Cynthia Caron
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Cynthia Caron 382 Madison Street Fitchburg, MA 01420
[email protected] Office Telephone: Home Telephone: Citizenship: Field of Study: Institutional Affiliation:
1 508 793 8879 1 978 503 2564 United States Sociology/Development Studies Clark University, Department of International Development, Community and Environment
Dates of Research in Sri Lanka:
June – December 1992 (Master’s Thesis Research) June 1995 – May 1996 (ICWA Fellowship) September 1999 – December 2000 (Dissertation Research) June 2003 – November 2005 (Post-Doctoral Research) May 2005 – July 2009 (Applied Research with UNOPS and other agencies)
Length of Award Requested:
4 months
Tentative Dates of Project:
Between July 2016 and August 2017
Project Title:
After relocation: Place making, mobility and the conjunctures of resettlement programming following displacement
Brief Project Description:
Post-disaster and post-conflict resettlement programming often entails relocation. Relocation does not necessarily abrogate ties to one’s point of origin. Relocated communities and their ‘new places’ are neither static nor fixed, but actively constructed through social and political relationships with kin, state authority, and aid agencies. In this project, I build upon my conflict and tsunami research and work experience (2005-2009) to understand how families have created place in relocation villages almost a decade later (2016-17), and the role that aid agencies and state authority play in that place making. I will investigate what social, economic, political and cultural ties families relocated to three new villages maintain with their original residences, the changing nature of the relationship between these two sites (i.e., dual home bases, or patterns of circulation that contribute to survival), and how newly-resettled families make relocation villages into places to remake lives. Each of these three relocation villages followed a particular housing reconstruction model: self-settlement in Saliyawewa (Kalutara), donor-driven in Sunthanthirapuram (Jaffna), and owner driven in Puchchakerni (Batticaloa). A comparative approach to resettlement mechanisms will illuminate the ways that relationships among “assisting governments, aid agencies, and” displaced populations (Barrios, 2014: 330) shape place making and enable recovery. This research contributes to the literature on place making in Sri Lanka and forces an examination of aid agency assumptions about community and place, intervening in current debates on building resilient communities in the context of conflict and disaster.
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CYNTHIA M. CARON Department of International Development, Community and Environment Clark University, 950 Main Street, Worcester, MA 01610 ACADEMIC EXPERIENCE: Assistant Professor, International Development, Community and Environment, (August 2013 to present) § § §
Undergraduate Program Coordinator, International Development and Social Change (August 2013 to present) Affiliate faculty, Women and Gender Studies Program Adviser of the Year, Honorable Mention (AY14-15), Clark University, July 2015
Visiting Assistant Professor, International Development, Community and Environment, (August 2012 to May 2013) Post-doctoral Associate, Polson Institute for Global Development, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York. (June 2003 to November 2005) §
Awarded a $70,000 research and writing grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation for “Muslims in the Border Zone: Expulsion, Repatriation and Nation Building in Sri Lanka’s Reconstruction.”
EDUCATION: Ph.D., Development Sociology, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA, 2003 Master of Forest Science (MFS), Yale University, New Haven, CT, USA, 1993 B.A., International Development and Government (cum laude, Phi Beta Kappa), Clark University, Worcester, MA, USA, 1990 LANGUAGES: English, Sinhala, Tamil GEOGRAPHIC EXPERIENCE: Bhutan, Ethiopia, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Rwanda, Sri Lanka, Uganda, and USA SELECT GRANTS, CONTRACTS, AND FELLOWSHIPS:
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Faculty Travel Grant, Department of International Development, Community and Environment, Clark University for “Socio-economic characteristics of banana-cultivating communities in Tanzania and Uganda: A gendered approach” ($3,200.00)
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“Evaluation, Research and Communication,” Task Order under STARR, USAID Strengthening Tenure and Resource Rights Portfolio (Proposal co-author with John Michael Kramer – $20 Million awarded by USAID, May 2013; contract ends in 2018).
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“Housing Solutions for Long Term Conflict Affected IDPs in Sri Lanka,” European Commission, 2009 (12 Million Euros awarded by the European Commission, June 2009);
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The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, Program on Global Security and Sustainability, Research and Writing Grant, 2002 ($70,000);
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Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowship (FLAS) – Sinhala 2001-2002;
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Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad – Sri Lanka 1999-2000 (P022A990008; $25,000);
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J. William Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Board, IIE-Fulbright Scholar (Sri Lanka; 1999-2000, declined);
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Academy for Educational Development/NSEP Graduate International Fellowship (1999-2000 declined);
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Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowship (FLAS) – Sinhala 1998-1999;
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Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowship (FLAS) – Summer Sinhala Program, 1998;
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John Miller Musser Forest and Society Fellowship, Institute of Current World Affairs, 1994-1996.
SELECT PUBLICATIONS: 2015.
Caron, C.M. “The Subject of Return: Land and Livelihood Struggles for Place and Citizenship” Contemporary South Asia (Forthcoming, online version 9 December) Cynthia M. Caron and Shelby A. Margolin. “Rescuing girls, investing in girls: A critique of development fantasies.” Journal of International Development 27(7): 881-897. Caron, C. “Innovation in evaluating humanitarian response: Post-tsunami Lessons from Sri Lanka.” In: Brahmachari, A., R. Agrawal, S. Ghosh, and N. Bohidar. (eds). 2015. Evaluations for Sustainable Development: Experiences and Learning. New Delhi: Astral International. Pp. 209218.
2014.
Caron, C., G. Menon and L. Kuritz. 2014. Land Tenure & Disasters: Strengthening and Clarifying Land Right in Disaster Risk Reduction and Post-Disaster Programming. USAID Issue Brief. Washington, DC: USAID.
2011.
Knox, A, C. Caron, J. Miner and A. Goldstein. “Land Tenure and Payment for Environmental Services: Challenges and Opportunities for REDD+.” Land Tenure Journal 2(2011): 18-55.
2009.
Wittman, Hannah K and Cynthia M. Caron. “Carbon Offsets and Inequality: Social Costs and CoBenefits in Guatemala and Sri Lanka.” Society and Natural Resources 22(8): 710-726. Caron, C. “Left Behind: Post-tsunami Resettlement Experiences for Women and the Urban Poor in Colombo.” In: Fernando, Priyanthi, Karin Fernando, and Mansi Kumarasiri (eds.) Forced to Move: Involuntary Displacement and Resettlement – Policy and Practice. Colombo: Centre for Poverty Analysis. Pp. 177-206. Caron, C. “A Most Difficult Transition: Negotiating Post-tsunami Compensation and Resettlement from Positions of Vulnerability.” In: De Mel, Neloufer, Ruwanpura, Kanchana N. and Samarasinghe, G. (eds.) After the Waves: The Impact of the Tsunami on Women in Sri Lanka. Colombo: Social Scientist Association. Pp. 112-152.
2007. Cynthia M. Caron and Dia DaCosta. “There’s a Devil on Wayamba Beach: Social Dramas of Development and Citizenship in Northwest Sri Lanka.” Journal of Asian and African Studies 42(5): 415-445. “Needs Assessment Survey for Income Recovery (NASIR) IV: A study undertaken in tsunamiaffected areas of Sri Lanka.” RADA/ILO Livelihoods. Colombo: ILO. 20 pp. 2005.
“Sri Lanka’s Northern Muslim Community: Expulsion, Internal Displacement and Prospects for Return.” Law Matters (October): 15-22.
2002. Cynthia M. Caron. “Examining Alternatives: The Energy Services Delivery Project in Sri Lanka.” Energy for Sustainable Development 6(1): 38-46.
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Cynthia M. Caron. “Colombo, Sri Lanka.” In: Ember, M. and C.R. Ember (eds.) Encyclopedia of Urban Cultures: Cities and Cultures Around the World. Vol. 2. Danbury, CT: Grolier Publishing. Pp. 62-70. 1995.
C.M. Caron. “The role of nontimber tree products in food procurement strategies: Profile of a Sri Lankan village.” Agroforestry Systems 32(2): 99-117.
Book Translation 1997.
Wedding Feast. Colombo, Sri Lanka: Karunaratne & Sons Ltd. 53 pp. (English Translation of Cumaratunga Munidasa’s Sinhala novel, Magul Kaema).
SELECT BOOK REVIEWS: 2014.
(with Jeanne Marecek) Tina Wallace and Fenella Porter, with Mark Ralph-Bowman (Eds.) “Aid, NGOs, and the Realities of Women’s Lives: A Perfect Storm.” Rugby, England: Practical Action Publishing, 2013. PsycCritiques 59(8).
2010.
Office of the United Nations, High Commissioner for Human Rights. 2005. “Protection of Internally Displaced Persons in Situations of Natural Disaster: A working visit to Asia by the Representatives of the United Nations Secretary General on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons Walter Kalin.” Geneva: UNHCHR, 31 pp. Contemporary South Asia 18(1).
2009. Kanchana N. Ruwanpura. 2006. “Matrilineal Communities, Patriarchal Realities: A Feminist Nirvana Uncovered.” Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Contemporary South Asia 17(2): 238-9. 2007.
Laura C. Hammond. 2004. “This Place will become Home: Refugee Repatriation to Ethiopia.” Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. 224 pp. Interventions: International Journal of Mental Health, Psychosocial Work and Counseling in Areas of Armed Conflict 5(1): 67-68.
SELECT PROFESSIONAL INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCE: May 2013 to present, Land Tenure and Property Rights Subject Matter Expert / Gender Specialist, Cloudburst Consulting Group, Landover, MD. For a $20 million, five-year USAID contract, provide subject matter expertise on research design (qualitative and quantitative), gender analysis, and land tenure and property rights pertaining to post-disaster and post-conflict reconstruction. February 2011 to August 2012, Senior Research and Evaluation Manager, Landesa (Rural Development Institute), Seattle, WA. November 2009 to January 2011, Land Tenure and Property Rights Specialist, Rural Development Institute, India. December 2007 to October 2009, Project Manager, Applied Research Unit, United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS), Colombo, Sri Lanka. Created a business acquisition unit providing clients in Sri Lanka’s humanitarian community with project design, applied research, and monitoring and evaluation services. January 2006 to July 2009, Senior Technical Advisor and Program Manager for Rehabilitation, Resettlement, and Reconstruction, Arbeiter-Samariter-Bund (ASB Germany), North and East Sri Lanka. May 2005 to November 2007, Consultant, UNOPS, Colombo, Sri Lanka
PROFESSIONAL ASSOCATIONS: Society for Applied Anthropology, Society and Natural Resources, American Institute for Sri Lankan Studies, and American Evaluation Association.
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Proposal Research Questions and Methodological Approach: Following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami and even before the conflict ended in 2009, the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL), aid agencies, and international and local non-government organizations (I/NGO) frequently relocated families from their original homes to new villages. Some reasons for relocation included public safety given the possible recurrence of a natural disaster or loss of land due to acquisition by the state or private sector. The GoSL and I/NGOs used one of three approaches to facilitate resettlement in relocation villages: self-settlement, ownerdriven or donor-driven. Self-settlement occurred only in the Colombo and Ampara Districts. In other districts, housing reconstruction and resettlement followed either a ‘donor-driven’ or ‘owner-driven’ model; normally lead by an I/NGO. The resilience-oriented framework that development practitioners used to empower relocated communities to rebuild following displacement and become resilient in the process posits community and the place of relocation as constant and static ‘things’, as if the community that emerges after a disaster is the same as the one that existed before disaster struck. Instead communities and places dynamically emerge through complex social and political relationships and engagement with one’s surroundings (Moore 1998; Massey 2005; Caron forthcoming). Challenging commonly-held assumptions about community and place are important otherwise development practice risks ignoring important localized adaptation strategies, misreading culture and everyday livelihood practices, or creating unnecessary tensions with already vulnerable people. Aid agencies need to recognize not only how communities change, but also how their activities and resettlement and resilience discourses shape community, which in turn influences a community’s ability to manage new conditions in relocation villages and rebuild lives. How does resettlement mechanism enable socio-economic recovery after displacement? I propose to examine this question by focusing on the above three resettlement mechanisms and investigating how they shape place making in relocation villages, as place-making is an aspect of rebuilding and recovery. Places have polyvalent politics (Moore 1998). Place making occurs in contingent relationships to and in competition with state authority (Klem 2014) as well as with a displaced family’s original residence or ‘point of origin’. I extend Barrios’ (2014) analytical approach on resettlement that showed how “politically and epistemically charged relationships between governments, aid agencies” (330) and displaced populations brought communities into being in relocation areas following Hurricane Mitch with Massey’s “thinking conjuncturally” (2005: 141). I consider the three resettlement mechanisms of my investigation as conjunctures that bring previous unrelated people and processes together in distinctive ways (ibid) and as such enable relationships and connections that have real material outcomes for the displaced families that need to rebuild lives and livelihoods. The ways that aid agencies and states bring resources together to implement resettlement projects reflect what they know or think that they know about the displaced populations they work with. Drawing on Barrios (2014), I wish to investigate how the ‘throwntogetherness’ (Massey 2005: 141) of these actors and the respective activities of each mechanism bring communities in relocation villages into being in ways that influence how relocated residents make place in their new homes in emergent and relational ways so as to re-envision resettlement programming. While many scholars have explored the politics of post-tsunami resettlement and relocation in the Sri Lankan context (Ruwanpura 2009; Hyndman 2011; Gamburd 2014; Thurnheer 2014), fewer scholars have examined how and the extent to which resettlement approaches bring relocation villages into being, how these different approaches potentially influence place making, and the extent to which over time and for what reasons families in relocation villages maintain ties with their original residences. In addition to challenging how I/NGOs conceptualize community and place as static and physically bounded, I focus on their active making and making in relationship with original residence to engage with recent advancements in mobility studies, which acknowledge that social obligations and relationships between one’s point of origin do not end with displacement (Stepputat 2009). There are systems of social control and engagement (i.e., kinship, state authority, livelihoods) that extend across space. What does such engagement and control look like in these three locations, if at all? Lastly, my theoretical approach employs recent scholarship on home creation following displacement, which shows that people “find ways of ‘getting over’ the losses, managing a new set of conditions, making life meaningful, and rebuilding confidence ... to .. secure their life” (Stepputat 2009: 174). Failure to take into consideration relationships between the state, aid agencies, I/NGOs and displaced families during
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relocation programming results in a “partial analysis” (Barrios 2014: 346) of how families recover and rebuild lives, which may result in undermining or delaying their ability to even do so. Therefore, the sampling for this project corresponds to the three resettlement approaches as follows1: 1. Self-settlement: ‘Saliyawewa’2 in Kalutara District (Families relocating from Colombo District) 2. Owner-driven resettlement/relocation: Puchchakerni in Batticaloa District (Families relocated within Vaharai DS Division) 3. Donor-driven resettlement/relocation: Sunthanthirapuram in Jaffna District. (Families relocated from across Tellipalai DS Division) Under the self-settlement mechanism, displaced families needed to complete several steps in order to receive funds to build a new house: find a plot of land for sale anywhere in Sri Lanka and purchase it with government funds. Upon final transfer of the purchased plot of land to its new owner, the displaced family would receive subsequent payments to construct a new house. As I showed in two 2009 publications (see CV), the urban poor struggled to find affordable plots of land near their original residences and faced resistance to their relocation in places where they could. I plan to return to Saliyawewa to explore the extent to which families who relocated there from Moratuwa have managed to create a place to live and secure their lives and livelihoods in Kalutara. Elsewhere in Sri Lanka, tsunami and conflict displaced families found themselves working with international and/or local organizations via either ‘owner / community driven’ or ‘donor-driven’ schemes. One difference between these two mechanisms that is important for this research is the extent to which people participate in the reconstruction process (Lyons and Schilderman 2010), which allows me to investigate how specific project activities and relationships between governments, aid agencies and the displaced have created real material outcomes for families in each of these schemes. In each location, I will examine dynamics of place making via the following questions: 1. How do relocated families create a sense of place in relocation villages? 2. How, and to what extent, are families in relocation villages mobile and maintaining ties to their former residences/villages? 3. How did relationships between the donor, implementing I/NGO, local government authorities, and resettling families during the resettlement processes shape sense of place and place making? 4. Over the past decade, how does place making enable families in relocated villages to manage new conditions, make life meaningful, and secure both their lives and livelihoods? Work done to date: This research is longitudinal. I will match baseline data collected from families in Saliyawewa and Puchchakerni3 who I interviewed in 2006-2009 with their narratives collected nearly a decade later during this period of field work (2016-2017). My data includes information about employment, livelihood strategies, land tenure and property rights and pre-displacement histories. The work done to date in Saliyawewa resulted into two book chapters in edited volumes published in Sri Lanka (see 2009 publications in above CV). The case of Suthanthirapuram is new. Work to be carried out during fellowship period: Data to collect during fieldwork: • Project reports and policy reviews (UN Compound, UNOPS office and libraries of other I/NGOs) • Field visits to Panadura, Jaffna, and Batticaloa Districts to undertake interviews with relocated persons and other relevant stakeholders such as Grama Niladharis, local NGO staff, and Divisional Secretaries • Open-ended interviews with families in relocation villages in Panadura, Batticaloa and Jaffna.
1 While
I hope that residents in these relocation villages will agree to participate in my research, there is no guarantee. Thus I have alternate sites of familiarity, self-settlement from Colombo to Puttalam, owner-driven housing in Mannar and Vavuniya, and a donor-driven scheme Point Pedro (Jaffna). 2 Saliyawewa is a pseudonym I used in a 2009 publication. 3 Or Mannar or Vavuniya, if needed.
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Applicant’s competence to carry out project: I started conducting research and working in Sri Lanka in 1992, and will situate each study site in its respective conflict history. I am proficient in Sinhala and speak conversational Tamil. I continue to maintain professional and personal relationships since my last trip to Sri Lanka in September 2011. From 2005-2009, I worked for two international organizations in relief, resettlement and reconstruction programming. I served as the Program Manager for Resettlement and Reconstruction for Arbeiter-Samariter-Bund (Germany), executing owner-driven housing construction projects with both conflict and tsunami-affected families. I also established and served as the Project Manager for the Applied Research Unit of the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS). While at UNOPS, my research team and I undertook a number of project assessments (collecting both qualitative and quantitative data) with families living in transitional shelters (i.e., camps), with families who had recently returned ‘home’ to their point of origin in Trincomalee and Jaffna, or who were living in relocation villages constructed through all three of the mechanisms that I will investigate in this project. One of the major themes of all of our applied research was to document the successes and challenges that displaced, relocate or resettled families had in their attempts to rebuild their lives and livelihoods. I am a faculty member in a scholar-practitioner department where I purposefully combine my professional work in international development programming with theoretical advances in my substantive areas of interest. This combination makes me uniquely positioned to undertake this project. In addition to my above work experience, I am familiar with theories of place-making in general and in Sri Lanka in particular (Massey 2005; Caron and DaCosta 2007; Klem 2014; Caron forthcoming). I can draw insights from and make scholarly contributions to scholarship on place-making, displacement and resettlement and discuss how concrete development activities might influence particular outcomes that practitioners seek. Through this research, I wish to make ideas about resilience and community that occupy the imagination of policy makers and development practitioners, less abstract and more concrete, so that objectives of restoring lives and livelihoods might be more readily achieved. As a scholarpractitioner, I speak the languages of both and can translate across them (Lund 2010). How project addresses competition criteria: This project fits within the social sciences, specifically sociology and development studies. With an established and documented interest in Sri Lanka, my project specifically relates “processes and events in Sri Lanka to analogous processes and events elsewhere” as the processes, logic and activities of relocation, reconstruction and resettlement programming that undergird this research have parallels in current processes and events in the Philippines (typhoon), Nepal (earthquake) and Iraq (conflict), for example. The Internal Displacement Monitoring Center notes that in 2014 alone natural disasters newly displaced 19.3 million persons (IMDC 2015). As global climate change is expected to continue so too will the need to relocate families from shorelines or hilly areas prone to earth slips. Global conflicts continue; with 11 million new persons internally displaced in 2014 (ibid). In this way, the experiences of Sri Lankans will inform the outcomes of displaced persons around the world. I will conduct this fieldwork with a Sri Lankan scholar who is completing her Master’s thesis in Refugee Studies at the University of London, which in turn addresses the proposal criterion of ‘developing links between US and Sri Lankan scholars.” To further develop these links, I will offer to give at least two presentations during the course of my fieldwork at the following institutions, the Center for Poverty Analysis (CEPA) which is an important think tank for Sri Lankan scholar practitioners who engage in thoughtful critique of development policy and programming, the Open University of Sri Lanka, which offers graduate courses in critical development studies, and the Social Scientists’ Association, wellrecognized for facilitating discussion among scholars on contemporary Sri Lankan politics and society. Finally, as I outlined above, this project has the potential to strengthen US scholarship on Sri Lanka through enhancing the scholarship on place-making following displacement and relocation as well as developing scholarship that focuses on aid assistance and development practice. In addition to contributing to Sri Lankan scholarship on placing making in the context of displacement (Tete 2010), this study does so by trying to understand the relationship between place-making and resettlement programming activities. My results will have relevance to donor and humanitarian agencies working in resettlement programming and resilience building, especially with respect to how their activities shape and create communities and places, ultimately enabling families to rebuild their lives. Other funding: Clark University will provide an air ticket and stipend for a few weeks of fieldwork.
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Bibliography Barrios, R.E. 2014. “‘Here I am not at ease’: anthropological perspectives on community resilience.” Disasters 38(2): 329-350. Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE) 2009. Recommendation for a National Policy on Housing, Land and Property Restitution in Sri Lanka. COHRE: Colombo. Gamburd, Michele R. 2014. The Golden Wave: Culture and Politics after Sri Lanka’s Tsunami Disaster. Bloomington: University of Indiana Press. Hyndman, J. 2011. Dual Disasters: Humanitarian Aid after the 2004 Tsunami. Sterling, VA: Kumarian Press. International Displacement Monitoring Center. 2015. Global Overview 2015: People Internally Displaced by Conflict and Violence. http://www.internal-displacement.org/assets/library/Media/201505-GlobalOverview-2015/20150506-global-overview-2015-en.pdf Karunasena, G. and R. Rameezdeen. 2010. “Post-disaster Housing Reconstruction: Comparative study of donor vs. owner-driven approaches” International Journal of Disaster Resilience in the Built Environment 1(2): 173-191. Klem, B. 2014. “The Political Geography of War’s End: Territorialisation, Circulation, and Moral Anxiety in Trincomalee, Sri Lanka.” Political Geography 38: 33-45. Lund, C. 2010. Approaching Development: an opinionated review. Progress in Development Studies 10(1): 19-34. Lyons, M. and T. Schilderman with C. Boano (eds). 2010. Building Back Better: Delivering peoplecentred housing reconstruction at scale. Warwickshire: Practical Action Publishing. Massey, D.2005. For Space. London and Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. Mathur, N. 2015. “A ‘Remote’ Town in the Indian Himalaya.” Modern Asian Studies 49(2): 365-392. Moore, Donald S. 1998. “Subaltern Struggles and the Politics of Place: Remapping Resistance in Zimbabwe’s Eastern Highlands.” Cultural Anthropology 13(3): 344–81. Mulligan, M. and Y. Nadarajah. 2012. Rebuilding Communities in the Wake of Disaster: Social Recovery in Sri Lanka and India. New Delhi: Routledge. Ruwanpura, K.N. 2009. “Putting houses in place: rebuilding communities in post-tsunami Sri Lanka.” Disasters 33(3): 436-456. Stepputat, F. “Postscript. Home, Fragility and Irregulation: Reflections on Ethnographies of Im/mobility.” In: Jansen, S. and S. Lofving. (eds). 2009. Struggles for Home: Violence, Hope and the Movement of People. New York: Berghahn Books. Pp. 173-182. Tete, S.Y.A. 2010. “Whose solution?: Policy imperatives vis-à-vis internally displaced persons’ perceptions of solutions to their situation in the Sri Lankan conflict” In: Blaikie, P. and R. Lund (eds). The Tsunami of 2004 in Sri Lanka: Impacts and Policy in the Shadow of Civil War. London: Routledge. Pp. 45-59. Thurnheer, K. 2014. Life beyond survival: Social forms of coping after the tsunami in war-affected Eastern Sri Lanka. Transcript: Verlag Blelefeld. USAID. 2012. The Resilience Agenda: Helping Vulnerable Communities Emerge from Cycles of Crisis onto a Pathway Toward Development. Washington, DC.
