Exploring the theoretical divide, Journal of Sustainable Tourism, 8 (1): 1-19. Sloan, P., Legrand, W. and Chen, J. S. (2013) Sustainability in the hospitality industry. Principles of sustainable operations, Abingdon: Routledge. Smith, S. (2010), “Practical Tourism Research,” UK: CAB International. Stokes, R. (2015) Can dark tourism ever be a good thing? [Online], Available from: http://newint.org/features/web-exclusive/2013/01/21/dark-tourism/ [Accessed: 18.09.16]. Stone, P. (2010) Death, Dying and Dark Tourism in Contemporary Society: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis, Available from: http://clok.uclan.ac. uk/1870/1/StonePPhD_thesis_final.pdf [Accessed: 05.08.16]. Stone, P. (2007) Dark tourism: the ethics of exploiting tragedy [Online], Available from: http://works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article= 1020&context=philip_stone [Accessed: 18.09.16].

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Stone, P. (2006), “A dark tourism spectrum: towards a typology of death and macabre related tourist sites, attractions and exhibitions,” Tourism: An Interdisciplinary International Journal, Vol. 54, No 2, 145-160. Stone, P. and Sharpley, R. (2008), “Consuming Dark Tourism: A Thanatological Perspective,” Vol. 35, No 2, pp. 574–595. Théodat, J. M. (2004). L’endroit et l’envers du décor: La ‘touristicité’ comparée d’Haïti et de la République Dominicaine. Revue Tiers Monde, 178 (5): 297 – 317. Thomson, I. (2004) Bonjour blanc, a journey through Haiti, London: Vintage. Tosum, C. (2001) Challenges of sustainable tourism development in the developing world: The case of Turkey, Tourism Management, 22 (2001): 289-303. Uclan. (2015), Research at the iDT [Online], Available from: http://darktourism.org.uk/research [Accessed: 18.09.16]. Volcic, Z; Erjavec, K & Peak, M. (2014) Branding post-war Sarajevo. Journalism, Journalism Studies, 15 (6): 726-742. Walters, G. and Mair, J. (2012) The effectiveness of Post-disaster recovery marketing messages – The case of the 2009 Australian bushfires, Journal of Travel & Tourism Marketing, 29 (1): 87-103.

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ENGLAND AND THE CULTURE OF ACHIEVEMENT: THE ROOTS OF DARK TOURISM

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Maximiliano E. Korstanje University of Palermo, Argentina

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ABSTRACT

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This investigation evinces how in recent years British Scholars were captivated by exploring dark tourism issues. At a closer look, this country offered a fertile ground for the rise of dark tourism practices while in other regions as Latin America, it failed to be adopted as a main activity. Basically, the goals of this essay review are twofold. On one hand, we review the historic background for England to serve as a platform to thanatology. On another, it situates as an interesting discussion to expand the current understanding on Thanaptosis as finely-ingrained into Protestant World.

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Keywords: death, dark tourism, England, achievement, protestant

INTRODUCTION Although a lot of studies has focused on the motivations and expectances of tourists who make the decision to visit spaces of disasters, death or

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mourning, places which were recently dubbed as “dark” or Thana-Tourism destinations (Stone & Sharpley, 2008; Cohen 2011; Sharpley, 2005; Stone 2012; Wilson 2008, Podoshen 2013; Dalton 2014; Heidelberg, 2015; Korstanje & George, 2015) less attention was paid to the cultural background of dark tourism. The fact is that United Kingdom seems to be the nation where a major proportion of these studies originally emerged. Not only attempts to introduce dark tourism in Latin America resulted in a complete failure but also never took the gravitation than Northern Europe. At a closer look, what this essay-review explores is to what extent England culturally offers a fertile ground towards the spectacularisation of death, which means the symbolic platform where consuming of death operates. Using Google Scholar the number of tries reaching Dark Tourism is 125.000 while in Spanish “Turismo Negro” obtains only 51.800 records. Besides, the number of publications in journals where English is the main option duplicates to other languages as Spanish, German or Italian. This created a paradoxical situation since in spite of this proliferation, there is not shared efforts to define this deep-seated topic. In this respect, one of the main limitations of specialized literature to understand the issue consists in a fragmentation of knowledge-production, which leads to a clear misunderstanding of what dark tourism means. But things come worse to worst, additional conceptual approaches with focus on similar meanings as Thana-Tourism (Seaton, 2002), Tragedy-tourism (Verma & Jain 2013, Doom-Tourism (Lemelin et al, 2010), Macabre Tourism (Dann 1998), War-Tourism (Lisle 2000), Disaster-Tourism (Shondell Miller, 2008), grief-tourism (Hooper & Lennon, 2017) or even Prison Tourism (Wilson 2008) are used to study the same phenomenon. Doubtless under certain circumstances this obscures more than it clarifies. Instead of working jointly to understand the roots of Thana tourism, authors are more prone to coin their own formulation of concepts and definitions which operationally prevents the unification of produced-knowledge. While some experts argue that the visit to dark tourism sites shows the surfacing of a dormant sadist tendency (Bowman & Pezzulo 2009; Korstanje 2016), others alert that dark tourism serves as a psychological reminder of tragedy, which is very helpful to accelerate the process of mourning (Wight 2006; Reijinders 2009; Biran, Poria & Oren, 2011; Stone 2013; Raine 2016). Some recent approaches signal to “heritage dark sites” to allude to the formation of new emergent destination where death seems to be situated as “commodity-exchanged” value (Strange & Kempa, 2003; Hartmann 2014). The concept of “trauma-escape” connotes the idea of an imaginary place which is visually consumed by the orchestration of different technologies.

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Combining the idea of trauma with “landscape” these spaces provides viewers or visitors an authentic experience (Kaelber 2007; de Jong 2007; Begin, 2014; Tzanelli & Korstanje 2016). In recent years, some scholars called the attention on the rise and expansion of Virtual dark tourism, a new mode of dark tourism where the contact is virtually re-channelled. Though this logic defies the nature of tourism, no less true is that virtual (dark) tourism poses as an interesting field of research (Novelli 2005; Tzanelli 2015). In a seminal text, J. Skinner calls the attention on Dark Tourism as a pedagogic instrument to understand life through the lens of death. He holds the thesis that serious philosophical interrogations are needed since we are unfit to see what is darkest or not. Starting from the premise emotions are individually experienced, to what extent we can say some sites are painful while others are not, depends on politics. One of the main risks in this type of tourism consists in the fabrication of heritage elite appeals to construct in order for avoid its responsibilities from disaster-contexts (Skinner 2012). The narrative of trauma, far from being historical facts, sometimes are ideologically constructed to be adopted by the periphery. Last but not last, these allegories of pain held sway over global audiences which not only never recognize the roots of past events they are re-memorising, but also leave behind the intersection of dark tourism and colonial exploitation (Tzanelli 2016). In the middle of this debate, the present review-chapter centres on England as the epicentre where original concerns on dark tourism surfaced while explains why England (and not other nations) paved the pathways for the necessary cosmology in order for this theory to be flourished.

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England and the Culture of Achievement

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ORIGINAL DISCUSSION

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It is true that though originally the first studies in Thana tourism upraised in England, today many cultures coming from Eastern Europe retain concerns of these matters. Professional fieldworkers coming from Slovakia, Poland, and countries where Nazi Germany established extermination camps have developed an interesting network to study the intersection of past, trauma and consumption (Buda & McIntosh, 2013; Tànas 2014; Buda, 2015). Even, Americans experienced certain fascination on the fact some places hit by terrorism as Ground-Zero are being recycled as an international attraction (Sather-Wagstaff, 2011). One of the authorative voices in these slippery matters, Phillip Stone, contends that through dark tourism people not only figure their own death, but they shed light on important issues about their

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current lives. In this token, visiting places of mass death has nothing to do with a sadist trend, but as a valid attempt to mediate with mortality conditioning Others to explore new sensations and authentic experiences (Stone 2012). However, Korstanje in his book The Rise of Thana Capitalism and tourism, has adamantly replied to this observation taking into consideration the methodological problems of applied dark tourism fieldwork. It is unfortunate that main fieldworkers gives much credibility to what tourists say instead of exploring in much deeper issues which remains unchecked. Of course, tourism-related researchers draw their investigations with focus on what tourists feel, or simply about certain matter they think. The problem with this lies in the fact that sometimes tourists are unfamiliar with their inner-world while in others they are subject to the force of ideology. Whatever the case may be, tourists in other occasions simply lie to protect their interests. It is very hard to construct a paradigm on dark tourism centred on what tourists want or look for alone (Korstanje 2016). Although motivations and representations are important cognitive force of human mind, many other qualitative viewpoints extracted from ethnographies and visual analysis are necessary. Why is this important for professional field-working?. At a first glance, tourists are considered as the only source of information in tourist system, however, a lot of voices can be very well consulted. Secondly, by the administration of obtrusive methods as interviews, or questionnaires, many consulted visitors respond what researchers want to hear. Lastly, we agree that tourists visit these sites to understand “death of others,” “or in quest of cultural lessons,” but researchers should pay heed to what remains covered, to what tourists never answer on. Dark tourism is not the only source fieldworkers should investigate to understand we live in a society where death is commoditized as an instrument of discipline, other cultural entertainment industries as movies, journalism, TV documents emphasizes on others death to reinforce the importance “of survival.” This is main point ignored by specialized literature in dark issues. As Phillip Aries observed, the aversion for death in modern societies not only has amplified its impacts on social imaginary but also bewildered death as never before. If the medieval man lived a life of privation to rest in peace, modern consumers avoid death in a pathological way (Aries, 1975; 2013). Furthermore, through all these investigations, British research plays a leading role not only delineating the borders of investigation, but forging global networks that imposed the cognitive maps to forge a centre-periphery dependence. While some exemplary centers of education as The University of Central Lancashire which holds a well-famous centre in the study of dark tourism (Institute for Dark

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Tourism Research) pivots a world-leading position to illuminate other scholars, in Latin America, Africa or Asia, fieldworkers are certainly limited to provide with fresh study-cases that validates previous paradigms created in Northern Europe. Doubtless, dark tourism represents a significant theme of investigation which is enrooted in the cultural background of England. Understanding why this happens as well as how it evolved appears to be the main goal of this essay-review. This raises a more than pungent question, why dark tourism investigation is monopolized through British universities?, is England culturally speaking subject to death?

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AN INTRODUCTION OF ANGLO-WORLD

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Ancient England was formed by many ethnicities which dates back from V B.C. among these ethnicities Anglos, Saxons, Jutes, Celts and later Normans coexisted to forge contemporary England. Ethimologically speaking the term German comes from formula “heer” which means “helmet” and mann (man). The signification for German (heer+mann) was Warrior or the man at war. In this respect, these men at arms equalled to Romans in tactics and force. In Ancient world Germans developed a real war-machine which not only pressed Celts to the borderlands of Roman Empire, but in many occasions pushed Romans to decline. What this word denotes is that Germans expanded across Europe in view of a culture of war which posed death as an important figure of their cosmology and mythologies. The warriors lived to fight and died to protect their kinship. The old Anglo-Saxons warriors alluded to a great respect for their sword and the figure of death (Abels 2013). Death was framed as significant value of Norse Mythology since it was the platform from where warriors lived forever in Asgaard. In this vein, Korstanje (2015) notes that though ancient Germans did not provide with a conceptual corpus as Romans, they have exerted a heavy influence in institutionalising Medieval Europeaness. Not only England, but other nations as well deserves considerable recognition of Ancient Norse Culture. Quite aside from this, while many voices have pointed out that capitalism emerged from England because of protestant spirit, as Weber did, no less true is that little attention was paid to Norse Mythology to understand the sense of predestination is older than The Reform.

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THE RISE OF PROTESTANTISM

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Protestantism is defined as a derived faith from Catholic Church, which is originated in Protestant Reform. Originally this movement was pitted against the dogma of Catholic Church questioning deeply the rights of “indulgency” monopolized by Priesthood. While forgiveness was endorsed to privileged elite whereas pour people was debarred to live in miserable conditions. For them, poverty far from being a precondition to enter in the kingdom of heaven was a mechanism used by Pope and Princes to discipline farmers. A wayward circle of new faiths as Puritans, Anabaptists and Presbyterians radically criticised the role of priests as mediators between God and his flock. Not accidentally, the first Protestants followed Martin Luther in Germany through 1517 though new emergent voices as John Calvin coupled in France to this defiant movement. 16th century witnessed how Protestantism expanded in Europe modifying many of the aspects of catholic faith. In parallel, throughout England the rupture was given by the conflict Henry VIII maintained with the pope. Though Anglicanism was initially considered a derived form of Protestantism, both have further commonalities than differences. One of the authorative voices and pioneers in discussing the connection of Protestantism with capitalism was Max Weber. Following his viewpoint, one might speculate that capitalism was constructed on “Protestant Ethics” which developed a closed-conception of future. Pre-determination was a key factor to understand why Protestants embraced capitalism as their first economic option. For Weber, as well as many cultural analysts, capitalism seems to be something else than an economic project. It represents a cultural enterprise which starts from the Book of Life, the sacred book where the names of salved persons lie. No matter than the individual experience or will, God has underwritten in this book who will be brought to Heaven and who will be doomed. From that moment on, unlike Catholicism, Protestants devote considerable attention to hard-work to distinguish from others cultures as a “the chosen people.” Weber was widely criticized because Holland, a catholic nation embraced capitalism in the same level than England or Germany (Weber 2002). Further, Korstanje recently gave a clear diagnosis on the role played by Norse mythology prefiguring the roots of Protestantism and predestination. Though Weber did not take the wrong turn in indicating predestination was the touchstone of capitalism, it was older than he thought. If he would review the Norse Mythology, he would realize that there is substantial evidence that validates the belief “predestination” was present in ancient times. Even, it explains why Holland developed a capitalist ethos

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earlier than Protestantism (Korstanje 2015). Anyway, what Weber established is that capitalism brought into the foreground of exception as a main value to legitimate an ever-increasing gap between have and have-nots. Despite this point of entry in the discussion was widely documented by post-Marxists, Weber never situated as a priority for Marxian paradigms. English speaking cultures seem to be developed “a sentiment of exemption” which is adjoined to a pathological way of conceiving “death.” The exclusion of book-life entails one should live without knowing if one is worth to enter in heaven. Eternal condemnation is pre-inscribed into the biography of man since his birth. There is nothing to do to reverse future, when God disposed our fate before-the-birth. This seems to be one of the main problems Puritans are unable to resolve and one of the reasons behind the “sentiment of exemption” cultivated in America, which flourished over years up to date (Erikson, 1966). Some interesting studies in politics have found that “the metaphor of uphill city,” which illuminated the life of Americans during centuries resulted from this closed conception of future (Lipset 1997; Tyrrell, 1991; Koh 2003; Korstanje 2015). As Korstanje puts it, exploring capitalism leads us to discuss further on the roots of Protestantism and predestination because of two main reasons. At a closer look, capitalism inscribes in a logic of fast expansion which is proportional to an unjust distribution of wealth. The problem of exclusion, as well as the material asymmetries produced by capitalism, is ideologically legitimated by the introduction of social Darwinism as main doctrine. The world has been created in order to be administered by “the strongest agents” in which case nature and its principle of selection fits as a ring to the finger. The theory of evolution as it was formulated by Darwin appealed to the “survival of the fittest,” but it should be tergiversated to “the survival of the strongest” by eugenicists (Korstanje 2015; 2016). In this context, Protestantism developed not only a closed view of future, but engendered “an ideology of exclusion” that made from “self-improvement,” “achievement” and “progress” its mainstream cultural values. As the previous argument given, America was built under the doctrine of exceptionalism which reserves the rights to be nominated as selected people. In a recent seminal book, Phillip Greven (1988) evinces how protestant temperament was of paramount importance to establish a cultural archetype in the “civilized America.” To better the current understanding of the Protestantism, model based in three subtypes is presented; since each one represents diverse forms of adaptation to life Greven adheres to the following scheme:

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a) Evangelical, b) Moderate, c) Genteel.

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While evangelicals were dominated by an underlying hostility to self, and all terrene manifestations, moderates preferred to accept body’s desires as part of the life. Evangelicals, at some extent, emphasized on the experience of a new birth because the world is a dangerous place to live. Always at war, evangelicals become extremists who prioritized the spirit over some other expressions. Rather, moderates developed a more ambivalent world-view. Accepting the sin as a form of evolution, moderate-mind accepts that salvation is gradually achieved. Ultimately, genteel not only shows indifference of the preoccupations of moderates and evangelicals, but also feels comfortable in this world. Like the mankind, the world is good, although the personal salvation is not ensured. The state of grate is achieved by means of piety and daily life. The evangelical world has been based on two relevant aspects, fear and love. These recurrent themes emulate the filial relation between gods and humanity. Forming two persistent poles within American psyche, evangelical family cosmology was replicated from generation to generation. One of the main problems of Evangelical discourse seems to be its prone to violence and conflict, as points of rupture with self and others. Particularly and to any threats, Americans have developed a symbolic cocoon respecting to a world which remains hostile in their cosmology. With the passing of time, it generated a strong “ethnocentrism” that over-valorised the inner life and the pride for themselves, but pathologically engendered a terrible fear to everything beyond the boundaries of US. Barry Glassner (1999) has convincingly argued that Americans and other Anglophones, especially those in Britain and the settler countries, Australia and Canada, have produced a culture of terror which induces citizens to a much deeper fear for “otherness” (Skoll & Korstanje 2013; Skoll 2016). In earlier works, Korstanje (2014) argued convincingly that risk perception is higher in English speaking countries than Latin Americans. This happens because the foreclosure to future adopted by Protestant opened the doors towards a troublesome aspects of life, death. The needs of avoiding death paved the ways for the rise of a new pathological action to discipline the future. Whether risk perception helps English speaking countries to move the necessary technological background to control the future, in doing so, “the distress” for not knowing if one would or not be saved once dead was replaced by “achievement.” Over recent years, the society of risk perception as it was

WHAT IS THANA-CAPITALISM

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imagined by Beck or Giddens, sets the pace to a new stage of production, which will be discussed in next section, Thana-Capitalism.

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The epicentre of Thana Capitalism dates back to the terrorist attack perpetrated against World Trade Centre in charge of Al-Qaeda, an event occurred 11 September of 2001. This shocking blow represented a turning point where Islam radicalism showed not only the weaknesses of West, but also how the means of transport which were the badge of US, were employed as mortal weapons directed towards civil targets. Educated and trained in the best wester universities, these wayward jihadists showed the dark side of the society of mass-consumption. Many of the steps followed by Al-Qaeda were emulated from a Management guidebook. All these discussed indicators set the pace to a more complex scenario, where economy turns chaotic (unpredictable after financial stock and market crisis in 2008) where the atomized demands become in a competence of all against all (in the Hobbesian terms). The Darwinist allegory of the survival of strongest situated as the main culture value of Thana-Capitalism in a way that is captivated by cultural entertainment industries and cinema. Films as Hunger Games portray an apocalyptic future where the elite govern with iron rule different colonies. A wealthy capitol which is geographically situated in Rocky Mountain serves as an exemplary centre, a hot-spot of consumption and hedonism where the spectacle prevails. The oppressed colonies are rushed to send their warriors who will struggle with others to death, in a bloody game that keeps people exciting. Although all participants work hard to enhance their skills, only one will reach the glory. The same can be observed in realities as Big Brother, where participants neglect the probabilities to fail simply because they overvalorise their own strongholds. This exactly seems to be what engages citizens to compete with others to survive, to show “they are worth of survive.” In sum, the sentiment of exceptionality triggered by these types of ideological spectacles disorganizing the social trust. It is important not to lose the sight that capitalism signals to the constructions of allegories containing death prompting a radical rupture of self with others. Whenever we see ourselves as special, put others of different condition asunder. In a context of turbulences, the imposition of these discourses seems to be conducive to the weakening of social fabric. Thematising disasters by Dark-Tourism consumption patterns, implies higher

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costs the disaster repeats in a near future. The political intervention in these sites covers the real reasons behind the event, which are radically altered to protect the interests of status quo. The political and economic powers erect monuments to remember sudden mass-death or trauma-spaces so that society reminds a lesson, which allegory contains a biased or galvanized explanation of what happened. Though at some extent, community needs to produces these allegories to be kept in warning, the likelihoods the same disaster takes hit again seems to be a question of time. In this vein, Thana-Capitalism offers death (of others) as a conduit not only to revitalize the daily frustrations, but enhancing a harmed ego. Visiting spaces of disasters during holidays, or watching news on terrorist attacks at home, all represents part of the same issue: the advent of new class death seekers. Some philosophical concerns arise around the role played by technology in this process. As Richard Hofstadter puts it, not only did capitalism make use of profits, exploiting the workforce, but also introduced successfully “social Darwinism,” which reinforced the axiom of the survival of fittest as a new ethics. In other words, we “play the game” because the opportunities to defeat our opponents are exaggerated (Hofstadter, 1963). The competition fostered by the ideology of capitalism offers the salvation for few ones, at the expense of the rest. To realise the dream of joining the “selected people,” we accept the rules. Whenever one of our direct competitors fails, we feel an insane happiness. We confirm that a similar mechanism is activated during our visit to dark tourism sites: we do not strive to understand, we are just happy because we escaped death and have more chances to win the game of life. With the benefits of hindsight, George H Mead, one of the founders of symbolic interactionism, criticized that many readers show a unpleasant experience at time of reading bad news in newspapers or magazine, but despite to this, they were unable to stop to do it. He assertively concludes that the self is configured through its interaction with others. This social dialectic introduces anticipation and interpretation as the two pillars of the communicative process. The self feels happiness through the other’s suffering - a rite necessary to avoid or think about one’s own potential pain. Starting from the premise that the self is morally obliged to assist the other to reinforce a sentiment of superiority, avoidance preserves the ethical base of social relationships (Mead, 2009). Nonetheless, this in-born drive has been manipulated beyond the limits of a reasonable narcissism. After all, Mead´s reflections could be applied to the act of visiting dark tourism shrines. To understand this, we can revert to the myth of Noah and its

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pivotal role in the salvation of the world in Christianity. Slavoj Zizek agrees that Christianity needs from to pose a message of self-destruction which is emulated by Christ to become God. In the core of Christendom is enrooted a lesson that encourages the betrayal as a guiding value (Zizek 2003). As this backdrop the myth of Noah, as a founding event, corresponds with the first genocide which is secretly perpetrated by God dividing the world in two, victims and witnesses. In sharp contrast with Zizek, we hold the thesis that the crucifixion of Christ reinforced this long-simmering discourse, where the principle of selection persisted into the core of Christianity (Korstanje 2016). Not surprisingly, modern capitalism has expanded by the social Darwinism old ideologies made possible. Whatever the case may be, Noah´s ark situates as one of the most influencing myths over the last decades. This legend tells us that God, annoyed by the corruption of human beings, mandated to Noah to construct an ark. Noah’s divine mission consisted of gathering and adding a pair per species to his ark so as to achieve the preservation of natural life. The world was destroyed by the great flood, but life diversity survived. At first glance, the myth’s moral message is based on the importance of nature and the problem of sin and corruption. But when examined more carefully, the myth poses the dilemma of competition: at any “tournament” or game, there can be only one winner. In the archetypical Christian myth, Noah and the selected species stand as the only witnesses of everything and everyone else’s death. We argue that the curiosity and fascination for death comes from this founding myth, which is systematically replicated in plays to date, stating that only one can be crowned the winner. Even, the “Big Brother” show, which was widely studied by sociologists and researchers of visual technology, rests on this principle. Only few are the selected ones to live forever on the screen, as is the case in religious myths such as those of Protestantism and Catholicism (both based on doctrines of salvation and understandings of death). In fact, the dark tourist experience is conditioned by a similar premise: a reminder that we, the survivors, are in the race and our sole purpose is to finish our journey. Still, there is much discussion on the influence of religion in capitalist ethos. In two must-read books as Consuming life and Liquid Fear, Zygmunt Bauman reminds that life has not possibilities to emancipate or gaining further meaning without the presence of death. For him, the capitalist ethos has altered the mentality of citizens, who do not even fulfil the function of production automata any longer. As commodities, workers are today exploited to sustain the principle of massive consumption, which is encouraged by capitalism. The “Big Brother” is such an example of how people enter competitions as commodities, to be

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They are lovely prone to discuss about events that do not involve them directly, as the war in Middle East, or the news in 60 minutes. However, in rare occasions this crystalizes in real help for others. Death seekers only embrace heritage to understand this time is the best of the possible realms. They behave in an instrumental way, using people as means for achieving their goals. No genuine commitment with others is found. Serious problems to understand the otherness. Sites of mass-death, disaster or suffering (Thana-Tourism) are often selected as the primary destinations for visiting in holidays. Since they are special, death consumers feel they have the right to interact with others well-skilled like them. They do not take part of charitable organizations or political militancy, unless by what they visually consumed through TV. Although they boast how altruist they are, they follow individual and instrumental ends in their life. It opens the doors to dissociation between what they say and what they really do. Death seekers entertain witnessing how others struggle. Very open to mythical conflagrations as goodness against evilness, they symbolically associate death to “condemnation.” For them, the correct persons should not die. Pathological problems to understand death. Regardless the political affiliation, they embrace “counterfeit politics,” or the theories of conspiracy.

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selected and bought by others. Participants in this reality show know that only one will win, and the rest will “die.” “Big Brother,” for Bauman, emulates life in capitalist societies; it does so by enhancing the lifestyle of the few by “producing” pauperization for the rest. The modern state keeps in pace with the liberal market to monopolize people’s sense of security. This does not mean that states are unable to keep security, but that the market is controlling consumption by the imposition of fear. If human disasters such as Katrina show the pervasive nature of capitalism, which allows thousands of poor citizens to die, the “show of disaster” releases it from the responsibilities of the event. The sense of catastrophe, like death, serves to cover the inhuman nature of capitalism (Bauman, 2000; 2008). A new emergent class appeared in times of Thana Capitalism, whose main features can be explained in the following points,

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To cut the long story short, Thana-Capitalism, adjoined to Thana-Tourism only would be feasible in Protestant nations as England. As explained, its prone to risk-perception helped to alleviate the burden given by “predestination,” delineating the borders between exemplary centre and its periphery. This sentiment of exceptionalism which is proper of Anglo-World has been replaced by new ideological narratives where the other passed to be a commodity. The question whether the society of risk envisaged “a dangerous other” goes unnoticed, but in Thana capitalism, the other is incorporated only through the lens of suffering. This occurs since gazing the others’ suffering represents a fertile ground for ego to fulfil of happiness. Envisaging the life as a long trace, each competitors feel happiness by others death, because this is the only way to be in competence. Of course, if the sense of predestination played a vital role in forming this cosmology, no less true was that the dogma of selection enrooted in Noah‘s ark was fundamental to adopt “social Darwinism” as the touchstone of Thana capitalism. Researchers concerned by dark tourism issues should pay heed to this point in order for they to expand their current understanding. On one hand, if the society of risk alluded to insurance purchase as a valid way of mitigating risk, in Thana Capitalism there would be no safer place to be. As the plots of movies as The Purge, or Hunger Games indicate, we live in a World of solipsism where few wins and takes everything while the rest of humankind is limited to die with nothing. Without the natural selection of species, postulated by Darwin, this realm would be never possible. Participants are more interested by struggling with the Other, instead of cooperating to defy “the status quo.” Embedded with an overexaggerated imprint over their real probabilities to defeat, participants melt into “the culture of Narcissism” (paragraphing Lasch 1991). This reminds that if our grand-parents spend their money visiting spaces of leisure as paradisiacal destinations during their holidays, now new forms of macabre spectacles prevail. Not only death is everywhere, but “the death of others” became in the main commodity in times of Thana Capitalism. Consumed in TV Programs, movies, tourism, or other entertainment industries, death mediates between social institutions and the solipsism of consumers. In such a process, England situated as the symbolic epicenter of Thana Capitalism pivoting the interests of scholars for dark tourism issues.

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In Ancient England coexisted Anglos, Saxons, and other German tribes. Their position to death was culturally determined by the needs of posing war as the main industry. Odin sent his daughters Valkyries to gather the fallen warriors to be taken to Valhalla a sacred place where warriors will eat and drink eternally. This concept was strongly associated to “predetermination” since the fate of Warrior was indeed determined before their entrance at battlefront. The concept of predestination mutated over years from Norse culture to modern England, cementing an aristocratic cosmology which was based on the doctrine of “chosen people.” Instead of gaining the divine grace from the day-to-day charity (as Catholics emphasized), Protestant developed a foreclosed connotation of future which led them to monopolize the technological breakthrough that facilitated the rise and expansion of capitalism. Following this argument, 9/11 ignited a new atmosphere where the old concept of security which raised during the society of risk diluted. In times of Thana-capitalism, citizens have commoditized in consumers, and their prone to consumption is superseded by the needs of gazing “disasters,” or spectacle of mass-death. Dark tourism, as emergent segment of new practices and behaviour are clear indicators (among others) in regards to “the consolidation of death-seekers.” The apollonian sense of beautiness which characterised the attractiveness of tourist destinations in the days of Thana Capitalism, people are interested in visiting space of mass-destruction as New Orleans, ground zero, or Auschwitz concentration camp in Poland. Beyond the interest for these sites, lies “the needs of being exceptional” affirming a sacred-aura of visitors who understand “capitalism” as the best of possible worlds. This ideological discourse, which is nourished by Thana-capitalism, takes from other`s pain a justification that validates “the own supremacy” as first-world traveler. The same applies for slum tourism and other similarlyminded forms of tourism. The consumption of death by means of TV programs and cultural entertainment represents a modern obsession for gazing mass-suffering which means the self feels happier when others die because in that way, it avoids to be touched by death. Since the asymmetries created by Thana Capitalism are not resolved, citizens need to adopt social Darwinism to understand why few live with much resources while the rest die with nothing. This suggests that news containing disasters, death or cruelty disturb viewers` sensibility, they are trapped and cannot escape from the attractiveness of Thana Capitalism. Tourism and its forms varies on the means of production pre-existing in society. While decentralized forms of production was adopted

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in view of the exhaustion of local resources, holiday-makers abandoned sun and beach products for some macabre forms of relations. Transformed in commodities, consumers have been transformed in gazed-commodities. At the same time, dark tourism never questions on the real conditions of exploitation that facilitated disasters or the asymmetries among classes; rather, it provides what Baudrillard (1995; 1996; 2003) dubbed as “an spectacle of disaster” to keep the legitimacy of elite. Not surprisingly, we may very well find answers in the cosmology of protestant who envisaged salvation for only few souls. Nonetheless, this is a deep-seated interrogation which needs further research. Last but not least, this insight far from reviewing the specialized literature in depth, not only does not represent an attack to any position, or viewpoint but only offers a valid interrogation to dig the way into the dark tourism direction. We are aimed at proposing a constructive bridge which would be helpful to tourism researchers and sociologists interested by these types of topics.

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Wilson, J. Z. (2008). Prison: Cultural memory and dark tourism. London, Peter Lang. Žižek, S. (2003). The puppet and the dwarf: The perverse core of Christianity. Cambridge, MIT Press.

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Chapter 6

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DARK TOURISM AS QUASI-SUICIDE: A CASE STUDY OF THE SEA OF TREES Bintang Handayani1, and Babu P. George2,† 1

Independent Researcher, US Fort Hays State University, Hays, Kansas, US

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ABSTRACT

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This paper examines the problem of suicide and the ethical dilemma of transforming suicide sites into tourist attractions. It is suggested that these sites offer liminal opportunities for quasi-suicides and post-suicidal life experiences, without actually undergoing death. Utilising the narrative of the movie titled “Sea of Trees” which takes place in Aokigahara-Jukai, a mysterious dense forest at the base of Japan's Mount Fuji where people go to commit suicide, this essay examines suicidal spots as tourism drivers. The discussion revolves around the belief that dark sites contribute to the formation of public shared values and the perspective that visitation to suicide cites shape positive purposes towards life. The analysis offers valuable clues to position sites built around the narratives of death.

Keywords: Death sites, hospitality attributes, suicide tourism, movie, Aokigahara-Jukai  †

E-mail: [email protected]. E-mail: [email protected].

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1. THE SEA OF TREES: THE PLOT

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After googling a right place for suicide, Arthur Brennan, the main character in the movie titled The Sea of Trees, treks into Aokigahara, a mysterious dense forest at the base of Japan's Mount Fuji. Aokigahara is wellknown as a place where people go to commit suicide. On his journey to the suicide forest, he encounters Takumi Nakamura, a Japanese man who has lost his way after attempting suicide. The two men begin a journey of reflection and survival, which affirms Arthur's will to live and reconnects him to his love for his wife. Sea of Trees (in Japanese Jukai) is the name originally given to MT Fuji post eruption around AD 864 (Hayano 2011). Japanese authorities recover up to a hundred bodies a year in the sea of trees, most victims of suicide (Shoup 2015; Hayano 2011). Takahashi (1988) studied Aokigahara- Jukai and state that there exists no significant research on Aokigahara- Jukai death sites. In particular, studies about this location as a paradise of death seekers and dark tourism lovers are almost nil. Therefore, the present researches began their exploration into this issue. We hope our analysis will be beneficial not only for enriching the body of knowledge but also for aiding with tourism planning. Takahashi’s (1988) findings suggest the relationships between psychogenic amnesia and attempted suicide at Aokigahara. Further, he denotes that to commit suicide in Aokigahara- Jukai is to extinguish one’s existence, not only substantially but also symbolically. Although it may be an overgeneralization to assume that suicide in Aokigahara- Jukai is representative of that in Japan suicide in Aokigahara- Jukai generally seems to be a form of death in which people express less hatred toward others, but rather wish to die quietly without being noticed or disturbed. Forms of significance attached to suicide in Aokigahara-Jukai are symbolic value, imitation, purification of one’s death, reconfirmation of one’s will to commit suicide, sanctuary, the wish to disappear, and the wish to belong. In general, according to Menninger (1938), motiveas that lead to suicides are made up of three wishes: (1) the wish to kill; (2) the wish to be killed; (3) and the wish to die. This scheme of argument verifies the indication that Aokigahara-Jukai is a popular destination for one who wants to commit suicide. While at the same time these studies denote a profound authenticity attributed to the brand image of Aokigahara-Jukai, this also explains why Aokigahara-Jukai would be a distinguish destination for dark tourism lovers, the one who is into visiting death sites. As another types of death sites in Asia i.e., Trunyan Cemetery in Bali, where the body is not buried, it emerges as remarkable authentic touristic

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market offerings (Handayani and Korstanje 2016), makes both Trunyan Cemetery and Aokigahara-Jukai difficult to frame this space into the model of Seaton and Lennon (2004). In this vein, research of Takahashi (1988) may be offered as an explanation of why Aokigahara-Jukai as a death sites would provide authentic experience to the visitors. This research can also explain why it embeds with symbolic values (i.e., the shared values as the core essence of brand image formation) would be the essences of unique and emotional selling propositions of market offerings. The intertwined relationships between Aokigahara-Jukai as destination of suicidal people and the dark tourism lovers lies on the fact that death sites worth to be visited when it is attached with authenticity, is embedded with elements of cultural and heritage. Thus, Aokigahara-Jukai is attributed to the dark sites, as in described in the motion pictures (i.e., movie that watched by the researcher) and in the real time experience (i.e., visiting the death sites by Shoup 2015; Hayano 2011). In the era of modern and post-modernism, watching movie would not only emerge as part of releasing tension from hectic daily routine, but also it may indicate the form of vacation which involves simple and short procedure, and it is rather cheap that one can have. It is as entertaining as escape to the real vacation to the non-dark sites. Movie reflects the people’s lives from the various angles from the past, present, and the future. In this vein, movie contains not only historical side of one’s life, but could also denote the present and future issues that may emerge. Through movie, people learn to (re)live the goodness of being alive, being vulnerable, being happy and being sad. Sadness and happiness are the most intriguing aspects of life that becomes commodification and coupled with the tragic story, a movie can be revelation for human being. A movie could also become a medium that powerfully shapes people's perceived values about something "dark". More so, it presumably could sharpen the "darkness" elements attributed to the death sites and the suicidal phenomenon become lighter and soften. Shoup (2015) points out that visiting Aokigahara, Japan's Suicidal Sea of Trees, is not generating good feelings (at all) other than feelings scary and (sometimes) felt peaceful. This is in line with the study of Handayani and Korstanje (2016) which suggested that visiting dark sites which most likely generates feelings scary and (sometimes) felt peaceful, which is arguably may attributed to the brand image of the death sites. Darkness elements of the death sites and the phenomenon of suicide could be seen positively as not only the attraction (i.e., watching a movie as a form of vacation) but also the revelation of contemplation (i.e., watching a

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Dark Tourism as Quasi-Suicide

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movie themed death sites and suicidal and visiting the death sites as part of vacation). Utilising this movie, this essay aims to scrutinise the death sites and suicidal people as backdrop of the study, coupled with hospitality attributes presumably this essay would provide more evidence on the bright sides of elements of “darkness” attached with it. More so, it is aimed to strengthen the previous research that suggests visiting death site is not only for human contemplation but more importantly are for human (re)connection with God and among the worshipers, coupled with the movie storyline, this essay generally would sharpening the philosophical elements attributed to hospitality.

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2. DESIGN OF THE STUDY

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This analysis is fuided by social constructionist research philosophy. The critical methodological framework inspired by Gillian Rose (2016) informs it. Secondary data from internet resources and primary data from compositional interpretation are used. Semiology and discourse analysis on the movie titled “Sea of Trees” becomes the basis of most arguments advanced here. Systematic search of meaning is imperative in interpreting qualitative data analysis (Hatch 2002; Ngulube 2015). In this vein, Ngulube (2015) points out that qualitative data analysis involves the identification, examination, comparison and interpretation of patterns and themes. Further, a case study is set as a research design which focuses on the movie titled “Sea of Trees”. A case study investigates a contemporary phenomenon in depth and within its real-life context (Yin 2013). Further, Yin (2013) suggests that case study as a research method allows investigator to retain the holistic and meaningful characteristics of real-life event. In terms of the critical methodology that uses Gillian Rose’s seminal work on critical visual methodology, she suggests that images offer views of the world and may render the world in visual terms. Further she points out that images are not an objective representation of the world, but rather an interpretation of the world. It is through the interpretations that humans make sense of the world, create meanings and can influence how we behave (Rose 2016). These methods of discourse analysis and semiology are primarily based on the analysis of language. Since images convey meaning and are open to interpretation, they also can be considered as a form of language (Kress and Van Leeuwen 1996; Monaco 2000; Stokes 2012). Technically, methods for movie analysis consist of compositional interpretation and semiology.

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Compositional interpretation is chosen because it focuses on the compositionality of the moving images itself. It is believed that that in order to better understand the meanings of moving images tell in certain context, it is crucial to acknowledge the power they have on their own and the effect produced by elements of mise-en-scene, montage, and sound (Rose 2016; Monaco 2000). Mise-en-scene according to Monaco consists of the tools with which the filmmaker alters and modifies our reading of shots as different angles, focus, distance, movement, etc. have different effects on the viewer by emphasizing some aspects while concealing others. On the other hand, montage is used to communicate large amounts of information in a rather short period by adjoining short shots to each other. Further, montage addresses issues such compression of time, rhythm and interfaces with the action of the shot. Apart from that, sound shows value by creating a ground of continuity to support the images which usually receive more conscious attention. In other words, sound has effect of creating a setting, an atmosphere. For that reason, compositional interpretation is analysed accordingly by looking these aspects of mise-en-scene, montage, and sound. Lastly, semiology as method technically is used to gain a detailed and precise insight into the meaning carried by the movie titled “Sea of Trees”. As semiology mentioned semiotics as tool for interpretation, semiotics in general can be defined as study of sign and codes. Moriarty (2005) points out that signs are used in producing, conveying, and interpreting messages and the codes that govern their use. In the terms of Monaca (2000) which originally coined by Ferdinand de Saussure, sign systems within the language that could be derived from movie can be analysed as a language. Semiology addresses the way in which the various elements of the text work together and interact with our culture knowledge to generate meaning (Stokes 2003). Further, Stokes points out the key semiotics is how the producer of an image makes it mean something and how we, as readers, get meaning out. With this viewpoint, it is expected that the storytelling framework was used with the purpose of unveiling how the death sites and hospitality attributes on a movie themed suicidal positions itself in a larger narrative.

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3. TOURISM ATTRIBUTES OF DEATH SITES Korstanje and George (2015) suggests the shifts trend from visiting classic destinations as Sun and Beach products to visiting the death sites. Although, this trend does not cover big market shares in as market offerings, Wilkinson

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(2010) points out that this trend potentially could be not only the attractiondriven but also it may be emerge as a tourist-demand. Take it to the extreme level of philosophical viewpoint, Korstanje (2014) points out that the man comes to this world from and to death, which indicates the dependency of self to other´s suffering creating a vicious circle that empirical research has not revealed. This may explain why authenticity plays a crucial role to boost attractiveness of death sites (Korstanje 2014; Handayani and Korstanje 2016). Authenticity attributed to the death sites and the darkness elements attributed to negativity of suicidal people, and perceived hospitality attributes that embedded with purity and kindness are the magnetic aspects that everyone can feel, and everyone may relate it with their own life. In other words, these are the elements that can be explored as unique propositions and emotional selling propositions as suggested by Kotler, Armstrong, Saunders and Wong (1999). The bright sides of elements of “darkness” in the death sites is attached with not only the characteristics of the natural beauties which often contain “green” elements as core essence of the land where people are rest in peace. The open area which allows wild winds, wild animals, and spirits that hosted the sites suggests that greatness of God as the only creator. This rightness attitude towards the visitors would denote the interrelationships among people as society, which emerges as the coexist perspectives (Hayano 2011). More so, hospitality may also be in line with the perspectives of how and why human cannot not communicate?, and human interdependency with other people? Futher, as described in tourism and hospitality as industry and human activity, hospitality is explained the host-guest relationships are marked by the needs of covering the prejudices and stereotypes which may affect the profits of stakeholders (Korstanje 2011). In this sense, understanding death leads to discourse about thanatology which shed the light on human interpretation and acceptance to death (Korstanje 2014). Sigmund Freud (1909) suggests that extreme fears to strangers as well as phobias resulted from the attempts of mind to prevent a “fragmented personality”. The ego copes with contrasting feelings, oddly love and hate. The imagined phobic object (in this case of death) re-channels the internal conflicts to achieve social cohesion. This explains the rivalry between the living and the body.

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4. DEATH SITES AS REVELATIONS The unique features of the death sites revolve around its unique selling proposition and its emotional proposition that presumably would touch every

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man. While unique selling proposition denotes the story of how and why the death sites emerge as stunning attraction, emotional proposition signifies the divine conceptualisation of being vulnerable on dealing with death and witnessing the bodies in the sites. Combined with stunning proposition derived from natural beauties and tragic storyline which are posed in the movie adding revelation of the death sites as not only attractive for viewer who are interested in contemplation of death as issue but also may stimulate public acknowledgement of suicidal phenomenon. The movie poses scenes that pretty much indicate how death can approach everyone, and the paradoxes of suicidal which suggest that while one can be so desperately intend to end his life, one also can be so desperately wants to live, as he realises their significant other’s wishes. As backdrop, this movie suggests that how death affects both significant other’s and the “self”. In addition, the movie which poses the main character’s life realising that he did not know well his wife, the regrets signifies how after one’s death, significant other’s start to realise how much one can missed detail of the death e.g., favourite colour etc. In this sense, someone is remembered well when they died. This could explain why the death sites can be a medium for contemplation and it changes visitor’s lifeworld and viewer’s lifeworld (Handayani and Korstanje 2016). This kind of phenomenon indicates how peoples’ relationships matter, how detailed information about someone may suggest the magnitude of the relationships, etc. It is said that, in the last 20 years or so, a hundred suicide corpses were found (Hayano 2011). More so, since 1975- 1984, there were 302 suicides in Jukai (Takahashi 1988). In the Jukai, the corpses were still wear the clothes they wore when they committed suicide. The Samurai’s act, as in “Seppuku” (hara-kiri), is time immemorial. In Japan, when the poor families abandon their elders in mountains, similar narratives are given. This may explain the image where there is a character upside-down on the tree as a symbol of contempt for society. Like a curse, the curse is nailed in. This character nailed on the tree indicates that the person, who may commit suicide, was tortured by society. On the other spectrum of people who are indecisive about dying was characterised by the fact that there is wrap tape on the trees along their way to find their way out. There are tents also which indicates there were visitors were there for a few days. The fact that they brought tent means they were still struggling, they spend few days there figuring out if they want to die or not. Logically, the tape would lead to the end, either your will find someone there or a dead body, or something that may indicate the suicidal people. What is

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more, the most striking and thought-provoking to be contemplated, which arguably may lead to the explanation on why this suicide forest emerges as the remarkable sites for death seekers is the images on the entrance point gate where there is sign to stop suicidal people. It says: “Your life is a precious gift from your parents. Please think about your parents, siblings, and children. Don’t keep it to yourself, talk about your troubles. Contact the suicide prevention associations”. This sign which contains caution for the suicidal people is that suicide is not a new phenomenon and that suicide prevention can be done by constructing the people's mind (i.e., in this case is visitors who visited Aokigahara with their troubled thoughts). Highlighting the importance of family, siblings, and children is the key. The Japanese culture highlights that life of one is attached with that of other people and that attachment gives meaning both to life and death. The first sentence says "Your life is a precious gift from your parents": it indicates the value of parents is higher than that of even God. Religious belief system controls societal behaviour and it links religion as control system of culture and heritage, not the value of significant other’s that matter more. The religious symbols around the site indicate the acknowledgement of suicide phenomenon that take place in Aokigahara. Many people who comes to die bring all their belongings and abandon these at the forest – implying that they don’t value relations in the world that are worthy of enjoying these assets. Further, the fact that the check point where people can start to explore the forest, there is notice which says “you cannot follow the trail beyond this point because it can lead people easily get lost”. As the caution seems to be able to save those who are not having troubled thoughts, it may not for those who have. As the climax scenes of the movie highlights the revelation of being vulnerable and at the same time reveals the need to survive, he is willing to come back to the suicide forest to save his now so-called friend, Takumi Nakamura. The journey of reflection and survival brings him to contemplation that reconnects him to his love for his wife and affirms his will to live. How death influences one’s lifeworld may construct perceived values about such spaces, too. However, hospitality that projected by Takumi Nakamura through his struggle to be survive and will to (re)live his life are the symbolic meanings of value of life to self, to other people i.e., his/her significant other(s). Therefore, another layer which is arguably can be added to the layer of visitation to death sites seems to be in the spectrum of witnessing other’s sufferings may construct man to survive and stimulate the will to (re)live his life.

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CONCLUDING REMARKS

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As studied in this paper, Sea of Trees not only reminds the intersection of death and the industry of movies, but also paves the way for a deeper philosophical discussion. It provides more evidence for the bright side of darkness that death seekers and thana-toursts both seek. Visiting death site is not only for human contemplation but also for human (re)connection with the divinity. It bridges the chasm between visiting the death sites and perceived hospitality attributes. The negativity elements attributed to suicidal places are observer-centric. The exposure of death sites, hospitality attributes, coupled with suicidal phenomenon could construct public’s shared values. To sum up, the dark and deep feelings derived from visitation to suicidal sites could re-ignite search for the purpose of life. Search for death could land the dark tourist upon the pasture of meaningful life. The analysis we performed based on the movie plot should be extrapolated to real world sites and people. Grounded phenomenological inquiry into the suicidal experiences of dark toursts visiting real death sites will help us understand better the various issues that we raised.

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REFERENCES

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Handayani, B., and Korstanje, M. E. (2016). Isle of the Dead: A Study of Trunyan Cemetery (Bali), forthcoming. Hatch, J. A. (2002). Doing qualitative research in education settings. Suny Press. Hayano, Azusa. (2011). Suicide Forest in Japan. VICE News. Retrieved 15 August 2016, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4FDSdg09df8. Korstanje, M. E., and George, B. (2015). Dark Tourism: Revisiting Some Philosophical Issues. E-review of Tourism Research, 12: 127-136. Korstanje M (2014) “Conceptual discussion of dark tourism: suffering, egoism and the depersonalization of death”. Conference, GOA University India. 02 to 03 May 2014. “Globalization of tourism, opportunities and challeneges”. Korstanje, M. E. (2011). Influence of history in the encounter of guests and hosts. Anatolia, 22(2), 282–28.

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Kotler, P., Armstrong, G., Saunders, J., and Wong, V. (1999). Principles of marketing, second European edition. Editura Prentice Hall, New Jersey, USA. Kress, G. R., and Van Leeuwen, T. (1996). Reading images: The grammar of visual design. Psychology Press. Menninger, K. A. Man against himself. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1938. Monaco, J. (2000). How to read a film: the world of movies, media, and multimedia: language, history, theory. Oxford University Press, USA. Moriarty, S. (2005). Visual semiotics theory. Handbook of visual communication: Theory, methods, and media, 8, 227-241. Ngulube, P. (2015). Qualitative data analysis and interpretation: systematic search for meaning. Addressing Research Challenges: Making Headway for Developing Researchers. edn. Edited by Mathipa E, Gumbo M. Noordywk, South Africa: Mosala-MASEDI Publishers and Booksellers cc, 131-156. Rose, G. (2016). Visual methodologies: An introduction to researching with visual materials. London: Sage Publication. “Sea of Trees”. (2015). Watch the sea of trees online, Retrieved 29 August 2016, from http://putlocker.is/watch-the-sea-of-trees-online-freeputlocker.html. Seaton, A. V., and Lennon, J. J. (2004). Thanatourism in the early 21st century: Moral panics, ulterior motives and alterior desires. New horizons in tourism: Strange experiences and stranger practices, 63-82. Shoup, David. (4 Aug 2015). Inside Japan's Suicidal Sea of Trees. Retrieved 15 August 2016, form https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f7VYIsISOZ4. Stokes, J. (2012). How to do media and cultural studies. Sage Publications. Takahashi, Y. (1988). Aokigahara‐jukai: Suicide and Amnesia in Mt. Fuji's Black Forest. Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior, 18(2), 164-175. Wilkinson, Paul. F, Review of “The darker side of travel: The theory and practice of dark tourism”, by Sharpley and Stone, e-Review of Tourism Research (eRTR),8(1), February (2010). Yin, R. K. (2013). Case study research: Design and methods. Sage Publications.

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Chapter 7

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TERRORISM AND TOURISM: UNDERLYING COMMONALITIES AND EMERGING PATTERNS

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Anthony Clayton*, PhD

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Institute for Sustainable Development, University of the West Indies, Kingston, Jamaica

ABSTRACT

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Tourism can only thrive in a world in which people can travel, visit each other, and learn other languages and cultures; a world that values liberty, innovation, enterprise and tolerance. Many terrorists explicitly reject these values, in a struggle against the ‘alien’ values of modern society, which is partly why there has been an increase in attacks on tourists. However, the same process of globalization and technological advance and dissemination that has supported the growth of the world tourism industry has also made it easier for terrorists to recruit, organize, and strike their targets, while both tourism and terrorism rely on the creation and manipulation of beliefs and perceptions. There are, therefore, some deep underlying conflicts and commonalities between these disparate activities. Terrorism is unlikely to disappear, but will probably evolve into new and more fluid forms, as technology enables new forms of networking around the world, and accelerates the dissemination of evil ideas, as well as good.

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THE NATURE OF TERRORISM

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Keywords: terrorism, tourism, commonalities, conflicts, emerging patterns, dark tourism

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Saint-Pierre (2003) defines terrorism as a form of political violence, typically utilized when one of the opposed factions has not the strength to overcome their enemy militarily. The goal is to force the other side to concede by inflicting more casualties and damage than they can bear. If the opponent is a government, the object may also be to turn their own citizens against them, by constantly reminding them that their government cannot protect them. Kondrasuk (2005, p 646) defines terrorism as:

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“Premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetuated against non-combatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents, usually intended to influence an audience”

Kondrasuk (2005) and Hoffman (2002) list terrorism’s key attributes as follows:

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a) Terrorists are not formal military groups, but pursue political and religious causes, usually in a clandestine way. b) Terrorists threaten and perpetrate acts of extreme violence. c) The targets of terrorists are often vulnerable civilians; this is in order to promote fear in a wider audience. d) The goals of terrorism are to influence high-level governmental decisions to support their political or religious objectives.

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As Korstanje and Clayton (2012) note, the pattern of terrorism has changed significantly over the last three decades. The paramilitaries in Northern Ireland, for example, had no intention of killing themselves when planting bombs, although a few did blow themselves up by mistake. The suicide bombers used by the Tamil Tigers, al-Qaeda and ISIS/Daesh, by contrast, do intend to die during the execution of their mission, which makes them an even more dangerous threat. As Schmid (2004, p.210) states: “The sacrifice can consist of attacking innocent people from the adversary’s camp or of a terrorist blowing himself or herself up in the midst of a group of guilty enemies. In that case, he sees himself as a

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Systematic terrorism (as practiced by, for example, ETA or the IRA) is usually focused on specific demands, and the victims have to be seen as ‘legitimate’, i.e., members of the security forces or ‘collaborators’, although the definition of ‘legitimate’ is often stretched to include anyone that is not an active supporter of the terrorist organization. Systematic terrorism is usually aimed at territorial autonomy, often with an additional political ideology (such as a socialist or one-party state), although the killing of political opponents in order to repress dissent is also a form of systematic terrorism. By contrast, random terrorism (as practiced by al-Qaeda) is usually aimed at the destabilization or destruction of the existing political, religious or ideological order, and seeks maximum destruction in terms of killing and property damage. This also maps onto patterns of faith. For example, Sunni Muslims believe in the communion of all believers, and some therefore reject the idea that faith can be limited by national borders, or even that they should be citizens of a given nation. Jihadi Salafism, in particular, emphasizes God's sovereignty (hakimiyyat Allah), which defines good and evil, is applicable in all places and at all times, and makes all forms of political organization, innovation, change or even reasoning redundant and un-Islamic. It is this minority view that emphasizes jihad against infidels, and encourages the killing of apostates. Al Qaeda’s borderless operations and random terrorism reflect this philosophy. Shiia Muslims, however, generally see their faith as compatible with national identity, and are therefore concerned with political power and control within national borders. The use of systematic terrorism in the post-Saddam conflict in Iraq reflected the views of the majority Shiite population. Random terrorism may be targeted at the innocent and vulnerable, for two reasons. The first is that killing the innocent graphically demonstrates the state’s failure to protect its citizens. Second, it helps to create revulsion, fear and panic. The combination of anger, revulsion, fear and despair eventually obliges the State to concede some or all of the demands of the terrorists. Tourists are usually both innocent and vulnerable. In addition, in some countries, they also represent mobility, affluence and consumption, which may be perceived as corrupt and immoral.

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martyr. The dimension of martyrdom links it to the activity that some scholars see as the most fundamental form of religiosity: the sacrifice”

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Terrorism and Tourism

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TERRORISM, LEGALITY AND MORALITY

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Goldblatt and Hu define terrorism as the illegal usage of force or acts of violence against persons or their properties in order to intimidate the Government, the citizenship or any other segment of society (Goldblatt and Hu, 2005: 142). However, this nuanced definition is still limited, as there are countries where some elite groups exert violence against others with impunity. Until the start of the Arab Spring uprisings, most Arabic-speaking nations had been ruled by unelected elites for decades, some of whom had ruthlessly suppressed dissent, while there are still a few sub-Saharan states with kleptocratic, predatory governments. In these cases, terror is used as an instrument of power by the elite, rather than against the government. There are also cases where acts of terror are committed by agents provocateur, in order to justify further repression, or reflect internal power struggles within the elite, rather than against it. In some cases, totalitarianism is reflected in the destruction of alternative views and voices in the name of patriotism, freedom and brotherhood. Some of these countries are, at least notionally, democracies. However, as Bernstein has pointed out, democracies involve more than a ritual (and possibly rigged) renewal every four or five years, healthy democracies have deep cultural roots, including a tolerance for dissenting views (Bernstein, 2006), as well as respect for the rules of the democratic process and for the outcome of the vote. In some cases, terrorists operate both inside and outside the law, and both the IRA and ETA have had representation in Parliament while still using violence as a political weapon (Del Bufalo, 2002). This may represent a movement that is in transition away from violence, but it often demonstrates bad faith, or a lack of faith in the democratic process, so the willingness to use violence effectively overrides peaceful diplomacy (Connolly, 1993). Schmid argues that the Roman legal tradition distinguishes between two aspects of crime, Mala Prohibita (wrong because it is prohibited), and Mala Per Se (intrinsically evil). The former refers to an offense that is against the law, while the latter refers to a premeditated act of evil, irrespective of the legal system in place at the time. So an act may be evil, even if not specifically prohibited. All civilized nations consider terrorism an intrinsic evil, especially those acts that do not discriminate between combatants and civilians. Indiscriminate acts of violence, such as bombs in public places, are regarded with particular revulsion, partly because they target innocents, including children, and partly because they flout the right of civilians to remain outside the conflict, which breaks the Hague and Geneva conventions (Schmid, 2004).

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CONFLICTS AND PERCEPTIONS

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There has been a number of high-profile instances in recent years, including some aimed at western tourists and the kinds of resorts and shopping malls that they frequent.

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Tourism and terrorism appear, in some respects, to reflect deeply conflicting world views. Tourism involves freedom of movement and travel, and is a fairly effective way of disseminating cultural ideas and practices (which can have both positive and negative effects on the hosts). Terrorist movements have various permutations of religious, nationalist and ethnic motives, but many of them are concerned to resist what they perceive to be oppression by others and the imposition of foreign rule or culture, and some (such as the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan) explicitly reject the Western lifestyle on which most contemporary tourism is based. Tourism also represents a soft but economically valuable target, and tourists have been the victims in several mass-killings, in places such as Egypt and Bali. Yet there are also at least two commonalities:

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1. The same process of globalization and technological advance and dissemination that has supported the growth of the world tourism industry has also made it easier for terrorists to proselytise, recruit, train, fund-raise, organize, and travel to their targets. Tourism relies heavily, in particular, on safe, cheap, efficient mass-transport. One of the more shocking implications of 9/11, for many, was that the same structure of safe, cheap, efficient mass-transport also gave al-Qaeda the ability to strike half-way around the planet, and on a far greater scale than ever before. In addition, the strategy that underpinned this modern form of terrorism was not learned from ancient Islamic texts, but from modern training techniques, tactics and internet downloads, thus converting the products of Western technological development into weapons against the West. 2. Both tourism and terrorism rely on media management; the creation and manipulation of beliefs and perceptions. Media management is crucial to the travel and tourism industry. It is important to persuade customers that a particular experience or destination is desirable, and that your hotel or airline offers a better service than that of rivals, in order to ensure the continuing flow of business and profits. Media

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management is also crucial to terrorist organizations, who must try to demoralize their numerically-superior opponents and convince them that they cannot win. Al-Qaeda also wanted ‘spectaculars’, highlyvisible mass killings, partly to achieve the desired impact against the West, but also partly to ensure the continuing flow of funds and recruits.

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Anthony Clayton

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With regard to the first commonality; after 9/11/2001, many countries adopted tougher policies to control and reinforce security at their borders, partly because of the fear that terrorists or matériel might enter the country, and many authors have emphasized the perceived connection between terrorism and patterns of trade (Barro, 1991) (Pollins, 1989) (Abadie and Gardeazabal, 2003) (Phillips, 2008). This defines terrorism as an alien threat, even though some countries - such as the UK, Italy, Germany and Sweden have had more serious problems with ‘home-grown’ terrorists. So the real threat may not be people, but malign ideas – and these ideas can now spread freely over the internet, making it impossible to stop them at national frontiers. As Skoll (2007) points out, political violence now works like a virus, being transmitted through contact. In addition, the first countries to give strong international support and explicitly aligned themselves with the USA were those that had had similar experiences of terrorism, such as Spain and the UK (Altheide, 2009; Bassi, 2010). That had the effect of defining terrorism as a threat to the entire West. So these two actions had the subtle effect of defining terrorism as (a) coming from outside and (b) opposed to all Western values. With regard to the second commonality; major terrorist incidents have both a real impact and a symbolic meaning. For example, are the perpetrators ‘fanatical killers’, or ‘heroic freedom fighters’? There is therefore a war of ideas, as well as a war in the streets, as the two sides try to impose their interpretation of events. The bombing of the World Trade Centre and the 9/11 attacks were recent examples, but there is a long history of propaganda offensives to mislead the enemy or damage their morale, and struggles to control the narrative that will shape world opinion, such as that between Israelis and Palestinians, each of whom wants to define themselves as the victim and the other as the aggressor. There are also attempts to reinterpret or revise historical events to support a current ideology. For example, right-wing elements in Germany reinterpreted the end of the First World War to argue that the German Army had not lost the war; it had been betrayed by the republicans in Germany who overthrew the monarchy, thereby creating the

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legend of the stab-in-the-back (Dolchstoßlegende), which, 15 years later, assisted the Nazis in their rise to power. So it is important to look at both the actual event, and at the way that the event is portrayed, explained and understood. The impact of a terrorist incident also partly depends on both context and experience. For example, the global consternation caused by 9/11 eclipsed most other terrorist incidents, even though many more people have died in places such as Iraq and Afghanistan. The shock caused by 9/11 was partly due to the demonstration that the world's superpower was as vulnerable to terrorist attack everyone else, which blurred the boundaries between rich, secure nations and poor, vulnerable nations. Similarly, most terrorist incidents in Europe have not had the same era-defining impact as 9/11, which probably reflects both that European states have been dealing with terrorism for decades, and that many US citizens had perceived war as something that happens somewhere else. The importance of context, culture and history can been seen by contrasting the experience of 9/11 in New York with two bombings in Buenos Aires; Israel’s embassy in 1992 and the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) in 1994. 9/11 permanently changed the way that Americans see terrorist issues and threats (Kondrasuk, 2005). The USA, goaded and wounded, looked outside for the threat, and launched wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Ground Zero became akin to a sacred site, commemorating the victims and the fight against evil. In Buenos Aires, the Jewish community became further isolated, the site of the bombings is avoided, and many Argentines remain silent about the topic. With regard to 9/11, the responses can be summarized as follows:

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1) The event received global media coverage. The world’s superpower was under attack. Four commercial airplanes, with civilians on board, were used to attack both civilian and military targets. 2) The events were portrayed in the USA as evil, requiring a muscular, military response (as opposed to, for example, a long-term intelligence-led strategy to undermine the Salafists). 3) Since mass air travel was the chosen weapon of the terrorists, there was widespread public alarm about air travel, and the tourism and hospitality industries were severely affected. 4) Al-Qaeda boasted their ownership of the attack, while the FBI soon determined that the key perpetrators had been living (and being trained) in the USA for some months prior to the event. As a result,

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With regard to the bombings in Buenos Aires; the Israeli embassy was destroyed, along with a nearby Catholic Church and a school, on the 17th March 1992 by a suicide bomber driving a pick-up truck packed with explosives. 29 people were killed, and 242 were wounded. Israel sent specialists, who worked in cooperation with Argentinian authorities, and determined that the attack had been planned in the tri-border area where the boundaries of Paraguay, Brazil and Argentina meet. On the 18th July 1994, the Argentine Israelite Mutual Association (AMIA) was bombed; 85 people were killed, and hundreds injured. For years afterwards, the case was characterized by contradiction, confusion, controversies, accusations of cover-ups and corruption at the highest level in the Menem administration. The first to be accused of the crime were police officers, but there was insufficient evidence to convict, and they were released in 2004. In October 2006, Argentine prosecutors Alberto Nisman and Marcelo Martinez Burgos formally accused the government of Iran of directing the bombing, and the Hezbollah militia of carrying it out. According to the prosecutors Argentina had been targeted by Iran after the Government’s decision to suspend a nuclear technology transfer contract with Tehran. This finding was controversial, however, because the contract was never actually terminated, and Iran and Argentina were negotiating on the restoration of full

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the USA clamped down in illegal migration, strengthened border controls and introduced new visa requirements and procedures. 9/11 transformed the way that terrorism was perceived and portrayed. This can be seen in the large number of studies, books and movies made with terrorism themes (McCartney, 2008; Sackett and Botterill, 2006; Prideaux, 2005; Kozak, Crotts and Law, 2007; Yuan, 2005). 9/11 had a profound effect on US domestic politics, as a possible factor in the re-election of George W Bush, as well as altering the USA’s foreign priorities and international relationships. Unlike the events in Buenos Aires, where Argentinian authorities minimized (even trivialized) the attacks, both of the two main political parties in the USA adopted a strong narrative based on brotherhood and patriotism. Before 9/11, many Americans were mainly concerned about the levels of crime, especially in the major cities. After 9/11, this issue was largely eclipsed by concerns about homeland security and terrorism. The site of the former Twin Towers has been converted into a memorial, celebrating bravery, sacrifice and the death of innocents.

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cooperation on all agreements from early in 1992 till 1994, when the bombing occurred. Nisman was found dead in 2015, days before he was due to release his report; the evidence suggests that he was murdered, possibly by agents of the Argentine Secretariat of Intelligence who attempted to make it look as though he had committed suicide, which gives additional credibility to his accusations of state complicity in a cover-up. The response to the bombings in Buenos Aires had quite different characteristics:

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1) The event did not attract sustained international attention. It was seen as a local case, and soon faded from prominence. It was seen as evidence of pathology and social fragmentation, and widely discussed as such by social scientists in Argentina. 2) After the event, many people in Buenos Aires avoided synagogues and Jewish cultural associations. The enemy was not seen as coming from outside, society did not feel a sense of cohesion, and the victims were further isolated. 3) The mass transport system and airspace were not involved in these attacks, and the tourism and hospitality industries were not directly affected. Due to the favourable exchange rate at the time, Argentina became a net tourism exporting country, and the local industry suffered, but this was unrelated to the terrorist attacks. 4) The names of the perpetrators remain unknown. Argentinian authorities expressed sympathy with the Jewish community, but did not succeed in determining the cause or identifying or arresting the perpetrators. Nor did they develop a systematic framework to fight against terrorism. 5) Many members of Argentinian society said that they did not feel that these attacks were not against them but against the Jewish community – even though the Jewish community had been a deep-rooted part of Argentinian society. 6) Argentinian society is, today, more concerned about crime, poverty and unemployment than the possibility of future bombings. 7) After the attacks, both the Israeli embassy and AMIA were relocated to other sites for security purposes. The sites of the bombing were given modest memorials. In New York, Ground Zero became a symbol of patriotism, but in Buenos Aires the sites were hidden by silence.

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These markedly divergent reactions happened for a number of reasons. In the USA, terrorism was seen as an atrocity perpetrated from abroad. In Argentina, however, the national experience of terrorism was that perpetrated by the State itself, with the killing of dissidents in the ‘dirty war’, during the military dictatorships that lasted from 1976-1982, until the last Junta lost the Malvinas/Falkland Islands war with the UK, and with it their credibility and raison d’être. In Argentina, therefore, the reaction to the terrorist bombings reflected the national experience and history, awakening memories of military dictators that perpetrated crimes against humanity. So, while the bombings of the embassy and the AMIA increased cohesion among the small Jewish community in Buenos Aires, many non-Jewish Argentines did not demonstrate solidarity, perhaps because of a reawakened sense of fear. The suspected role of the state in the subsequent murder of Alberto Nisman suggests that these fears may have been justified. As Andersen (2011) says:

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“For many in Latin America, state power has historically cast a shadow on both personal security and human rights. The debate about its ultimate ownership, purposes, and outcomes continues. The legacy of state security forces in most countries is one in which political rights and civil liberties were severely conditioned or were perhaps the object of full-scale assault for some of the population”.

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So where 9/11 increased American feelings of patriotism, the Buenos Aires bombings increased social fragmentation, isolating the victims. Just as US citizens avoided flying and travelling abroad, as they felt that they had become a target for terrorism, so Argentine society avoided its own Jewish community, because association was seen as a risk. As Green (2010) says:

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“soon after the 1994 bombing, Moishe Cohen, the cultural director of AMIA, gathered several dozen leading sculptors and architects at the site of colonial ruins south of Buenos Aires. Cohen and others had witnessed the hemorrhaging of the Jewish community since the attack. Jews had stopped attending synagogue or even sending their children to school. He asked the group of artists to study the ruins and to imagine a new space that would welcome people back. The objective was not to alleviate fears among Jews, but to show to the greater public “que estamos presentes” he said, “that we are here”. But the design of the rebuilt AMIA building reveals a new relationship with the city. Separated from the street by a fortified security entrance that acts as a blast wall, the new building

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looms over the original site, which appears vacant, presenting itself as a kind of fortress. The passersby are not allowed into the building without a scheduled appointment and proof of identity. Taxis cannot stop in front of the building and photos are not allowed. The question invariably is whether the Jewish community in Argentina will ever recover the sense of security and purpose it once felt” (Green, 2010: 87).

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It is clear, therefore, that there are important local factors that strongly influence how terrorism is perceived and defined (Altheide, 2009). It is important to take this factor into consideration, especially as terrorism has now been described as the primary security threat of the 21st century (Robertson, 2002). It is even more important, however, to put the impact of terrorism into context, and, in particular, to note that crime kills far more people than terrorism. For example, some 3,506 people were killed during the conflict in Northern Ireland (current population 1.8 million). The conflict lasted 32 years, so there was an average of 110 deaths per annum. Jamaica (current population 2.8 million) had 1,680 homicides in 2009, mainly gang-related. So the rate of killing in Jamaica, most of which is the result of organized crime, is about 15 times the rate in the insurgency in Northern Ireland, or about 10 times higher on a per capita basis. Similarly, at least 60,000 people died in Mexico’s ‘war on drugs’ between 2006 and 2012, which is about 20 times more than died on 9/11. This means that Mexico suffered the equivalent of three 9/11s each year (some estimates suggest that 120,000 died over the period, which would mean that Mexico suffered six 9/11s each year). Mexico's population is just over 1/3rd of that of the USA, so, on a per capita basis, Mexico suffered the equivalent of nearly nine (or eighteen) 9/11's each year. The comparison with Jamaica is even more extreme, because of Jamaica's much smaller population. In terms of the percentage of the population killed by organized crime and gangs, Jamaica suffers the equivalent of one 9/11 incident each week. As President Calderon of Mexico said, in a speech to the UN in September 2011: “We have to be aware that organized crime today is killing more people and more young people than all the dictatorial regimes in the world.”

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This again highlights the extraordinary emotional impact of terrorism. When murder is defined as terrorism, rather than a crime, states usually respond as if it were a military threat, rather than one requiring policing, which means that the cost of the response escalates dramatically. This is often, of course, exactly what the terrorists want.

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DEFINING THE ENEMY

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The social impact of 9/11 was comparable, in some respects, to Pearl Harbor (Kepel, 2002) but both episodes have quite different characteristics. Whereas Pearl Harbor was an attack against a military base with conventional weapons, the attack against the Twin Towers in New York was an assault on an economic, trade, communications and transport hub; the same modes of organization and technological prowess that first distinguished the West from the rest of the world were targeted, and symbolically utilized against the same State. Nye (2011) pointed out that Al-Qaeda actually killed more Americans on 9/11 than the Japanese Navy did at Pearl Harbour in 1941, and argued that this reflected one of the great power shifts of this generation; the rise of nonstate actors, and what he termed the ‘privatization of war’. In this modern, post-9/11 context, many studies have focused on the negative impacts of terrorism on the tourism and hospitality industry. There have been a diversity of viewpoints, but most of the scholarship has been primarily concerned to prevent an event of this nature from happening again in future. More recently, however, some authors have re-examined the terrorismrelated literature from a more critical perspective, and have responded in different ways, some of which conflict. Whilst some scholars argue that Government should take a proactive counter-terrorism policy in view of the threat from Islamist culture (Salafist jihadism in particular) for Western values (Fukuyama, 1989) (Huntington, 1993; 1997) (Kristol and Kagan, 1996) (Vargas-Llosa, 2002) (Rashid, 2002) (Kepel, 2002) (Keohane and Zeckhauser, 2003) (Susstein, 2005) (Pojman, 2006), others have argued that the militarized response has actually served the interests of particular politicians, factions within the military, the intelligence community, private security contractors and weapons manufacturers, who have therefore a vested interest in manipulating fear to prolong the crisis and the associated flow of resources (Somnez, 1998) (Altheide, 2006; 2009) (Sontag, 2002) (Said, 2001) (Holloway and Pelaez, 2002) (Bernstein, 2006) (Baudrillard, 1995a; 1995b; 2006) (Gray, 2007) (Smaw, 2008) (Corey, 2009) (Wolin, 2010).

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Gibson, Pennington-Gray and Thapa argue that one of the deeper and more subtle impacts of terrorism is to change the structures of society by supporting a national discourse that reinforces the power of dominant groups (Floyd, Gibson, Pennington-Gray and Thapa, 2003), possibly because they are seen as being able to provide protection. It is true that many politicians, particularly those whose domestic policies have been unsuccessful, have found it politically expedient to try to focus animosity on an external enemy. The sense of a common threat does tend to promote group cohesion, which an astute politician can then exploit by positioning themselves as a champion of the values or the identity that is under threat. This creates a strange paradox; the terrorist needs to provoke a reaction in order to ensure a continuing flow of recruits and funding, the politician needs to be seen to be leading the reaction in order to ensure a continuing flow of votes, and the military and armaments industry need to demonstrate their capability in order to ensure continuing appropriations. Thus the domestic agendas of various parties interlock in a way that can effectively preclude the consideration of other strategic options.

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THE ROLE OF MEDIA MANAGEMENT IN ECONOMIC WARFARE

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The cost to the USA of the military and security measures implemented after 9/11 was estimated to be approximately US$3.2 trillion. It is estimated that it cost al-Qaida about US$500,000 to organize the 9/11 attacks, so for every dollar it cost Osama bin Laden to mount the attack, the USA spent US$6,456,000. Bin Laden was reported to have said that his goal was to bankrupt the USA, so that may have been his target. As Nye (2011) has pointed out, the trillion-plus dollars of unfunded war costs that followed 9/11 contributed to the US budget deficit, so al-Qaida did succeed in eroding American hard power, as well as US leadership and moral authority, thereby accelerating the relative decline of the US hegemony and the transfer of power to Asia. This extraordinarily costly response was encouraged by a number of pictures, films and TV programs that have given terrorism an extraordinary potency, to the extent that many now consider terrorists the main threat to Western freedom. This can be seen in the mythical archetype of terrorists, largely constructed since 9/11, as ruthless enemies with motives that are rarely

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explored, but are generally portrayed as evil, nihilistic and totalitarian, which clearly has some resonance with the wider political discourse (Howie, 2009), Corey (2009), Bernstein (2006), Zizek (2009), Altheide (2006) and Baudrillard (1995). The reality, however, is that al-Qaida never posed the same existential threat to the West as, for example, the Soviet Union at the height of the Cold War. So al-Qaida has inflicted greater economic damage on the USA, with far less actual military capability, than the Soviets. This outcome was probably driven, in part, by the natural fear inspired by an enemy that appears willing to die, which was deliberately reinforced in the purported al-Qaeda tape released on March 14th 2004 that stated “You love life and we love death”. These actions and statements resulted in a widespread emotional reaction that weighed against a more deliberate, targeted response.

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Anthony Clayton

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THE PERCEPTION OF RISK

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One of the reasons why media management plays such a key role in economic warfare is that it has a significant influence on the perception of risk. After 9/11, this effect could be seen particularly clearly in the travel and tourism sectors. The security response in the wake of 9/11 imposed significant additional security costs on airports and airlines, but the marked decline in passenger revenues was even more costly, as passenger numbers did not return to 2000 levels until 2003, and airline revenues did not recover until 2004. Between 2002 and 2005, some of the major operators in the US market, including United, Delta, Northwest and US Airways, were obliged to file for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection. The main cause was that many US citizens temporarily stopped flying. This response was actually based on a misperception of risk, because those US citizens didn’t stop travelling, but many of them chose to drive rather than fly. However, about 44,000 people die annually in car accidents in the USA, while about 200 die in aircraft accidents. Flying is far safer than driving, measured by passenger/kilometer (in fact, flying is safer than taking a bath - about 325 US citizens drown in their bath each year). So as a result of choosing to drive instead of flying, about 1,595 additional people died in car accidents. Some 2,976 people died during the 9/11 attack. So the number of fatalities caused by 9/11 increased by over 50% because of the way that people misunderstand risk, and act on the basis of perceptions, rather than reality.

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Avoidance of perceived risk is a common response to terrorism. Kuto and Groves found that the bombings of US targets in Nairobi, Kenya resulted in 90% of the inbound international flights being cancelled, which caused serious harm for an economy with a high dependence on international tourism (Kuto and Groves, 2004). An investigation by Alhfeldt, Franke and Meanning of risk perception among German tourists found that Muslim tourist destinations fell sharply in terms of their perceived attractiveness immediately after 9/11. So the perception of risk had immediately generalized from the USA to the entire West, and the source of the risk had generalized to be all Muslim countries. This shows that geographical proximity does not necessarily correspond with the perception of a destination as being dangerous, and that even a perceived ethnic affinity can be sufficient to raise the risk profile. Later terrorist attacks in Tunisia (2002), Indonesia (2002) and Morocco (2003) created less marked shifts in the perceptions of German tourists, suggesting that terrorist attacks in the Middle East were actually seen as less dangerous than terrorist attacks in the USA, indicating that Muslim-on-Muslim terrorism was seen as less frightening than a Muslim attack on Westerners (Ahlfeldt, Franke and Meanning, 2009). Bianchi suggests that fear and the perception of risk tends to correspond with the perception of ‘otherness’, which implies that acts of terrorism are so shocking because they break the sense of distance that allows tourists to feel safe and comfortable even in countries that have high levels of violence (Bianchi, 2007). It was not until 2007 that the total volume of international tourism to the US recovered to the pre-2001 level. The more stringent security checks, including demands for detailed pre-flight information to be supplied online before travel, reduced the appeal of the US tourism market, which saw a decline in arrivals share. The US accounted for 7.3% of global arrivals in 1999, but this had fallen to 6.2% in 2010. The US serves as a key feeder market for many foreign destinations, which also suffered. Many Caribbean destinations, for example, had to discount heavily to try to maintain room occupancy, and have then found it difficult to revert to their former prices, even ten years later. Destinations in the Middle East were also badly affected. As a result, a number of studies then focused on the relationship between terrorism and tourism, and on the perceived risks of travelers regarding certain foreign destinations (Weber, 1998) (Domínguez, Burguette and Bernard, 2003) (Kuto and Groves, 2004) (Aziz, 1995) (Castaño, 2005) (Robson, 2008)

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(McCartney, 2008) (Schluter, 2008) (Floyd and Pennington-Gray, 2004) (Paraskevas and Arendell, 2007) (Sackett y Botterill, 2006) (Essner, 2003) (Araña and León, 2008) (Bhattarai, Conway and Shrestha, 2005) (Goldblatt and Hu, 2005) (Tarlow, 2003) (Hall, 2002) (Prideaux, 2005) (Kozak, Crotts and Law, 2007) (Yuan, 2005). Peattie, Clarke and Peattie focused on two related aspects of the problem: safety and security. Whereas the former includes any physical harm that can befall tourists in accidents, the latter refers to the potential harm to a tourist in cases that include crime, violent crime and terrorism. In some of these cases, tourists are potentially more vulnerable to risk specifically because they are strangers, and so not familiar with the local terrain (Peattie, Clarke y Peattie, 2005: 400). Tarlow has suggested that the security of guests is now pivotal to the industry.

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Anthony Clayton

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PERCEPTION, SENSITIVITY AND RESILIENCE

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Sacket and Botterill (2006) found that the perception of risk varies according to proximity to the site and the nationality of the tourists. For example, 72% of American tourists felt that their risks had increased after the 9/11 attack, compared to 42% of British tourists (42%), while 28% of Americans perceived that international flights were risky, compared to 12% of British tourists. Schluter (2008) and Dominguez, Burguette and Bernard (2007) have similar findings. However, these were small and not necessarily statistically representative samples, so the findings cannot be generalized. Dominguez, Burguette and Bernard (2007) regarding the impact of 9/11 on demand for destinations in Mexico found that business travel was less sensitive than leisure travel. Similar findings have been reported by Reichel, Fuchs, and Uriely (2007) and Schluter (2008). Castaño has examined the numbers of arrivals from 2000 to 2003 in cities such as Mombasa, New York, Madrid, London, Bali and Cairo, and found that these all experienced significant downfalls in the numbers of arrivals after terrorist incidents, but all recovered with time (Castaño, 2005), indicating the resilience of the industry.

THE NEW FOCUS ON TOURISM A number of recent attacks have focused specifically on hotels, beach resorts, tourist and leisure areas. For example:

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WHEN AND WHY DO TOURISTS BECOME TARGETS?

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The mainstream literature emphasizes the role of tourism as an agent of economic development and growth for many developing countries. Terrorism is often seen as regressive, anti-liberal, anti-foreigner, anti-globalization and the free dissemination of ideas, and so based on a diametrically opposed philosophy. Grosspietsch suggests that tourism and terrorism are inextricably intertwined in some countries because of the disparity between the relative affluence of the visitors and the poverty of some of the locals fosters resentment, exacerbated by the economic dependence of the host nation on the feeder nation (Grosspietsch, 2005). This may be true in cases where a sense of grievance against Western culture is further irritated by luxury tourism, and what is perceived to be immodest behavior, but this cannot explain the many

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In 1997 members of al-Gama’a al-Islamiya killed 58 tourists at Luxor. Egypt’s tourism earnings fell that year by $1.17 billion, about 25% of Egypt’s revenue from the industry. In 2002, members of Jemaah Islamiyah bombed a nightclub in Bali, killing 201 tourists and a local. The event was planned to maximize civilian casualties. The nightclub was known to cater largely to tourists, and was targeted as a result; members of Jemaah Islamiyah stated in court that their goal was to cripple the tourism industry. Bali’s visitor arrivals fell that year by 22%; some 300,000 jobs were lost. On 7th January 2015 members of Al-Qaeda in Yemen attacked the offices of the satirical weekly newspaper Charlie Hebdo in Paris. They killed 17 people and injured 22. Over the following 9 days France’s revenues from tourism fell by 25%; then fell by another 26% over the subsequent 10 days. On 26th June 2015, Islamists attacked the tourist resort at Port El Kantaoui in Tunisia. They killed 38 people, of whom 30 were UK nationals. On 13th November 2015 a series of coordinated terrorist attacks in Paris killed 130 people and injured 368 people were injured, some 80100 seriously. The venues attacked were all social hubs, including a music venue and a restaurant.

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cases where these particular conditions appear to be absent, such as the Bali nightclub bombings. It is true that economic dependence among developing and developed countries is substantially increased whenever the former adopts tourism as a mainstream industry. In addition, most tourist businesses in developing countries employ local labour for the majority of positions, but many of these are relatively junior, whereas profits accrue to the owners and investors, who in some cases are foreign nationals. This can make tourism look like a visible representation of inequality, especially when the investors are from countries that maintain immigration barriers against the nations that host the hotels, and when guests openly show behavior and values that are considered unacceptable locally. Terrorism and ethnic hatred, and the violent repudiation that leads to the death of innocents, contains a powerful message. Many terrorists are not from poor backgrounds, but are often better-educated and more mobile than average. Some that have committed terrorist attacks against Western targets were born or educated in the West, or in Westernized schools and universities in their own countries. The deep ambivalence and frustration of feeling ashamed by a more technologically advanced and progressive culture can explain, in part, the despair (Zizek, 2009: 12), rage and violence. So in some cases, this can be focused on tourists, as the most accessible and visible representatives of the foreign intrusion.

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Anthony Clayton

TERRORISM AND DARK TOURISM

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Several years ago, a newspaper in Italy published a photograph showing two tourists sunbathing while a corpse (probably an illegal immigrant who had drowned at sea) lay washed up on the beach, clearly visible in the background. Many readers found the apparent callousness disturbing. However, much the same accusation could be made against terrorists who plant bombs in public places, although there is still an obvious difference between actively planning the deaths of others, and merely refusing to have one’s holiday plans disrupted. The extraordinary resilience and adaptability of the tourism industry can be seen in the fact that the devastation caused by terrorism and natural disasters can itself become a major tourist attraction, in some cases perhaps encouraged by the deep discounts that local hotels may be obliged to offer. Some travelers want to tour historical battlefields, or museums that commemorate genocide, slavery or other horrors, others are interested in

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visiting more recent battlefields (such as in Vietnam), while some want to get close to current zones of conflict, in places such as Israel, Colombia, and Afghanistan, while the sacralization of iconic sites (such as Ground Zero in New York) means that they also become commercialized as a tourist destination. This phenomenon of ‘dark tourism’ has been widely studied. See, for example, Strange and Kempa, 2003, Miles, 2002, Stone and Sharpley, 2008, Smith, 2010, and some authors have suggested that the suffering of others is commoditized, mediated and transformed into an ‘experience’ that can be delivered to a large number of customers. This raises some disturbing issues about the moral boundary between the acts and events that are considered acceptable, and those that are not. There is a human appetite for vicarious thrill-seeking, which can be seen in a variety of relatively harmless forms in roller-coasters and action films. Sometimes, real acts of terrorism are re-enacted; one US television channel has a regular program called ‘Seconds to Disaster’, which re-enacts recent airline disasters, including those caused by terrorism, which can then be viewed by relatives and friends of those who died. Some commercial films now contain graphic depictions of sadistic torture, which has further blurred the boundaries between entertainment and reality, as many people now access internet pictures and videos of public executions, such as that of Saddam Hussein, of prisoners being humiliated and tortured in the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, or of the Taliban decapitating Daniel Pearl, the Wall Street Journal reporter. Some of the videos on the internet are of real events, others are faked, but for many people entertainment videos and videos of real killings are being viewed for the same purpose, the entertainment value of vicarious fear.

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THE NEW FACE OF TERRORISM

ISIS/Daesh claimed responsibility for the Paris attacks of 13th November 2015, and called them the ‘First of the Storm’. It is therefore clear that ISIS no longer confines its operations to Syria, Iraq and adjacent states, but now aspires to a much wider conflict. The organization operates with delegated authority; the Caliphate provides guidance, training and funding, but the time, place and manner of the attack is determined by local affiliates. This appears to have been the model followed in the recent attacks in Paris, Beirut, and the bombing of a Russian aircraft in Egypt.

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Clayton (2016, in press) noted that the nature of the threat has evolved significantly since 2001, and the terrorist attacks in Paris reflect a rapid recent reordering of terrorist structures, alliances, priorities and capabilities. The threat is now exceptionally fluid and complex, and very difficult to pattern or predict, because the enemy is no longer a single entity. ISIS is simultaneously an organization, a self-proclaimed state, the core of a network of affiliated organizations and sympathetic individuals, a religious and political belief system, and a malignant ideology that is being disseminated around the world on a multiplicity of media and social channels. The current surge in terrorism is the result of a number of deep and almost intractable problems, including the conflict between the Sunni and Shia faiths, the US invasion of Iraq and the disbanding of the Iraqi army (many former Baathist soldiers are now with ISIS), Saudi Arabia’s support for Wahhabi (fundamentalist) Sunni imams, the complex, multi-sided war in Syria, and a large number of local conflicts and grievances, many of which now find common cause and expression through ISIS. None of these problems are likely to be resolved in the foreseeable future, and many of them are metastasizing, moving into new territories (especially ungovernable provinces and weak states) and evolving into new forms (such as cyberspace), which means that the associated terrorism is likely to persist for decades to come. ISIS is currently the most prominent and advanced incarnation of these problems, but even if ISIS could be destroyed, the problems would persist, and give rise to some new organization. A permanent solution would require resolutions to many issues, including questions of borders, ethnicity, identity, governance, faith, economic development, access to land, water and other resources, climate change and other environmental impacts. None of these are easy; and there is no comprehensive solution in sight.

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Anthony Clayton

CONCLUSION

There are a number of conclusions that can be drawn. First, tourism and terrorism reflect very different philosophies, but there are also some strange and sometimes disturbing commonalities. Both need modern technology to be effective today, both rely heavily on media management and both require the manipulation of perceptions and attitudes. Tourists may be the specific targets of terrorists, but the sites of terrorist atrocities can become visitor attractions for dark tourism.

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Yet the extraordinary resilience and adaptability of the tourism industry is to be celebrated. Many countries depend on the industry, of course, to generate a significant fraction of their foreign exchange income and employment. Perhaps even more important than that practical consideration, however, is the fact that a world in which people can travel, visit each other, and learn other languages and cultures is a world that values liberty, innovation, enterprise and tolerance. A world that rejects these values would be an infinitely bleaker place. Terrorism is, sadly, unlikely to disappear. It is more likely that it will evolve into new and more fluid forms, as technology enables new forms of networking around the world, and accelerates the dissemination of evil ideas, as well as good. It is encouraging, however, to see that there are times when entire nations change their course, and choose freedom and democracy over sectarianism and oppression. As Nigel Inkster, a former deputy head of Britain's intelligence service, pointed out in an interview with the BBC (published 7th May 2011):

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“Ayman Al-Zawahiri (al-Qaeda's number two) has been trying to overthrow Egyptian regimes for the last 30 years by violence, and a group of middle-class activists armed with cell phones managed to achieve it in under one month. This is hardly a resounding endorsement for the jihadist business model”.

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Similarly, as Ahmed Rashid pointed out in an article in the Financial Times on the 2nd May 2011:

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In fact, it is young people at the heart of the Arab revolt who are rebelling not for jihad but for freedom and democracy. We should not forget that bin Laden’s failure to win support in the Arab world, despite 30 years of trying, has led to the near total rejection of the global jihadist idea by his fellow Muslims.

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STAGING PILGRIMAGE ON SKOPELOS AFTER MAMMA MIA! (2008): DIGITAL AND TERRESTRIAL HOSPITALITY IN CINEMATIC TOURISM Rodanti Tzanelli

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University of Leeds, UK

ABSTRACT

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The article explores the promotion of film-based tourism (cinematic tourism), with particular reference to the norms and practices regulating hospitality norms in cybersphere and terrestrially. Focusing on the rumoured tourist boom in the Greek island of Skopelos after the release of the Hollywood musical Mamma Mia! (2008), it singles out the filmed site of Agios Ioannis. Carved on a steep rock, the chapel is currently promoted in digital networks as a destination for wedding tourists and hard-core cinematic fans. However, the staging of its digital tourist business is permeated by a heteronormative ethos that excludes Abba gay fans. The absence of this particular consumer group connects discursive circulations of honourable self-presentation in new digital public spheres to visuality, while excluding other sensory stimuli such as popular (Abba) music. This selectivity brings heteronormative discourses of MM tourism closer to elite versions of heritage/dark tourism.

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SCREENING NORTHERN SPORADES: FROM GREEK HOSPITALITY TO MAMMA MIA! TOURISM

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Keywords: cinema, gender, globalization, Greece, heritage, hospitality, Internet, race, sexuality

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The chapter considers how a film-induced tourist industry on two Greek islands (Skiathos and Skopelos) brought together various groups of locals, tourism and digital marketing actors but also prospective and actual tourists, casting them in roles defining hospitable interaction (virtually and terrestrially). The importance of hospitality and tourism generation for countries of the Global South as a developmental path or a regional leadership strategy is indisputable, especially in the context of the current global economic crisis. O’Gorman, who has argued that the proto-Indo-European root ghosti refers to ‘stranger, guest, host: someone with whom one has reciprocal duties of hospitality’ (2007: 17-18), notes that ‘host’ and ‘guest’ denote sacrifice. Both host societies and their guests (tourists) have to shed something of their identity to come together. It is unsurprising that the Greek term philoxenia as the love of alienness/strangerhood, retains a semi-religious, normative aura even in (post)modern times. In the rationalised context of tourist markets the idea of disinterested giving is challenged: accumulating resort prestige that yields profit is a more appropriate measure of success, which nevertheless links back to the host’s politico-economic capabilities (Lashley and Morrison 2000) and personal resources to maximise individual and collective potentials for their community (Sen 1999: 39, 40, 47). Hospitality takes place within commercial and non-commercial contexts (Germann Molz and Gibson 2007; Lashley et al. 2007), and consequently, it can involve both market-based and nonmarket-based consumption practices and experiences. What brings the two together now is mediatised worldmaking in the form of institutionalised/organisational representational practices: various forms of media (digital, cinematic, print) have become important conduits and agents in the production of tourist destinations, hence the making of tourist worlds (Hollinshead 2002). But the transformative potential of mediated representations should lie in enabling articulations of any marginality suffered by the hosts (the Skopeliotes in our case), as well as their own marginalised guests (gay tourists) – for, if not, hospitality suffers. The power of the medium is to break silences, activate languages ‘forbidden to be

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spoken’ (Rich 2001: 151) and thus fight against Greece’s own enemy par excellence: resentment feeding extreme right-wing imaginaries of sedentarism in the form of tourism xenophobia, homophobia and racism (Tzanelli 2011: chapters 3, 4 & 6). And here comes my plea for sensitive mediatised tourist business that does not reproduce native or customer shortcomings. If virulent resentments are historically connected to religious identities ((g)hosts of religious pasts haunting our tourist presents), now they relate to market immobilities, damaging human capabilities and well-being more than ever. The old and the new converge in Greek islands, which still act as sites of religious pilgrimage: invariably connected to the Christian experience, their histories map the country’s trajectory through time and space. Literature on global networks suggests that these sites have acquired new functions in liquid cultural environments, because of their transitory geographical nature (Eade and Sallnow 1991). Packaged as must-have travel experiences or figuring as exotic centrepieces in lustrous travel websites, such formerly religious destinations have joined postmodernity’s new tele-communicative complexes: the airplane, the internet, cinema and the television (Busby and Klug 2001). The article focuses on one such former Orthodox shrine that lost its religious meaning in the wake of global tourist visits following the release of the cinematic adaptation of the musical Mama Mia! (MM, 2008). The ensuing host-guest interactions, which sustain a new marketable version of pilgrimage to the chapel of Agios Ioannis (Skopelos, Northern Sporades), marry (literally and metaphorically) a global rite of passage (the wedding ceremony) with other postmodern styles of mobility (consumerist pilgrimage, tourist/fan rituals). These styles or trends originate in various combinations of technologically-mediated landscapes with embodied travel to the chapel, thus producing cinematic tourist flows, hence tourist nomadologies, largely beneficial for Skopelos in the context of the current global recession. Since the 2008 global economic slide, Greek tourist organisations and state agents have been proactive in attracting global media business to island and urban sites – even if such initiatives have been controversial or disorganised (Basea 2012; Papadimitriou 2012; Tzanelli 2013). MM’s popular narrative overdetermined the relationship between cinematic and tourist consumption in terms of social norms (how/what to consume). The recruitment of Oscar-winning Meryl Streep was considered a surprise for an actress cast previously in more ‘serious’ roles rather than in ‘soppy’ versions of ‘the most highly polished, tightly engineered pop junk ever’ (New York Times, 18 July 2008). The cinematic creation was intended for mixed audiences: having being rated a PG-13, MM was suitable for Abba-

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Staging Pilgrimage on Skopelos after Mamma Mia! (2008)

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loving teenagers and the 1970s generation, who had enjoyed the original pop group. The cinematic plot borrowed from the 1968 comedy Buona Sera, Mrs Campbell starring Gina Lollobrigida as an Italian village beauty who sleeps with three American airmen during the Second World War and lives off the paternity payments she receives from them. Its intertextuality includes references to Shirley Valentine (1989), a cinematic adaptation of Willy Russell’s novel idealizing Greek culture as a tourist paradise and Muriel’s Wedding (1994), the story of a goofy woman obsessed with Abba and dreaming about a white wedding. MM,’s focus on a young woman’s (Sophia: Amanda Seyfried) summer wedding, the search for her unknown father and the relationship with her hippie (single) mother could easily capture the hearts of a variety of audiences. Though at first glance irrelevant, these details become important for our socio-cultural analysis. Practices of leaving one’s parents and social circle behind, raising children out of wedlock, becoming a female entrepreneur in an alien country and associating with the guest community appear as givens in the film, when they are/were not. Even the cinematic story eventually reveals that pregnant Donna’s migration to the fictional Greek island of ‘Kalokairi’ (Skopelos) was forced by her parents’ shame and disapproval. The mythical patriarchal subtext would correspond to norms in the island’s real budding tourisms concerning tight ethno-racial and sexual regulation. Nomadologies sound terror alarms for communities that continue to imagine themselves as close-knit even in the era of mobilities. It has been suggested that the makers of MM intentionally erased the context of Abba creativity (Guardian, 13 July 2008) – a comment I take seriously. For the moment, we need to understand how/why the film’s trajectory became constitutive of Agios Ioannis’ marketing as a non-dark tourist destination. I henceforth use the term ‘dark tourism’ to discuss visits to sites of historic death and tragedy, eventually associated by localities and the nation state with national heritage (Dann and Seaton 2001; Stone 2009: 72). This type of dark tourism is at odds with a Hollywood musical. The role of shade (‘darkest’) is crucial, given the film’s otherwise ‘lighter’ tones: its professional critics’ focus on glamorised ‘pop junk’ might be connected to the Frankfurt School’s debates on art’s ‘auratic’ status (Adorno 1973; Benjamin 1989) still fuelling discussions about the denigration of the ‘kitsch’ as pop household art with no real ‘elite’ value (De Nora 2003; Hesmondhalgh 2007). The film contains so many references to Donna’s DIY ethos – her acts of painting and repairing her hotel while engaging in joking and sexual innuendos with her friends and locals stand for crude ‘kitschification’ – that we cannot ignore this connection (Holiday and Potts 2012). Matching popular

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and folk cultures to the democratising nature of tourist mobilities also matters: the term ‘tourist’ was imbued in contemporary scholarly and consumer scenes ‘with a culturally derogative and negative connotation’ (McCabe 2005: 86) that purposefully ignored the uniqueness of what I subsequently explore as individualised, secularised and commoditised pilgrimage to the chapel’s site. It is precisely such controversial pilgrimages that locals consider with suspicion and tourist industries use to market otherwise naturally or historically terrifying locations of death or suffering as iconic destinations (see Reijnders 2009 on ‘guilty landscapes’). Opening up interpretation of a site that is locally or nationally associated with unpleasant collective memories to markets is a tricky venture. Interpretations of sites ridden with horror for natives by tourists and tourist industries do not exist independently from the paradigms of kitsch and the commodification of tragic memories (Stone 2013: 314). Death and terror are vulnerable to what for some may be mere ‘kitschification,’ rendering serious histories into something else ‘that is [for consumers] comfortable and safe to deal with and to contemplate’ (Sharpley and Stone 2009: 127). There is an obvious issue of memory and how different groups remember, venerate, repress or consume the past in the commoditisation of Agios Ioannis. The cinematic plot’s focus on a wedding supplemented the Greek temple with a twin clientele: film tourists aspiring to visit it for personal photographing and inspection as an MM cinematic tourist marker, and couples wishing to be married in the chapel a-la Donna (Sophia’s mother) and Sam (the selected ‘father’). So, marriage and popular culture symbolically inhabited a few square metres, blending local custom with the alleged progressiveness of global tourist flows. The contribution of cinematic and digital, visual, auditory and embodied mobilities to the production of new tourist imaginaries and practices (Veijola and Jokinen 1994; Veijola and Valtonen 2007) allows one to debate the ways that worldviews once considered regionalised or nationalised do in fact condition global debates about Self and community. To comprehend such hybridisations, the following section unpacks the notion of pilgrimage in relation to cinematic tourist mobilities. Sections three and four examine the two main cinematic tourist types interpellated by digital business, analysing the logic of MM virtual discursive flows. The absence of certain traits of cinematic tourists and the exaggeration of some consumer preferences tell us a story about the unevenness of globalisation when it comes to selective mobilities of custom – some entrenched attitudes and habits move because they enhance existing commoditisation practices and regimes, whereas other practices that do not ‘fit’ in markets stay put, ‘fixed’ (Hannam et al. 2006). On this the absence of heritage flows regarding Agios Ioannis also matters, as it

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suggests the obliteration of memory (dark pilgrimages to a chapel once serving as refuge from invaders and beacon for sailors) in favour of new consumerist mobilities (cinematic tourism) and new hospitality opportunities.

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Let me begin by noting that Agios Ioannis’ new tourism mobilities favour a slide from particular types of tourism (e.g., dark tourism or cinematic tourism) to a more open conceptualisation of ‘pilgrimage.’ From Durkheim’s analysis of the cohesive function of religious ritual in modern, differentiated societies to Victor Turner’s (1974) and Victor and Edith Turner’s (1978) presentation of pilgrimage as slowly de-sacralised and popularised kinesis; to Eade and Sallnow’s (1991) emphasis on the ways sacred places (temples) act as empty vessels to reflect back visitors’ objectified assumptions in sacralised forms; and Graburn’s (1977) connection of pilgrimage to tourism’s insertion into modern capitalist systems, references to the significance of embodied and sensory activity remain a constant: tourists perform pilgrimage through aesthetic participation. But secular pilgrimage can also be an imaginative act, rather than embodied activity that commences with banal rituals such as watching a film, incorporating sacred places, or places fostering activities outside everyday routines and norms. In fact, watching films induces physical movement, actual visits to represented places, often after web-surfing sites that advertise them with reference to the film and generally mediatised narrativisations of place for tourists. Embodied performance and web surfing have converged behind an imagined kinetic complex that altered the nature of contemporary tourism (Germann Molz 2012). These ‘travel connections’ (virtual, cinematic, imaginative and embodied) produce ‘cinematic tourism’ and ‘cinematic tourists’ in filmed locations (Croy 2010). But the term ‘film(-induced) tourism’ does not explain how cinematic tourism is internally differentiated by the moves and motions of travel through and after film, as well as the cinematic production of travel and tourism (Connell 2012: 1008). I prefer the term ‘cinematic tourism’ as it better discusses how MM brought together practices of technological movement (film-making), professional migration (successive relocations of artistic and technical communities to filmed sites), virtual travel (setting up MM websites) and embodied (film-induced) tourism. For example, as a concept, film (-induced) tourism leaves little space to consider the temporary relocation of Hollywood professionals (actors, cameramen and other film crews) to the

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filmed sites, their immersion into local custom and even their engagement in brief commoditised pilgrimage. Thulemark and Hauge’s (2014) study of another national context stresses that we should think of the positive role ‘creative classes’ (Florida 2003) play also in rural development, not just in urban settings. Although I do not explore the pilgrimages of MM’s lead artists here, their cinematic involvement in Northern Sporades’ tourist development plays a significant part in Agios Ioannis’ commoditisation. I consider these phenomena as aspects of a singular ‘cinematic tourism,’ following the moves enacted from within and around films (Tzanelli 2013), bundles of movement that organise social activities in physical places (Cresswell 2006). Multi-sensory, embodied and imaginative engagement with the cinematic story promotes pilgrimage as a semantic metaphor or ‘meta-movement’ (Coleman and Eade 2004), a combination of mobility with a degree of reflexivity as to its meaning, form and function (tourism). We may even speak of ‘performative synaesthetics’ to explore this mind-body complex of tourist performativity: an aesthetic re-ordering of narrative pathways through combinations of image, movement, touch, smell and sound with the ability to feel and express feeling. Emotional expressivity refers to meaning beyond representation, performative demonstrations and manifestations of practices and values through which humans become affective and relational subjects (Thrift 1997) but also members of imagined communities (Anderson 2006). The term ‘performative synaesthetics’ communicates with Judith Butler’s (1993) ‘performativity’ as repetitive discursive enactment of (national) identity and (tourist) subjectivity in public. These synesthetic organisations induce pilgrimages that combine the monetary capital of arts (e.g., the generation of tourism or other consumption styles from movies) with the emotional and spiritual investment of audiences in values that exceed this capital. As Bærenholdt et al. (2004) have pointed out, places are today ‘staged’ and performed by visitors via tourist networks. MM-related international press reporting, proactive internet advertising of Greek filmed locations by the municipalities of Skiathos and Skopelos and independent Greek or international tourist business adduced tourism in Northern Sporades after MM’s filming, generating some disorganised fan visits to Skiathos and Skopelos (Tzanelli 2011: 76-7). Although we need to heed Macionis’ (2004) observation that not all films generate sustainable tourist networks, the Abba musical ambience enmeshed tourist visits to the island into a popular cultural market that reflects themes of foreign tourism in old Greek musicals. The Greek cinematic musical of the 1970s had connected a country still en route to modernisation to Western popular scenes without losing its relevance to Greek

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cultural themes (Papadimitriou 2000). Unfolding changing social mores and generational dissonance against increasingly touristified Greek landscapes, it educated native audiences on imagined intercultural exchange via cinematic characters, often fraught with wild gender, ethnic and sexual stereotyping. As much as MM occasionally reverses this motif by comically stereotyping locals, it also re-negotiates the cinematic tourist site as a postmodern, and at times feminised or queered space, in which the visitor can now contest religious symbols and old family-binding rites (Dubisch 1995). The phenomenon induces processes whereby ‘power geometries’ (Massey 1994) are negotiated in Greek cultural spaces that are also claimed by non-native visitors for a few summer days. Synaesthetic pilgrimages of this type also involve the physical, metaphorical or ideological institutionalization or domestication of mobility. The globalisation of former religious cultures prompts multiple interplays between local, national and global processes (Robertson 1992) that affect sacred geographies and architecture, reshape embodied personal memories of travel and produce new political economies of hospitality (Coleman and Eade 2004: 25; Hannam et al. 2006: 13). Skopelos, where Agios Ioannis is situated, updates such tourist mobilities and regenerations of hospitality: part of the Northern Sporades island complex, it neighbours the better-networked island of Skiathos, which has been a popular domestic and international tourist destination since the late 1960s. As opposed to Skopelos, Skiathos claims a special place in the history of the Greek struggle for independence (from the Ottoman Turks). Skiathos is where the first Greek Flag was designed, blessed and raised at the Monastery of The Annunciation in 1807, ‘thus bringing modern Greek identity into life’ (Skiathos Guide, undated: 44). Today the monastery is a major tourist destination as both a site of secular (for the purchase of local produce and monastery souvenirs) and religious (for its alleged thaumaturgical icon and its glorious history) pilgrimage (Tzanelli 2011: 83-4). Skiathos’ national significance is reflected in its hierarchical place on transport connections: all travel connections to Skopelos are mediated via Skiathos from Athens or the country’s second city, Thessaloniki (Greek Macedonia) by sea (ferry-boat), as, unlike Skiathos, the island has no airport. We have hit upon a bundle of dark tourist destinations in these two islands, which communicate with sacralised national heritage spots only historical evidence can organise hierarchically: what matters more, for which dark or bright ‘pilgrims’ and why.

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Image 1. Skiatho’s filmed promenade (credit: Rodanthi Tzanelli).

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As is the case with other islands in Greece, Sporadiote economies have a limited resource base that turns tourist expansion into a compensatory mechanism (Briguglio et al. 1996; Tsartas and Galani-Moutafi 2009: 300). Because the Athenian centre controls capital distribution and policy-planning, islands at the margins of the nation-state have little power to develop economically sustainable initiatives (King 1993; Sharpley 2004). International film initiatives and film tourism bear the potential to mobilise the country’s scarce resources: its beautiful flora and fauna but also its heritage sites (religious and other ancient architecture) (Dallen 2011). Policy-planning nevertheless varies for reasons not limited to central national planning. The Skiathan and Skopeliote ‘dependency’ model adheres to the logistics of new international tourist structures (contra Britton 1989: 161-2): diffused capitalist centres of a technological-political nature control the periphery, while national

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centres allot administrative responsibilities but not necessarily any capital to them (for, in Greece’s current economic state, there is no capital left for such activities). The MM paradox concerns the decision to shoot most film scenes on Skopelos, an out-of-the-way island that eventually began to entertain more cinematic tourist visits than Skiathos, which capitalised on a single MM scene featuring its port. The regional tensions this decision incited, as well as the Greek and foreign parties that orchestrated these alternative developmental paths merit analysis elsewhere. Here I place my magnifying glass on a corner of Skopelos that served as filming ground for MM’s cinematic wedding.

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Image 2. Agios Ioannis sto Kastri, Skopelos (credit: Timo Kaupi/Flickr Creative Commons).

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The chapel of Agios Ioannis has its own history, as a ‘dark spot’ whose unrecorded genealogy can be manipulated, reinterpreted and remembered by different visitors, a site potentially performed to ‘recreate a sense of historical reality’ (Rojek 1993: 147). However, only thanks to MM it currently entertains global digital exposure in tourist circuits (Skopelos Net 2013). It is built on the top of a sea rock at a height of 100 meters and can be visited on a boat trip from Skiathos via a 20-minute car drive from the town of Glossa down a winding road, then up some 200 steps carved into rock. Although there is no record of the chapel’s construction, local history connects it to a resident’s dream of a woman prompting him to go to the top of the rock with other residents and search for an icon. Thus, Agios Ioannis can acquire tourist value either as a ‘nostalgic black spot’ (following the digital tale of the moving icon), as a filmed site (following MM’s narrative) or even as a sort of ‘vertical pilgrimage’ (adventurous rock-climbing, with a long history stretching back to MM’s epochal hippie inspiration – see Taylor 2010 in Rickly-Boyd 2013: 52). Proffering three alternative tourisms, the story could be considered as mediainduced fiction for the tourist gaze and ear that ‘carves’ a network of host roots and tourist routes (Rojek 1993: 145; Clifford 1997; Sheller and Urry 2006; Hannam et al. 2006). Duncan and Duncan’s (1988) view that landscapes cannot only be ‘read’ like literary texts, as they relate to the social, cultural and historical values of those who prepare them for interpretation (Korstanje 2013) is important: the chapel provides an instance in which the past is being reworked ‘by naming, designating and historicising landscapes to enhance their tourist appeal’ (Salazar 2013: 35; Crouch et al. 2005). The juxtaposition of a major national sacrificial altar (Monastery of Annunciation) on Skiathos to an originally unknown, but currently famous chapel (Agios Ioannis) on Skopelos speaks of a less obvious conflict between heritage tourism networks with pop/cinematic tourist pilgrimage trends. In addition to its historic monasteries, Skiathos boasts its contribution to the modern Greek literary tradition because of a famous native novelist, Alexandros Papadiamantis, whose surviving work comprises a landmark in the post-independence (from the Ottoman empire) development of modern Greek known as To Glossikó Zìtima (The Language Question). Visits to his house/museum match organised tours to the monasteries; both are marketed at the high end of cultural/dark tourism to domestic and foreign holiday package visitors. Thus, these sister islands offer a diversity of pilgrimages, with Skiathos at the more elite end due to its scarcity in cinematic tourist resources but established literary tourism influx (Connell 2012: 1011), and Skopelos at the popular end due to its more limited ethno-cultural influence. However, it is

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worth noting that Skopelos’ ‘acculturation’ picked up on its official website after MM, where its new museums, galleries, shrines and international artistic connections figure with pride. Significantly, a magnificent shot of Agios Ioannis figures in its website, not under ‘History’ or ‘Activities’ (in which suggestions range from dancing to walking and surfing), but in the separate ‘Natural Beauty of a unique place’ section (Δήμος Σκοπέλου, ‘Natural Beauty,’ 2013). Not only are local administrators geared towards the tourismification of the island, they also prefer to side-line bygone events that serve little purpose in the global capitalist landscape. So, we deal with a socio-economic dissymmetry that shapes and is shaped by Sporadiote space, its mobility rhythms and practices (Cresswell 2010). I use the term ‘synaesthetic pilgrimage’ to discuss postmodern tourist visits to the chapel as part of a cluster of filmed markers. What Couldry (2000) terms the cinematic story’s ‘mediated centre’ and MacCannell (1986) defines as mediated ‘tourist markers,’ core representations of places in the form of images, also apply to conventional distinctions between pilgrimage as the subject’s peregrination toward their sociocultural centre and tourism as a centrifugal practice allowing the subject to be overwhelmed by secularized sublimation via consumer rituals (Cohen 1996:37). Hence, touristic or cinematic pilgrimage clashes with the rooted histories of place. Much like Bauman’s (1998) tourist, the privileged cinematic pilgrim is able to play at their pilgrimage, be a pilgrim for a day, and hence be another example of the contemporary ‘post-tourist.’ In the case of Agios Ioannis, this pilgrim may be a romantic tourist (Urry and Larsen 2011: 203-5), who enjoys Abba’s music or a tourist en route to a conventional rite of passage (a wedding ceremony). MM tourism can also begin as digital tourism that eventually calls into being a cinematic tourist. Dredge and Jamal (2013) caution us that the emergence of plural mobilities (tourism, migration, capital) necessitate complex technological networking of different terrestrial and virtual sites into a functional node of business. Parrinello (2001) speaks of a ‘tourist technological body,’ which is both a ‘natural artefact’ and a cultural prosthesis. The tourist of Agios Ioannis’ networks articulates such movements from virtual to terrestrial travel, with various limitations and capabilities when it comes to ‘knowing’ visited cinematic sites through gazing, listening and performing tourism. Here experience is partially defined by space, partially by cultural norms and partially by politics and economics.

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To examine this in terms of design and discursive content online, with the exception of the official website of the municipality of Skopelos, I selected websites (7 n.) maintained by global capitalist networks that score highest on Google search (keywords: Mamma Mia! tourism, Agios Ioannis, Skopelos). My primary criterion of selection was the appearance of Agios Ioannis as a cinematic/visual tourist marker in them, as well as their highest connectivity in international tourist markets. Even individual blogs (1 n.) and posts that feature in the article are mediated or hyperlinked from major online tourist markets. As others have already suggested, idioms of connection can be treated as emic categories and can contribute to an ethnographic understanding of what is sometimes assumed to be a single global movement towards the creation, recognition and exploitation of connections in economic, sociotechnical and geopolitical spaces (Castells 2000; Benkler 2006). Providing a more nuanced view of these idioms as cultural constructions enables us to ask how imaginations of ‘networks,’ ‘connectedness’ and boundary crossing shape local actors’ experiences of their social and cultural worlds, and those actors’ social and cultural responses to imagined crossings (Prideaux 2002). I used these sites to consider how particular spatialized discourses of identity overdetermine the marketing of MM tourism. Of relevance is to examine the ways distinct social spaces or ‘moorings’ orchestrate new forms of social and cultural life (Merriman 2005), and when such moorings disappear or lose their relevance in global mobility scenes. The ways in which human experience is spatially and socially ordered and framed invites an understanding of the dynamics of social relations and processes of social ordering (Herzfeld 2008; Augé 1995). Emphasis on mobilities and immobilities of custom suggested that I stay within conceptions of a multimedia ‘tourist gaze’ (Urry and Larsen 2011) that produces ‘place’ along racial, sexualised and gendered norms. Debates over distinctions between the private and public in social networking sites in particular are ongoing (Germann Molz 2013: 218). Idealisations of gender as sexuality for example appear to guide how the site of Agios Ioannis is performed in online networks – what is obscured as ‘inappropriate’ to share or illuminated as ‘marketable.’ This binary prototype complies with discourses of shame (stereotypically feminised or emasculated) and honour (stereotypically masculinised); by the same token, both correspond to geometries of ethno-racial power (which norms are civilised enough to promote) that regulate privacy and publicity in covert ways (Massey 1994;

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Uteng and Cresswell 2008). The tourist gaze thus encloses attitudes towards race, ethnicity, gender, sexuality and class into the discourse of a marketable, mobile ethos of the (Greek) imagined locality-as-community. In view of a telecommunicative globalization that dissolves national boundaries, regional (Skiathan and Skopeliote) discourses both endorse and contest centralized visions of national identity (Brown and Theodossopoulos 2004). However, the article does not focus on national identity but on the ways norms and practices from a specific cultural context may re-emerge as homological phenomena in the cybersphere (Reijnders 2010) to overdetermine global tourism and hospitality trends and practices involving gazing upon and performing (dark or cinematic) pilgrimage as well as communicating heritage tourism to global guests. Gazing and performing are both individualised practices in tourist markets and personal experiences of mobility (Giddens 1991). An almost universal feature of them concerns the ways that the Self is articulated in global (digital) public spheres. Such performances incorporate ideas of shame and honour that we encounter in traditional societies across the world and remain dependent on ideas of collective recognition, such as that provided by the locality and the family (Herzfeld 2008). These can corroborate or clash with the possible choices available to us in the social field we inhabit, but also the subjective experiences of our social environment (Urry 2007: 51). So, to think specifically about cinematic tourism, what are (or, rather, ought to be) the norms to which MM pilgrims ought to conform? And who defines them in the new digitised landscapes of consumption?

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AGIOS IOANNIS’ NETWORK CAPITAL IN CINEMATIC PILGRIM NETWORKS

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As is the case with other forms of tourism, Sporadiote MM pilgrimages have to generate monetary and cultural capital – or ‘network capital’ for place (Larsen and Urry 2008). Urry (2007: 212), who examines the amplification of tourism via business networks that communicate and complement each other, adds to our understanding of MM tourism as a cluster of multidirectional flows of cultural goods and sites maintained by various local entrepreneurs, international travel companies such as Thomas Cook and First Choice and various virtual business nodes such as Trip Advisor, via which one books holidays. Terrestrially, due to their different transport links, Skiathos and

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Skopelos have different connective capacities, hence different ‘network capitals’: unlike the more organised visits to the monasteries of Evangelistria and Kounistra on Skiathos, which may be combined with independent visits to the filmed port, getting to Agios Ioannis is a disorganised (ad)venture, hence a centrifugal tourist rite. Skopelos’ wedding site in MM necessitates ‘hybrid complexes’ of drivers, travellers, cars and boats, as well as entrepreneurial actors who strive to make a living in a fragmented economy of signs and spaces, which commoditises national memory (Lash and Urry 1994; Edensor 2004). Popular media develop particular images of destinations for mass application (Dann 1996) and Agios Ioannis is one such example. Eluding official memory allowed the MM narrative to turn the chapel into a cinematic marker not burdened by stories other than that of cinematic Sam and Donna’s. The media play a significant role in promoting places where TV series and films have been set by merely circulating ‘anecdotal evidence of tourists flocking [there]’ (Beeton 2006: 183). Indeed, Agios Ioannis is ‘staged’ and performed as a popular pilgrim destination (Bærenholdt et al. 2004) through MM fiction, as several actual fantourists who visited the chapel explain on travel sites such as Trip Advisor (2013). Their testimonies are part of the website’s design and advertising of tourist sites: ‘forget about Mama Mia, this Church is beautiful by any standard,’ writes someone. Another tourist adds that ‘this is a must for every fan of the Mamma Mia movie and also for those people who have never seen the movie but like to visit the classic small Greek Orthodox churches.’ Others stress that the film ‘has increased it’s [sic.] popularity tenfold,’ or that MM’s picturesque setting does not correct the fact that ‘the church is NOT the same as the one in the movie.’ Cinematic verisimilitude is connected to tourist authenticity and the picturesque in various ways but with one constant: aesthetic originality based on nature. The acknowledgement of the role of visual culture in the construction of the tourist experience and tourism as an organized system of leisure were examined by Seaton (1998), who saw in the picturesque the predecessor of the ‘tourist gaze’ that idealized nature and otherness (peasantry, nobility savagery). The picturesque was implicated in the production of the first elite travel discourse (the Grand Tour) via the belles artes of Europe, including painting and literature (Tribe 2008). Arts such as painting – incidentally, Agios Ioannis’ picturesque appeal is described as painting-like by some tourists (Trip Advisor 2013) – ‘tamed’ natural and human wilderness alike, producing interchangeable romantic versions of both that were more pleasant for artistically refined consumers. Visiting the chapel can blend ethnic exoticism

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with physical beauty in a distant cosmopolitan fashion that is also propagated in Hollywood film (Sandywell 2011: 167). It is not coincidental that the vast majority of such die-hard fans conclude that the excursion to the chapel is worthwhile because of the location’s panoramic views and antique religious surroundings that make one feel ‘like [they are] stepping back 30 years’ (Trip Advisor 2013). In a secularised world of tourist mobilities even Orthodox religion can partake in naturalised conceptions of ethnic exoticism – a departure from early modern European discourses of art travel. The actual cinematic tourist value of the climb up the rock culminates in the fans’ photographing in front of the chapel or at the bottom of the tourist marker by the small beach, across which Streep-Donna runs in an iconic MM scene. The image signifies transgression and shame in a conservative darkheritage context, but glamour and pride in a postmodern one. Agios Ioannis’ dark heritage has to be side-lined to allow the migration of a fictional mother figure from the private domain of home to the public domain of fandom, a move that conditions the phenomenon of celebrity (Rojek 2001: 11), especially where private life involves some transgressive, deviant act, such as becoming a single mother-entrepreneur. The relevant colourful image still populates several internet travel sites about the Sporades (see for example Skopelos Travel 2013). The beach has been discussed in tourist theory as both a liminal zone of pleasure and a space inviting tourist experimentation (Turner 1974; Shields 1991: 75). Beaches connect to new technologies of the healthy, harmonious and beautiful body that tourists can display in public and cosmetic industries market in new beautyscapes across the world as an attainable commodity (Holliday et al. 2015). Yet, despite their transgressive role, the ephemeral communities of travel mobility also assert the certainty of social structure: we always return to ‘normalcy’ and assume our place in everyday orders after our journeys (Graburn 1977). Below I proceed to explain how MM’s recent streamlining into a separate buoyant market seems to amplify some normative tenets in Agios Ioannis’ cinematic tourism that are shared by local and global communities.

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POP AUDIO-VISION TO FAMILY PHOTOGRAPHY: QUEERSCAPES FACING WEDDING TOURISM

The chapel’s fan visitations and digital ‘kodakization’ only initially speak the language of individualised tourist experience (Crang 1999). In Agios

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Ioannis’ cinematic case organic connections between photography and family tourism (Larsen 2005) allow space for other marketing manoeuvres that appeal to collective memory’s photographic properties. We may extend Buhalis and Law’s suggestion (2008: 611) that visitors are attracted to resorts by the presence of families and friends at the destination, prior visits to the destination, and the degree of novelty associated with the destination by connecting travel to its visual narrativazition through photography. Individuals and whole communities may develop iconic narratives of the past shot-byshot: mixing and fusing them according to their needs produces a critical montage of tradition (Papastergiadis 2005: 40) and border-thinking hybridity that is not controlled by national centres but by globalised tourist networks (Nederveen Pieterse 2001). I explained that Agios Ioannis’ folk history is disconnected from Greek heritage discourses; thus as a cinematic tourist site, it is allowed to partake in post-national montages of tradition. A highly marketable enterprise connected to a widespread social custom is that of wedding tourism and its essential photographic imperatives. Online testimonies connected to MM (Riginos’ Blog, 31 January 2009) attribute the discovery of Skopelos by the producers of MM to Vangelis, a wedding photography artist whose aerial photographing of Skopelos’ northern side caught the eye of MM location managers. His artistic endeavours in Skopelos must have influenced the ways distant landscape shots were taken around Agios Ioannis in the film. In 2008, he included on his website a detailed account of his approach by Hollywood during the exploratory stages of MM production, when the producers were looking for the ‘perfect beach’ to shoot the movie. In recognition for his contribution, he was granted permission to be on location during filming on Skopelos. This trivia was later posted on the Web alongside his related interview on a Greek TV show (Vangelis Photography, 1 April 2009). Whereas the wedding photograph is part of a quintessential familial ‘rite of passage,’ ‘museumifying’ traditions unravelled by modern life in industrialized countries, the history of photography itself is inextricably linked to the modern activity of tourism (Sontag 1970: 8-9; Chalfen 1999: 216-7) that ‘stages’ MM’s narrative. Just as MM’s implication in new consumption regimes turns family custom into a cinematic spectacle, Vangelis’ profession turns intimate moments into tourist signs for online consumption. Vangelis’ look at Skopelos’ intimate histories as well as its placid (under camera techniques) nature (rocks, sea and greenery) acquired a global public ‘face,’ because they could be marketed as decent and glamorous. These practices prey on discourses of (Greek) structural nostalgia that holds fast to images of the ideal

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‘communal family’ before the time of liquid modernity and fleeting social relations to democratise consumption (Bauman 2000). But instead of having clashes between immobilities of human custom and postmodern movements, family custom becomes appropriated by contemporary markets feeding transnational imaginaries. Indeed, gazing at natural-morbid complexes, such as Agios Ioannis’ can be combined with gazing at social rites (of passage) exclusively for the living, like a wedding, with great ease, as both can be consumed by the living. Today Vangelis’ professional blog capitalises on his MM involvement: marketing Skopelos as a popular wedding destination (‘since many couples wanted to have a fairy-tale wedding and a big party afterwards exactly like the film’ [Vangelis Photography 2013]), he promotes local landscapes used in MM scenes as wedding landscapes. It would not be the first time that a Greek island figured as the backdrop for a wedding. Weddings have joined the world of commodities in tourist networks, providing host communities and international business with new opportunities to advertise places as destinations that afford romantic love (Boden 2001; Major et al. 2010). Wedding tourism is characterised by consumer trust in the destination and emotional investment in the venture, which is tied to factors such as natural beauty (Kim and Agrusa 2005; Buhalis and Law 2008: 612). Nevertheless, such marketing can have less obvious angles, including the emphasis on stylised image and the total absence of music: where did MM’s performative synaesthetics, this bundle of multisensory connection with the social world (see pp. 9-10, section 2 of article), go? The film’s musical ambience caters for diverse fan groups, with queer communities being the most prominent amongst Abba followers. I use the term ‘queer’ instead of ‘homosexual,’ ‘lesbian’ or ‘gay’ because queerness encompasses all three concepts. Forerunners of queer theory such as Teresa de Lauretis (1987) were concerned with how Western social orders deploy rigid standards of gender and sexual intelligibility as a method of social regulation (Meeks 2007). There is little tolerance of homosexuality in Greek culture, especially in smaller communities, in which being gay is a stigma comparable to other ‘eugenic failures’ such as sickness, deformity or disability (Loizos and Papataxiarchis 1991; Just 2008: 172-9). There is certainty that gay people will not – indeed cannot – marry, given the stance of the Orthodox religious establishment to homosexuality (Kirtsoglou 2004). Such processes of social exclusion inflect global constructions of hegemonic sexualities – or norms and expectations of how to be, physically, behaviourally and emotionally the ‘perfect’ man or woman (Connell 1987, 1995) and feed into mobilities

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managed by global networks, rather than nation-states. What Couldry (2000) discusses as the mediated centre of popular culture may in fact highlight the ambiguous (here supporting, there contesting) role of relevant cinematic and digital representations in the globalisations of this ethos (see Ryan and Kellner 1990 on such competing representations). Queerness as a by-word for ambivalent indecency works wonders in Agios Ioannis’ case. Not only does it manage to define the unspoken sexual identity of a group of cinematic-tourist fans, if not of stereotyped tourist activity (lewdness, sexual incontinence and disorder) in Greece (Tsartas and Moutafi-Gallani 2009), it also endows the classificatory indeterminacy of the filmed shrine itself – a rock that simultaneously is and is not recognised as Christian space in official Greek records. Dark, heritage and cinematic tourisms collude and collide by turns, in ways allowing different interest groups to ‘read’ some sort of monetary or symbolic value into the chapel. So, in reality, the politics of gender and sexuality varnish the coding surface of a more complex aesthetic differentiation of embodied, digital, cinematic (bright) ‘craft’ from the dark, ancient patina of artistic heritage some Skopeliotes desire to claim so as to supersede their more established Skiathan neighbours. Suffice it to mention that Sporades have experienced Ottoman colonisation, other foreign invasions and massacres, as well as regional and international migrations over the last five centuries. And here gender and sexual norms overlap with racialized memory to turn hostile natural geomorphology into culture: the experience of Ottoman Turkish occupation, though now distant, overdetermined the identity of isolated locations such as that of Agios Ioannis. Protecting Greek sea travellers as a geographical marker, but exposed to plundering and symbolic ‘rape’ by pirates and colonisers, such chapels symbolized fears of national shaming in a straightforward racist-religious fashion. There is a normative albeit incorrect equation between fears of Orthodox Greek violation by Islamic hordes and violation of intimate local histories by global tourist hordes (Turner and Ash 1975). The novelty of cinematic touristification was not accepted by Skopelos’ old folk – a sign of generational dissonance or mere acceptance of employment-generating business on the island for the younger generations (Tzanelli 2011: chapter 5). In the present liquid contexts such fixities do not fully dissipate but are reinscribed onto new global cultural encounters in various ways with different functions; such is the present instance of new cinematic queerscapes that invaded Agios Ioannis. As geographers and sociologists of sexuality have noted, queer sexual experiences have become an integral part of the transitory spaces queer

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subjects tend to inhabit and in which they form solidarities (Knopp 2007: 23). Film artscapes (Appadurai 1990), imaginary formations of artistic creativity and marketing, sustain and are sustained by queerscapes in global tourist settings such as those of the Northern Sporades (on neighbouring Skiathos and art see Tzanelli 2011: Chapter 4). These technologically-mediated transformations may perform community-building along the lines of touristic ‘neo-nomadism,’ loose and ephemeral community formations during travel (D’Andrea 2006). Agios Ioannis and its small beach are framed in MM as such a queer synaesthetic experience – what with Streep and Brosnan’s clumsy but endearing singing at its entrance, or Colin Firth’s (one of Sophie’s potential fathers) pronounced ‘camp’ persona in the same and other scenes. Homosexual tourist mobilities are expected to contribute to the wedding market on islands significantly over the next decade (Poon 2009). However, the marketing of MM wedding tourism is still affected by heteronormative expectations, as only heterosexual couples make it to online advertising (e.g., Style Me Pretty Europe, 2013 reproduces Vangelis’ heteronormative narrative; see also Valentine and Bell 1995; Hubbard 2008). Agios Ioannis’ rural situatedness promotes a safe heterosexual Arcadia that nurtures traditional ideas of the family in new media environments. This is akin to traditional and not so open conceptions of family upheld by many Greeks, especially, but not exclusively of older generations, and consists of healthy male fishermen and ‘decent country girls’ (Little 2002). A drastic destination image-management is necessary to open up the island’s wedding venues (religious or secular) to more diverse social groups. It must of course be stressed that Agios Ioannis figures currently in virtual channels more as a utopian attraction to global cinematic tourist fans, as its steep location is hardly amenable to large groups of visitors attending weddings. Still, its cinematic intimacy is all the more charming to prospective brides and grooms, who can settle for more accessible venues on location. Thus, MM’s virtual presence recycles heteronormative expectations through omission, shaping touristified spaces and their transient socialities. But Agios Ioannis’ real failure is revealed in its inability to slip as a building toward sculpture – to be(come) respectable (heritage) artwork, rather than stand as a limited ‘equipment’ (Anderson 2011). Instead of disclosing ‘land’ as dark Sporadiote heritage and its place in the world of national beauty, it stands for locals as intrusion of urban (and camp) soundscapes, producing a cultural cacophony in more conservative ears. The Sporadiote rock/chapel reveals nothing decent – as is the case with a gay man belatedly ‘coming out’ in public.

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CONCLUSION

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In this chapter, I examined the role of new technologies in the production of tourism in filmed sites, arguing that, as forms of advertising, they can affect the interplay between the ‘slow mobilities’ of heritage and the ‘fast’ of internet tourism. With a focus on the cinematic MM musical, I suggested the emergence of new forms of commodified pilgrimage to the chapel of Agios Ioannis in Skopelos, Greece. Though this ‘pilgrimage’ invites sensory synergies as a tourist experience (promoted first by the musical), its virtual tourist advertising collapses into a visual narrative and aligns with projected (by internet industries) heteronormative expectations of tourist customers. Such expectations, streamlined into digital tourist markets, may even contest understandings of tourism as an ordinary, popular activity open to all. The tension mirrors Northern Sporades’ global and domestic tourism mobilities, as Skopelos caters more for film tourists and Skiathos for a blended clientele including (dark) heritage tourists. Thus, global and local markets may grant virtual presence only to what is considered decent, and thus define hospitality norms and practices along the same lines. Agios Ioannis’ digital permutations as a cosmological tourist centre (Cohen), a tourist marker (MacCannell), a mediated centre (Couldry), or a site of pilgrimage (Graburn, Coleman and Eade) ‘tailor’ virtual and embodied tourist mobilities to individual preferences only up to a point: the chapel’s online marketing still excludes its queer consumer basis, which matches the indeterminacy of the site itself. MM wedding tourism connected to Agios Ioannis and Skopelos is marketed as a heterosexual experience – a decision that promotes reproduction of past norms and values (men marry women to (re)produce ideal families) in the present. Incidentally, Greek film musicals of the MM period (Donna’s glorious hippie 1970s) appeared to record the westernization of Greek society and its more entrenched mentality regarding the regulation of gender, sexuality and race (see Papadimitriou 2000, 2006). MM’s Donna is the ‘indecorous’ counterpart of such early Greek social imaginaries: an aging hippie rebel against sexist conformism; a coerced migrant, who can fashion herself as tourist businesswoman for the global cinematic tourist gaze; and mother to a rather uptight dreamy woman, who longs to restore the broken (heteronormative) family image for the selfsame cinematic tourist gaze. The ideal of the heterosexual family is so closely connected to life stages that it proves difficult to extricate it from reproductive imperatives and discussions over population management to the date (Dean 2013). As MM’s

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central plot attests, families remember through narratives, mourning, reciprocities and conflicts – and so do some Skopeliotes aspiring to keep their heritage intact. At the heart of this meta-narrative rests the feminization of oikonomía, the redistributive law of the house (Nussbaum 2003), but also the law of contemporary markets that place intimate relations under public scrutiny. Otherwise put, the production of hospitality as a norm, a principle and a practice, is regulated by both terrestrially situated agents (locals, the nation-state and local administration) and disorganized, globally spread (and now also digitized) tourist markets. There are various collusions and collisions of intention in our case amongst different agents in the tourist field, but heterosexual normativity is still declared the winner, thanks to entrenched Greek ethno-nationalist custom. To this end, the film’s original synaesthetic nature (its combined audio-visual narrative) gives way to exclusively ocular advertising, better connecting to ideas of sexual normalisation and collective (national), public decency. As such, Western tourist markets may come surprisingly close to traditional Greek conceptions of honourable performance in digitised now public spheres.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT

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With the usual disclaimer, I am grateful to Majid Yar for his critical comments on the paper.

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Nederveen Pieterse, J. (2001), ‘Hybridity, so what? The anti-hybridity backlash and the riddles of recognition,’ Theory, Culture & Society, 18:2/3, pp.219–45. Nussbaum, M. (2003), Essays on Gender and Governance, New Delhi: United Nations Development Programme. O’Gorman, K. (2007), ‘Dimensions of hospitality: Exploring ancient and classical origins,’ in C. Lashley, P. Lynch and A. Morrison (eds) Hospitality: A Social Lens, Oxford: Elsevier, pp.17-33. Papadimitriou, L. (2000), ‘Travelling on screen: Tourism and the Greek film musical,’ Journal of Modern Greek Studies, 18:1, pp.95-104. Papadimitriou, L. (2006), The Greek Film Musical, Jefferson: McFarland. Papadimitriou, L. (2012), ‘Navigating through contemporary Greek culture,’ Interactions, 3:2, pp.123–27. Papastergiadis, N. (2005), Hybridity and ambivalence: Places and flows in contemporary art and culture,’ Theory, Culture & Society, 22:4, pp.39–64. Parrinello, G., (2001), ‘The technological body in tourism: Research and praxis,’ International Sociology, 16:2, pp.205–19. Poon, A. (2009), ‘Prospects for the British market,’ Tourism Industry Intelligence, 16:1, pp.1-5.0. Prideaux, B. (2002), ‘The cybertourist,’ in G.M.S. Dann, (ed.), The Tourist as a Metaphor of the Social World, Wallingford: CABI, pp.317-39. Reijnders, S. (2009), ‘Watching the detectives: Inside the guilty landscapes of Inspector Morse, Baantjer and Wallander,’ European Journal of Communication, 24:2, pp.165–181. Reijnders, S. (2010), ‘On the trail of 007: Media pilgrimages into the world of James Bond,’ Area, 42:3, pp.369–77. Rich, A. (2001), Arts of the Possible, New York and London: W.W. Norton. Rickly-Boyd, J. (2013) ‘“Dirtbags”: Mobility, community and rick climbing as performative of identity,’ in T. Duncan, S.A. Cohen and M. Thulemark (eds) Lifestyle Mobilities, Surrey: Ashgate, pp.51-64. Riginos’ Blog, (2007-2013), ‘Mama-Mia-island.’ http://www.mamma-miaisland.com/blogs/blog-english/. Accessed 27 May 2016. Rojek, C. (1993), Ways of Escape, London: Routledge. Rojek, C. (2001), Celebrity, London: Reaktion. Ryan, M. and Kellner, D. (1990), Camera Politica, Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Salazar, N. (2013), ‘The (im)mobility of tourism imaginaries,’ in M. Smith and G. Richards, (eds), The Routledge Handbook of Cultural Tourism, London: Routledge, pp.34-9.

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Sandywell, B. (2011), Dictionary of Visual Discourse, Surrey: Ashgate. Scott, A.O. (2008), ‘Does your mother know you sing Abba tunes?’ 18 July, New York Times http://movies.nytimes.com/2008/07/18/movies/18mamm. html. Accessed 23 November 2013. Seaton, A.V. (1998) ‘The history of tourism in Scotland: Approaches, sources and issues,’ in R. MacLellan, and R. Smith, Eds., Tourism in Scotland, London: International Thompson Business Press, pp.209–39. Sen, A. (1999), Development as Freedom, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sharpley, R. (2004), ‘Islands in the sun: Cyprus’ in M. Sheller and J. Urry, (eds), Tourism Mobilities. London: Routledge. Sheller, M. and Urry, J. (2006), ‘The new mobilities paradigm,’ Environment and planning A, 38, pp.207–26. Shields, R. (1991), Places on the Margin, London: Routledge. Skiathos Guide (undated), Athens: Pergamon. Skopelos Net (2013) ‘Agios Ioannis Chapel.’ http://www.skopelos.net/ sightseeing/aghios_ioannis.htm. Accessed 24 November 2013. Skopelos Travel (2013). http://skopelos.travel/mammamia/. Accessed 24 November 2013. Sontag, S. (1971), On Photography, London: Penguin. Stone, P.R. (2009), ‘Dark tourism, morality and new moral spaces,’ in R. Sharpley and P.R. Stone (eds) The Darker Side of Travel, Bristol: Channel View Publications, pp.56-72. Style Me Pretty - Europe (2013). http://www.stylemepretty.com/europeweddings/greece/. Accessed 25 November 2013. Thrift, N. (1997), ‘The still point,’ in S. Pile and M Keith (eds) Geographies of Resistance, London: Routledge, 124-51. Thulemark, M. and Hauge, A. (2014), ‘Creativity in the recreational industry: Re-conceptualization of the Creative Class theory in a tourism-dominated rural area,’ Scandinavian Journal of Public Administration, 18:1, pp.87105. Tribe, J. (ed.), (2008), Philosophical Issues in Tourism. Clevedon: Channel View. Trip Advisor (2013), ‘Agios Ioannis sto Kastri.’ http://www.tripadvisor.co.uk/ Attraction_Review-g189501-d2283043-Reviews-Agios_Ioannis_Sto_ Kastri-Skopelos_Sporades.html. Accessed 24 November 2013. Tsartas, P. and Galani-Moutafi, V. (2009), ‘The sociology and anthropology of tourism in Greece’ in G.M.S. Dann and G. Parrinello, (eds), The Sociology of Tourism, UK: Emerald.

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Turner, V. (1974), Liminal to liminoid, play flow and ritual,’ Rice University studies, 50, pp.53–92. Turner, V.W. and Turner, E. (1978), Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture, New York: Columbia University Press. Tzanelli, R. (2011), Cosmopolitan Memory in Europe’s ‘Backwaters,’ Abingdon: Routledge. Tzanelli, R. (2013), Heritage in the Digital Era, Abingdon: Routledge. Urry, J. and Larsen, J. (2011), The Tourist Gaze 3.0, 3rd edn, London: Sage. Uteng, T.P. and Cresswell, T. (2008), Gendered Mobilities, Aldershot: Ashgate. Vangelis Photography (2009, 2013). http://www.vangelisphotography.com/ blog/skopelos-wedding/. Accessed 24 November 2013. Veijola, S. and Jokinen, E. (1994), ‘The body in tourism,’ Theory and Society, 11, pp.125-51. Veijola, S. and Valtonen, A. (2007), ‘The body in tourism industry,’ in A. Pritchard, N. Morgan, I. Ateljevic and C. Harris, (eds), Tourism and Gender, Wallingford: CABI. Weeks, J., (2007) The World We Have Won, London: Routledge. Δήμος Σκοπέλου (2013) ‘Natural Beauty.’ http://www.skopelos.gr/ joomla/en/home-en/naturalbeauty. Accessed 04 August 2016.

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Chapter 9

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INTERVIEW WITH RABBI PETER TARLOW, TERRORISM AND DARK TOURISM Peter Tarlow

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Texas A&M University, TX, US

ABSTRACT

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This chapter is based on a short interview conducted with Rabbi Peter Tarlow, who not only is an authorative voice in terrorism-related issues, and also as a Rabbi has advanced knowledge of religious issues. Per his viewpoint, dark tourism and terrorism would be inextricably intertwined. His vast experience in fieldwork as well as erudition makes from this interview a more than interesting piece, which would be grateful to share with our readership. His main thesis is that dark tourism attempts to discipline human loss representing a lesson to avoid the monstrosity of human beings. Of course, Auschwitz is a clear example how museums should be taken seriously to prevent a similar genocide in the years to come.

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Keywords: dark tourism, terrorism, mobilities, monstrosity, death

Rabbi Peter Tarlow was the director and rabbi of Texas A&M Hillel for thirty years. Tarlow retired on July 1, 2013, and became its Rabbi Emeritus. He also assumed the leadership of the Center for Latino – Jewish Relations. He also writes a monthly column for the Bryan Eagle and a weekly bilingual

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Torah commentary read throughout the Americas. Tarlow now helps emerging Jewish communities throughout the Spanish-speaking world and he is currently is working with Jewish communities in Bolivia, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Peru. He is an expert on Sephardic and Crypto-Jewish history and organizes in conjunction with universities around Texas lectures on Sephardic history and culture. Tarlow also lectures on Sephardic, and Crypto – Jewish literature and culture at major Texas Universities and for Jewish and Latino organizations throughout Texas. In April of 2013, Tarlow was asked to accept the role as the Envoy for the Office of Chancellor of the Texas A&M system, John Sharp. As such he represents the Texas A&M system, as requested by the Chancellor, around the world. In 2016, Governor Gregg Abbot of Texas named Peter Tarlow as the head of the Texas Holocaust.

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DR. PETER E. TARLOW, AS DIFFERENTIATED FROM RABBI TARLOW

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Dr. Peter Tarlow is a world-renowned speaker and expert specializing in the impact of crime and terrorism on the tourism industry, event and tourism risk management, and economic development. Since 1990, Tarlow has been teaching courses on tourism, crime & terrorism to police forces and security and tourism professionals throughout the world. Tarlow earned his Ph.D. in sociology from Texas A&M University. He also holds degrees in history, in Spanish and Hebrew literatures, and in psychotherapy. In 1996, Tarlow became Hoover Dam’s consultant for tourism development and security. In 1998, Tarlow’s role at the Bureau of Reclamation expanded. He was asked to develop a tourism security program for all Bureau of Reclamation properties and visitor centers. Tarlow continued his involvement with the Bureau of Reclamation until December of 2012. In 1999, the US Customs service asked Tarlow to work with its agents in the area of customer service, cultural awareness, and custom’s impact on the tourism and visitor industry. In 2000, due to interagency cooperation on the part of the Bureau of Reclamation, Tarlow helped to prepare security and FBI agents for the Salt Lake City 2002 Winter Olympic Games. He also lectured for the 2010 Vancouver Olympic Games. Tarlow is currently working with police

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departments of the state of Rio de Janeiro for the 2014 World Cup Games and 2016 Olympic games. In 2003, US National Park Service asked Tarlow to take on special assignments dealing with iconic security for its multiple tourism sites. Within the US government Tarlow has lectured for the Department of the Interior, for the Department of Justice (Bureau of Prisons and Office of US AttorneysGeneral), the Department of Homeland Security and the American Bar Association’s Latin America Office. Tarlow has worked with other US and international government agencies such as the US Park Service at the Statue of Liberty, The Smithsonian’s Institution’s Office of Protection Services, Philadelphia’s Independence Hall and Liberty Bell and New York’s Empire State Building. He has also worked with the Federal Bureau of Investigation, The Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and the United Nation’s WTO (World Tourism Organization), the Center for Disease Control (Atlanta, Triangle Series), the Panama Canal Authority. He has taught members of national police forces in the US such as the members of the US Supreme Court police, and the Smithsonian Museum’s police, and internationally with police forces in Aruba, Bolivia, Brazil, Curaçao, Colombia, Mexico and Trinidad & Tobago. In 2013 Tarlow was named the Special Envoy for the Chancellor of the Texas A&M University System. At almost the same time the US State Department asked him to lecture around the world on issues of tourism security and safety. In 2013, Tarlow began working with the Dominican Republic’s national tourism police, then called POLITUR, and as of 2014 called CESTUR. Since 1992, Tarlow has been the chief organizer of multiple tourism conferences around the world, including the International Tourism Safety Conference in Las Vegas. Since 2006 he has also been part of the organizational teams for the Biannual Aruba Tourism Conference and has helped organize conferences in St. Kitts, Charleston (South Carolina), Bogota, Colombia, Panama City, and Curaçao. In starting in 2013, Tarlow became a co-organizer of the first and second Mediterranean Tourism Conference held in Croatia and is now currently part of the organizational team for the 2017 Eastern Mediterranean Conference to be held in Haifa, Israel. Tarlow’s fluency in many languages enables him to speak throughout the world (United States, the Caribbean, Latin America, Europe, and Africa, and the Eastern Pacific, and Asia). Tarlow lectures on a wide range of current and future trends in the tourism industry, rural tourism economic development, the

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Interview with Rabbi Peter Tarlow, Terrorism and Dark Tourism

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gaming industry, issues of crime and terrorism, the role of police departments in urban economic development, and international trade. Tarlow has done extensive research on the relationship between tourism, crime, and terrorism. He also works with police forces to understand their constituents and provide the best customer service possible. Tarlow publishes extensively in these areas and writes numerous professional reports for US governmental agencies and for businesses throughout the world. He also functions as an expert witness in courts throughout the United States on matters concerning tourism security and safety, and issues of risk management. Tarlow’s research ranges from the impact of school calendars on the tourism industries to tourism ecology and business. These research interests allow Tarlow to work with communities throughout the United States. He is teaches how communities can use their tourism as an economic development tool during difficult economic times, and at the same time improve their local residents’ quality of life. Tarlow speaks throughout North and Latin America, the Middle East and Europe, and Asia. Some of the topics about which he speaks are: the sociology of terrorism, its impact on tourism security and risk management, the US government’s role in post terrorism recovery, and how communities and businesses must face a major paradigm shift in the way they do business. Tarlow trains numerous police departments throughout the world in TOPPS (Tourism Oriented Policing and Protection Services) and offers certification in this area. Tarlow provides keynote speeches around the world on topics as diverse as dealing with economies in crisis to how beautification can become a major tool for economic recovery. Tarlow is a well-known author in the field of tourism security. He is a contributing author to multiple books on tourism security, and has published numerous academic and applied research articles regarding issues of security including articles published in The Futurist, the Journal of Travel Research and Security Management. In 1999 Tarlow co-edited “War, Terrorism, and Tourism”. a special edition of the Journal of Travel Research. In 2002 Tarlow published Event Risk Management and Safety (John Wiley & Sons). Tarlow also writes and speaks for major organizations such as the Organization of US State Dams, and The International Association of Event Managers. In 2011, Tarlow published: Twenty Years of Tourism Tidbits: The Book. The Spanish language addition is to be released in 2012. He has recently published a book on Cruise Safety (written in Portuguese) entitled Abordagem Multdisciplinar dos Cruzeiros Turísticos. In June of 2014, Elsevier published Tarlow’s newest

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book: Tourism Security: Strategies for Effective Managing Travel Risk and Safety. He is currently writing a new book on tourism sports security (to be published in late 2016) and a series of articles on the same topic for the American Society of Industrial Security. Tarlow’s wide range of professional and scholarly articles includes articles on subjects such as: “dark tourism”, theories of terrorism, and economic development through tourism. Tarlow also writes and publishes the popular on-line tourism newsletter Tourism Tidbits read by thousands of tourism and travel professionals around the world in its English, Spanish, and Portuguese language editions. Tarlow has been a regular contributor to the joint electronic tourism newsletter, ETRA, published jointly by Texas A&M University and the Canadian Tourism Commission. His articles often appear in a wide range of both trade and academic publications including Brilliant Results and Destination World. Tarlow lectures at major universities around the world. Tarlow is a member of the Distance Learning Faculty of “The George Washington University” in Washington, DC. He is also an adjunct faculty member of Colorado State University and the Justice Institute of British Columbia (Vancouver, Canada) and a member of the graduate faculty of Guelph University in Ontario, Canada. Tarlow is an honorary professor at the Universidad de Especialidades Turisticas (Quito, Ecuador), of the Universidad de la Policía Federal (Buenos Aires, Argentina), la Universidad de Huánuco, Peru, and on the EDIT faculty at the University of Hawaii in Manoa, (O’ahu). In 2016 Tarlow will begin a new series of lectures on tourism security at the University of Aruba. At numerous other universities around the world Tarlow lectures on security issues, life safety issues, and event risk management. These universities include institutions in the United States, Latin America, Europe, the Pacific Islands, and the Middle East. In 2015 the Faculty of Medicine of Texas A&M University asked Tarlow to “translate” his tourism skills into practical courses for new physicians. As such he teaches courses in customer service, creative thinking and medical ethics at the Texas A&M medical school Tarlow has appeared on national televised programs such as Dateline: NBC and on CNBC and is a regular guest on radio stations around the US. Tarlow organizes conferences around the world dealing with visitor safety and security issues and with the economic importance of tourism and tourism marketing. He also works with numerous cities, states, and foreign governments to improve their tourism products and to train their tourism security professionals.

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Tarlow is a founder and president of Tourism & More Inc. (T&M). He is a past president of the Texas Chapter of the Travel and Tourism Research Association (TTRA). Tarlow is a member of the International Editorial Boards of “Turizam” published in Zagreb, Croatia, “Anatolia: International Journal of Tourism and Hospitality Research”, published in Turkey, and “Estudios y Perspectivas en Turismo”, published in Buenos Aires, Argentina, and American Journal of Tourism Research.

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1. As Rabbi, how do you see our contemporary world? I am not sure our world is any better or worse than previous worlds; perhaps it is merely different. I have often wondered if we are not born into the “world” that best fits our personality. The current state of our world does provide challenges and great opportunities. The world of science has shown us how many dangers and challenges we have overcome. It allows us to be God’s partners in creation. On the other hand, there are those who believe that they are God (or gods) and this arrogance will lead to crises and hardships. Perhaps the biggest challenge facing those of us who live in the develop world is the lack of faith that people have in their institutions. Too many people have placed their trust in gods that failed. Today the public questions academics, politicians, religious leaders and members of the media. All these people have tried to substitute themselves for god and all have failed.

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2. What are the problems and challenges tourism should face in next decades? Tourism must find a way to go beyond rhetoric and seek real action. The public has come to see too many in tourism as marketers who believe that a good advertising and marketing campaign can fix all problems. Nothing could be further from the truth. The recent statements from UN General Secretary Ban Ki-Moon put into question, the tourism industry’s real commitment to safety and security. On the other hand, too many in tourism are not prepared to face unpleasant realities. For example, the argument that the elimination of poverty, a positive goal, will eliminate terrorism is not only wrong but also misleading. Tourism then needs better trained people who know how to question the current political rhetoric and then find insightful people who are prepared to offer innovative solutions. 3. What are the factors that led the World to the age of terror? Terror has been part of warfare for centuries, It did not start on September 11, 2001. Terror throughout the centuries is based on ideologies combined

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with the perceived belief that the enemy is morally weak. Throughout the centuries terror has occurred when an ideology believes that it has a monopoly on truth.

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4. What is the background for the rise of terrorism? is terrorism a result of cultural or religious incompatibilities? As I mentioned terrorism has been a very successful military technique used by forces that believe that they have monopolies on truth. Terrorists subhumanize people and always explain themselves on the macro level versus the micro level. Theirs is a world that is “the good us” versus the “bad-them”. Tourism is a threat to terrorism as tourism is a celebration of the different and an ode to the unique. Tourism at its best is about permitting individuals to know the other. Terrorism at its worst (and in reality there is no relatively to terrorism) is about the de-individualization of a person and forcing that person into a macro-box. This technique has existed for at least five centuries.

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5. What do you think about new segments of tourists who visit spaces of mass death and suffering as Thana Tourism or Dark tourism? I am not sure that this is a new phenomenon. Part of Thana or dark tourism comes from the sense of looking down on the dead. In Thana tourism this looking down is both physical and psychological. There is a difference between seeing the dead with reverence and seeing the dead as an attraction. For example the fact that there was a proposal to build an Auschwitz shopping center is a way to say to those who entered into its gates of hell, that they are now an excuse for a “cultural” visit rather than a way to explore the depths of hatred that exist within the confines of the human heart. When reverence is a part of the journey than it provides a spiritual aspect, when there is no reverence than we have entered into the darkest regions of our psyche.

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6. What are your reflections regarding the Auschwitz Museum? Auschwitz is more than a museum dedicated to humanity’s entrance into the ultimate form of dis-humanity. When facts become nothing more than data than humanity becomes inhuman and we provide Hitler with a posthumous victory. It is less the history that is seen in artifacts than the composite story that is told. All too many in Europe have never solved the Auschwitz dilemma and challenge. Auschwitz is more than the mere dehumanization of Jews and others, it is symbolic of the tragic and unfortunately still current belief that some lives are more important than others, that some beings are lesser beings.

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Auschwitz represents the success of terrorism and the fact that when the world treats others as lesser human beings that we cease to be human and become monsters.

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7. Can you enumerate the factors that motivate this type of tourism? On some level dark tourism is an egocentric movement that argues, I am alive and you are not! On the other hand, there is a curiosity as to what makes the murder the monster that he or she is. On the third hand, there is the realization that we need to learn from the past. Thus, in the United States FBI agents are brought to the national Holocaust museum as a way to teach them what happens when a government is out of control. Perhaps it is not the journey but the reason for the journey that is important. If we look down on those who have perished then we leave with a sick sense of moral superiority. If on the other hand, we see the dead hand of the past as a means to more than educate the living but to advocated for those who face political and prejudicial horrors than these museums may do a great deal of good. It is not the place but the story and take-away that emanate from the place that is essential.

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8. Since in earlier of your texts you mentioned the importance of security in tourism, is dark tourism conducive to a state of security, or precisely does it encourage insecurity? I doubt that it does either. Dark tourism is a warning of what can be. To avoid fearing a danger we must recognize the danger. If dark tourism is nothing more than an amusement park of death, then its purpose is lost. If dark tourism is a teaching tool than we can use it as a means to understand humanity’s need for inhumanity and the allow people to feel that by learning from the mistakes of the past we may be able to create a more viable future.

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9. What do you feel respecting to Ground-Zero, is this functional to struggle against terrorism, in what way? My guess is that as an American I have a different feeling in that place than people from abroad. Because I was born in New York, have friends in the New York Police Department and have family in close proximity this is a place that touches my heart. It reminds me that terrorism is the attempt to make death both common and banal. It is once again the de-meccanization of the individual and that person’s transformation into the “hated” macro. Terrorists do not care whom they murdered; they merely want to murder. The same is true of any other place in the world, be that in the Middle East or Latin America, Europe or Eastern Asia. No matter what the political frustration or

anger, unwanted murder is unwanted murder and murder for murder’s sake is the essence of evil

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10. In your opinion and vast knowledge base explain in what way dark tourism exhibitions may promote safer destinations? Dark tourism must be more than an exhibition. If it is merely an exhibition it is an affront to the dead. It must be an educational process in which each of us comes away asking ourselves, what would I have done and whart should I have done were I to have been in that place and time. Often exhibitions are ways to cover up guilt. For example, one of Amsterdam’s must-see attractions is the Anne Frank House. Yet the story is rarely told that the Dutch were among the most willing of Hitler’s accomplices. Some 70 years later the Dutch have never come to grips with the Anti-Semitism that still permeates Dutch society. Instead, the Anne Frank House is a way for the Dutch artificially to cleanse their soul while allowing hatred to exist. Dark tourism must force people not merely to look at an unattached past but question how that past impacts their soul and changes their future actions.

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ABOUT THE EDITORS

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Maximiliano E. Korstanje is editor in chief of International Journal of Safety and Security in Tourism (UP Argentina) and International Journal of Cyber Warfare and Terrorism (IGI-Global-US). Besides being Senior Researchers in the Department of Economics at University of Palermo, Argentina, he is a global affiliate of Tourism Crisis Management Institute (University of Florida US), Centre for Ethnicity and Racism Studies (University of Leeds), The Forge (University of Lancaster and University of Leeds UK) and The International Society for Philosopher, hosted in Sheffield UK. With more than 800 published papers and 40 books, Korstanje was nominated to 5 honorary doctorates for his contribution in the study of the effects of terrorism in tourism. In 2015 he was awarded as Visiting Research Fellow at School of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds, UK. His recent books include, A difficult World: examining the roots of Capitalism, New York Nova Science pubs (2015), The Rise of Thana Capitalism and Tourism, Abingdon Routledge 2016, Terrorism in the Global Village: how terrorism affected our lives, New York, Nova Science Pubs (2016) and Terrorism and Tourism, Studium Press LCC India (2016). Korstanje is subject of biographical in Marquis Who`s Who in the world since 2009. Email: [email protected].

Bintang Handayani, Independent Researcher, Malaysia. Email: [email protected].

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INDEX

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21st century, 104, 115 9/11, 7, 16, 37, 72, 88, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 126, 127, 128

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access, 25, 44, 45, 47, 123, 124 accessibility, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 50 acculturation, 142 achievement, v, ix, 75, 81, 82 adaptability, 122, 125 adaptation, x, 46, 81, 133, 134 aesthetic(s), 136, 137, 145, 149, 155 affluence, 107, 121 Afghanistan, 109, 111, 123 Africa, 39, 59, 79, 163 age, 23, 91, 92, 153, 154, 166 agencies, 163, 164 airline revenues, 118 airports, 118 Al Qaeda, 107 alienation, 18, 45 ambivalence, 122, 157 American Bar Association, 163 amnesia, 96 ancestors, 4 anger, 107, 169

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anthropologists, 8 anthropology, 2, 36, 45, 52, 158 anti-brand sites, 44 anxiety, 4, 39 Aokigahara, ix, 95, 96, 97, 102, 104 Aokigahara-Jukai, ix, 95, 96, 97 appetite, 123 applied-research, viii, 2, 45 Arab world, 125 Argentina, 1, 3, 15, 75, 112, 113, 114, 115, 165, 166, 171 Asia, 36, 40, 55, 59, 79, 96, 117, 163, 164, 168 aspiration, 29 assassination, 7, 12, 35 assault, 114, 116 assessment, 68 assets, 59, 102 atrocities, 124 attachment, 9, 16, 18, 29, 30, 32, 34, 37, 39, 51, 102 attitudes, 11, 21, 25, 89, 124, 135, 144 attraction-driven, 31, 47, 100 attribution theory, 53 authentic, 5, 6, 18, 20, 29, 30, 31, 32, 47, 60, 69, 77, 78, 96 authentic experience, 5, 32, 60, 77, 78, 97 authenticity, 18, 19, 25, 26, 29, 30, 31, 32, 35, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 56, 60, 64, 65, 66, 69, 96, 97, 100, 145 authorities, 96, 112, 113

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backlash, 157 bankruptcy, 118 beautification, 164 behaviors, 2 Belgium, 58 benefits, x, 17, 31, 63, 84 bilateral, 129 births, 19 blind spot, 58, 70 blogs, 38, 143, 157 blue-collar workers, 3 Bolivia, 162, 163 bombing, 110, 112, 113, 114, 123, 130 border control, 112 brand image, 19, 21, 25, 26, 31, 43, 48, 50, 52, 96, 97 Brazil, 112, 163 Britain, 82, 125 budding, 134 budget deficit, 117 Bulgaria, 15, 36, 53 business model, 125 businesses, 61, 122, 164

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certification, 164 challenges, 12, 62, 63, 166 charitable organizations, 86 Chicago, 52, 90, 91 children, 25, 102, 108, 114, 134 Chile, 3 China, 42, 59 chosen people, 80, 88 Christianity, 12, 66, 85, 93 cinematic Tourism, vi, x, 131, 136, 144, 146, 149 cities, 4, 16, 58, 112, 120, 165 citizens, vii, 7, 18, 46, 82, 83, 85, 88, 106, 107, 111, 114, 118 civil liberties, 114 clarity, 10, 62 climate change, 124 cocoon, 82 cognitive map, 78 Cold War, 118 collisions, 152 Colombia, 123, 163 colonisation, 149 commercial, 6, 58, 65, 70, 111, 123, 132 commodity, vii, 4, 76, 87, 146 common sense, 10 communication, 24, 26, 29, 35, 44, 48, 53, 59, 68, 72 communication patterns, 24, 44 communication technologies, 35, 48, 53 communities, 3, 6, 10, 15, 16, 20, 36, 38, 45, 49, 53, 63, 69, 134, 136, 137, 146, 147, 148, 162, 164 community, x, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 19, 20, 21, 22, 26, 27, 29, 32, 33, 44, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 64, 69, 84, 111, 113, 114, 116, 132, 134, 135, 144, 150, 157 competition, 48, 84, 85 competitive advantage, 28, 63 competitiveness, 58, 68, 70 competitors, 84, 87 complement, 144 compositional interpretation, 98, 99 compression, 99 conception, 19, 80

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authority, 6, 117, 123 automata, 85 autonomy, 107 aversion, 46, 78 avoidance, 84 awareness, 11, 62, 162

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Index

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Cairo, 120 Caliphate, 123 capitalism, ix, 12, 46, 79, 80, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 91, 92, 128, 171 car accidents, 118 Caribbean, 60, 119, 126, 128, 163 case study, 33, 39, 58, 64, 98, 104, 125 Catholic Church, 3, 80, 112 Catholics, 88

nc e

ie Sc a ov

N

nc

hi ng

D

,I

customer loyalty, 44 customer service, 162, 164, 165 customers, 45, 52, 54, 56, 109, 123, 151 cyberspace, 55, 124 Cyprus, 158

bl

is

danger, 5, 91, 168 dark, v, vi, vii, viii, ix, x, xi, xii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 61, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 83, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 103, 104, 106, 122, 123, 124, 129, 130, 131, 134, 136, 138, 141, 144, 146, 149, 150, 151, 158, 161, 165, 167, 168, 169 dark sites, 5, 16, 17, 18, 20, 24, 25, 26, 29, 30, 32, 47, 52, 53, 76, 95, 97 Dark Tourism, v, vi, vii, viii, ix, x, xi, xii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 27, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 61, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 84, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 103, 104, 106, 122, 123, 124, 129, 130, 131, 134, 136, 141, 161, 165, 167, 168, 169 Dark Tourism Research, 7, 79 darkness, 12, 13, 26, 30, 31, 40, 49, 50, 51, 70, 91, 97, 100, 103 darkness elements, 49, 97, 100 Darwinism, viii, 81, 84, 85, 87, 88, 90 data analysis, 98, 104 data collection, 21 death, v, vii, viii, ix, x, xi, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 61, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100,

Pu

conceptualization, 158 conflict, 42, 58, 59, 71, 80, 82, 107, 108, 115, 116, 123, 124, 141 consciousness, 11 conspiracy, 86 constituents, 164 construction, viii, 141, 145, 153 consulting, 23, 33 consumer-generated content (CGC), 44, 46 consumers, 18, 26, 28, 30, 42, 44, 46, 48, 50, 78, 86, 87, 88, 135, 145 consumption, x, 2, 4, 17, 30, 31, 41, 44, 45, 55, 77, 83, 85, 88, 107, 132, 133, 137, 144, 147 consumption patterns, 83 content analysis, 53, 55 contingency, 46 controversial, 112, 133, 135 controversies, 1, 112 convergence, 32 cooperation, 13, 112, 113, 162 coordination, 28 corruption, 85, 112, 126 cosmopolitanism, 130 cost, 48, 69, 116, 117 Costa Rica, 162 creative thinking, 165 creativity, 40, 134, 150 crimes, vii, 114 crises, 166 criticism, 19 Croatia, 163, 166 cross-validation, 71 cultural and heritage, 97 cultural heritage, 21, 24, 58, 65, 70 cultural influence, 141 cultural norms, 142 cultural values, 81 culture, v, ix, 3, 11, 13, 17, 23, 25, 26, 29, 35, 36, 39, 40, 46, 52, 55, 57, 58, 60, 64, 65, 66, 67, 75, 79, 82, 83, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 99, 102, 109, 111, 116, 121, 122, 126, 128, 134, 135, 145, 148, 149, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 162 cure, 17

.

175

Index

176

nc e

ie Sc a ov

N

nc ,I

hi ng

distribution, 23, 28, 81, 139 diversity, 85, 116, 141 DOI, 71, 72 domestic agenda, 117 domestication, 138 Dominican Republic, 163 dream, 84, 141 dreaming, 134 drugs, 115 dying, 11, 73, 101

E

bl

is

Eastern Europe, 77 ecology, 128, 164 e-complaints, ix, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 54, 56 economic activity, 57, 58, 68 economic crisis, 41, 56, 59, 92, 132 economic damage, 118 economic development, 59, 60, 121, 124, 162, 163, 164, 165 economic power, 84 economics, 142 Ecuador, 165 education, 5, 33, 57, 58, 62, 69, 78, 103 educational experience, 62 educational process, 169 egoism, 103 Egypt, 109, 121, 123, 126, 127 embassy, 111, 112, 113, 114 emotion, 30, 48 emotional experience, 30, 31 emotional proposition, 100 emotionality, 1, 8 empathy, 9 endorsements, 48 enemies, 106, 117 enemy of ethnomethodology, 2 England, v, ix, 34, 57, 58, 71, 73, 75, 76, 77, 79, 80, 87, 88, 89, 130, 156 entrepreneurs, 144 environmental impact, 124 environment(s), 25, 34, 63, 66, 69, 133, 150 epistemology, 2, 8, 10

Pu

101, 102, 103, 112, 118, 122, 134, 161, 167, 168 death site(s), 15, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 28, 31, 32, 33, 43, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103 death sites attraction, 50 death sites’ authenticity, 49 deaths, 115, 122 decomposition, 4 dehumanization, 167 Delta, 118 democracy, 125 democratisation, 65 demonstrations, 137 Department of Defense, 127 Department of Homeland Security, 163 Department of Justice, 163 Department of the Interior, 163 depersonalization, 103 depth, ix, 89, 98 despair, 107, 122 destiny, 9 destruction, 7, 88, 107, 108 developed countries, 59, 122 developed nations, ix developing countries, 59, 64, 70, 121, 122 developing nations, 63 dichotomy, viii diffusion process, 31 diplomacy, 108 disability, 148 disappointment, 48 disaster area, 6 disaster(s), 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 19, 32, 42, 45, 47, 58, 59, 61, 72, 74, 75, 76, 77, 83, 84, 86, 88, 89, 92, 122, 123, 128 discourse analysis, 98 diseases, 59 disorder, 149 dissatisfaction, 25, 26, 44, 53 dissidents, 114 dissociation, 2, 86 dissonance, ix, 45, 53, 90, 138, 149 distress, 17, 82

.

Index

177

N

ov

a

Sc

ie

nc e

nc

,I

hi ng

Pu

faith, 3, 80, 107, 108, 124, 166 families, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 69, 101, 147, 151, 152 family members, 24 fear(s), x, 4, 8, 37, 46, 48, 82, 86, 92, 100, 106, 107, 110, 114, 116, 118, 119, 123, 149 Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), 111, 162, 163, 168 feelings, 20, 22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 43, 47, 48, 50, 97, 100, 103, 114 feelings scary, 97 femininity, 156 films, 117, 123, 136, 137, 145 financial, 6, 83 force, 78, 79, 106, 108, 169 foreclosure, 82 foreign exchange, 125 foreign nationals, 122 formation, 18, 24, 26, 30, 35, 76, 95, 97 foundations, 35, 53 fragility, 3, 62 France, 13, 58, 73, 80, 121 freedom, 17, 108, 109, 110, 117, 125 Freud, 9, 100 Freud, Sigmund, 100 funding, 117, 123 funds, 110

gangs, 115 gender identity, 156 genocide, xii, 61, 85, 122, 161 geography, 154, 156 Germany, 58, 80, 110 global mobility, 143 global recession, 133 globalisation, 135, 138 globalization, 17, 18, 105, 109, 121, 132, 144 globalization, adjoined, 17 God, 46, 51, 80, 85, 98, 100, 102, 107, 166 governance, 16, 124 governments, 108, 165 Greece, 41, 56, 92, 132, 133, 139, 149, 151, 152, 155, 158 Greeks, 150 Ground-zero, vii, 3, 6, 77, 168 growth, 59, 63, 72, 105, 109, 121 growth factor, 72 guardian, 156 guidance, 59, 123 guidelines, 10 guilt, 169 guilty, 91, 106, 135, 157

is

F

G

bl

ETA, 107, 108 ethics, 72, 73, 84, 165 ethnicity, 38, 39, 124, 144 ethnocentrism, 82 ethnographers, 2 Europe, 61, 76, 79, 80, 111, 145, 150, 153, 158, 159, 163, 164, 165, 167, 168 evidence, x, 3, 40, 58, 68, 70, 80, 98, 103, 112, 113, 138, 145 evil, 60, 105, 107, 108, 111, 118, 125, 169 evolution, 81, 82 exploitation, viii, 28, 62, 63, 77, 89, 143 exposure, 48, 103, 141 expressivity, 137 extremists, 82

.

Index

H Haiti, 58, 60, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74 happiness, 29, 84, 87, 97 hard-work, 80 Hawaii, 165 health, 24, 41, 57, 58 hedonism, 46, 83 hegemony, 117 heritage, x, xi, 4, 5, 7, 11, 12, 13, 20, 21, 24, 35, 40, 42, 52, 53, 55, 58, 60, 65, 69, 70, 71, 72, 76, 86, 89, 90, 91, 102, 131, 132, 134, 135, 138, 139, 141, 144, 146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 159 Hezbollah, 112

178

bl

is

nc e

ie Sc a ov

N

I

icon, 138, 141 ideal, 147, 151 identification, 98 identity, 4, 14, 16, 18, 22, 25, 26, 29, 31, 32, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 48, 50, 51, 56, 67,

nc

hi ng

,I

70, 71, 115, 117, 124, 132, 137, 138, 143, 144, 149, 153, 157 ideology, 7, 78, 81, 84, 107, 110, 124, 167 illegal migration, 112 image(s), 3, 16, 21, 25, 26, 30, 44, 47, 50, 65, 73, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 104, 128, 137, 142, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151, 154, 156 imitation, 96 immersion, 137 immigration, 122 immortality, 50, 51 in transition, 108 income, 59, 125 indecency, 149 independence, 138, 141, 163 India, 11, 103, 171 indigenous peoples, 63 individualization, 167 individuals, 61, 124, 167 Indonesia, 17, 39, 41, 56, 119 industrialized countries, 147 industries, x, 16, 78, 83, 87, 111, 113, 135, 146, 151, 164 industry, ix, 16, 37, 53, 57, 58, 60, 63, 65, 72, 73, 88, 90, 100, 103, 105, 109, 113, 116, 117, 120, 121, 122, 125, 127, 130, 132, 158, 159, 162, 163, 166 inequality, 122 infancy, 29 information communication technology (ICTs), viii, 16, 17, 23, 28, 29, 31, 32, 44, 46, 48, 49, 51 information technology, 36, 53, 153 infrastructure, 23, 28, 46, 69 insane, 84 insecurity, 60, 168 insertion, 136 insomnia, 17 institutions, 165, 166 insurgency, 115 intelligence, 111, 116, 125 intentionality, 12 interest groups, 149 international migration, 149

Pu

history, 5, 8, 9, 11, 20, 59, 62, 65, 67, 72, 92, 103, 104, 110, 111, 114, 127, 138, 141, 142, 147, 153, 158, 162, 167 homeland security, 112 homosexuality, 148 Hong Kong, 40 hospitality, vi, ix, xi, 11, 12, 13, 16, 21, 30, 31, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 73, 90, 91, 92, 95, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 111, 113, 116, 126, 128, 131, 132, 136, 138, 144, 151, 152, 154, 155, 156, 157, 166 host, 49, 50, 100, 121, 122, 132, 133, 141, 148 host societies, 132 hostility, 82 hotel(s), 21, 30, 33, 36, 38, 44, 53, 54, 55, 58, 66, 109, 120, 122, 134 house, 72, 169 hub, 116 human, viii, 2, 7, 11, 23, 27, 34, 46, 59, 60, 61, 63, 69, 73, 78, 85, 89, 97, 98, 100, 103, 114, 123, 133, 143, 145, 148, 161, 167, 168 human activity, 100 human development, 34 human existence, 11, 59 human experience, 143 human resources, 73 human right, 61, 114 Hunter, 28, 36, 155 Hurricane Katrina, 92 hurricanes, 4 Hussein, Saddam, 123 hybrid, 145 hybridity, 147, 157 hypothesis, 64, 66, 70

.

Index

179

J

Sc

ie

nc e

Jamaica, 105, 115 Japan, ix, 13, 36, 53, 95, 96, 97, 101, 103, 104 Japanese, 96, 102, 116 Jews, 114, 167 jihad, 107, 125 jihadist, 125 journalism, 78 journalists, 68 justification, 88

N

ov

a

Kenya, 119, 128 kill, 96 kinship, 79 Korea, 12, 36, 55

K

bl

is

hi ng

,I

landscape(s), viii, ix, x, 6, 7, 77, 91, 92, 133, 135, 138, 141, 142, 144, 147, 148, 154, 156, 157 languages, 65, 76, 105, 125, 132, 163 Latin America, ix, 59, 71, 75, 76, 79, 82, 114, 126, 163, 164, 165, 168 laws, 8 leadership, 117, 132, 161 learning, 69, 168 legend, 85, 111 leisure, vii, xi, 4, 38, 57, 58, 61, 87, 120, 145 Less Developed Countries (LDCs), 60 liberalisation, 59 liberalism, 129 liberty, 105, 125 life experiences, 95 light, 3, 9, 30, 34, 47, 51, 77, 100 local government, 90 logistics, 139 love, 82, 96, 100, 102, 118, 132, 148 lying, 8

nc

L

Pu

international relations, 112 international trade, 164 interrogations, 77 intervention, 84 intimacy, 150 invasions, 149 inversion, 18 investment, 137, 148 investors, 6, 7, 122 Iran, 11, 90, 112 Iraq, 107, 111, 123, 124, 130 Ireland, 115 Islam, 83 islands, 132, 133, 138, 139, 141, 150, 156 Israel, 13, 111, 112, 123, 163 issues, ix, 15, 18, 33, 42, 46, 62, 64, 71, 75, 77, 78, 87, 91, 97, 99, 103, 111, 123, 124, 153, 158, 161, 163, 164, 165 Italy, 72, 110, 122

.

Index

M Macedonia, 138 magnitude, 101 majority, 21, 49, 107, 122, 146 Malaysia, x, 171 management, 10, 12, 40, 42, 44, 53, 56, 59, 71, 90, 109, 118, 124, 150, 151, 153, 154 manipulation, 7, 20, 105, 109, 124 mapping, 21, 22, 30 market, 11, 17, 28, 30, 31, 44, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 54, 59, 66, 83, 86, 97, 99, 118, 119, 132, 133, 135, 137, 146, 150, 157 market offerings, 17, 28, 30, 31, 46, 49, 50, 51, 97, 99 market segment, 20, 47 market share, 99 marketing, xii, 5, 14, 26, 29, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 48, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56,

180

bl

is

nc e

ie Sc a ov

N

nc

hi ng

,I

modernity, 17, 89, 90, 148 monopoly, 167 Moon, 166 morale, 110 morality, 158 morbidity, 19 Morocco, 119 mortality, xi, 13, 20, 41, 62, 78, 92 Moscow, 129 motif, 21, 138 motivation, 38, 42, 61 Mount Fuji, ix, 95, 96 movie, ix, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 145, 147, 153, 154 multimedia, 104 murder, 114, 116, 168 museums, 5, 8, 62, 122, 142, 161, 168 music, 36, 121, 131, 142, 148, 155, 156 Muslim(s), 107, 119, 125 myopia, 5 mythology, 80

Pu

59, 64, 65, 67, 71, 72, 74, 92, 104, 127, 132, 134, 143, 147, 148, 150, 151, 153, 156, 165, 166 marriage, 135, 155 Maryland, 11 masculinity, 156 mass, vii, 4, 6, 7, 17, 32, 61, 78, 83, 84, 86, 88, 109, 110, 111, 113, 145, 167 matter, 8, 78, 80, 101, 102, 168 measurement, 11, 49, 153 media, 21, 26, 32, 34, 42, 47, 48, 51, 56, 68, 104, 109, 111, 118, 124, 127, 132, 133, 141, 143, 145, 166 mediation, xi, 33, 41, 92 medical, 165 Mediterranean, 163 memory, ix, 5, 6, 16, 20, 37, 56, 65, 68, 70, 93, 135, 136, 145, 147, 149 mental disorder, 17 messages, 74, 99 metaphor, 81, 137 methodological, xii, 2, 10, 14, 23, 36, 78, 92, 98 methodology, 2, 19, 34, 98 methods, 1, 22, 50, 58, 68, 78, 98, 104 Mexico, 115, 120, 126, 127, 129, 162, 163 Miami, 58, 155 middle class, 61 Middle East, 6, 59, 61, 86, 119, 164, 165, 168 migration, 112, 134, 136, 142, 146 militancy, 86 military, 106, 111, 114, 116, 117, 118, 129, 167 military dictatorship, 114 militia, 112 mind-body, 137 mission, 85, 106 misunderstanding, 7, 20, 76 moderates, 82 moderators, 39 modern capitalism, ix, 85 modern society, 52, 105 modernisation, 137 modernism, 48, 49, 97

.

Index

N

narcissism, 84, 91 narratives, 41, 45, 87, 95, 101, 147, 152 national borders, 107 national identity, 59, 67, 107, 144, 154 National Park Service, 163 nationalism, 130 nationality, 120 nation-building, 39 natural disaster, 16, 59, 62, 122 natural habitats, 65 natural selection, 87 Nazi Germany, 77 negative effects, 18, 109 negative experiences, 52, 53 negative feelings, 25, 26, 27, 28, 47 negativity, 48, 49, 50, 100, 103 neglect, 11, 83 negotiating, 5, 112 negotiation, 15 Nepal, 126 networking, 105, 125, 142, 155

N

ov

a

Sc

ie

nc e P

Pacific, 36, 39, 40, 55, 163, 165 pain, vii, 6, 77, 84, 88 Pakistan, 109 Panama, 163 panic attack, 17 paradigm shift, 164 Paraguay, 112 parents, vii, 4, 9, 87, 102, 134

nc

,I

hi ng

Pu

obstacles, 10 Oedipus complex, 9 Oklahoma, 128 old age, 23 omission, 150 online advertising, 150 online travel reviews, 35, 42, 44, 46, 53 operations, 73, 107, 123 opportunities, 9, 58, 70, 84, 95, 103, 136, 148, 166 oppression, 66, 109, 125 optimization, 16 organize, 105, 109, 117, 163 originality, 145 otherness, x, 82, 86, 119, 145, 153 overlap, 149 ownership, 111, 114

is

O

Parliament, 108 participants, 60, 83, 87 pathology, 113 pathway(s), 8, 4, 77, 137 patriotism, 108, 112, 113, 114 peace, 11, 12, 78, 100 peace process, 11 perceived attractiveness, 119 permission, 147 perpetrators, 110, 111, 113 personal development, 4 personality, 100, 166 Peru, 162, 165 phenomenology, 153 Philadelphia, 155, 163 physical environment, 18 physicians, 165 platform, 2, 10, 18, 21, 28, 46, 65, 75, 76, 79 pleasure, vii, 146 Poland, vii, 13, 16, 77, 88, 92 police, 112, 162, 163, 164 policy, 10, 15, 16, 32, 63, 116, 139 policy makers, 10, 32 political instability, ix, 59, 72 political parties, 112 political power, 107 politics, 8, 12, 13, 46, 65, 77, 81, 86, 112, 126, 142, 149, 154 population, 63, 107, 114, 115, 151 positivism, 8 postmodernism, 8 poverty, 12, 63, 71, 80, 113, 121, 166 praxis, 157 predestination, ix, 79, 80, 87, 88 preservation, 64, 85 president, 115, 166 prestige, 132 prevention, 102, 128 primary data, 98 principles, 33 prisoners, 123 prisons, 16 privation, 78 privatization, 116

bl

New England, 34 new market, 20, 47, 133 new media, 35, 150 New York, vii, 12, 13, 34, 35, 37, 40, 56, 89, 90, 91, 92, 104, 111, 113, 116, 120, 123, 128, 133, 153, 154, 157, 158, 159, 163, 168, 171 New Zealand, 39 nobility, 145 nodes, 144 Norse, ix, 79, 80, 88 Northern Ireland, 106, 115 nostalgia, ix, 90, 147

.

181

Index

182

Q

ie R

race, 85, 132, 144, 151 racism, 133 radicalism, 83 rape, 149 ratings web-sites, 47, 48, 51 reactions, 114 readership, 161 reading, 10, 84, 99, 154 reality, 9, 45, 71, 86, 118, 123, 141, 149, 167 reasoning, 17, 107

Sc a ov

nc

,I

hi ng

is

bl

nc e

qualitative, 1, 33, 57, 68, 78, 98, 103, 104 qualitative research, 103 quality of life, 16, 164 queer theory, 148 questioning, 80

N

reciprocity, 19, 35 recognition, 17, 60, 79, 143, 144, 147, 157 recommendations, 22, 23 recovery, ix, 3, 4, 13, 70, 72, 73, 74, 164 recovery process, ix, 3 recreation, 13 recreational, 158 reflexivity, 137 reform, 71, 79, 80 rejection, 125 relatives, 58, 123 relevance, 137, 143 religion, xi, 3, 4, 24, 27, 57, 58, 66, 67, 70, 85, 102, 126, 146 religiosity, 24, 31, 107 repression, 108 reproduction, 40, 151, 153 reputation, 28, 44, 47 requirements, 112 researchers, ix, 1, 2, 4, 10, 44, 45, 78, 85, 89 resentment, 121, 133 resilience, 4, 12, 19, 37, 54, 91, 120, 122, 125 resources, viii, 63, 88, 98, 116, 124, 132, 141 response, 21, 111, 113, 116, 117, 118, 119 restoration, 112 revelation, 97, 101, 102 rhetoric, 166 rights, 80, 81, 114 risk management, 162, 164, 165 risk perception, 34, 37, 39, 82, 119, 125 risk profile, 119 risk(s), xi, 4, 5, 6, 8, 14, 16, 17, 34, 37, 39, 40, 41, 56, 72, 77, 82, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 114, 118, 119, 120, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 162, 164, 165 Romania, 72 root(s), x, 4, 5, 6, 10, 50, 65, 66, 76, 77, 80, 108, 128, 132, 141, 171 Royal Society, 41 rules, 18, 84, 108 rural development, 137 Russia, 129

Pu

producers, 147 professionals, 136, 162, 165 profit, 17, 132 programming, 30 project, x, 8, 80 proliferation, 6, 48, 49, 51, 76 propaganda, 110 proposition, x, 22, 30, 100 prosperity, 58, 70 prosthesis, 142 protection, 117, 118 Protestants, 80 prototype, 143 psychiatry, 90 psychoanalysis, 9 psychology, 5, 37, 45 psychotherapy, 162 public domain, 146 public opinion, 16 publishing, 44 purification, 96 purity, 100

.

Index

N

ov

a

Sc

ie

nc e

nc

,I

hi ng

is

Pu

sadism, 4, 19 safety, 120, 128, 163, 164, 165, 166 Sarajevo, 74 sarcasm, 26 SARS, 16 Saudi Arabia, 124 scarce resources, 139 scarcity, 141 scholarship, 23, 92, 116 school, 112, 114, 122, 164, 165 science, xi, 34, 166 sculptors, 114 SEA, 34 Sea of Trees, v, ix, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 103, 104 Second World, 134 sectarianism, 125 security, x, 3, 46, 86, 88, 107, 110, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 126, 127, 128, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 168, 171 security forces, 107, 114 selectivity, 131 self, 5, 6, 9, 26, 51, 66, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 88, 90, 91, 100, 101, 102, 124, 131, 135, 144, 155 self-awareness, 66 self-destruction, 85 self-enhancement, 26 self-improvement, 81 self-presentation, 131 self-reflection, 51 semiology, 98, 99 semiotics, 99, 104 September 11, xi, 13, 34, 40, 55, 91, 127, 130, 166 service provider, 26, 49, 64 service quality, 44 services, x, 46, 48, 50, 65, 72 sex, 71 sexual experiences, 149 sexual identity, 149 sexuality, 132, 143, 149, 151, 156

shame, 26, 134, 143, 144, 146 shared values, ix, 4, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 47, 48, 50, 51, 95, 97, 103 shock, 12, 111 shoot, 140, 147 showing, vii, 122 siblings, 102 signalling, 47, 49 signals, 83 significant other’s, 101, 102 signs, 99, 145, 147 Singapore, 29, 39 slavery, 66, 70, 122 slaves, 66, 70 Slovakia, 77 slow travel, 18, 24, 31, 37 smart reviews, 30, 43, 48 smart tourism, ix, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 22, 23, 24, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 42, 48, 53 social activities, 137 social behaviour, 91 social circle, 134 social class, 51 social construct, 98 social constructionist, 98 social control, 45 social development, 63 social environment, 144 social exclusion, 148 social fabric, 83 social group, 150 social institutions, 46, 87 social life, 64 social media, 21, 26, 34, 42, 47, 48, 51, 56 social network, 38, 52, 143 social norms, 133 social order, 143, 148 social regulation, 148 social relations, 84, 143, 148 social relationships, 84 social sciences, 71 social structure, 146 social theory, 129

bl

S

.

183

Index

184

nc e

ie Sc a ov

N

T

,I

nc

sympathy, 113 synthesis, 34 Syria, 123, 124

bl

is

hi ng

tactics, 52, 79, 109 Taliban, 109, 123 target, ix, 49, 108, 109, 114, 117 techniques, 109, 147 technological advance, 45, 105, 109 technologies, 16, 17, 28, 33, 35, 39, 48, 53, 76, 146, 151, 154, 155 technology, 28, 36, 38, 39, 42, 46, 53, 55, 84, 85, 105, 112, 124, 125, 153 technology transfer, 112 teens, 25 tellers, 8 temperament, 81 tension(s), 48, 97, 140, 151 territorial, 107 territory, 5 terrorism, v, vi, x, xi, 5, 12, 77, 89, 91, 92, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 161, 162, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 171 terrorist attack(s), 7, 16, 83, 84, 111, 113, 119, 121, 122, 124, 129 terrorist organization, 107, 110 terrorists, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 116, 117, 122, 124 testing, 53, 71 Thana Capitalism, ix, xi, 12, 54, 78, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 91, 171 thanaptosis, viii, 1, 5, 10, 19, 75 thoughts, 102 threats, 82, 111 tones, 134 torture, 62, 123 tourism, v, vii, viii, ix, x, xi, xii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55,

Pu

society, vii, 5, 13, 19, 49, 67, 78, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 89, 91, 100, 101, 108, 113, 114, 117, 151, 153, 169 sociocultural psychology, 30 sociology, 5, 42, 153, 158, 162, 164 solidarity, 7, 114 solution, 40, 124 South Africa, 11, 104 South Korea, 130 sovereignty, 107 Soviet Union, 59, 118 Spain, 110 specialists, 19, 45, 112 species, 85, 87 spectacle, x, 3, 83, 88, 147 speech, 44, 115 spirituality, 24, 27, 37, 42, 49 Spring, 108, 129 stakeholders, 7, 20, 29, 58, 64, 100 state(s), x, 7, 18, 20, 22, 29, 32, 39, 40, 70, 82, 86, 96, 106, 107, 108, 111, 113, 114, 116, 123, 124, 133, 134, 139, 149, 152, 163, 165, 166, 168 stereotypes, 100, 153 stereotyping, 138 storytelling, 99 stress, 48, 90, 145 structure, 8, 22, 23, 30, 34, 109 styles, 133, 137 subjective experience, 144 subjectivity, 137 suicidal, 95, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104 suicidal people, 97, 98, 100, 101, 102 suicide, v, ix, 95, 96, 97, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, 112, 113 suicide bombers, 106 Sun, 21, 40, 71, 99 Supreme Court, 163 survival, viii, 78, 81, 83, 84, 96, 102 survivors, 4, 85 sustainability, 16, 18, 63 sustainable development, 63, 73, 105, 127 Sweden, 110 symbolic meanings, 102 symbolic value, 96, 149

.

Index

185

bl

is

hi ng

,I

validation, 28, 50 variables, 18, 21, 32, 44 vein, viii, 4, 20, 23, 28, 29, 30, 32, 45, 49, 50, 51, 79, 84, 97, 98 velocity, 17 venting emotions, 44 venting feelings, 22, 30, 48, 50 venue, 121 victims, 5, 6, 16, 20, 85, 96, 107, 109, 111, 113, 114 Vietnam, 123 violence, 82, 106, 108, 110, 119, 122, 125 violent crime, 120 vision(s), 144, 154 vulnerability, viii, 37, 46, 72

nc e

ie

U

N

ov

a

Sc

uncertainness, 4 unique features, 48, 49, 50, 51, 100 United Kingdom, 76 United Nations, 60, 63, 157 United Nations Development Programme, 157 United States (USA), 36, 54, 92, 104, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 163, 164, 165, 168 universe, 28 universities, 79, 83, 122, 162, 165 unmet expectation, 50 urban, 3, 18, 29, 133, 137, 150, 164

nc

V

W

Pu

56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 99, 100, 103, 104, 105, 106, 109, 111, 113, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 134, 136, 137, 139, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171 tourism and hospitality attributes, 48, 49, 50 tourist mobilities, 135, 138, 146, 150, 151 tourist-demand, 47, 100 trade, 60, 110, 116, 129, 165 traditions, 23, 147 training, 109, 123 traits, 135 trajectory, 133, 134 transition economies, 59 transport, 25, 83, 109, 113, 116, 138, 144 trauma, ix, 5, 6, 45, 76, 77, 84 traumatic events, viii, 2, 45 Trinidad, 163 true belief, 27 Trunyan cemetery, v, 15, 16, 17, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 35, 38, 41m 53, 56, 96, 103 Turkey, 74, 166 Turks, 138

.

Index

war, viii, 7, 42, 60, 74, 79, 82, 86, 88, 89, 91, 110, 111, 114, 115, 116, 117, 124, 127, 130 War on Terror, 128 Washington, xi, 11, 54, 165 Washington, George, 165 weakness, 4, 46 wealth, 81 weapons, 83, 109, 116 web, 47, 48, 51, 73, 136 websites, 45, 133, 136, 143, 155 well-being, 30, 46, 133 West Africa, 66 West Indies, 105 wild animals, 100 wilderness, 145 witnesses, 85 workers, 85 workforce, 84 World Bank, 60 worldwide, 16, 36, 53 WTO, 163

186

X

Z zeitgeist, 31

,I

xenophobia, 133

Y

ov

a

Sc

ie

nc e

Pu

bl

is

hi ng

Yemen, 121 young people, 115, 125

N

nc

.

Index