de la crise naquirent les cultes

DE LA CRISE NAQUIRENT LES CULTES

HOMO RELIGIOSUS SERIE II La Collection Homo Religiosus Série II fait suite à la Collection Homo Religiosus publiée de 1978 à 2001 par le Centre d’Histoire des Religions de Louvain-laNeuve sous la direction de Julien Ries et diffusée par les soins du Centre CerfauxLefort A.S.B.L. La Collection Homo Religiosus Série II est publiée et diffusée par Brepols Publishers. Elle est dirigée par un comité scientifique que préside René Lebrun, et dont font partie Marco Cavalieri, Agnès Degrève, Charlotte DelhayeLebrun, Julien De Vos, Charles Doyen, Patrick Marchetti, André Motte, Thomas Osborne, Jean-Claude Polet, Natale Spineto et Étienne Van Quickelberghe.

© BREPOLS PUBLISHERS

THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER.

HOMO RELIGIOSUS Série ii 15 DE LA CRISE NAQUIRENT LES CULTES APPROCHES CROISÉES DE LA RELIGION, DE LA PHILOSOPHIE ET DES REPRÉSENTATIONS ANTIQUES Actes du Colloque international organisé à Louvain-la-Neuve les 12 et 13 juin 2014 par le Centre d’étude des Mondes Antiques, le Centre d’Histoire des Religions Cardinal Julien Ries et les Actions de Recherche Concertées « A World in Crisis? » Textes réunis et édités par Marco Cavalieri, René Lebrun et Nicolas L. J. Meunier

F

Illustration de couverture Feuillet de diptyque des Nicomaque et des Symmaque Provenance : église de Montier-en-Der (Haute-Marne) ; vers 400 ; accomplissement d’un rite païen en l’honneur de Cybèle par une prêtresse de Déméter-Cérès Cl.17048 Localisation : Paris, musée de Cluny - musée national du Moyen Âge Photo © RMN-Grand Palais (musée de Cluny - musée national du Moyen-Âge) / Thierry Ollivier.

© 2015, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher.

D/2015/0095/105 ISBN 978-2-503-55461-7 Printed on acid-free paper.



TABLE DES MATIÈRES

Préface Ouverture du Colloque Avant-propos

9 11 13

COMMUNICATION INTRODUCTIVE

17

« Guerre sainte » et appropriation des dieux ennemis : quelques considérations Giusto Traina

19

SECTION I : LES 2e ET 1er MILLÉNAIRES EN MÉDITERRANÉE ORIENTALE, ANATOLIE ET MÉSOPOAMIE

29

The Birth of a God? Cults and Crises on Minoan Crete Jan Driessen

31

Quelques rois hittites et leurs dieux personnels René Lebrun

45

La crise en Babylonie au 1er millénaire av. J. -C. et son impact dans le domaine cultuel. Quelques observations d’après l’analyse de l’Épopée d’Erra. Johanne Garny

51

SECTION II : LE MONDE GREC

63

La tablette PY Tn 316 : un Crisis Cult ? Charles Doyen

65

Le « crétois » Épiménidès et la crise de la société grecque à l’époque archaïque Patrick Marchetti

85

6

Table des matières

La réorganisation des cultes dans l’agora de Corinthe après la crise du vie siècle av. J.-C. Rachele Dubbini

99

Crise des cultes et cultes de crise à Athènes durant la guerre du Péloponnèse ? Christophe Flament

113

Platon : réactions d’un philosophe face à la crise de la religion traditionnelle Aikaterini Lefka

131

SECTION III : LE MONDE ROMAIN

145

Le lac Régille, les Dioscures et Cérès : de la crise romano-latine à la crise patricio-plébéienne Nicolas. L. J. Meunier

147

D’une crise religieuse à une autre : de l’Apollon de Fabius Pictor à celui d’Auguste Bernard Mineo

167

Un panthéon de crise : dévotions et cultes durant l’année des quatre empereurs (68‑69 ap. J.-C.) Pierre Assenmaker

189

SECTION IV : L’ANTIQUITÉ TARDIVE

205

Objets isiaques en contexte domestique durant l’Antiquité tardive à Athènes et à Rome : le cas des images associant Isis à Tychè/Fortuna 207 Nicolas Amoroso Acteurs, lieux et pratiques du culte de Vesta dans la Rome tardo-antique. Vitalité et disparition d’une institution de la religion traditionnelle Vincent Mahieu



233

Table des matières

7

Crisi e «privatizzazione» dei culti in età tardoantica: il contributo dell’archeologia delle ville Carla Sfameni

251

A fundamentis ipsam basilicam exterminauit. Espaces et cultes à Rome du ive au vie siècle de notre ère Marco Cavalieri

273

Débat conclusif Références des Auteurs

307 313



PRÉFACE

L

e colloque qui s’ouvre aujourd’hui est organisé par trois groupes de recherche : le CEMA (Centre d’étude des Mondes Antiques), le CHIR (Centre d’Histoire des Religions Cardinal Julien Ries) et les Actions de Recherche Concertées « A World in Crisis ? ». Il reflète donc une collaboration large de chercheurs nombreux, et s’inscrit ainsi pleinement dans la philosophie de l’institut INCAL (Institut des Civilisations, Arts et Lettres). Celui-ci, regroupant environ 200 chercheurs issus de disciplines diverses mais connectées (histoire, histoire de l’art, archéologie, philologie, études littéraires etc.), a pour objectif de mutualiser des moyens destinés à soutenir la recherche, à aider les chercheurs dans l’obtention et dans la gestion des crédits de recherche, et de fournir aux chercheurs un support logistique et administratif qui les aide dans l’accomplissement de leurs tâches. Le plus important consiste toutefois à susciter des rencontres, à créer des occasions de dialogues, voire parfois de confrontations, entre approches et entre spécialistes différents. Favoriser les croisements et l’interdisciplinarité est au cœur de l’action de l’institut INCAL. Le colloque « Cultes en crise, crise des cultes. Approches croisées de la religion, de la philosophie et des représentations antiques » participe de la même démarche. Le sujet du colloque est vaste et complexe, et le premier défi sera sans doute de bien comprendre ce concept de crise. Il s’agit d’un concept moderne, et même d’un concept mis en avant par la modernité, celle-ci commençant lorsqu’une société se met à penser qu’elle peut assurer son avenir sans plus se préoccuper de son passé, parce qu’elle pense que les progrès de divers ordres qu’elle a réalisés lui garantissent qu’elle réussira en tout mieux qu’aucune société avant elle. En cela, d’ailleurs, la modernité est aussi un concept typiquement occidental, fruit des Lumières, un concept au nom duquel la société occidentale se met à juger les autres, et le mot qu’elle privilégie dans ses jugements est précisément celui de crise. Parler de crise, c’est porter un jugement, et c’est bien en cela qu’il s’agit d’un concept occidental1. Il n’est pas inutile d’ajouter que le jugement sur la crise est rarement pris dans un sens positif. Il y aura certainement quelqu’un pour rappeler l’étymologie du mot « crise », venant du substantif grec κρίσις et du verbe κρίνω, « juger, décider, décider entre deux choses, accepter d’abandonner l’une pour choisir l’autre ». Le rappel étymologique est important, car il permet de mieux cerner le contenu du concept 1 Cf. à ce sujet le très beau texte de Chaunu, P. : La modernité, qu’est-ce que c’est ? Introduction historique, disponible à l’adresse http ://www.erf-auteuil.org/conferences/la-modernite-qu-est-ce-que-c-est. html (consulté le 10/09/2014).

10

Préface

de crise : celle-ci résulte de la tension entre deux états, entre deux situations, et du sentiment d’insécurité que cette tension provoque. La crise, c’est le changement, et la tension est celle qui est propre à toute gestion du changement. Mais nous savons, au moins depuis Héraclite, que tout change et que le changement est l’état normal des choses ; c’est en fait l’immobilité qui serait la vraie crise. Evidemment, entre Héraclite et nous, il y a Platon, qui reconnaît l’état changeant de la nature mais qui y voit un reflet imparfait d’une réalité intelligible immuable et immobile. Parce que nous sommes tous des enfants de Platon, et bien plus que nous ne le pensons, nous avons donc tendance à voir partout des crises. Ce que le programme de ce colloque exprime à souhait. Le colloque, à travers ses communications, révèle combien les sociétés anciennes ont été en permanence confrontées au défi de la gestion du changement, et c’est une idée à rappeler aujourd’hui, dans une société qui croit qu’elle vit un changement plus important que jamais. Ce qui rapproche notre société de toutes celles qui l’ont précédée, ce sont les acteurs, les hommes et les femmes qui les ont fait naître et évoluer, et qui, hier comme aujourd’hui, fonctionnent et raisonnent avec des concepts et des représentations, souvent symboliques. Le colloque, en étudiant les mondes anciens, prend par rapport à notre monde le recul indispensable à sa bonne compréhension. Dans une société qui se prétend moderne, et dès lors en rupture avec son passé, toute crise prend une ampleur que la prise en compte du passé permet précisément de relativiser. Plus qu’avec le passé, c’est avec la prétention de modernité qu’il faut rompre pour revenir à cette connaissance des racines qui seule permet d’accéder à une compréhension juste des fleurs et des fruits. Ce qui est vraiment moderne, c’est d’accepter l’exigence qu’implique cette démarche, une exigence double, parce qu’elle requiert à la fois un travail technique et scientifique permettant des maîtriser les sources des mondes anciens et un travail d’introspection qui nous remet à notre juste place, qui n’est pas celle de représentants d’un aboutissement des mondes mais de maillons entre des mondes en perpétuelle transformation. Je vous souhaite un colloque enrichissant et fructueux, apportant aux hommes d’aujourd’hui l’éclairage irremplaçable du temps. Bernard Coulie



OUVERTURE DU COLLOQUE

M

esdames, Mesdemoiselles, Messieurs, chers étudiants, chers collègues, chers amis, je ne voudrais pas trop empiéter sur le temps imparti aux échanges de cette première journée qui s’annonce particulièrement intense et profitable : je serai donc bref. Je tenais néanmoins à vous souhaiter la bienvenue en ma qualité de responsable du Centre d’étude des Mondes Antiques, de membre du Centre d’Histoire des Religions Cardinal Julien Ries et de co-promoteur des Actions de Recherche Concertées « A World in Crisis? », et surtout à vous remercier pour votre présence et pour la contribution que vos interventions apporteront sans nul doute au débat scientifique qui se tiendra durant ces deux jours dans cette Aula Senatus. Je me réjouis de constater que cette rencontre se déroule grâce à la synergie opérée entre trois unités de recherche auxquelles j’ai l’honneur d’appartenir, toutes enracinées à leur manière dans l’identité et dans la spécialisation scientifique multiforme qui caractérise l’UCL. Je voudrais remercier pour leur présence les illustres collègues provenant du monde universitaire belge et européen qui nous font l’honneur d’être parmi nous et confèrent à notre table ronde une dimension internationale aujourd’hui indispensable au dialogue et au développement des idées. Si je devais identifier un mot qui synthétisât l’esprit de ces deux journées, je choisirais sans aucun doute la concertation, dans le sens où, au cœur de l’initiative collective, chacun retrouve une part de soi-même et de son travail de recherche. C’est, en effet, la ligne de conduite qui a guidé l’ensemble de mon mandat en tant que responsable du CEMA et c’est, à la lumière de ce principe, que cette table ronde est née, fruit d’un dialogue entre les thématiques de recherches de l’ARC « A World in Crisis? », celles propres au Groupe d’histoire romaine du CEMA et celles du CHIR. Cette heureuse convergence, qui s’inscrit dans la continuité du premier colloque organisé par le CEMA en novembre 2011 sur le sujet de la destruction1, a permis la formulation d’un nouveau thème de recherche transversal et fortement fédérateur, qui embrasse des domaines nombreux et variés tels que l’archéologie, l’histoire, la philologie, la philosophie et l’iconographie. Il me plaît en outre de souligner combien l’initiative qui nous rassemble aujourd’hui est caractérisée par une autre forme de transversalité liée à l’identité

1 Driessen, J. (ed.) 2013 : Destruction: Archaeological, philological and Historical Perspectives, Louvain-la-Neuve.

12

Ouverture du Colloque

composite des intervenants : nous assisterons, en effet, à des échanges auxquels participeront aussi bien des clarissimi uiri (tous sexes confondus, bien sûr) de l’ordo académique, que des chercheurs confirmés, des juniores du monde académique et des doctorants qui sont en quelque sorte les « nouvelles recrues de la recherche ». Une telle variété exprime bien le dynamisme de générations de chercheurs et d’enseignants, qui conjuguent à merveille le passé et le futur, la tradition et l’innovation. À l’orée d’une série d’interventions qui couvriront un horizon chronologique allant du second millénaire av. J.-C. jusqu’à la prétendue métamorphose de Rome durant l’Antiquité tardive, il est évident que le cours des échanges et les conclusions auxquelles ceux-ci aboutiront sont nécessairement imprévisibles. Il est naturel qu’il en soit ainsi car, selon moi, la vraie recherche n’aspire pas à démontrer des théories préconçues, mais s’aventure là où la conduit l’imbrication des données, analysées selon divers points de vue. Des thèmes aussi vastes et profonds que la crise et la religion ne seront pas épuisés : il s’agit peut-être de la seule certitude dont nous disposons au début de cette rencontre. Il est certain, par contre, que nous devrons nous prémunir de considérer la crise à partir d’un prisme a priori négatif, par exemple comme un facteur-clé de désagrégation de la civilisation classique où la religion chrétienne jouerait un rôle central dans la dégénération « psychologique » (« spirituelle ») de l’Antiquité. Contrairement aux théories développées par Michail Rostovtzeff, les prémices de notre colloque reposent sur le fait que le changement de religion ne suit ni ne précède nécessairement un plus grand développement de la créativité dans d’autres domaines. Nous nous inscrivons donc en faux par rapport à son affirmation selon laquelle « les périodes de grande vitalité dans le domaine de la créativité religieuse ne sont presque jamais concomitantes avec les périodes d’activité productive dans les autres champs culturels »2. C’est à partir de positions diamétralement opposées à celles du savant russe que naissent les hypothèses scientifiques de nos deux journées d’étude que je vous souhaite, pour conclure, riches en réflexions et surtout animées par la curiosité intellectuelle, qui est le premier moteur de la recherche. Merci et bon travail. Marco Cavalieri

2 Rostovtzeff, M.I. 1995 : Per la storia economica e sociale del mondo ellenistico romano. Saggi scelti, sous la direction de T. Gnoli et J. Thornton, avec une « Introduzione » de M. Mazza, Catane, 89‑155. Phrase à la page 91, traduite de l’italien par François-Dominique Deltenre.



AVANT-PROPOS

L

e terme « crise » – du grec κρίσις, qui signifie « décision, point de divergence, choix, contestation » – est entré depuis longtemps déjà dans le vocabulaire des domaines scientifique, financier, psychologique, mais aussi, et ce ne sont pas les moindres, historique et religieux. Il désigne une phase à la fois trouble et décisive dans l’évolution des idées, des événements ou des situations, qui entraîne ensuite une métamorphose, un déséquilibre, voire un bouleversement et une rupture. De la métamorphose issue de la crise pourra résulter aussi bien une situation positive que son contraire. Aucun problème de classification herméneutique n’est apparu jusqu’ici. En revanche, les choses se compliquent lorsqu’au terme crise est associé celui de culte et que les deux substantifs sont entendus en corrélation, autrement dit lorsque les cultes sont compris comme l’expression ou la conséquence d’un phénomène de crise, acception qui se traduit par la formule désormais bien connue de Crisis Cults. En d’autres termes, un changement significatif dans le cadre socio-culturel d’une communauté peut être à l’origine d’une redéfinition importante du sacré dans toutes ses manifestations, en fonction de deux facteurs essentiels desquels de nouvelles expressions religieuses peuvent découler. Ces deux facteurs sont d’une part les conflits culturels, sociaux et politiques, d’autre part l’action de grandes personnalités de l’Histoire, par exemple Aménophis iv, Alexandre le Grand, Constantin etc.1. De manière presque paradoxale, donc, la crise est une rupture du sacré et de son expression phénoménologique la plus courante, les cultes2 ; mais en même temps, de même que la cendre d’un bois brûlé par le feu fertilise les champs, la crise peut devenir un catalyseur fondamental de la naissance de nouvelles formes religieuses. Il apparaît d’emblée clairement à qui s’apprête pour la première fois, comme l’auteur de ces lignes, à une analyse du thème proposé dans ces Actes – à savoir le rapport causal et effectif entre crise et culte – que le cadre herméneutique qui est l’objet de l’enquête excède amplement les limites des disciplines historique et archéologique, tout comme celles de la recherche philologique et philosophique, pourtant bien présentes dans le titre du colloque. En effet, la terminologie Crisis Cults fut, si pas forgée, du moins systématisée, par l’ethnologie américaine des

1 Ries, J. 2005 : Crises, ruptures, mutations dans les traditions religieuses, Homo Religiosus, Série ii. 2 I culti della crisi. Ries, J. 2007 : L’uomo religioso e la sua esperienza del sacro, vol. iii, Milan, 335‑343.

14

Avant-propos

années soixante-dix du xxe siècle, et elle est le résultat des intuitions et surtout de la théorisation de Weston La Barre qui l’explique ainsi : I have adopted the simple term Crisis Cult both for its brevity and its indecisiveness, intending only to imply the insight of Malinowski3 that there is no cult without a crisis. That is to say, there must be an unresolved problem or crisis, chronic or acute, and unresolved by ordinary secular means, before there is a cult response4.

Selon l’anthropologue américain, en effet, les « new projective sacred systems, or Crisis Cults » sont le produit de « culture shocks and strains of acculturation » se traduisant dans des formules qui excluent de toute façon « the pragmatic, revisionist, secular responses ». Les Crisis Cults sont donc voués à une transformation continuelle, résultat de la combinaison des composantes rationnelle et mystique de la religion. À cet égard, il est à noter que de telles notions proviennent des études psychanalytiques et ethnographiques et qu’elles furent théorisées in primis sur base de l’observation des Indiens d’Amérique, ces derniers étant entendus au sens, implicite, mais caractéristique, de collectivité culturelle en rapport à une crise, donc avec un point de vue marqué d’une forte valeur sociologique. La dimension paradigmatique de la pensée de La Barre et une certaine conceptualisation théorique de ses déductions fournissent un banc d’essai intéressant, à vérifier dans d’autres contextes spatiaux et culturels. En outre, étant donné que l’étiologie de l’idée de Crisis Cults ne se réfère pas seulement aux collectivités religieuses, mais exprime des causes et facteurs premiers imputables au monde économique, politique, militaire etc. dans un large entrelacement de contextes, d’approches et de formes, sont ainsi posées les bases de l’universalité de la méthode, dont l’application a été testée dans les textes rassemblés au sein du présent volume. Ceci dit, l’intérêt scientifique majeur du Colloque des 12 et 13 juin 2014, qui a fait participer, de par le choix des organisateurs, des savants de disciplines variées, fut « d’émanciper » la dichotomie conceptuelle – religion/crise – de la sphère ethnoanthropologique issue de la spéculation post-idéaliste d’origine anglo-saxonne. Il est vrai que les rapports complexes entre religion, culte et crise ont déjà été abordés ailleurs dans le cadre des disciplines historiques et archéologiques5, mais, à notre connaissance, jamais de manière aussi systématique et transversale que dans les 3 Bronisław Malinowski (1884‑1942), anthropologue polonais naturalisé britannique, un des savants les plus importants du xxe siècle. Il est célèbre pour son activité pionnière dans le domaine de la recherche ethnographique, pour ses études sur la réciprocité et pour ses analyses des us et coutumes des populations mélanésiennes. 4 La Barre, W. 1971 : Materials for a History of Studies of Crisis Cults: A Bibliographic Essay, Current Anthopology 12.1, 3‑44. Cf. aussi Nelson, G.K. 1988 : Cults, New Religions and Religious Creativity, Routledge. 5 Driessen, J. 2001 : Crisis Cults on Minoan Crete?, in R. Laffineur et R. Hägg (ed.), POTNIA. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age, Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean Conference /



Avant-propos

15

Actes que nous présentons : dans ceux-ci, en effet, l’analyse des savants a pu franchir les millénaires, de Babylone à l’Égypte pharaonique, de l’Anatolie au monde grec, jusqu’à la Rome tardo-antique et du Haut Moyen-Âge. Ainsi, les journées d’études à Louvain-la-Neuve ont permis d’expérimenter, en dehors de l’anthropologie culturelle, une approche et une terminologie qui étaient jusqu’à présent peu habituelles hors du cadre de l’anthropologie et d’une certaine sorte d’archéologie pré- et protohistorique. En ce sens, nous pensons que les pages de ce livre constituent, si pas un point de départ, du moins un moment important de la recherche sur le rapport de la religion antique à la crise ; mais elles sont aussi une réflexion fondamentale sur la méthode scientifique dans un cadre disciplinaire qui fut pendant longtemps retranché derrière un formalisme herméneutique, dont la rigidité méthodologique mettait à l’avant-plan l’analyse de type historique, aux dépens d’autres canaux d’investigation, anthropologique, philosophique, voire archéologique. Nous voudrions remercier tous les participants aux Colloque qui, en un temps assez court, ont rendu possible la publication de ces Actes, qui paraissent donc un an et demi à peine après la rencontre. Les remerciements vont plus particulièrement aux institutions scientifiques qui ont rendu possible l’organisation matérielle des journées d’études et leur publication : le Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique (FNRS), l’Institut des Civilisations, Arts et Lettres (INCAL), le Centre d’étude des Mondes Antiques (CEMA), le Centre d’Histoire des Religions Cardinal Julien Ries (CHIR) et les Actions de Recherche Concertées « A World in Crisis ? ». Outre les institutions, il faut aussi remercier les personnes qui, de manière et à des moments différents, se sont employées à la réussite de l’événement : le Prof. Bernard Coulie (Président d’INCAL), l’équipe du Service Image d’INCAL (Frédéric Verolleman et Virginie Housiaux), Pierre Assenmaker, Nathalie Coisman, François-Dominique Deltenre et Nicolas Kress. Nous sommes en outre particulièrement reconnaissant au Prof. René Lebrun d’avoir généreusement accepté que le présent volume d’Actes soit accueilli dans la prestigieuse collection Homo Religiosus II. Concernant l’organisation des textes, il a été décidé de respecter l’ordre de présentation qui fut celui du Colloque et qui a suivi une progression à la fois chronologique et géographique. Néanmoins, pour des raisons diverses, les présentations n’ont pas toutes été converties en textes. Mais il est possible de combler ce manque, du moins en partie, en visionnant le podcast du Colloque disponible à l’adresse suivante : Marco Cavalieri

8e Rencontre égéenne internationale, Göteborg University, 12‑15 April 2000, 361‑369, avec une ample bibliographie de référence à la note 5.



SECTION I

LES 2e ET 1er MILLÉNAIRES EN MÉDITERRANÉE ORIENTALE, ANATOLIE ET MÉSOPOAMIE



Jan Driessen*

THE BIRTH OF A GOD? CULTS AND CRISES ON MINOAN CRETE

The Late Bronze Age history of Crete is punctuated by a series of historical moments which can be identified as moments of considerable socio-political change: there is first of all the eruption of Santorini volcano and its related effects on Late Minoan IA (here dated to c. 1530 bc), then the fire destruction of many settlements and palaces in Late Minoan IB (c. 1450 bc), the destruction of the palace at Knossos (here dated to the late 14th c. bc.) and finally the period of troubles before and after 1200 bc when the entire Mediterranean was affected. These four moments of crisis are accompanied by a series of societal and cultural changes. In this paper I explore to what extent these different crisis moments provoked changes in cult and religious beliefs and, conversely, to what extent changes in cult may themselves have provoked societal changes. As such I hope to understand how a cult primarily focused on a female divinity during earlier Minoan phases developed into the polytheistic Greek cult centred on a male god.

All religions serve to unite cultural, social and personality systems into a significant unity, involving a common myth, ritual behaviour and something that is regarded as the holy. Through the performance and repetition of specific rituals, a link between the natural and the supernatural order is assured. When a crisis occurs – a situation regarded as unbearable such as a social, political, and natural or other type of disaster and which cannot be mastered by routine secular and sacred practices – rectification is needed.1 This is a complex process which often also involves scapegoating, looking for something or somebody to blame, and this can either be a specific group or the authorities. But this rectification will also predominantly take place in areas of projective or religious behaviour: a society under stress reacts primarily by intensifying mainstream religious and hence ritual behaviour.2 Hence, in archaeological terms, this should be reflected by a proliferation of evidence such as increased ritual deposition or exaggerated ritual * This research was made possible thanks to the Communauté française de Belgique – Actions de Recherche Concertées, ‘A World in Crisis?’; I also thank F. Gaignerot-Driessen, M. Devolder, S. Letesson and S. Déderix for remarks on an earlier version of this paper and A. Peatfield for the permission to cite part of his forthcoming paper and interesting discussions. I gladly dedicate this paper to Johannes Fabian. 1 A crisis has been defined as “a serious threat to the basic structures or the fundamental values and norms of a social system, which – under time pressure and highly uncertain circumstances – necessitates making critical decisions”; Rosenthal et al. 1989, 10. 2 For a recent example see [accessed 10.10.2014]. De la crise naquirent les cultes, éd. par Marco Cavalieri, René Lebrun et Nicolas L. J. Meunier, Turnhout, 2015 (Homo Religiosus II, 15), p. 31-44. © F H G10.1484/M.HR-EB.5.108417

32

JAN DRIESSEN

paraphernalia. If, however, this behaviour fails to reinstate normality, alternative ritual circuits are looked for and it is this type of cult that is known as a crisis cult, a non-official cult. Crisis cults then are ritual reactions by social groups that try to cope with a problem which routine secular or sacred practices cannot master.3 The best illustration remains the story of the golden calf: when Moses left to parlour with Yahweh, his people felt abandoned and within the power vacuum left behind, a crisis cult sprung up involving the veneration of a zoomorphic idol which provoked a violent reaction from Moses on his return which resulted in the reinstatement of the normal cult. This then seems to imply that a cult in crisis and a crisis cult are two different types of religious responses to adversity since the first will react through intensification, the second by the creation of an entirely new or largely new cult. But any crisis cult of course also indicates an official or mainstream cult in crisis and often results in the emerging of a new cult, mixing previous mainstream features with some distinctive new elements. The label crisis cult is of course a general term covering many different religious reactions to adversity, including cargo and liberation worship, revitalisation and salvation cults and many other types of religious movements that expect imminent, collective salvation.4 Many, perhaps most, institutionalised cults seem to have developed out of a crisis cult and many crisis cults eventually become institutionalised in the long run, if successful. Important work on crisis cults was done by Weston La Barre in 1971 and Johannes Fabian in 1981. As stressed by both, crisis cults are cults of crisis, not just cults responding to crisis.5 The realisation, however, that situations of import social disruption and upheaval affect the religious system, allows us to look at moments of important social change for expressions of either intensified or abnormal religious behaviour. Moreover, in the aftermath new religious features can, with some confidence, be explained as reactions to crisis situations. The present paper is a first attempt to do so where Minoan or Bronze Age Crete in concerned. Minoan civilisation has, in short, at least six key moments that are widely accepted as some kind of critical points, quantum leaps, phases during which a variety of major societal adjustments took place, both in a positive and a negative sense.6 These are: the construction of the First Palaces in Middle Minoan IB, or the 20th c. bc; their destruction and eventual reconstruction in the 18th and 17th c. bc; the eruption of Santorini volcano late in the 16th c. bc (a phase called Late Minoan IA); the 3 Driessen 2001, 362. 4 Trompf 1990, 1. 5 La Barre 1971; Fabian 1981, 110. 6 See e.g. Cherry 1983; Weingarten 1990; Cunningham 2007; Wiener 2013 and Macdonald forthcoming for some examples of quantum leaps or punctuated equilibria.



The Birth of a God? Cults and Crises on Minoan Crete

33

destruction of the Second Palaces (apart from Knossos) in the 15th c. bc or Late Minoan IB; the final destruction of Knossos during Late Minoan IIIA2 at the end of the 14th c. bc and finally the destructions and abandonments taking place at the end of Late Minoan IIIB in the 13th c. bc. These are key-moments, critical times of major social change and although I will mainly concentrate in this paper on the Late Bronze Age, it is more than likely that all these moments affected the religious system.7 Somehow it may be expected that all major religious changes accompany or result from major social changes whereas there seems little evidence in literature to claim that religious changes announce or provoke social changes but perhaps I am mistaken. In most cases of emergent complexity, religion and cult were instruments of power and Minoan Crete, taking differences of scale into account, seems not to have been much different. As such, it seems that, throughout the main phases of Minoan history, the authorities in charge of the main settlements incorporated or suppressed rural ritual manifestations to counter potential religious and thus political fragmentation and decentralisation. This is most clearly illustrated by one explicit ritual practice that seems to have known great continuity throughout the millennium-long history of Minoan culture. The practice is known as commensality, the act of eating and drinking together.8 Since this involves serving and sharing, co-presence and social networking, it is also a mechanism of social integration and hence power.9 Since the Final Neolithic or 3500 bc, commensality seems to have been a highly ritualised practice with standardised and high quality equipment of drinking and pouring vessels that were often deposited once the ceremony was over.10 And while meat consumption seems to have been very important during the later phases of the Final Neolithic, especially at Phaistos, the collective ceremonies seem later, at least as far as we can tell, mainly to involve beverages (probably wine) although this may simply be a result of archaeological bias.11 The consumption was probably accompanied by music, dance, processions and other related actions and ended in the careful deposition of the equipment involved. In each of the main Minoan phases, a specific ceramic set can be identified, comprising fancy cups and serving vessels, sometimes bound to a specific ceramic ware, but always showing extraordinary investment.12 It is very likely that the nature of these commensality practices as well as the selection criteria of the participants changed gradually but this needs 7 See already Driessen 2001 and Driessen and Macdonald 1997, 96. 8 For a full discussion, see Dietler 2001; for some interesting remarks Whitley 2014. 9 There is plenty of literature on this topic, starting with Moody 1987; see also Hamilakis 2000. 10 The best evidence comes from Final Neolithic Phaistos, see Todaro 2013, 217–231. 11 At Nopigia-Drapanias, for example, meat consumption is clear but whether or not discarded animal bone existed in other deposits is not clear since bone material was rarely kept during earlier excavations; Harris and Hamilakis 2008. 12 See e.g. Day et al. 2006 for a discussion of Phaistian sets.

34

JAN DRIESSEN

much more study.13 But from the Final Neolithic onwards, these commensality practices were anchored in space and were taking place in specially constructed courts, the prime function of which seems to have been the enactment of such ceremonial gatherings.14 This court-related commensality is attested throughout Minoan history and seems only to have been brought partly indoors afterwards. Since the gatherings were certainly enhancing the social cohesion of the communities involved as well as their regional integration, they are both a symbol as well as an instrument of power and it is through the spatial manipulation of these commensality gatherings that we can follow the development of power structures throughout the Bronze Age. Hence, during Prepalatial times, it may be that such gatherings happened at different scales and levels whereas during the Protopalatial period, they were mainly concentrated in large settlements with court-centered buildings or ‘Palaces’. This seems also the case early in Late Minoan I but, by the end of the Neopalatial period, in the 15th c. bc, it looks like that these commensality practices may again have been proliferating, as shown, for example by the 10,000s of cups mixed with food remains at Nopigia-Drapanias in West Crete and a concentrated but massive deposit of a few 100 cups at Sissi.15 This again may point to some political fragmentation especially since the practice seems much more limited and concentrated during Late Minoan II before proliferating again in Late Minoan IIIA2-B. When asked what the precise nature of the religion was hiding behind this ritual deposition, we remain largely ignorant. Through the anchoring in time and space of the commensality practices, however, the courts may have been seen as sacred spaces, providing a setting for a communion with and a recollection of the divine through specific rites. Much of this may have been related to myths of origin and ancestry. Now whereas during the Final Neolithic, these commensality gatherings seem mainly to have taken place at Knossos and Phaistos, they seem to have taken place almost in every settlement during the Early Bronze Age and beginning of the Middle Bronze Age up to the construction of the palaces when they disappear from the countryside. During the Early Bronze Age and the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, however, these drinking ceremonies were also taking place in another specific locale, that of tombs and cemeteries, which received major architectural investment, especially where the circular tombs are concerned. Whereas there is some limited evidence to show that some minor commensality practices happened during the primary deposition of the corpse, most evidence suggests that it was related to commemorations 13 In Neopalatial times, large numbers of simple cups suggest large-scale participation. These cups are very plain but the pouring and serving vessels become very sophisticated and often in non-ceramic valuable materials. 14 Driessen 2007; 2010. 15 Hamilakis 2000; Harris and Hamilakis 2008; Devolder 2011, 159; Liard 2011, 198.




35

and the moment of interference with the remains and their secondary deposition. This suggests some kind of ancestor veneration. It cannot be excluded that ancestor veneration also played a role within the court-related rituals since especially at Final Neolithic Phaistos, human skeletal material was associated with commensality practices in the Central Court and anthropological parallels illustrate that ancestor veneration can take place outside funerary contexts.16 The ritual picture then shows a fragmented religious landscape which undoubtedly can be translated in a fragmented and decentralised political landscape. In the 20th/19th c. bc, we reach our first quantum leap: the construction of monumental structures we call ‘palaces’ in a few places including Knossos, Phaistos, and Malia. This seems, in each case, to have involved the substantial transformation of the earlier commensality courts into more closed-off complexes with dependencies that surprise because of the architectural investment. Apart from an increased attention to storage, it probably also implied a stricter, more regulated and controlled ritual behaviour and the addition of supplementary rites. It may also have meant a more strict selection in the participation criteria. The monumentalisation is accompanied by other major changes in ritual behaviour since the moment remarkably well coincides with the giving up of the construction of monumental circular and rectangular tombs.17 Although the funerary complexes are still used for gatherings, they may have become heavily ritualised and especially to have involved libations whereas large-scale commensality may henceforth have been limited to palatial courts.18 This suggests a move towards centralisation by the authorities that managed and monitored these central buildings or ‘palaces’. But almost as a rural alternative, two out-lying locales seem to have been invested with greater importance and are being used for the ritual deposition of clay figurines, decorated pottery and occasionally other objects, practices that are not attested within the settlements. These two locales are almost on the opposite sides of the topographic spectrum: on the top of high mountains at the so-called peak sanctuaries and within deep, sacred, caves. Both contexts are interpreted as reflecting more shamanistic practices and an attempt to reach altered states.19 There is much less evidence for commensality in these cases but it is not unlikely. Although both types of ritual depositions may have been announced by minor isolated, rural practices before, the sheer number of depositions now is striking. The quality of the material depositions suggests that, at least at the outset, the dedications in both

16 Especially Todaro 2013, 224–225 (with references). 17 Déderix and Devolder forthcoming. 18 The only exception is formed by the tombs of Kamilari and Hagia Triada (for which see Caloi 2011), something which should be explained by local geopolitics and perhaps the presence of dissident groups close to the Phaistos centre. 19 Morris 2004; Morris and Peatfield 2004; Peatfield 2007.

36

JAN DRIESSEN

peak and cave sanctuaries were made by more humble worshippers and may hence represent an alternative cult than the one performed within the larger settlements. Our second moment, the destruction of the First Palaces and the construction of the New palaces, is again accompanied by major changes. The palatial centres seem to have interfered and either subdued local religious expressions or incorporated them so that only a few peak sanctuaries and caves remained in use and those are all near major settlements. These now clearly show the involvement of more elite groups. This is especially obvious for the peak sanctuaries located near major centres as Iuktas for Knossos and Petsofas for Palaikastro, or the Idaean Cave for Zominthos, sanctuaries which became linked through processions with the main settlements and thus probably reflect state-authorised cults. These receive major investment, both in architecture and in valuable offerings, often in bronze, gold, silver and precious stones. This seems to be a clear manipulation by central authorities and an attempt to centralise cult practices. As such it may be argued that a mixing of practices occurred that were earlier perhaps considered as deviant and were now incorporated into the modified mainstream religion. This could explain why shamanistic practices and attempts to reach altered states now turn up in prestigious iconography and especially on private carriers such as gold rings. The same iconographic material now also clearly indicates that such behaviour is also practiced within the confines of palatial complexes and that it is linked to an anthropomorphisation or deification of Minoan religion. An important female figure – often the focus of adoration – shows up in much of the two-dimensional art of the Late Minoan I period. The best illustration is that of a fresco found at Late Minoan IA Akrotiri, on Santorini, but similar scenes are quite common in major Minoan settlements, especially in Central and East Crete, as illustrated by the recent discovery of an ivory box at Mochlos on which she features prominently.20 If she really can be considered as the Great Goddess, where does she come from? Was she always there but were there taboos on her representation and image till the period of the Second Palaces21? Or was she a late creation and Minoan religion did not have an anthropomorphic element before? Alan Peatfield recently suggested that she was specifically a Knossian creation and I think his argument is valid.22 During the earlier phases of the Bronze Age, the female aspect always played an important role. I have explained this by the existence of a matrilinear and matrilocal element in Minoan society, largely made up by corporate groups forming intermediate social units.23 This system would have largely prevailed throughout much 20 Soles and Davaras 2010. 21 Although some authors (Branigan 1969) have tried to see her origin in the Early Minoan anthropomorphic rhyta or the Middle Minoan dancing figures, other explanations are possible. 22 Peatfield forthcoming. 23 Driessen 2010 ; 2012.




37

of the Bronze Age. For Peatfield, the Great Goddess would be the “transformation of the Ancestral founder of the Knossos Great House into a divine figure, a true deity. She is the ideological, symbolic, and spiritual representation of Knossian power”.24 By imposing her cult on dependent settlements and territories, Knossos was also imposing its own power – “the religious counterpart to the dominance of one palace” as Peatfield argues. This could not end well. And indeed our third moment, the eruption of Santorini volcano, may have triggered reactions in the religious sphere that were perhaps not only acerbated by the inefficiency of the existing cult to avert disasters provoked by nature – earthquakes, ash fall, tsunamis – but also by the Knossian-imposed system. Immediately afterwards, the male element in iconography becomes much more evident especially on some gold rings and their impressions.25 To understand what happens we should fast forward to the period after the destruction of the second palaces, our fourth moment. During the 14th c. bc, a centralised administration settles at Knossos, using the Linear B script to record matters in Greek.26 The Linear B tablets confirm that at least the Knossian elite now adhered to a polytheistic religion with Zeus Diktaios – a syncretised form of what is assumed to be a Greek Mainland divine figure with a clear Cretan element – as supreme divinity.27 The change from a Great Goddess to a Great God cannot have been unobserved but may have been prepared by the above mentioned male iconography that characterises the post-Santorini eruption phase.28 Still we may ask how Cretan Zeus was born. From Hesiod’s Theogony we learn how Zeus Kretagenes or Diktaion Zeus was born on the island in an inaccessible cave, high in the mountains, hidden from his father Kronos who he would later overthrow. The story of Zeus’ birth has both a hidden and a violent aspect which we may perhaps translate as a cult that started in secrecy or clandestine and which, when it was starting to spread, implied a period of turmoil and violence before it was generally accepted. Secrecy and violence are two of the aspects that, when they are related to religion, correspond well with what we understand as crisis cults. In fact, Antoninus Liberalis (19) adds the following: In Crete there is said to be a sacred cave full of bees. In it, as storytellers say, Rhea gave birth to Zeus; it is a sacred place and no one is to go near it, whether god or mortal. At the appointed time each year a great blaze is seen to come out of the cave. The story goes on to say that this happens whenever the blood from the birth of Zeus begins to boil up.29 24 Peatfield forthcoming. 25 Drappier and Langohr 2004. 26 Driessen and Langohr 2007. 27 For religion in the Knossos Linear B tablets see especially Gulizio 2008. 28 Driessen and Macdonald 1997, 97 and Driessen 2001, 368 for the suggestion. 29 Postlethwaite 1999, 86.

38

JAN DRIESSEN

The great blaze coming out of the cave could potentially be an allusion to the Santorini Eruption and it makes the hypothesis that somehow the eruption was responsible for the emergence of a Cretan cult of Zeus perhaps a possibility. At Palaikastro, in the far east of the island, there existed an important sanctuary of Zeus Diktaion in later Greek times.30 As is the case in many Zeus sanctuaries, it received important metal dedications starting in the Geometric period and probably witnessed the construction of a temple from the archaic period onwards of which only the roof tiles and some architectural decoration has hitherto been found. A later inscription (ad 200) leaves no doubt about the identity of the cult and its importance. This is the Palaikastro Hymn to Diktaion Zeus. Mark Allonge has made some objections which especially relate to the age of the divinity implied and uses this to deny continuity between the Bronze and the Iron Age.31 Fact remains that a chryselephantine statue of a youth was found within a shrine dating to the Late Minoan I, post-Santorini eruption phase. This statue, known as the Palaikastro Kouros (Fig. 1), surprises because of the quality of its carving and the copiousness of precious materials used: ivory, gold, coral, steatite, Egyptian blue and it are these materials that suggest that it was a cult statue.32 The building it was kept in does not form part of a monumental central complex but is a modified private residence. Whereas the statuette is unique in its material and size, its pose is not, since many of the Middle Minoan terracotta figurines that depict worshippers in the peak sanctuaries, and especially at Petsofas, take the same stance.33 To the extent in which the cult of the Great Goddess may have been based on a combination of earlier ancestral practices connected to female founders and ecstatic behaviours that characterised peak sanctuary and cave cult, the cult of the young male as reflected by the Palaikastro Kouros seems to combine the idea of an anthropomorphic divinity with that of the male worshipper involved in the peak sanctuary and cave cult. This does not need to be Zeus, of course, but the presence of inscribed stone libation vessels explicitly mentioning Dikté from the peak sanctuaries, makes the connection plausible.34 But more than its existence, it is the destruction of the Palaikastro Kouros which is especially striking: at some stage around 1450 bc, somebody took the statue outside and then, holding it by the legs, smashed its head in hundreds of pieces so that part of the body fell down and other pieces dispersed, while the legs were thrown back into the shrine which burned down to the ground.35 Without explicit texts we cannot

30 Prent 2005, 350–353; Driessen-Gaignerot 2011. 31 Allonge 2005 as well as Whitley 2009. 32 See the different studies in MacGillivray et al. 2000; Sackett 2006. 33 See esp. MacGillivray 2000; Sackett 2006. 34 See already Crowther 1988 and now Davis 2014. 35 Cunningham 2007.




Fig. 1 : The Palaikastro Kouros (courtesy L. H. Sackett & J. A. MacGillivray)

39

40

JAN DRIESSEN

be sure but the female/male opposition seems rather interpellant and may hide the difficult birth of a male god on the island of Crete. The question is of course whether the male god of Palaikastro is the supreme god that appears immediately afterwards in the Linear B tablets. For the next 150 years, the palace of Knossos and its Linear B administration ruled large parts of the island. The tablets record the many offerings made to gods and shrines in its territory. Many of the divinities mentioned are Olympian and Diktaion Zeus – Diwe Dikatajo – takes pride of place, whereas some of the shrines such as the Daidaleion and the Labyrinth probably lay at the origin of later Greek myths. Archaeologically, however, these Olympian divinities are absent and will remain so till the late 8th and 7th c. bc. This means that, without the Linear B tablets, we would have been ignorant as to the precise religious system of the period, hiding behind our archaeological evidence. At the same time, we cannot exclude either that the evidence we have is not related to Olympian divinities but to some other, more indigenous religious system. As an example, I may mention the shrine of Hagia Triada near Phaistos in the Messara, our clearest cult assemblage dating to Late Minoan IIIA or the 14th c. bc, the time of the Linear B tablets of Knossos. This Shrine H comprises two rooms linked by a multiple door following a Minoan fashion and its walls too use the half-timbered construction that is typically Minoan.36 The floor of the main room was decorated with a plastered floor with a seascape which also should link up with Minoan traditions. But within the room are a series of ceramic tubular stands, called snake tubes, and kalathoi in front of a bench against the wall, on which some cups were placed, hence announcing a tradition of bench sanctuaries that are quite common during the 13th and 12th centuries bc. Whereas this type of shrine seems entirely new, some of the cult material existed already during the 15th c., as shown by the large tubular stands found at Myrtos Pyrgos.37 Stand shrines, according to a recent study, form one of the innovations of the post-Knossos destruction phase in Late Minoan IIIA, and seem clearly connected to the emergence of new social groups.38 During the subsequent period, shrines like these will proliferate all over the Cretan countryside and when the settlements grew in size, these shrines will receive large terracotta votive statues, probably representing the different groups that shared the shrine. The statues are dedications, not cult figures. The main question is whether these shrines hide Olympian divinities that are not yet represented or form a side-line development of Cretan cult? If they are a side-line development, one could argue that they started out of a crisis cult in LM IB as suggested by the evidence at Myrtos-Pyrgos. In this case we would have to assume that the Olympian divinities, apart from the intermezzo provided 36 Cucuzza 2001. 37 Cadogan 2008; 2009. 38 Driessen-Gaignerot 2014.




41

by the Linear B tablets, were only worshipped in Mycenaeanised sites such as Knossos and Chania during LM IIIA but given up during the advanced Bronze Age when the palace administration disappeared, only to be re-introduced during the beginning of the Early Iron Age. The alternative is that the Olympian divinities were present from the 14th c. bc onwards but never explicitly represented and only anthropomorphised in the Iron Age. Again we return to the Great Goddess and the Kouros of Palaikastro: in the first case, there is no evidence that statues existed that were the object of adoration. All iconography is two-dimensional. Instead, we assume that priestesses enacted her presence in performances meant to invoke her epiphany. But the Palaikastro Kouros may, if we compare it to contemporary Near Eastern practices, be regarded as a cult statue, an object of devotion. Its violent destruction and the fact that cult statues would only start appearing in temples much later, suggests that it was an aberration which, in the contexts of the post-traumatic stress related to the Santorini eruption, may really be regarded as a crisis cult. The dominant female aspect of the cult in the shrines with the statues with uplifted arms and the absence of two-dimensional art dating to the advanced Late Bronze Age which unmistakably depicts divine figures, may well suggest that, apart from the intermezzo of the Neopalatial period, Minoan religion remained basically the same as it had been before the Knossos interventionist period: aniconic. And that, if at all, the Olympian cult remained a hidden cult for much of its early history, only to blossom in the Early Iron Age. By then, however, the Minoan past had been forgotten. Bibliography Alonge, M. C. 2005: The Palaikastro Hymn and the modern myth of the Cretan Zeus, Princeton/Stanford (accessed 12/10/2014). Branigan, K. 1969: The Genesis of the Household Goddess, Studi micenei ed egeoanatolici 8, 28‑38. Cadogan, G. 2008: A Shrine – or Shrine Treasury – in the Country House at MyrtosPyrgos, in C. Gallou et al., DIOSKOUROI. Studies presented to W. G. Cavanagh and C. B. Mee on the anniversary of their 30-year joint contribution to Aegean Archaeology, Oxford, 6‑14. Cadogan, G. 2009: Tubular stands in Neopalatial Crete in A.-L. D’Agata et al. (eds), Archaeologies of Cult: Essays on Ritual and Cult in Crete, Princeton, 201‑212. Caloi, I. 2011: Changes and Evolution in Funerary and Non-Funerary Rituals during the Protopalatial Period in the Mesara Plain (Crete): The Evidence from Kamilari and the other Tholos Tombs, Rivista di Archeologia 35, 97‑110.

42

JAN DRIESSEN

Cherry, J. 1983: Revolution, Evolution and the Origins of Complex Society in Minoan Crete, in O. Krzyszkowska and L. Nixon (ed.), Minoan Society, Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium 1981, Bristol, 33‑45. Crowther, C. 1988: A Note on Minoan Dikta, Annual of the British School at Athens 83, 37‑44. Cucuzza, N. 2001: Religion and Architecture: Early LM IIIA2 Buildings in the Southern Area of Haghia Triada, in R. Laffineur and R. Hägg (eds), Potnia. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age, Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean Conference Göteborg University, 12‑15 April 2000, Liège-Austin, 169‑174. Cunningham, T. F. 2007: Havoc: The Destruction of Power and the Power of Destruction in Minoan Crete, in J. Bretschneider et al. (eds), Power and Architecture: Monumental Public Architecture in the Bronze Age Near East and Aegean, Leuven, 23‑43. Day, P. M., Relaki, M. and Faber, E. W. 2006: Pottery Making and Social Reproduction in the Bronze Age Mesara, in M. H. Wiener et al. (eds), Pottery and Society: The Impact of Recent Studies in Minoan Pottery, Gold Medal Colloquium in Honor of Philip P. Betancourt, Boston, 22‑72. Davis, B. 2014: Minoan Stone Vessels with Linear A Inscriptions, Leuven. Déderix, S. and Devolder, M. forthcoming: The Neopalatial Funerary Record: A Reappraisal, in G. Vavouranakis et al. (eds), Popular Religion and Ritual in the East Mediterranean from the 3rd Millennium BC to the 5th century AD, Oxford. Devolder, M. 2011: The Excavation of Zone 5, in J. Driessen et al., Excavations at Sissi, II. Preliminary Report on the 2009‑2010 Campaigns, Louvain-la-Neuve, 143‑162. Dietler, M. 2001: Theorizing the Feast: Rituals of Consumption, Commensal Politics and the Power in African Contexts, in M. Dietler and B. Hayden (eds), Feasts: Archaeological and Ethnographic Perspectives on Food, Politics and Power, Washington, 65‑114. Drappier, G. and Langohr C. 2004: Iconographie du pouvoir en Crète minoenne. Vers la mise au point d’une méthodologie, in Y. Perrin (ed.), Iconographie impériale, iconographie royale, iconographie des élites dans le monde gréco-romain, Saint-Etienne, 19‑47. Driessen-Gaignerot, F. 2011: The Frieze from the Temple of Diktaion Zeus at Palaikastro, in M. Andreadaki-Vlasaki (ed.), Πεπραγμένα Ι΄ Διεϑνούς Κρητολογικού Συνεδρίου, (Chania, 1‑8 October 2006), Iraklion, 425‑436. Driessen-Gaignerot, F. 2014: Goddesses Refusing to Appear? Reconsidering the Late Minoan III Figures with Upraised Arms, American Journal of Archaeology 118.3, 489‑520. Driessen, J. 2001: Crisis Cults on Minoan Crete?, in R. Laffineur and R. Hägg (eds), POTNIA. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age, Proceedings of the 8th International Aegean Conference Göteborg University, 12‑15 April 2000, Liège, 65‑81.




43

Driessen, J. 2007: IIb or not IIb: on the Beginnings of Minoan Monument Building, in J. Bretschneider et al. (eds), Power and Architecture: Monumental Public Architecture in the Bronze Age Near East and Aegean, Leuven, 73‑92. Driessen, J. 2010: Spirit of Place: Minoan Houses as Major Actors, in D. J. Pullen (ed.), Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age, Papers from the Langford Conference, Florida State University, Tallahassee, 22‑24 February 2007, OxfordOakville, 35‑65. Driessen, J. 2012: A Matrilocal House Society in Pre – and Protopalatial Crete?, in I. Schoep et al. (eds.), Back to the Beginning : Reassessing Social and Political Complexity on Crete during the Early and Middle Bronze Age, Oxford-Oakville, 358‑383. Driessen, J. and Langohr, C. 2007: Rallying ‘round a “Minoan” Past: The Legitimation of Power at Knossos during the Late Bronze Age, in M. L. Galaty and W. A. Parkinson (eds), Rethinking Mycenaean Palaces II, revised and expanded 2nd ed., Los Angeles, 178‑189. Driessen, J. and Macdonald, C. F. 1997: The Troubled Island. Minoan Crete before and after the Santorini Eruption, Liège-Austin. Fabian, J. 1981: Six Theses regarding the Anthropology of African Religious Movements, Religion 11, 109‑126. Gulizio, J. 2008: Mycenaean Religion at Knossos, in A. Sacconi et al. (eds), Colloquium Romanum, Atti del XII colloquio internazionale di micenologia, Roma, 20‑25 febbraio 2006, vol. 1: Pasiphae 1, Pisa-Rome, 351‑358. Hamilakis, Y. 2000: The Anthropology of Food and Drink Consumption and Aegean Archaeology, in S. J. Vaughan and W. D. E. Coulson (eds), Palaeodiet in the Aegean, Papers from a colloquium held at the 1993 meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America in Washington D. C., Oxford, 55‑63. Harris, K. and Hamilakis, Y. 2008: A Social Zooarchaeology of Feasting: The Evidence from the Ritual Deposit at Nopigeia, Crete, in S. Baker et al. (eds), Food and Drink in Archaeology I, University of Nottingham Postgraduate Conference 2007, Blackawton, 163‑164. La Barre, W. 1971: Materials for a History of Studies of Crisis Cults: A Bibliographic Essay, Current Anthropology 12, 3‑44. Liard, F. 2011: Macroscopic Analysis of Three Neopalatial and Postpalatial Conical Cup Assemblages, in J. Driessen et al. , Excavations at Sissi, II. Preliminary Report on the 2009‑2010 Campaigns, Louvain-la-Neuve, 197‑210. MacGillivray, J. A., Driessen, J. M. and Sackett, L. H. 2000: The Palaikastro Kouros. A Minoan Chryselephantine Statuette and Its Aegean Bronze Age Context, with contributions by C. V. Crowther et al., London. Macdonald, C. F. forthcoming: Punctuation in Palatial Prehistory : earthquakes as the stratigraphical markers of the 18th-15th centuries B.C. in Central Crete, in S. Jusseret and M. Sintubin (eds), Minoan Earthquakes: Breaking the Myth through Interdisciplinarity, Leuven.

44

JAN DRIESSEN

Moody, J. 1987: The Minoan Palace as A Prestige Artifact, in R. Hägg and N. Marinatos (eds), The Function of the Minoan Palaces, Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 10‑16 June, 1984, Stockholm, 235‑241. Morris, C. 2004: «Art makes visible»»: an archaeology of the senses in Minoan élite art, in Material engagements: studies in honour of Colin Renfrew, Cambridge, 31‑43. Morris, C. and Peatfield, A. 2004: Experiencing ritual: Shamanic elements in Minoan religion, in M. Wedde (ed.), Celebrations: Selected papers and discussions from the Tenth Anniversary Symposion of the Norwegian Institute at Athens, 12‑16 May 1999, Bergen, 35‑59. Peatfield, A. 2007: The Dynamics of Ritual on Minoan Peak Sanctuaries, in D. A. Barrowclough et al. (ed.), Cult in Context: Reconsidering Ritual in Archaeology, Oxford, 297‑300. Peatfield, A. forthcoming 2014: A Metaphysical History of Minoan Religion, in E. Alram-Stern et al. (eds), Metaphysis. Ritual, Myth and Symbolism in the Aegean Bronze Age, 15th International Aegean Conference, Vienna. Postlethwaite, N. 1999: The Death of Zeus Kretagenes, Kernos 12, 85‑98. Prent, M. 2005: Cretan Sanctuaries and Cults: Continuity and Change from Late Minoan IIIC to the Archaic Period, Leiden-Boston. Rosenthal, U., Charles, M. T. and ‘t Hart, P. 1989: The World of Crises and Crisis Management, in U. Rosenthal et al. (eds), Coping with Crises: The Management of Disasters, Riots, and Terrorism, Springfield, IL. Sackett, L. H. 2006: The Palaikastro Kouros, Athens. Soles, J. and Davaras, C. 2010: The 2010 Greek-American Excavations at Mochlos, Kentro, Newsletter of the INSTAP Study Centre for East Crete, 13, 1‑3. Todaro, S. 2013: The Phaistos Hills before the Palace: A Contextual Reappraisal, Milan. Trompf, G. W. 1990: Introduction, in G. W. Trompf (ed.), Cargo Cults and Millenarian Movements. Transoceanic Comparisons of New Religious Movements, Berlin-New York. Weingarten, J. 1990: Three Upheavals in Minoan Sealing Administration. Evidence for Radical Change, in T. G. Palaima (ed.), Aegean Seals, Sealings and Administration, Liège-Austin, 105‑114. Whitley, A. J. M. 2009: The Chimaera of Continuity: What would “Continuity of Cult” actually demonstrate?, in A. L. D’Agata and A. Van De Moortel (eds), Archaeologies of Cult: Essays on Ritual and Cult in Crete in Honor of Geraldine C. Gesell, Hesperia Supplement 42, Princeton, 279‑288. Whitley, A. J. M 2014: Commensality and the «Citizen » State». The Case of Praisos, in F. Gaignerot-Driessen and J. Driessen (eds), Cretan Cities: Formation and Transformation, Louvain-la-Neuve, 143‑165. Wiener, M. H. 2013: “Minding the Gap”: Gaps, Destructions, and Migrations in the Early Bronze Age Aegean. Causes and Consequences, American Journal of Archaeology, 117.4, 581‑592.

