Children's Communication About Distressing Events ...

American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 2007, Vol. 77, No. 1, 86 –94

Copyright 2007 by the American Psychological Association 0002-9432/07/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/0002-9432.77.1.86

Children’s Communication About Distressing Events: The Role of Emotional Openness and Psychological Attributes of Family Members Wilma J. Lutz, PhD, RN

Ellen Hock, PhD, and Min Ju Kang, PhD

Ohio Department of Mental Health

The Ohio State University

This study documents the importance of emotional openness to the recovery process in families following traumatic events. In this longitudinal study, relationships are examined between emotional openness and parents’ psychological attributes, and mothers’ and children’s open disclosure of feelings. After September 11, 2001, 48 mothers and their 11-year-old children were interviewed about their reactions to the terrorist attacks. Measures included interview-based scores of children’s and mothers’ degree of openness, mothers’ openness assessed during pregnancy and infancy, and parental depression and anxiety in close relationships. Emotional openness is a stable and reliably measured construct. Mothers’ emotional openness was significantly related to earlier assessments of openness, indicators of their own and their spouse’s emotional health, and their children’s open expression of emotion about the terrorist attacks. Keywords: emotional openness, children’s communication, parent psychological attributes, terrorism

her feelings and does not attempt to cover emotions or avoid discussion (Arieti & Bemporad, 1978, 1980; Beck, 1983; Freud, 1917/1961). Research supports the theoretically defined relationship between disclosure of emotions and healthy coping. Talking about feelings associated with traumatic or distressing events is linked to psychological well-being, improved functioning, better self-reported health, and better immune responses (Lutgendorf & Antoni, 1999; Pennebaker, 1999; Pennebaker, Kiecolt-Glaser, & Glaser, 1988; Pennebaker & Susman, 1988). The presence of open communication styles in individuals can support or enhance their ability to accurately process and cope with distressing events, which are key aspects to successful resolution of distressing experiences (Kennedy-Moore & Watson, 2001; Lutgendorf & Antoni, 1999). Indeed, communicating openly about one’s feelings and emotions is commonly recommended and encouraged by mental health professionals for both adults and children who are coping with frightening terrorist events (American Psychological Association, 2001; Coates, Schechter, & First, 2003; National Institutes of Mental Health, 2001; Office of Victims of Crime Resource Center, 2001). This enables adults and children to reflect on their emotions aroused by the event and perhaps allows them to engage challenging situations more effectively. In this way, open discourse about emotions is considered an important characteristic of protective processes that underlie resilience in stressful times (Cowan, Cowan, & Schulz, 1996). Studies have demonstrated the importance of open communication about emotions within the family to socioemotional competence in children. For example, parental discourse about emotions is related to children’s awareness and understanding of emotions (Dunn, Bretherton, & Munn, 1987; Dunn, Brown, & Beardsall, 1991; Labile & Thompson, 2000; Zahn-Waxler, Radke-Yarrow, & King, 1979), children’s use of emotional language (Dunn et al., 1987), the development of empathy (Eisenberg, Cumberland, & Spinrad, 1998), and the development of early conscience (Labile, 2004; Labile & Thompson, 2000). Parental discourse about emotions is also related to children’s social interactions and relation-

Openness in discussing one’s emotions is often described as an essential component in coping with anxiety that may be associated with distressful events, such as a terrorist attack. Terrorism is an extreme a form of trauma that may leave individuals with a heightened sense of fear, personal vulnerability, and helplessness. Recent studies of adult and child reactions to terrorist events in the United States have shown that even people who live some distance from event sites experience heightened distress (Fremont, 2004; Gurwitch, Sitterle, Young, & Pfefferbaum, 2002; Koplewicz et al., 2002; Schlenger et al., 2002; Schuster et al., 2001; Sprang, 2001). Although research on adults’ and children’s reactions to terrorism has increased substantially in recent years, few studies have examined aspects of communication and psychological characteristics that influence emotional reactions of parents and children who were not in the immediate vicinity of the events (Silverman & La Greca, 2002; Terr, 1988; Terr et al., 1997). Many theoretical perspectives, such as psychodynamic and cognitive– behavioral theories, posit a direct relationship between healthy coping and openness in disclosing information about one’s emotions and feelings. Moreover, openness is used to characterize a person who is confident and assertive in the expression of his or

Wilma J. Lutz, PhD, RN, Ohio Department of Mental Health, Office of Program Evaluation & Research, Columbus, Ohio; Ellen Hock, PhD, and Min Ju Kang, PhD, Department of Human Development and Family Science, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio. We thank Christine Brockway, Lauren Bertschinger, Margaret Hart, and Sarah Thomasson for their assistance with data collection and processing. The early phases of this study were partially supported by grant RO1 MH46003-02 from the National Institute of Mental Health. The information in this article reflects the views of authors and does not necessarily represent policies, recommendations, or opinions of the Ohio Department of Mental Health. For reprints and correspondence: Ellen Hock, PhD, Department of Human Development and Family Science, Ohio State University, 1787 Neil Avenue, Columbus, OH 43210-1295. E-mail: [email protected] 86

CHILDREN’S COMMUNICATION ABOUT DISTRESSING EVENTS

ships with peers (Cassidy & Parke, 1989; Cassidy, Parke, Butkowski, & Braungart, 1992), and children’s emotional resilience and ability to cope constructively with challenging situations (Bronstein, Fitzgerald, Briones, Pieniadz, & D’Ari, 1993; Eisenberg et al., 2001; Valiente, Fabes, Eisenberg, & Spinrad, 2004). Moreover, family discourse about feeling states in early childhood is related to children’s judgments about emotions (Dunn et al., 1991) and to more open, well-functioning emotional dialogue (Easterbrooks, Biesecker, & Lyons-Ruth, 2000) when the children are older. Studies have also identified factors associated with individual differences in parents’ discourse about emotions with their children. For example, parent’s discourse about emotions varies depending upon the child’s gender (Dunn et al., 1987), particularly with regard to negative emotions (Fivush, 1991, 1993; Kuebli, Butler & Fivush, 1995). Gottman, Katz, and Hooven (1997) describe differences in parents’ capacity to assist their children with emotional expression. They observe that parents who are aware of emotions, particularly negative emotions, can talk about and accept these emotions in themselves. These parents also are aware of emotions in their children and have the ability to assist their children in understanding their emotions. Although evidence exists to support the importance of open communication and discourse about emotions, little is known about how emotional openness in parents contributes to children’s dialogue about emotions following frightening events. Little is also known about the overtime stability of emotional openness and its relationship to children’s discussion of emotions associated with distressful events. Our emphasis on open communication about emotions is consistent with La Greca and Prinstein’s (2002) description of emotional processing as an effective way to assist children who experience disasters and acts of terrorism. They equate successful emotional processing with talking openly about distressing events. One difference is that our definition incorporates self-disclosure, not just talking about the event per se. That is, our definition includes an individual’s tendency to reveal his or her personal, emotional reactions about the event in a coherent and forthright manner. To more clearly differentiate our definition, the term emotional openness is used throughout this article. When studying reactions to a stressful event, it is important to consider the ways in which adults who are parents attend to and cope with distressful news. Studies have shown that psychological characteristics of parents, such as depression, are related to the quality of parent– child interaction and the quality of communication between marital partners, which in turn, contributes to the ability of family members to support one another during times of crisis. Results from several studies reveal that parents who are depressed are less sensitive in their interactions with their children. In comparison to nondepressed parents, depressed parents evidence more negative affective styles (Cummings & Davies, 1995; Hamilton, Jones, & Hammen, 1993) and more depressed affect (Radke-Yarrow, Nottleman, Belmont, & Welsh, 1993) in their communications with their children. In their extensive work on depressed mothers and their relationship with their children, Murray and colleagues (1993) found that depressed women expressed more negative affect to their children; they were less focused on their child’s perception and experience. Coyne, Thompson, and Palmer (2002) found that compared to nonde-

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pressed women, depressed women report more difficulty discussing problems with their spouses and that their spouses failed to fill their emotional needs and to provide comfort and help. Biglan and colleagues (1985) found that the interactions of couples in which one partner is depressed are marked by hostility and that the nondepressed spouse may withdraw emotionally from the relationship. These studies lay the groundwork for understanding how the emotional well-being of one partner is related to the willingness of the other partner to openly discuss his or her concerns, fears, and anxiety. In a related vein, studies of relationship characteristics of marital partners have provided insight into how husbands and wives provide support for one another (Crowell & Waters, 1994). According to Hazan and Shaver (1994), research has shown that supportive behavior in the context of marriage is associated with a partner’s emotional availability and proven responsiveness over time, particularly in times of stress. Collins and Read developed a measure, derived from attachment theory, to assess dimensions of close adult relationships. This self-report questionnaire taps an individual’s expectation that his or her partner will be available and emotionally responsive when needed (Collins, 1996; Collins & Read, 1990). One dimension assessed by this measure, anxiety in close relationships, focuses on trust and caring in adult relationships. Research found that individuals who were anxious about close relationships trusted their partners less, rated the general level of communication as lower, and viewed their partners as less responsive and dependable (Collins & Read, 1990). In the present study, we suggest that a spouse with few symptoms of depression and little anxiety about close relationships would be best able to support their partner, particularly during times of stress. Thinking that depression may place a limitation on the emotional availability of a marital partner, we chose to evaluate the psychological well-being of each parent. Therefore, both measures of relationship anxiety and depressive mood are included. The conceptual basis for the current study can best be understood by considering two major sources: Gottman and colleagues’ (1997) research on emotional communication in families and La Greca’s work on adaptation of families to stressful conditions (La Greca & Prinstein, 2002; La Greca, Siegel, Wallander, & Walker, 1992; Silverman & La Greca, 2002). Gottman et al. (1997) studied individual differences in parental interactions about emotions and children’s adjustment. Their work highlights the importance of parental discourse about emotions and its role in the development of children’s ability to process emotions such as anger, fear, or sadness. Of importance, parents who openly discuss emotions tend not to disapprove, dismiss, or derogate, but instead, are responsive to their children’s emotional expressions and convey respect for their children’s feelings. Thus, by providing a positive emotional climate, children are encouraged to openly express emotions. Other mechanisms underlying children’s ability to process emotions involve observing parental interaction and subsequent modeling and imitation (Gottman et al., 1997; Suveg, Zeman, Flannery-Schroeder, & Cassano, 2005). As Gottman and colleagues (1997) explain, children “learn these things by example, by witnessing a particular style of marital interaction and by participating in a particular style of parent– child interaction” (pp. 274 –275). The style of parental discourse described previously is closely aligned to emotional openness as defined in our study. The

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context of the current study permitted us to examine emotional openness following the occurrence of terrorist events. In La Greca’s work on the effects of disaster and trauma on families, she describes the concept of a recovery environment that may magnify or attenuate children’s reactions to distressing events. As a part of this recovery environment, she emphasizes the importance of parents’ psychological functioning and stresses that children process distressing events through interactions with their parents and others who are close to them. Parental psychological characteristics, such as depression and relationship anxiety, play an important role in the parents’ emotional availability and their capacity to provide support to other family members. In other words, these parental characteristics may very well affect their emotional openness in communicating with their children and, subsequently, the children’s response and perception of the distressing event. In summary, the general aim of this investigation was to examine the relationship between parental psychological characteristics and children’s communication about distressing events using a sample from a longitudinal study. In addition to previously collected information about mothers’ emotional openness, interview data from family members were gathered soon after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. These interviews and questionnaires assessing depression and relationship anxiety permitted the authors to address the following objectives: (1) to advance understanding of emotional openness by examining its measurement and longitudinal stability in mothers; (2) to explore the relationship between maternal and paternal psychological characteristics (depressive symptoms and anxiety in close relationships) and mothers’ ability to openly discuss their emotions; and (3) to evaluate the relative contribution of maternal emotional openness to children’s ability to openly discuss emotions about terrorist attacks.

Method Sample Study participants were 11-year-old children (23 boys and 25 girls) and their parents who were involved in a longitudinal study on parental emotional well-being, parental behaviors, and socioemotional development of children. The participants in the present study were predominantly Caucasian and middle class; parents’ mean years of education was 15.7 years (SD ⫽ 2; range ⫽ 12 to 23 years); family income ranged from $22,500 to $165,000 (M ⫽ $81,885; SD ⫽ $33,078). The process to select participants for the longitudinal study was aimed at acquiring a nonclinical, community sample. (The purpose of the longitudinal study was to examine socioemotional attributes of family members, particularly depressive symptoms, in first-time parents.) Participants were recruited during the third trimester of pregnancy from childbirth education classes, obstetrical clinics, private physician’s offices, a women’s health center, and other community resources. At the time of recruitment, participants were 19 years of age or older, married or in a committed relationship, and expecting their first child. The sociodemographic composition of the final sample for this 11-year longitudinal study was representative of the Midwestern metropolitan area in which the participants lived. In longitudinal studies, it is important to consider factors related to attrition. In a review of major American longi-

tudinal studies, Capaldi and Patterson (1987) report that the average rate of attrition is 47% when follow-up periods range from 4 to 10 years; of course, longer studies have greater attrition rates. Thirty-five percent of the participants remained in the longitudinal study over an 11-year interval. An analysis was conducted to determine whether participants who dropped out systematically differed from those who remained in the longitudinal study. Results of t tests revealed no significant differences between women who dropped out and those who remained in the study with respect to demographic variables, including mother’s age, mother education’s, and father’s job prestige. A trend toward significance was found for mother’s age, although the difference between the two groups was only 2 years (M ⫽ 26 years for those who dropped; M ⫽ 28 years for those who remained in the study). In addition, no significant differences emerged with regard to the theoretical variables of interest in the present investigation (e.g., father’s depression, mother’s depression, and early maternal openness).

Procedures In the fall of 2001, when the children were age 11, mothers were contacted by mail and telephone. A home visit was scheduled at a convenient time for those who indicated a willingness to participate in the study. The visits were made within one to two and a half months following the terrorist attacks of September 11th. Mothers and children were interviewed, separately and in private, in a quiet location. Interviews assessing emotional openness were conducted by three doctoral-level graduate students who received training in the study protocol from a clinical psychologist, one of the authors (E. H.). At this visit, mothers completed the Maternal Emotional Status rating. Parents completed questionnaires assessing depressive symptomatology and anxiety in close adult relationships. The current study draws upon data gathered in the longitudinal study. Data collection for the longitudinal study included early assessments of the mothers in the prenatal period and during the child’s infancy. These early assessments included psychological appraisals of the mothers, which involved clinical interviews administered in the home in the last trimester of pregnancy and at 9 months’ and 24 months’ infant age. Two experienced, clinical practitioners who had doctoral training in the field of family science and human development conducted the clinical interviews, which included how mothers coped with stressful events. All interviews were audiotaped and lasted approximately 1 to 1 1⁄2 hours.

Measures Early maternal openness. Interviews were conducted to appraise aspects of mothers’ functioning in the family context, particularly during times of stress. At the conclusion of the interview, clinical ratings were made, based on the content, coherency, and expressed affect of responses. The ratings included a global score of maternal openness, which was designed to reflect the degree of self-disclosure during the course of the interview. A rating of “3” was assigned when the respondent demonstrated a healthy degree of trust and vulnerability and appeared to be honest in her disclosure of information. A rating of “1” was assigned when the respondent was extremely guarded and concerned with the way in which she was coming across during the interview. For example,


the respondent may have demonstrated affectation in her responses, or may have been unrealistically fearful of divulging information. The remaining rating option, “2,” represented an intermediate level of guardedness and openness about her emotions. Ratings of maternal openness appraised prenatally and at 9 and 24 months were significantly related across time (r ⫽ .49, p ⬍ .001, prenatal to 9 months; r ⫽ .46, p ⬍ .001, 9 to 24 months). Given the magnitude of these relationships, the scores from the first three time periods were summed to form one variable for use in subsequent analyses. This variable was labeled “early maternal openness.” Maternal openness at child age 11. The Maternal Reaction to Crisis Interview (MRCI; Hock, Hart, Kang, & Lutz, 2004) was conducted after September 11, 2001, to ascertain mothers’ feelings and functioning in response to the stresses associated with the terrorist attacks. Mothers were told that the interviewer wanted to ask a few questions about their concerns and feelings that seem related to these events. Questions were created to guide the openended, semistructured interview based on previous work on people’s responses to stressful events, such as disasters and terrorism (La Greca et al., 1992; La Greca & Prinstein, 2002). The mothers were asked to describe their feelings about and changes in behavior after the September 11th attacks, especially with regard to going out to public places with their families. Sample questions include the following: “Have your concerns about terrorism changed your behavior about traveling with your family?” “Did your feelings about the terrorist attacks change your desire to stay close to your family?” “Since the terrorist attacks, have you felt more worried about your family members?” Similar to the early maternal openness ratings described above, scores derived from the MRCI reflect the mother’s tendency to openly communicate emotionally laden information. After completion of the interview and reviewing written records of responses, interviewers rated maternal openness using a 3-point scale. As described above, a rating of “3” was assigned if the mother seemed confident that her feelings were valid and showed no hesitation to reveal strong emotional reactions. A rating of “1” was assigned when the respondent was very uncomfortable in communicating emotional reactions or seemed to ignore emotionally laden content. A rating of “2” indicated that the mother responded, but seemed somewhat uncomfortable when discussing her own feelings. To establish interrater reliability of the maternal openness ratings from the MRCI and the early clinical interviews (prenatal, 9 and 24 months child age), 20% of the audiotaped interviews were rated again by a trained rater who did not have access to additional information about the participants. (Raters were trained in the same manner as the interviewers.) Interrater reliability was satisfactory, ␬ ⫽ .88. Ratings were identical or within one point of each other in 85.5% of the cases. Anxiety in close relationships. The Adult Attachment Scale (AAS) was used to assess mothers’ and fathers’ conceptualization of current relationships with adults. Consisting of 18 items, this self-report questionnaire includes three dimensions: comfort with closeness and intimacy, confidence in the dependability of others, and anxiety about rejection or abandonment in close relationships (Collins, 1996; Collins & Read, 1990). Each item is answered on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 ⫽ not at all characteristic of me to

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5 ⫽ very characteristic of me. In this study, only the anxiety subscale was used because it seemed to be the closest conceptual fit with the idea previously noted about support in marital relationships during stressful times. The anxiety subscale has high internal consistency, Cronbach’s ␣ ⫽ .85 (Collins, 1996). The scale items include statements such as, “I find that people are never there when you need them; When I show my feelings for people, I’m afraid they will not feel the same about me; In relationships, I often wonder whether my partner really cares about me.” Cronbach’s ␣ for the anxiety about close relationships subscale was .78 for mothers and .84 for fathers in this study. Depressive symptoms. The Center for Epidemiological Studies-Depression Scale (CES-D) is a 20-item inventory designed to assess current symptoms of depression (Radloff, 1977). The items focus on the affective component of depressive symptoms and are not intended to discriminate clinical from subclinical levels of depressive symptomatology, although elevated scores tend to correlate with the syndrome of depression. The aim of this assessment device is to identify the presence and severity of symptomatology associated with depression. The possible range of scores is 0 to 60; the higher the score, the more depressive symptomatology is indicated. Previous studies report high internal consistency values (i.e., Cronbach’s ␣s about .85; split-half correlations corrected for attenuation about .87; Myers & Weissman, 1980; Radloff, 1977; Radloff & Locke, 1985). Cronbach’s ␣s for the mothers’ and fathers’ CES-D in the present sample were .88 and .90, respectively. Maternal emotional status: change score. Mothers were asked to rate their level of distress on a scale of one to seven. An answer of “1” reflects being as calm as normal and a response of “7” represents being extremely distraught. Mothers were asked to rate themselves at two different points in time, one being immediately after hearing of the attacks and “today” (the date of the interview). In this study, mothers’ responses ranged from 1 to 7 with a mean of 4.98 (SD ⫽ 1.26) after the attack and a mean of 2.81 (SD ⫽ 1.18) at the interview date. A paired-samples t test indicated a significant difference in the emotional distress felt immediately after versus that felt several weeks later, t(47) ⫽ 11.75, p ⬍ .0001. All mothers reported lower levels of emotional distress at the second time point. (Examination of the scores revealed that all ratings were used and no large clusters of scores were found for the highest or lowest ratings). At the first time point, five mothers rated their level of emotional upset as 7, whereas one rated her level as 1. At the second time point, five mothers rated their level of emotional upset as 1, and no mothers rated their level as 7. Change scores were created by subtracting ratings at the second time point from the ratings at the first time point. The difference in these two ratings (immediately after the attack and at the interview time) is referred to as the “emotional status change score” and is used as an indicator of the mother’s perception of change in the intensity of her feelings. The scores ranged from 0 to 5, and included four scores of 0 and four scores of 5. Because distress reactions decline over time following terrorist attacks (Koplewicz et al., 2002; Sprang, 2001), it was expected that mothers who were interviewed closer in time to September 11th would report more distress. Although the data in this study supported this expectation, the timing of the maternal interview did not have a systematic impact on the mothers’ ratings and other study variables.


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among maternal and paternal variables. Table 1 presents the results of these analyses. (All values reported in the table are based on two-tailed tests.) As shown, the interview rating of the maternal attribute, “openness,” was highly consistent over many years. Early maternal openness assessed during pregnancy and infancy was significantly related to maternal openness appraised after September 11, 2001, when the child was 11 years of age. Maternal openness was significantly related to scores on emotional change. This result indicates that mothers who were independently rated as open in discussing their emotions about the terrorist attacks were more likely to report larger differences in the intensity of their emotions at 4 to 10 weeks after the attacks (compared to immediately following the attacks). Mothers’ scores on anxiety in close relationships were unrelated to scores on maternal openness. However, maternal scores on anxiety in close relationships were significantly related to maternal depressive symptoms. Mothers who had higher levels of anxiety in close relationships reported more depressive symptoms. Fathers’ reports of depressive symptoms were significantly related to maternal scores on openness. Mothers who openly discussed their emotions about the terrorist attacks had spouses with fewer depressive symptoms. Of interest, a significant relationship was also revealed between paternal depressive symptoms and maternal emotional status change scores. Mothers who reported little change in the intensity of their emotions over time had spouses with higher levels of depressive symptoms. (Statistical trends also emerged between fathers’ scores on anxiety in relationships, maternal openness, p ⫽ .060, and mothers’ emotional change scores, p ⫽ .058. Mothers with higher scores on openness, and those who reported greater improvement with regard to emotional change, tended to have spouses who reported lower levels of anxiety in close relationships). Next, hierarchical regression analyses were conducted to assess the relative contribution of early maternal openness and parental depressive symptoms to the variance in maternal openness assessed at child age 11. After controlling for early openness, mothers’ then fathers’ depressive symptom scores were entered into the hierarchy. As shown in Table 2, entry of the control variable yielded a significant R2. Maternal depressive symptom scores did

Child openness. The Child’s Reaction to Crisis Interview was conducted to obtain children’s descriptions of their reactions to the stresses associated with the September 11th terrorist attacks (Hock et al., 2004). Interviewers who spoke with the children were friendly, but quiet and responsive, using structured prompts. Children were assured that their answers were considered confidential. Questions were created to guide this open-ended interview using previous work on children’s responses to stressful events, such as disasters and terrorism (La Greca et al., 1992; La Greca & Prinstein, 2002). The interviewer recorded responses verbatim. Children were asked to describe their thoughts and feelings about the terrorist attacks and to talk about interactions regarding these events that they may have had with their parents. Sample questions include the following: “What did you think about the terrorist attack?” “Did it bother you or cause you to worry about things?” “Have your feelings changed about leaving home to go to school?” Similar to the ratings of maternal openness, interviewers assessed the children’s ability to openly discuss their emotions associated with the terrorist attacks. After consideration of detailed written records taken during the interview, a rating of 3 was assigned if the child readily revealed feelings and openly or candidly talked about his or her emotions. A rating of 1 was assigned if the child did not reveal emotional content or did not communicate in an open manner. A rating of 2 was assigned if the child did, to some degree, express his or her emotions but seemed hesitant or cautious. Interrater reliability, determined from ratings of a second rater on 20% of the transcripts, was satisfactory (␬ ⫽ .85). Ratings were identical or within one point of each other in 83.6% of the cases. Analyses revealed that the timing of the children’s interview (that is, the amount of time that had occurred from September 11th to the date of the interview) did not have a systematic impact on the interview ratings.

Results Longitudinal Stability of Maternal Openness and Parental Psychological Attributes Correlational analyses were conducted to determine the longitudinal stability of maternal openness and to explore relationships

Table 1 Correlations Among Mothers’ and Children’s Openness and Parental Psychological Attributes 1 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Early maternal openness Maternal openness (11 y) Child openness (11 y) Father CES-Db Mother CES-D Father Anx Mother Anx Maternal emotional change

M SD Range

2

3

4

5

6

0.46** 0.03 ⫺0.24 0.14 ⫺0.02 ⫺0.16 0.17

0.40** ⫺0.61**** ⫺0.18 ⫺0.30† ⫺0.19 0.32*

⫺0.40* ⫺0.26† ⫺0.10 0.09 0.06

0.53*** 0.48** 0.42** ⫺0.37*

0.45** 0.39** ⫺0.18

0.44** ⫺0.31†

⫺0.04

2.70 0.38 1–3

2.53 0.66 1–3

2.25 0.79 1–3

7.59 6.48 0–27

6.08 6.28 0–35

11.42 4.31 6–23

10.04 2.83 6–19

Note. CES-D ⫽ Center for Epidemiological Studies-Depression scale; Anx ⫽ Anxiety in close relationships subscale n ⫽ 48 for mothers. b n ⫽ 38 for fathers. * p ⬍ .05. ** p ⬍ .01. *** p ⬍ .001. **** p ⬍ .0001. † p ⬍ .10. a

7

8

a

2.17 1.28 0–5


not make a significant, unique contribution to the model. However, father depressive symptoms significantly explained an additional 20% of the variance in maternal openness. Together, these variables linearly explained 47% of the variance in maternal openness (adjusted R2 ⫽ .42).

Child Openness, Maternal Openness, and Parental Psychological Attributes Correlational analyses revealed systematic relationships between parental depressive symptoms and children’s openness in expressing emotions about the September 11th terrorist attacks (see Table 1). Children who openly discussed their emotions had parents who reported fewer depressive symptoms. Although early maternal openness was unrelated to the child outcome variable, a significant relationship was found between maternal openness assessed at child age 11 and child openness. Mothers who openly expressed their emotions had children who openly engaged in discussions of their emotions following the terrorist attacks. Given some research that suggests gender differences exist in parent– child communication (e.g., Dunn et al., 1987; Fivush, 1991, 1993; Kuebli et al., 1995), regression analyses were conducted to examine the effects of child gender on child openness and mother openness. The results revealed no significant main effects and no significant interaction effects with regard to child gender. Thus, child gender was excluded in subsequent analyses. Next, a hierarchical regression analysis was conducted to determine the relative contribution of maternal openness in explaining the variance in children’s ability to openly express their emotions about the terrorist attacks. Mothers’ and fathers’ depressive symptom scores were entered first to control for potential effects of parental mood on children’s expression of emotions. Maternal openness scores were entered next into the hierarchy. As shown in Table 3, maternal depressive symptom scores accounted for 7% of the variance, and fathers’ depressive symptom scores contributed an additional 17% to the variance, in the child outcome scores. Maternal openness, which was entered last into the model, significantly contributed an additional 11% to the variance. Together, these variables linearly accounted for 35% of the variance (adjusted R2 ⫽ .28) in the scores for child openness. Examination of beta weights revealed that maternal openness was significantly related to the child outcome variable in the expected direction. Mothers who had higher maternal openness scores

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had children who openly expressed their feelings associated with the terrorist attacks.

Discussion The aim of this study was to document the stability and importance of emotional openness during discourse about feelings associated with distressing events. The study also sought to identify factors related to the ability of family members to provide an environment that supports and encourages open discourse about intense emotions and feelings. Using a longitudinal approach, we were able to relate earlier to current measures of maternal openness and to relate measures of reactions to stress (shortly after September 11th) to earlier assessments of psychological attributes of mothers and fathers. The first objective of the study focused on the longitudinal stability of emotional openness. The results reveal that emotional openness was very stable over the 11 years of this investigation and that this construct can be reliably measured. Mothers’ openness was significantly related to their children’s openness in discourse and to the magnitude of mothers’ change in the intensity of their emotions in the weeks following the September 11th terrorist attacks. These results are consistent with theoretical propositions that focus on the role of emotional openness in healthy adaptation to distressful events. The fact that emotional openness is meaningfully related to child openness and other maternal variables add to our understanding of this construct by demonstrating how it relates to psychological attributes. Current levels of maternal openness were associated with fathers’ depressive symptomatology. That is, mothers who openly discussed their emotions about the terrorist attacks had spouses who reported fewer depressive symptoms. In a similar vein, a statistical trend existed, suggesting that mothers with higher scores on emotional openness tend to have spouses who report lower levels of anxiety about close relationships. In consideration of the study’s second objective that focused on parental psychological characteristics, it was surprising to find that father depressive symptoms had such a significant relationship to maternal openness assessed at child age 11. Coyne’s study (1976) offers a potential mechanism that may explain the impact of father depression on maternal openness. He found that partners of depressed persons are more likely to inhibit any direct expression of

Table 2 Hierarchical Regression Predicting Mothers’ Openness in Expressing Their Emotions After September 11, 2001 Variable Step 1 Early maternal opennessa Step 2 Mother’s depressive symptomsa Step 3 Father’s depressive symptomsb

R2 .21

F (df)

Increase in R2

F increase (df)

12.06 (1, 45)*

.27

8.09 (2, 44)**

.06

.47

10.19 (3, 34)***

.20

Note. B ⫽ unstandardized beta weights; ␤ ⫽ standardized beta weights. a n ⫽ 47 for mothers. b n ⫽ 38 for fathers. * p ⬍ .05. ** p ⬍ .01. *** p ⬍ .0001.

3.53 (1, 44)

B

␤

.55*

.317*

⫺.002

12.50 (1, 34)** ⫺.05**

⫺.019 ⫺.491**


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Table 3 Hierarchical Regression Predicting Children’s Openness in Expressing Their Emotions After September 11, 2001 Variable Step 1 Mother’s depressive symptomsa Step 2 Father’s depressive symptomsb Step 3 Maternal openness (11 y)a

Increase in R2

R2

F (df)

.07

3.31 (1, 46)†

.24

4.72 (2, 30)*

.35

**

5.14 (3, 29)

F Increase (df)

.17

6.49 (1, 30)*

.11

*

4.74 (1, 29)

B

␤

⫺.02

⫺.159

⫺.02

⫺.164

*

.52

.434*

Note. B ⫽ unstandardized beta weights; ␤ ⫽ standardized beta weights. a n ⫽ 48 for mothers. b n ⫽ 33 for fathers. * p ⬍ .05. ** p ⬍ .01. † p ⬍ .10.

their feelings, and concluded that depressed persons and their partners unconsciously create an environment that suppresses open expression. Although Coyne’s study did not address openness in response to a crisis, it is plausible that the wives of men experiencing depression would become guarded and be less inclined to reveal their own emotions given their experience with their spouses’ characteristic responses. Unfortunately, it was not possible in the present study to obtain interview data from the fathers that would have enhanced understanding of their ways of communicating reactions about emotionally stressful situations or events. Thus, no report could be offered on the qualities of their discourse that would provide a more complete picture of the dynamics of family interaction. Future studies that obtain interview data may be able to demonstrate other paths that lead to open communication between partners and between parents and children. The study’s third objective focused on children’s openness in discussing emotions associated with distressing events. A statistical regression model was developed and tested that included both maternal and paternal attributes. In the final regression model, maternal openness (assessed at child age 11) was the only variable that produced a significant beta weight, underscoring the importance of maternal openness to children’s open discourse. Eisenberg and colleagues (1998) consider possible mechanisms that may account for the similarity between mothers’ and children’s open discussion of emotion. First, they indicate that maternal discussion of emotion affects the child’s behavior directly through processes such as imitation or the mother’s positive reinforcement of open expression. They also state that parental practice of open communication about emotions may enhance their children’s abilities to interpret emotional reactions and subsequently lead to clear description and articulation of their emotions. That is, the mother’s openness promotes a child’s ability to access and process emotions and his or her inclination to communicate thoughts about emotions in a well-organized, forthright manner. Their thinking is also consistent with the findings of previous research that examined the relationship between children’s adjustment and parental socialization of emotions (Gottman et al., 1997; Suveg et al., 2005). It is also important to consider additional potential mechanisms that could contribute to understanding of why maternal openness is such a strong statistical predictor of

children’s open discourse. Emotional openness may be linked in part to relatively stable personality characteristics, many of which are at least partly heritable. Even though the population of this study was limited to mothers and their biological offspring, the research design did not enable us to distinguish between genetic and environmental effects. However, questions of heritability are of considerable interest and future work should be designed to test these hypotheses. Rigamer (1986) found that parents who discussed their strategies for coping with frightening events with their children stated that there was something to be gained if they admitted they were afraid, and at the same time, assured their child that they were managing satisfactorily. That is, the parents realized that the goal was not to dispel feelings but to provide the child with a model of how to discuss feelings and cope with them at the same time. The findings of this study support Rigamer’s insights. Mother’s emotional openness assessed at child age 11 was strongly related to concurrent measures of the child’s openness. It is likely that the consistency between mother and child openness rests, at least partially, with the idea that the 11-year-old child is emulating the mother’s current strategy for dealing with the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.

Limitations Several limitations of the present study should be noted. First, the findings need to be interpreted in light of the fact that the sample was drawn from a nonclinical community population; replication of these findings with high-risk samples would be beneficial. In addition, the sample was comprised predominately of Caucasian, middle-class families, and all parents in the sample were married. Future studies that incorporate low-income families, families from non-White racial/ethnic populations, and singleparent families may demonstrate similar or different relationships between open communication and psychological characteristics.

Implications for Clinical Practice Disclosure of emotions is often emphasized as a part of the clinical intervention process when working with families after frightening or distressing events. In discussing therapy for posttraumatic stress disorder, Everly and Lating (2004) indicate that


the process of disclosure ensures that the individual has the opportunity to talk about the events and his or her feelings in a supportive, accepting and safe setting. This supports our thinking that parents who exhibit and promote open discussion of feelings may accept a similar manner of expression by their children, which in turn, may promote healing, and adaptation. Practitioners who counsel and work with families dealing with distressing events often provide guidance or recommend approaches parents can use when discussing these events with their children. The findings of this study point to the importance of considering parental psychological attributes (including depressive symptomatology, anxiety in close relationships and emotional openness). Ideally, the guidance and/or recommendations should be based on an assessment of the family’s communication about emotions, particularly with respect to stressful events. This aspect of the assessment should consider the family’s values, beliefs and approaches regarding communication of emotions. This information can be incorporated as part of an assessment of family communication, and can provide a foundation to develop culturally appropriate interventions for children exposed to distressing events.

Conclusion In conclusion, research on trauma suggests that some experiences are exceedingly difficult for children to process. When children are faced with distressing events that are difficult for them to understand, talking with parents may allow them to make sense of their experiences, particularly when parents themselves are able to openly disclose their feelings as they discuss these events. As explicated in the current study, emotional openness that is consistent over time provides a context that allows and encourages children to express their feelings and discover strategies to cope with distressing events. Such interaction is a critical process for children who are learning to understand, interpret, and deal with stress that is beyond one’s control (Saylor & Deroma, 2002). The variable we studied, emotional openness, may enhance healthy processing of information and emotions about frightening events.

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Received April 1, 2005 Revision received August 31, 2006 Accepted October 26, 2006 䡲