Pei-Wen Winnie Ma, Munyi Shea,. Dongshu Ou, & Stephanie T. Pituc. ABSTRACT. When immigrant youth come to the United States, they must learn to interact.
CHINESE IMMIGRANT HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS' CULTURAL INTERACTIONS, ACCULTURATION, FAMILY OBLIGATIONS, LANGUAGE USE, AND SOCIAL SUPPORT Christine J. Yeh, Yuki Okubo, Pei-Wen Winnie Ma, Munyi Shea, Dongshu Ou, & Stephanie T. Pituc
ABSTRACT
When immigrant youth come to the United States, they must learn to interact with dominant and cultural groups as part of the adjustment process. The current study investigated whether the association between Chinese immigrant high school students' (TV = 286) English fluency, academic and career/ college help-seeking, multidimensional acculturation, family responsibilities, and social support, predicted their intercultural competence concerns (their interactions across dominant and cultural groups). Results indicate that this was the case. Implications for research and practice with immigrant youth in a high school context are discussed. The Asian American population is the fastest growing racial group in the United States. Currently there are estimated to be 13.5 million Asian Americans living in the U.S., which comprises 5% of the total population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004). About 63% of the Asian American population was born in Asia, and 11% of them are from China. Most Asian immigrants are families with children who settled in metThis research was supported by the National Institute of Mental Health (MH065287-01A1). We would hke to thank Melody Kellogg, Martha Polin, Alison Ching, Karen Cort, Angela B. Kim, and Laetitia Zhang for their assistance with data collection. Yuki Okubo, Ph. D., Assistant Professor, University of Wisconsin, Madison Pei-Wen Winnie Ma, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, William Patterson University Munyi Shea, Ed.M. Department of Counseling and Chnical Psychology, Teachers College, Columbia University Dongshu Ou, Ph.D., Economics and Education, Teachers College, Columbia University Stephanie, T. Pituc, Ed.M., Department of Psychology, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis. Requests for reprints should be sent to Christine J. Yeh, Ph.D., Associate Professor, Department of Counsehng Psychology, School of Education, University of San Francisco, 2130 Fulton Street, San Francisco, CA 94117. E-mail: cjy eh@usfca. edu ADOLESCENCE, Vol. 43, No. 172, Winter 2008 Libra Publistiers, Inc., 3089C Clairemont Dr., PMB 383, San Diego, CA 92117
ropolitan areas such as New York and Los Angeles (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002). Although a growing numbers of Chinese immigrant students are attending urhan public schools, little is known about the challenges they face as immigrants adapting to a new cultural environment (Yeh, Kim, Pituc, & Atkins, 2008). Because we believe immigrant youth are inextricably linked to the social systems in which they interact, the current study uses an ecological perspective (see Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Yeh et al., 2008) in exploring cultural and relational factors that influence Chinese immigrant adolescents' intercultural competence as it relates to their cultural adjustment process. Intercultural competence refers to the challenges in relating to others, such as White Americans, one's own ethnic group, and one's family (Sodowsky & Lai, 1997). In particular, we sought to understand how such factors as cultural (acculturation), relational (social support), familial (responsibilities and obligations at home), school (comfort in and knowledge about seeking academic and career resources at school), and personal (English language fluency) are associated with how Chinese immigrant high school students' think about their interactions across dominant and cultural groups. Asian immigrant youth who often have idealistic expectations of life in the U.S. (Yeh et al., 2005; Yeh et al., 2003) are disappointed when they confront poverty, alienation, intergenerational conflict, and loss (Yeh, 2003; Yeh et al., 2008). Many immigrant children and adolescents arrive with limited or no English language proflciency and are often faced with other adjustment issues such as inability to assimilate with the peer culture (Kim & Choi, 1994; Yeh et al., 2008) and balancing academic demands and family obligations such as translating for parents and caring for siblings (Fuligni, Yip, & Tseng, 2002; Yeh et al., 2008). Furthermore, low-income immigrant adolescents often flnd themselves with limited knowledge about and access to resources (Louie, 2001) which would help them navigate through the U.S. education system and make informed education and career choices (Ma & Yeh, 2005; Ma & Yeh, in press; Okubo, Yeh, Lin, Fujita, & Shea, 2007). Speciñcally, difficulties inherent in the process of cultural adjustment have been conceptualized in terms of concern about social, academic, career, and cultural competence (Sodowsky & Lai, 1997). Social concern refers to immigrants' comfort level in interacting vsdth White Americans, one's own group, and other cultural groups. Academic and career competence refer to one's ability to successfully plan and make appropriate decisions. Cultural competence entails pride in one's own culture, perception of acceptance by White Americans and other cultures, and of one's adjustment to both cultures (Sodowsky & Lai, 1997).
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Intercultural competence is particularly important to Asian immigrant high school students because they are expected to plan for college and a career. Many of these students have difficulty navigating the U.S. education system and adapting to a new environment (Shea, Ma, & Yeh, 2007; Yeh et al., 2008). However, many teachers and school staff still hold to the stereot3^e of Asian Americans as the "model minority" because of their high academic achievement and because they report fewer mental health problems (Hsia & Peng, 1998; Kim & Yeh, 2002; Lee, 1999).This stereotype creates difficulties for those adolescents who are having communication difficulties (Huang, 1997; Lee & Zhan, 1998; Yeh & Inose, 2002), interpersonal and academic/ career problems (Ma & Yeh, 2005; Yeh & Inose, 2002). They also exhibit major behavioral problems such as dropping out of school, juvenile delinquency, and gang involvement (Chiu & Ring, 1998; Lee & Zhan, 1998; S. Sue, D. W. Sue, L. Sue, & Takeuchi, 1995). Acculturation, English Language Proficiency, and Cultural Adjustment Multicultural research in the past has focused extensively on the acculturation process of ethnic minority immigrant youth (see Kim & Abreu, 2001). Acculturation refers to the manner in which individuals negotiate two or more cultures with the underlying assumption that one culture is dominant and the other is perceived as having less cultural value (Berry, 1995; LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). Our vital indicator of acculturation level is language usage (Mouw & Xie, 1999), which provides access to the dominant culture and may facilitate greater cultural adjustment (Yeh & Inose, 2002; Yeh, 2003) and predict better academic performance (Huang, 1997). Poor English language fluency has been identified as the greatest barrier in sojourner adjustment (Church, 1982) and the greatest challenge for Chinese immigrants compared to other concerns such as racial discrimination, social isolation, and homesickness (Ying, 1996). Lack of English language fluency is also a source of stress in terms of performance and experiences among immigrant adults and adolescents (E. Lee, 1996; Lin & Yi, 1997; Nwadiora & McAdoo, 1996), a trigger for stereot3T3Íng during intergroup contact (McKirnan & Hamayan, 1984), as well as a threat to one's self-esteem (B. L. C. Kim, 1996). In contrast, English fluency may mitigate communication difficulties and enhance interpersonal interactions (Pak, Dion, & Dion; 1985; Salgado De Snyder, 1987a, 1987b), promote self-esteem, and buffer against acculturative stress due to racial tension and interethnic conflicts (Bowler, Rauch, & Scwarzer, 1986). In sum, immigrant adolescents who are able to operate across cultures may adjust better to the new cultural setting (LaFromboise et al., 1993).
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Few studies have addressed how acculturation might relate to intercultural competence. Intercultural competence has been studied as a predictor of acculturative stress and mental health symptoms (Torres & RoUock, 2004; Yeh, 2003) and as an outcome variable in relation to age (Sodowsky & Lai, 1997; Huang, 1997), yet there is a lack of understanding of how immigrant adolescents' strategies for acculturation predict their self-efficacy in various sociocultural domains such as relations with people from one's own group and those from the dominant group, ability to make decisions and perform academically, maintaining cultural pride, and feeling accepted by the dominant culture. Another limitation of the existing studies is that most acculturation measures are based on a unidirectional, zero-sum process (Kim & Abreu, 2001) in which individuals adopt host-culture attributes, such as behaviors and values, while simultaneously discarding the same attributes in their culture of origin (Szapocznik, Kurtines, & Fernandez, 1980). This model was criticized for its limitation in representing true biculturation (Mendoza, 1989; Ramirez, 1984), defined as the attainment of high adherence to native and host cultures. Moreover, there has been a dearth of research tools for assessing this complex phenomenon for Asian Americans (Kim & Abreu, 2001). The most widely used Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA; Suinn, Rickard-Figueroa. Lew, & Vigil, 1987) is also based on a unidimensional model. To match our conceptual framework, we used the newly developed Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AAMAS; Gim Chung, Kim, & Abreu, 2004), which measures the multiple facets of acculturation: acculturation to host culture, acculturation to Asian culture of origin, as well as acculturation to pan-ethnic Asian American culture defined as "a consistent underl3dng structure for an emergent pan-ethnic culture in the domains of cultural identity, language, cultural knowledge, and food consumption" (Gim Chung, Kim, & Abrue, 2004). Social Support For many immigrants, the process of migration entails loss of a familiar support network from family and friends (Sluzki, 1998; Yeh et al., 2008). Hernandez and McGoldrick (1999) note that it is a difficult and lengthy process for immigrants to develop new social networks to replace those they have lost. For children and adolescents entering a new school, immigration often entails losing close friendships and having to create new relationships in foreign and often threatening settings (Hernandez & McGoldrick, 1999). 778
Social networks are particularly important for immigrant adolescents since they often cope with difficulties by seeking social support oftentimes in place of counselors (Yeh & Inose, 2002; Yeh, Inman, Kim, & Okuho, 2006; Yeh et al., 2003; Yeh et al,, 2005; Yeh et al., 2008). Perhaps immigrant adolescents feel more comfortable sharing their problems with family members or friends due to their cultural emphasis" on interdependence and shared experiences (Inman & Yeh, 2006; Yeh, Ching, Okubo, & Luthar, 2007). Yeh et al. (2003) reported that Japanese immigrant adolescents found it more helpful to consult with friends who have experienced similar difficulties with adjustment to such problems as racism and language barriers. Sodoswky and Lai (1997) found that family network, support, and closeness led to higher intercultural competencies among Asian immigrant adolescents. Responsibilities at Home The value of a supporting family is great among Chinese American families (Ying, 1996) which emphasize filial duty and shared maintenance of the household (Uba, 1994; Fuligni et al., 2002). Fuligni, Tseng, & Lam (1999) found that Chinese American adolescents believed in the importance of supporting and assisting the family more than did their European American peers. Specifically, Chinese American youth reported that they should spend more time caring for siblings, participating in household chores, and spending time with the family. In a subsequent study, Fuligni et al., (2002) found that level of family obligations was not associated with psychological distress. Fuligni et al. (2002) suggested that for children from immigrant families, these family obligations may provide a sense of identity and purpose while they are in the process of adapting to American society. This research was conducted primarily with middle-class Chinese American samples. In contrast, in research on recent, low-income Chinese immigrant youth, family responsibilities such as providing translation, cooking, working, and caring for relatives, contributed to intergenerational tensions, familial resentment, and feelings of loss of social life and childhood (Yeh et al. 2008). Career /Academic Help-seeking In spite of the presence of adjustment difficulties, Asian immigrants tend to be reluctant to seek help from counselors (Yeh et al., 2003; Yeh et al., 2006). Barriers to seeking help occur on both systematic (e.g., culturally inappropriate delivery of mental health services) and cultural levels (e.g., revealing personal problems to a counselor brings shame on the whole family) (D. W, Sue & D. Sue, 2003), There is also 779
recent evidence that Chinese immigrant youth may be more likely to seek help for academic and careei- problems from teachers and guidance counselors (Ma & Yeh, 2005; Shea et al., 2007). Since a critical aspect of intercultural competence relates to concern for academic and career performance, we explored the extent to which Chinese high school students feel comfortable in seeking help for school-related issues. Research Question and Hypothesis The current study investigated the extent to which multidimensional aspects of acculturation, level of English fluency, social support, responsibilities at home, and knowledge about comfort in academic and career help-seeking are associated with intercultural competence concerns among Chinese immigrant adolescents. Based on the literature review, the following hypotheses were generated: 1. 2. 3. 4.
Higher levels of openness to European American culture; Higher level of English fluency; Higher levels of social support; Higher levels of knowledge about and comfort in academic helpseeking. 5. Higher levels of knowledge and comfort in career help-seeking; will all predict lower levels of intercultural competence concerns.
Research Question: What is the relationship between the amount of family responsibilities at home and tbe level of intercultural competence concerns among Chinese immigrant youth?
METHOD
Participants were 286 Chinese immigrant high school students (154 males, 132 females) from a public school in New York City. The mean age was 19.31 (SD = 1.22) with an age range of 16-23. Participants had been living in the U.S. for an average of 22.25 months (SD 18.31), and all were from Mainland China (n = 274), Taiwan (n = 1), or Hong Kong (n = 9). Two participants did not report their birthplace but identified themselves as Chinese immigrants. Measures The Academic, College, Career Help-Seeking Scale (ACCHSS; Yeh, Ching, & Okubo, 2005) is a 9-item, Likert-type scale (strongly disagree = 1 to strongly agree = 6) measuring college and career and academic 780
help-seeking. Exploratory factor analysis using a large sample of immigrant youth determined two main factors: College and Career HelpSeeking (CCHS), and Academic Help-Seeking (AHS) (Yeh et al., 2007); CCHS accounted for 47.15% of the variance and AHS accounted for 14.2%. The CCHS subscale consists of 5 items and includes such items as "I would feel comfortable talking to someone about college information" and I know who to talk to if I have current job concerns (i.e., job applications, job searching)." The AHS consists of 4 items and includes such items as "I would feel comfortable talking to someone if I am having difficulties in a class." Alpha coefficients for the CCHS and AHS were .87 and .89, respectively. The Asian American Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AAMAS; Gim Chung, Kim, & Abreu, 2004) consists of 15 items and uses a 6-point Likert type scale ranging from (not very much = 1 to very much = 6). Respondents were instructed to rate each item according to three referent groups: (a) their culture of origin, (b) other Asian Americans, and (c) European Americans. Sample questions included: "How knowledgeable are you about the culture and traditions of your own Asian ethnic group? other Asian groups? the White mainstream groups? How much do you feel you have in common with people from your own Asian ethnic group? other Asian groups? the White mainstream groups? The scale was normed on a large Asian American sample with strong validity and reliability (Gim Chung et al., 2004). The coefficient alphas for each of the three AAMAS scales were as follows: .87 for the AAMAS-CO scale, .78 for the AAMAS-AA scale, and .81 for the AAMAS-EA. The Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support (MSPSS; Zimet, Dahlem, Zimet, & Farley, 1988) is a 12-item, 7-point Likerttype scale with three 4-item subscales: Significant Other (MSPSS-SO), Family (MSPSS-F), and Friends (MSPSS-FR). The scale has been used extensively with diverse urban youths (e.g., Canty-Mitchell & Zimet, 2000; Edwards & Lopez, 2006) and specifically among Chinese youth (Chou, 1999). The coefficient alphas for each of the three subscales were: .92 for Significant Other, .87 for Family, and .85 for Friends. The Cultural Adjustment Difficulties Checklist (CADC; Sodowsky & Lai, 1997) is a 59-item 6-point Likert t3rpe scale measuring the Stressors associated with acculturation. The two subscales are Acculturative Distress (AD) and Intercultural Competence Concerns (ICCC). However, for the purposes of the present study, only the ICCC subscale was used. The scale ranges from (1 = a very inaccurate description of you to 6 = a very accurate description of you). Reliability for the ICCC subscale was .88. Sample items for the ICCC subscale include: "feeling
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that you do not want to belong to either the White American group or to your cultural/nationality/ethnic group," "feeling confused about how you, as a man or woman, should behave when with people from your cultural/nationality/ethnic group," "feeling angry toward people from your own cultural/nationality/ethnic group." A demographic form inquired about age, gender, birthplace, months in the U.S., English fluency (EF) using a composite score from 3 items (see Yeh & Inose, 2003), and Family responsibilities (FR) (household work, translation for family, caring for siblings, financial obligations, cooking for family, caring for older relatives).
RESULTS
Preliminary analyses of the main demographic variables indicated no significant differences in terms of gender and age across the study's variables. A correlation matrix reveals several significant relationships across the variables (Table 1). The predictor variables (English Fluency, total Family Responsibilities, Asian American acculturation-Culture of Origin, Asian American, and European American) were entered into a simultaneous regression model predicting intercultural competence concerns (ICCC). The results shown in Table 2, indicate that the model was significant, F(5,278) = 10.08, p < .001) and accounted for 16% of the variance (adjusted i?^ = .14). English fluency. Family Responsibilities, and Acculturation-other Asian Americans, were each found to be unique predictors of Intercultural Competence Concerns. In a second model, the predictor variables Career and College Helpseeking, Academic Help-seeking, Social support of Family, Significant Other, and friends) were entered into a simultaneous regression model predicting intercultural competence concerns (ICCC). The results, shown in Table 2, indicate that the model was significant, F(5,278) = 278) = 8.31, p < .001 and accounted for 13% of the variance (adjusted R^ = .11). Career, College, and Academic Help-seeking and Social Support of a Significant Other, were each found to be unique predictors of Intercultural Competence Concerns.
DISCUSSION
We investigated the extent to which Chinese immigrant adolescents' English fluency, academic, college, and career help-seeking, multidimensional acculturation, family responsibilities, and social support 782
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