Disaster Recovery in Post-Earthquake Rural Haiti - University at Albany

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Disaster Recovery in Post-Earthquake Rural Haiti: Research Findings and Recommendations for Participatory, Sustainable Recovery

May 2015 Loretta Pyles, PhD, State University of New York at Albany Juliana Svistova, PhD, State University of New York at Albany Josué André, Heart-to-Heart International School of Social Welfare State University of New York at Albany Richardson Hall, 201 Albany, NY 12222 518-442-5152 [email protected]

Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank Tom Birkland for his assistance with the statistical data and for reviewing an early draft of this report. Thank you to Heather Horton for her assistance with the SPSS database. Many thanks to Father Joseph Phillipe for initiating and nurturing this partnership. We are grateful to the UAlbany School of Social Welfare and Dean Katharine Briar-Lawson for seed money that supported initial phases of this research. Special thanks to Christophe Rodrigue for his leadership and good humor. We extend our appreciation to Scott Freeman, who offered extensive and extremely helpful comments on a later draft of this report. We appreciate the work of Cathie Gifford who worked on the formatting for this report. All photo credits go to Loretta Pyles. We are indebted to the community leaders in rural Haiti who conducted the surveys and for their insights on the meaning and implications of the findings; their names can be found in Appendix D at the back of this report. We are also, of course, most grateful to all research respondents for taking the time to share their perspectives.

This research was supported by the National Science Foundation’s Disaster Resilience in Rural Communities Program Grant # 1133264

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ................................................................................................................ 4 The Purpose of this Report .............................................................................................. 6 Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 7 Background and Context .................................................................................................. 8 A Capabilities Approach to Disaster Recovery ................................................................ 10 Study Methodology ............................................................................................................... 11 Data Analysis ................................................................................................................. 12 Findings ................................................................................................................................ 13 1. Material Destruction and Immediate Needs .............................................................. 13 2. Vulnerability, Capacity Building, and Long-Term Solutions ....................................... 17 3. Contested Visions of Recovery: An Opportunity for Disaster Capitalism? ................. 19 4. The Social Construction of Key Actors, Power, and Unnoticed Heroes .................... 22 5. Actions and Inaction of the Haitian Government ....................................................... 24 6. International Aid Organizations: Part of the Solution, Part of the Problem ................ 25 7. Psychosocial Recovery ............................................................................................ 28 8. Solidarity, Collectivity, and a Community-Oriented Approach ................................... 30 9. Disaster Preparedness, Risk Reduction, and Environmental Protection ................... 31 10. Local Participation: Visibility and Invisibility .............................................................. 33 Discussion ............................................................................................................................ 36 Recommendation 1: Engage in Holistic Recovery .......................................................... 39 Recommendation 2: Listen to and Partner with Rural Actors .......................................... 40 Recommendation 3: Build on the Collectivist Practices of Rural Haiti ............................. 42 Recommendation 4: Develop Capacities for Transformative Solutions to Risk Reduction .. 43 Recommendation 5: Study the Situation, Study Yourself ................................................ 45 Limitations ...................................................................................................................... 47 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 48 References ........................................................................................................................... 49 Appendix A: Data Sources for Post-Earthquake Rural Haiti .................................................. 54 Appendix B: Research Instruments Part I: Quantitative Survey Instrument ........................... 55 Appendix C: Research Instruments Part II: Key Informant Interview Guide ........................... 61 Appendix D: Haiti Research Team Members ........................................................................ 65

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

was the interplay between discourses and practices of local participation in rural areas

This report presents research findings

in relation to outside actors.

and recommendations that have emerged from a three-year study of disaster recovery

The sources of data include New York Times articles (2010-12), Haitian state policy documents (2010), international non-governmental organization (INGO) documents (2010-12), field surveys conducted in three rural communities (2012), and a focus group conducted in one of those rural communities (2014).

in rural Haiti, funded by the National Science Foundation’s Disaster Resilience in Rural Communities Program. The study was conducted after the devastating 2010 earthquake in Haiti and focuses on disaster impact and recovery, as well as discourses of recovery, media, policies, and

A university professor and graduate

interventions. A key concern of the research

assistant based in the U.S., along with a

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Haitian community development specialist

recovery in terms of enhancing human

based in Haiti, produced this report.

capabilities of disaster-affected individuals and preparing communities for future

The report presents ten major findings that the researchers identified in the

disasters. The Haitian government, together

combined analysis of the data sources,

with the international community, envisions

including similarities and discrepancies

recovery in terms of macro-level economic

across sources of data and identified

development, positioning Haiti to compete on

recovery actors. These themes are: 1)

the global market. Finally, rural Haitian

Material Destruction and Immediate Needs;

people tend to want to return to the

2) Vulnerability, Capacity Building, and Long-

semblance of normal living and enhance

Term Solutions; 3) Contested Visions of

their wellbeing. Grounded in the findings, the report

Recovery: An Opportunity for Disaster Capitalism?; 4) The Social Construction of

concludes with key recommendations for

Key Actors, Power, and Unnoticed Heroes;

practitioners and policymakers. These

5) Actions and Inaction of the Haitian

recommendations draw from a normative

Government; 6) International Aid

framework for social development, the

Organizations: Part of the Solution, Part of

capabilities approach, which is merged with

the Problem; 7) Psychosocial Recovery; 8)

principles of sustainable disaster recovery

Solidarity, Collectivity, and a Community-

(Gardoni & Murphy, 2008; Nussbaum, 2011;

Oriented Approach; 9) Disaster

Sen, 1999). The capabilities approach to

Preparedness, Risk Reduction, and

recovery emphasizes a holistic, systemic,

Environmental Protection; and 10) Local

and transformative approach, and is based

Participation: Visibility and Invisibility.

on five key principles. They are: (1) Restore,

The analysis revealed that much of the

maintain and enhance quality of life; (2)

discourse (especially New York Times, state

Promote social equity (intra-generational

policy documents, and INGO documents)

justice); (3) Promote inter-generational

failed to fully acknowledge the needs of rural

justice; (4) Address environmental concerns;

communities, instead focusing most of their

and (5) Facilitate public participation. Guided

attention and efforts on urban Port-au-

by this framework, which affirms the

Prince. Furthermore, we find that media,

importance of all people having the

policymakers, international actors, local rural

opportunity “to do” and “to be,” our

citizens, and local actors construct

recommendations emphasize to practitioners

participation and disaster recovery

and policymakers the importance of safety,

differently. INGOs tend to view disaster

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The Purpose of This Report

equitable access to resources, and local participation.

At the time of the writing of this report, it

Such an approach to recovery requires outside actors to prioritize awareness of

has been five years since the earthquake

one’s own discourses of disaster recovery,

actually occurred. Many phases and

listening, engaging and partnering with local

developments in the relief and recovery

rural actors, and building on the collectivist

process have transpired and the situation will

practices of rural Haiti. Moreover, we make

continue to evolve as communities rebuild

suggestions for disaster preparedness and

and new policies and programs emerge. Our

risk reduction in a way that enhances local

concern here, though, is the time period

community connections and resources, while

immediately after the disaster, which is when

also calling for transformation of economic

public interest and attention is highest. This

arrangements where environmental

period can be especially instructive,

protection is centered. Finally, we appeal to

particularly as it relates to media and public

all actors to know the context and

discourses about recovery, foreign actors,

themselves as they engage in the dynamic

and local actor participation.

practice of participatory disaster recovery.

Many key actors who are on the frontlines, as well as other important decision makers around disaster relief and recovery in places like rural Haiti and other parts of the Global South, often do not have the opportunity and time to consider the values, language, and beliefs that actually inform what is funded and what transpires on the ground.

Overall, the results of this inquiry into discourses and social production of disaster recovery, asks everyone working on recovery issues in Haiti, from policymakers to development workers to local community organizers, to pose key questions about their projects – Whose vision of recovery is it? Who participates? and Who benefits?

Governmental leaders in Haiti, as well as throughout the Americas and Europe, will find useful information about the disaster, the role of the New York Times in representing the disaster, and the perspectives of people most impacted by the disaster. Leaders and practitioners working in international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) can draw from the findings here to inform their future and current partnership building

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INTRODUCTION

endeavors in their humanitarian relief and recovery projects. Disaster scholars can gain

The devastating 7.0 magnitude

insight into the production of disasters,

earthquake that hit Haiti in January 2010

specifics of community disaster resilience

killed an estimated 200,000 people and left

and recovery, and conduct similar studies for

1.5 million of Haiti’s 10 million people

comparison and theory building purposes.

homeless. In rural parts of Haiti, an

We believe that local Haitian community

estimated 100,000 households (or 500,000

leaders in rural communities can learn more

individuals) were affected (OxfamAmerica,

about the local, national and international

2010). To recover from this epic disaster, a

discourses of the Haiti disaster and use the

wide array of actors, including local

findings to reflect on the implications for their

community members and leaders,

community and Haiti’s future in general. With

government officials, and international actors

this knowledge, they are in a better position

from across the globe, have engaged in

to initiate and engage in needs-driven

ongoing recovery efforts. Given the complex

projects and partnerships for post-disaster

history of post-colonialist development and

recovery as well as disaster preparedness.

humanitarian aid projects in Haiti, we were

We are also hopeful that local actors will feel

concerned with the extent and quality of

empowered to use the report to move the

substantive local participation in the recovery

conversation forward and advocate for their

process and thus sought to learn more

needs with local officials, the national

(Farmer, 2011; Schuller, 2007, 2010; Smith,

government, and global actors that are trying

2001).

to work in their communities. Toward these

As a result of the devastating earthquake,

ends, we have translated an abridged

many rural communal sectors experienced

version of this report into Haitian Creole, and

extensive losses of lives, homes, schools,

the findings are being disseminated through

hospitals, businesses, and agricultural

various venues and networks, such as

infrastructure, with damage estimates at

existing community development networks,

about $2.3 billion (OxfamAmerica, 2010).

educational programs, and rural radio. We

Less discussed has been the reverse

encourage you to share this report with all

migration that brought family members from

interested parties.

Port-au-Prince (which took the major brunt of the disaster) back home to their communities of origin, putting additional pressure on household resources (Pyles, Rodrigue &

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Andre, 2011). So in addition to cleaning up,

Through our research and analysis, we focused our efforts on the social construction of disaster recovery and the meaning and practice of participation by essential constituents of the recovery process, including government, the international community, and local actors.

rebuilding and addressing personal and community losses, local rural citizens took in displaced loved ones and provided them with food, clothing, and shelter (OxfamAmerica, 2010). While it is true that outside actors, such as foreign states and international NGOs, tend to play very important roles in

The research team sought to learn more

disaster relief and recovery efforts, it is an

about these issues through analysis of

important point to remember that citizens

newspaper articles; policy and NGO

themselves conduct the most significant

documents; and empirical field research

amount of relief and recovery efforts after a

(surveys and focus group) with local citizens

disaster (Solnit, 2010).

in three rural communities. Thus, this report

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Background and Context

represents the culmination of more than three years of investigation on the subject of

Since the Haiti earthquake, the neo-

participation in recovery efforts in rural Haiti.

colonial dynamics between local and foreign

In it, we share our analysis of the key

actors have been playing out in rural sectors

combined findings in relation to the existing

(Inter-Agency Standing Committee, 2010;

literature and research on the subject.

OxfamAmerica, 2010). This is transpiring

Guided by the tenets of a capabilities

within a complex fabric of actors that

approach to sustainable disaster recovery

includes the Haitian government, local

(Gardoni & Murphy, 2008; Nussbaum, 2011;

Haitian citizen groups, foreign governments,

Sen, 1999), which affirm the importance of

multi-lateral organizations, and international

all people having the opportunity “to do” and

NGOs in a country that has a human

“to be,” our recommendations emphasize the

development index ranking of 161 out of 187

importance of safety, equitable access to

countries ranked (United Nations

resources, and local participation.

Development Programme, 2013). In rural

In what follows, we present background

Haiti, the capabilities deprivations and

on the disaster and the Haitian context,

poverty levels are even worse than that of

including the disaster’s impact, relief and

the urban Port-au-Prince. The World Bank

recovery in rural areas, as well as further

(2014) recently reported that while extreme

explanation of the situation related to

poverty in Haiti declined significantly from

government roles, civil society, and outside

2000 to 2012, the rates have remained the

actors in development and recovery. We

same in rural areas. As well, access to basic

also discuss the capabilities framework that

infrastructure is compromised in rural Haiti,

informs this research. After a brief discussion

as only 11% of people in the Haitian

of our research methodology, we then

countryside are able to access energy

present ten key findings that we have

compared with 63% in Haitian cities. About

identified through extensive analysis. Finally,

16% in rural areas have access to improved

we conclude the report with a presentation of

sanitation, while 48% in cities do (World

five major recommendations that will be

Bank, 2014).

relevant to all stakeholders, but especially to outside actors working in Haiti and similar

This scenario’s roots can be traced back to multiple events in Haiti’s history including colonization by France, a successful slave revolution, occupation by the U.S. Marines, dictatorships, and a rise of popular movements.

post-disaster contexts.

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Referred to before the earthquake as the “land of 10,000 NGOs,” Haiti’s civil society includes a mix of local groups and international development organizations.

factors informed our interest in studying the

Since the late 1980s, Haiti’s civil society has

A Capabilities Approach to

included community-based organizations

Sustainable Disaster

social construction of and the role that local participation has played in rural earthquake recovery in Haiti.

(CBOs), faith-based organizations,

Recovery

grassroots social movements, and INGOs engaged in ongoing development projects,

Central to this study was the assumption

filling in the gaps left by a fragile national

that strong local social capital, coupled with

government infrastructure (Schuller, 2007).

philosophies and practices by

Scholars have consistently questioned to

international/external actors that embrace

what extent INGOs in Haiti have genuinely

local customs and value authentic

included Haitians in their development

participation, have the potential to enhance

projects over the years (Smith, 2001). In

sustainable recovery of disaster-affected

addition, post-disaster projects throughout

individuals and communities (Berke, Kartez

the globe, and especially in the developing

& Wenger, 1993). This understanding has

world, have been criticized for failing to

been influenced by a capabilities framework,

include local voices and skills in the planning

which is an approach to development that

and implementation of projects (Cooke &

looks beyond material outcomes and

Kothari, 2001; Sliwinski, 2009; Smith &

focuses on the role and import of human

Wenger, 2006). This situation occurs within a

freedom, mental and physical health, control

larger development framework that seeks to

over one’s environment, and social

remedy past poor development practices by

connection (Nussbaum, 2011). The

mandating “participation,” toward the twofold

approach affirms the importance of the social

ends of greater efficiency of efforts and

opportunities provided by governments and

increased empowerment of participants

civil society and their impacts on both

(Cooke & Kothari, 2001). These calls for

material and non-material functioning (Sen,

participation often conceal power structures,

1999).

as participatory projects diverge away from

Interested in the social production of

analyzing social problems and options,

disaster recovery, with particular interest in

becoming narrow and flowing into restricted

how different actors articulate and engage in

projects (Cooke & Kothari, 2001). These

“participation,” we sought to find out the

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meaning and role of Nussbaum’s (2011)

Foundation’s (NSF) Disaster Resilience in

core capability – control over one’s

Rural Communities Program. The data from

environment – in disaster recovery

the NSF study was supplemented by data

processes and outcomes. This capability

sources analyzed by Svistova in her

previously has been operationalized as

dissertation research, specifically the policy

political participation, group affiliation, and

documents and the INGO documents.

community decision-making (Nussbaum,

Overall, we draw from seven different data

2011; Robeyns, 2006). We believe that full

sources: 1) The New York Times, a U.S.-

participation in disaster recovery projects

based newspaper that offered substantial

with outside partners would help people to

coverage of the post-disaster situation in

achieve this capability.

Haiti; 2-3) Two documents produced by the Government of the Republic of Haiti (GRH)

Gardoni and Murphy (2008) have argued that a capabilities approach to recovery can

that assessed the needs and detailed the

promote five principles of sustainable

actions to be taken for disaster recovery

recovery, namely (1) Restore, maintain and

(referred to as policy documents); 4-5) Two

enhance quality of life; (2) Promote social

INGO documents published by the

equity (intra-generational justice); (3)

International Federation of Red Cross and

Promote inter-generational justice; (4)

Red Crescent Societies (IFRCRCS)

Address environmental concerns; and (5)

[hereafter, Red Cross] and Oxfam

Facilitate public participation. Furthermore,

International [hereafter, Oxfam]; 6) Field

socio-economic status, gender, ability, and

surveys that we conducted in the Summer of

race/ethnicity are particularly important

2012 on disaster impact, recovery and local

dimensions of participation that we consider

participation in three rural communities; and

in this study of rural disaster recovery in

7) A focus group we held in 2014 with key

Haiti, as marginalized individuals tend to

informants from one of the rural

experience social exclusion in extreme ways.

communities. We detail each of the data

Such social exclusion must be remedied in

sources and sampling methods below and

order to achieve full human functioning and

offer a summary of the data in Appendix A. We chose to gain insight into media

long-term sustainable recovery.

discourse by analyzing the New York Times,

STUDY METHODOLOGY

which is a mainstream American publication,

In preparing this report we compiled the

with a substantial global reach and impact.

analyzed findings from our mixed-methods

Though it is by no means representative of

study funded by the National Science

all media perspectives, we believe that this

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newspaper offers a middle of the road

driven by outside actors. The Oxfam

approach to global news events, and is

documents were a collection of reports

appropriate for gaining some under-standing

published between 2010-2012, which

of media discourse and the potential impact

consisted of progress reports, briefing notes,

it can have on policy and practice. To obtain

and briefing papers. The Red Cross

the newspaper articles from the New York

documents, also published between 2010-

Times, we conducted a search using the

2012, consisted of progress reports and

words “Haiti earthquake” between January

updates. The documents were downloaded

12, 2010 and January 12, 2012 in the Lexis

from the organizations’ respective websites.

Nexis database. Initially, this search yielded

It is important to keep in mind that the policy

375 articles. We reviewed these articles for

and INGO documents represent discourse of

eligibility and excluded articles that had only

disaster recovery and do not necessarily

passing references to the earthquake and

reflect what these groups have actually done

included articles that offered substantial

on the ground. To inquire into the disaster impact and

coverage of the topic. This selection process

locally-driven recovery efforts, we created

yielded 235 articles for analysis.

and translated into Haitian Creole a

We analyzed two policy documents produced by the Government of the Republic

quantitative survey using Likert-scale

of Haiti (GRH): the Post-Disaster Needs

measurements (see Appendix B). We chose

Assessment (PDNA) (2010a) and the Action

three rural communities to survey based on

Plan for National Recovery and

their having high, medium, and low levels of

Development of Haiti (Action Plan) (2010b).

disaster impact, as well as convenience.

We sought to analyze them to gain a policy

Community F, located in the West

perspective on the production of disaster

Department, had high levels of devastation.

recovery and the role of participation. Both

Community P, located in the South-East

documents are available in English and were

Department, experienced medium levels of

downloaded from the official website of the

devastation. Community L, located in the

U.N. Secretary General’s Special Adviser

Artibonite Department, experienced low

(www.lessonsfromhaiti.org).

levels of devastation. Topics covered on the survey included: Disaster Impact and

Additionally, we analyzed documents produced by two international agencies,

Recovery; Disaster Recovery Participation;

Oxfam and the Red Cross, to gain some

Civic Engagement and Social Capital;

perspective on (the discourse of) on-the-

Quality of Life; and Social Trust. We trained

ground disaster relief and recovery practices

local community leaders as research

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Data Analysis

assistants who conducted random, door-todoor surveys in three rural communities that

We uploaded all textual documents (New

had low (L), medium (P), or high (F) levels of

York Times, policy documents, INGO

disaster impact. The final sample consisted

documents and the focus group transcript)

of 126 (Community L), 125 (Community P)

into NVivo 9 qualitative data analysis

and 123 (Community F) respondents for a

software and analyzed for themes. For

total of 374 respondents. Though this

coding purposes, a paragraph constituted a

sample is not generalizable to all such

unit of meaning. We began data analysis

communities in rural Haiti, we believe the

with a pre-determined set of codes based on

findings offer useful information about the

the research goals. During the first stage of

perspectives of rural citizens who were

analysis, through initial coding and memoing,

recovering from the earthquake.

new codes emerged. Once all the data was

We also conducted a focus group in 2014

organized by assigning codes, we further

with one of the three communities

applied the techniques of critical discourse

(Community P, which had medium

analysis (Wodak & Meyer, 2009) and

earthquake impact) that we surveyed in

identified more specific themes, guided by

2012. We recruited seven key informants,

our capabilities framework. To analyze the

who were rural Haitian community

quantitative data, we entered the survey data

development leaders, and who have worked

into SPSS statistical analysis software and

with foreign organizations. The focus group

ran basic frequencies. In the end, we

questions sought to explore some of the

combined all the sources of data and

findings from the surveys in greater detail.

generated the ten themes that are spelled

For example, we wanted to find out what

out below. It is also important to keep in

was it like to participate in a disaster

mind that the researchers brought their own

recovery project initiated by the community

experiences with research in post-

versus a project initiated by outside actors.

earthquake rural Haiti to the data analysis

The focus group interview guide is available

too, as our research team had engaged in

in Appendix C. The focus group was

participatory action research with rural

conducted in Haitian Creole with an

communities in 2010 where we conducted

interpreter who interpreted everything into

over 75 organizational interviews in 11 rural

English. The English interpretation of the

communities (see Pyles, Rodrigue, & Andre,

focus group was audio recorded and

2011).

transcribed verbatim.

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FINDINGS

documents), such as through sensationalized language or victim-blaming

The findings below paint a picture of relief

discourse. We strive to make clear our

and recovery efforts from the time of the

interpretation of this nuance in the media

Haiti earthquake in January 2010 through

and other sources throughout the report.

February 2014. The results articulated here are the dominant ones that emerged from

1. Material Destruction and

the data sources. This picture is a

Immediate Needs

construction of the perspectives of several

After the earthquake, there was large-

different social actors that were the targets of

scale destruction of both the human and the

our research, namely rural Haitian citizens,

built environment and, as such, the needs to

rural Haitian community leaders, the U.S.

be addressed were significant. However, the

news media, international NGO actors, and

newspaper was inclined to sensationalize

the Haitian government. Our analysis reveals

this destruction, and emphasize more

that different discourse communities view

immediate needs, rather than long-term

disaster recovery differently. Organizations

sustainable recovery and development.

see disaster recovery in terms of building

Additionally, all documents failed to

stronger human capabilities and disaster

adequately acknowledge the needs of rural

preparedness. The Haitian government,

actors.

together with the international community,

The earthquake brought unprecedented

envisions recovery in terms of macro-

devastation and chaos, and people’s lives

economic development. Haitian people

were “turned upside down” (Oxfam

(those interviewed in the New York Times

International, 2010, p.5; IFRCRCS, 2010,

and by us) want to return to the semblance

p.8). Our survey research found that the

of normal living and enhance their well-

homes of 37.6% (n=374) of respondents in

being.

the three rural communities where we

It is important to note that the findings

surveyed became uninhabitable as a result

from the New York Times are unique in that

of the earthquake, and 45.5% of

they reveal meaningful factual data about the

respondents lost other types of personal

event, as well as the perspectives of various

property.

actors (such as victims and responders)

To narrate the story in the aftermath of

through reporting and interviews. And yet,

the earthquake, the New York Times

we find that this media source does portray

newspaper uses dramatic language, as post-

its own social construction (as do all

earthquake Haiti is described as “pregnant

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with anxiety and sporadic political violence,”

the devastated port and airport, slow

(Archibald, November 26, 2010, p. A6) with

capacity of processing imported supplies and

victims who are “jaw-droppingly poor,”

equipment, and piles of debris all

(Lacey, January 24, 2010, p. A1) “homeless

significantly slowed down relief efforts. The fate and needs of internally displaced

and maimed,” (Editorial Desk, February 21 2010, p. A18) “languishing” (Romero, March

people (IDP) and the grave situation in the

7, 2010, p. A6) and “scrambling” (Hoyt,

IDP camps (primarily in and around Port-au-

January 24, 2010, p. WK10) for resources,

Prince) is at the center of the Post-Disaster

while living in ”unfathomable chaos” (Sontag,

Needs Assessment (PDNA) (GRH, 2010a)

January 27, 2010, p. A1). Some of the New

put forth by the Haitian government. The

York Times newspaper articles portray the

Red Cross, Oxfam and the New York Times

disaster as a “war” scene (Mackey, January

identified the following immediate needs:

20, 2010; Romero & MacFarquhar, January

temporary housing and shelter, water,

21, 2010, p. A12) defined by a humanitarian

sanitation and hygiene provision, sexual

crisis and unruly chaos. The unbearable

assaults and safety, lawlessness and

stench of dead corpses and bodies being

disorderly distribution of emergency supplies

thrown into the mass graves complete the

and lack of preparedness for the hurricane

snapshot of the disaster scene. Such

season. These two aid organizations under

sensationalized images of disasters are not

study revealed concern about people staying

uncommon for media to employ after a

in the camps longer than needed and sought

disaster, and it tends to especially be the

ways to ensure a better balance between

case when reporting on the developing world

providing “essential assistance” and “not

(Frank, 2006).

encouraging people to stay in camps” (IFRCRCS, 2010, p.10). They see the lack of

An overwhelming humanitarian response poured in from the international community

land registers as the greatest impediment to

following the disaster. For the New York

the implementation of relocation programs

Times and aid organizations, the 2010

for IDPs. Other research, however, has

earthquake was predominantly a crisis

shown that most people living in camps were

situation in which survivors needed to be

not receiving “essential assistance,” were

kept alive and provided with “bare

largely self-organized, and the only incentive

essentials” (IFRCRCS, 2010, p.7):

to stay there was that they had nowhere else

emergency supplies, food, water, hygiene

to go (Schuller, 2010). One could certainly

kits, tents and tarpaulins. The New York

argue that a lack of public and private

Times and aid organizations reported that

resources put towards IDPs represents an

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even greater impediment to safe relocation

qualified teachers and schools to

(Schuller, 2010).

accommodate the needs of children arriving from Port-au-Prince who had higher

The exodus of people fleeing from Portau-Prince created a burden on rural areas

educational levels. Finally, they stated that

and thus created more immediate needs in

their communities needed resources such as

the aftermath of the earthquake

land to grow food and agricultural tools to

(OxfamAmerica, 2010); however, there is

improve production capacity to feed their

almost complete silence about this across

relocated family members in the short-term,

our documents. Yet, our focus group

and to continue to stay resilient and improve

participants, who consisted of community

their lives in the long-term.

leaders from one rural community,

Our survey data revealed that 85% of all respondents in all three communities believed that the disaster caused them to lose their ability to

expressed their need for money to send to their disaster-struck loved ones right after the earthquake. They also needed better-

16

earn money. About two years after the earthquake, only 5% reported that they had regained a source of income.

Every source of data in varying degrees (except the surveys as we did not inquire into pre-disaster vulnerability) acknowledged numerous pre-disaster vulnerabilities that

These dire scenarios echo what the disaster

plagued Haiti before January 12, 2010.

literature says about livelihood recovery as

Acute poverty, deforestation and

one of the most important elements to attend

environmental crisis, the densely populated

to after a disaster, especially in the

capital of Port-au-Prince, poor building codes

developing world (United Nations

and lack of land registry, and poor health

Development Programme, 2001).

and sanitation practices are all examples of pre-disaster vulnerabilities. Moreover, the

2. Vulnerability, Capacity

Haitian government’s Post-Disaster Needs

Building, and Long-Term

Assessment (PDNA), for example, explicitly

Solutions

stated that these pre-quake vulnerabilities

Virtually all data sources acknowledged

have, in fact, contributed to the extensive

the pre-disaster risks and vulnerabilities and

scope of the disaster. This is an important

most surmise that they contributed to the

finding because it frames the general

extensive scope of the earthquake. These

approach to post-earthquake recovery in

sources articulate a universal belief in the

Haiti: it cannot be just returning back to pre-

need to engage in capacity building

disaster “normal” conditions.

activities, especially at the individual,

The documents present the view that this is an opportunity to “re-shape” Haiti and put it on the road to sustainable development by addressing the vulnerabilities that existed prior to the earthquake.

community, organizational, and governmental levels. However, our survey research reveals only scant evidence of participatory engagement by local actors in such activities in rural communities. Focus group participants tended to place more

Further, the data is replete with discourse

emphasis on community capacity building

on capacity-building activities as a

rather than individual, organizational or

cornerstone of sustainable recovery. It is

governmental. Finally, newspaper articles

threaded through all the documents as the

notwithstanding, commensurate with the

need to strengthen individual capabilities, as

theme of sustainable recovery, there is

well as organizational and governmental

significant concern with long-term solutions

capacities. For example, the discourse of the

to recovery and development.

Red Cross is heavily focused on 17

strengthening human capital and people’s

INGOs fail to follow up on the outcomes of

knowledge and skills. Some of the human

their projects. Haitian government documents (i.e. the

capital building activities discussed by the Red Cross were: hygiene promotion, cholera

PDNA and Action Plan) are specifically

prevention, and on-the-job training and skill-

concerned with strengthening capacities of

building activities that can enhance people’s

governmental institutions. This is to be

livelihood prospects (e.g. vocational skills

achieved through training staff, modernizing

such as carpentry, sewing, masonry and

equipment and technology, and

business training).

decentralizing public administration. There was little discourse from focus group

While the capacity building rhetoric is strong, when we asked rural citizens in three

participants about the role of the government

case study communities in the South-East,

and the need to strengthen government

West and Artibonite Departments through

capacities as, we surmise, there is a general

surveys about what kind of recovery projects

lack of faith in government capabilities due to

they had participated in with outside actors,

the history in Haiti (Trouillot, 2000). In the

less than 1% had participated in any kind of

community where the focus group was

organizational capacity building activity, less

conducted, the survey results revealed that

than 1% had participated in livelihood

the levels of trust in government were very

development activities, and 8.9% had

low. Lastly, apart from New York Times

participated in an agricultural project. Focus group participants suggested that it was

discourse, which has crisis solutions at the

important to train local people as disaster

center of its narrative, the rest of the data

responders and health promoters, thus

center the need to transition from keeping

emphasizing more of a community building

people alive and providing substitute

approach over a human capital building

services to long-term sustainable solutions.

approach favored by the INGOs. That being

In this regard, Oxfam distinguishes between

said, the Red Cross and Oxfam do put forth

program (long-term organization and

some ideas about community members as

development) and project (palliative with no

health advocates and disaster responders,

lasting solutions) approaches to tackle the

however, they do not focus on the hard-to-

problems facing agriculture (Oxfam

reach and differently affected rural

International, 2011, p.2). One of the Oxfam

communities. In addition, focus group

reports on revitalizing agriculture (Oxfam

participants find it problematic that some

International, 2011) suggests that project or palliative approaches tend to be in favor and

18

dominate recovery, while more lasting

The focus group participants, i.e. community

solutions are critical but absent.

leaders, emphasize community building,

The Red Cross also raises long-term

while the survey participants also believe in

sustainability concerns in their report in

the importance of community engagement,

2011. They suggest that there is a need to

but report that they are not hopeful for a new

move from the Red Cross, external

Haiti.

governments and other NGOs providing

It is important to keep in mind that the

sanitation services to the Haitian government

policy documents published by the Haitian

and Water Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH)

government were heavily influenced by

cluster of the UN overseeing service

influential international actors. For example,

provision. For this to happen, they write,

the Action Plan (GRH, 2010b) was

equipment and sanitation facilities need to

predominantly prepared by the World Bank

be established and local people and

and merely endorsed by Haitian elites

authorities need to be trained in order to take

(Oxfam International, 2011). Thus, the

control and manage the delivery of sanitation

Haitian governmental policy documents

services.

envision Haiti becoming an emerging country in the global marketplace. In the Action Plan

3. Contested Visions of

(GRH, 2010b), recovery is about “a society

Recovery: An Opportunity for

with a modern, diversified, strong, dynamic,

Disaster Capitalism?

competitive, open and inclusive economy”; “a society in which people’s basic needs are

Virtually all data sources reveal a hope for change and improvement in Haiti over its

met quantitatively and qualitatively,” “a

pre-disaster conditions. However, there are

knowledge-based society with universal

widely different perspectives on this view

access to basic education

concerning what the recovery vision is and

capacity for scientific and technical

who should guide and implement it.

innovation” (GRH, 2010b, p.8). The de-

Generally, the media and the authors of the

centralization of public administration and

Haitian government’s recovery documents

de-concentration of economic activity away

promote opening up Haiti to large-scale

from Port-au-Prince into the rural areas, as

macro-economic development, which

well as macro-economic development, drive

creates tremendous financial opportunities

the vision of “new Haiti” in the policy

for outside investors. The aid organizations

documents. Community level recovery, as

under investigation tend to promote human

well as human capital building, are largely

capital and organizational capacity building.

neglected and overshadowed by the macro-

19

and the

economic renewal focus. While the

For Oxfam, however, the grand renewal is

document states that the voices of

about building a “more equitable Haiti.” In

vulnerable Haitians were included, its

their understanding it implies eliminating

content seems to belie this as it does not

gender violence, fostering the inclusion of

align well with the Voices of the Voiceless

women, and a pro-poor reconstruction

(VOV) project, compiled by HELP,

process as opposed to one where the

KOZEPEP, ATD Quart Monde, Partners in

“haves” will benefit more and quicker than

Health, The Office of the Special Envoy, and

the “have-nots.” The Red Cross and Oxfam

MINUSTAH (2010). While the findings of this

view post-earthquake recovery as a “new

study of grassroots people’s vision of

start” (IFRCRCS, 2010; Oxfam International,

recovery align with the ideas of de-

2011) and an opportunity for livelihood

centralization, the VOV project strongly

renewal and further development in terms of

affirms the need for investment in people,

micro-economic activity and the

through such activities as building schools

establishment of sustainable water sanitation

and giving micro-loans.

and hygiene. Oxfam and the Red Cross use cash-for-

The New York Times also embraces the discourse of “building back better,” affirming

work programs to engage local citizens into

the need for “complete reconstruction.” The

the relief and recovery efforts and view them

New York Times summarizes the vision of

as a way to improve and strengthen

the planners and architects (e.g. the Interim

livelihoods. However, many people have

Haiti Recovery Commission, President

criticized the effectiveness of cash-for-work

Clinton and President Martelly) seeking

programs, and they are most certainly not

international financial support:

something that promote sustainable

Their dreams were grand. They envisioned Haiti 2030 as a self-reliant, democratically stable, decentralized and reforested land with decent housing and education for all, a national highway network, a hearty fruit and tuber industry, animal husbandry, industrial zones and tourism (Sontag, 2010, p. A1).

livelihood development in the long-term (Ayiti

The newspaper also identifies many

creation, the policy documents take a

Kale Je, 2013). Particularly promising though is that the aid organizations see great value in assisting small businesses as potential future sites of job creation. On the other hand, while similarly concerned with job

actors profiting from the disaster at the

different approach, emphasizing industrial

expense of benefits to victims.

parks, and textile and garment factories as

The organizational documents are also

modes of macro-economic recovery.

concerned with this “new society” narrative.

20

post-disaster Haiti, largely catering to

The fact that disasters may be used as opportunities to implement policies and

foreigners who are coming into the country

interventions that benefit business, corporate

seeking business opportunities or

and other elite interests is not at all

implementing the projects of international

unprecedented. In fact, scholars and

NGOs (Collier & Warnholz, January 29,

journalists have referred to this phenomenon

2010, p. A27). Former President Bill Clinton

as “disaster capitalism” and have even put

played a major role in inviting these investors

forward the idea that non-profits also benefit

to Haiti. While local labor forces are often

extensively from disasters through what has

hired, it is because they can be paid less

been called “non-profiteering” (Klein, 2007;

than their U.S. counterparts, as was

Gunewardena & Schuller, 2008; Pyles,

revealed in an article referring to a U.S.

2011).

based garbage/debris removal company (Sontag, 2010, p. A1).

The New York Times uncovers this theme through their stories about U.S. companies profiting from the situation in Haiti, e.g. using the disaster as an opportunity to revive the U.S. construction industry that was mired in a recession (Collier & Warnholz, January 29, 2010, p. A27).

In response to the externally conceived rebuilding and development plans and efforts, former Haitian President JeanBertrand Aristide is cited in the New York Times summing up the theme of “who decides?”: An exogenous plan of reconstruction – one that is profit-driven, exclusionary, conceived of and implemented by non-Haitians – cannot reconstruct Haiti. It is the solemn obligation of all Haitians to join in the reconstruction and to have a voice in the direction of the nation (Cave, 2011, February 9, p. A6).

From a policy perspective, in the Action Plan (GRH, 2010b), branding and turning Haiti into a country “open for business” seems to garner the most benefit to international benefactors and investors, though to be sure these would be jobs that do not exist

Given the role that elitism played throughout

currently and are badly needed. The

the recovery, and indeed in pre-earthquake

question is whether the jobs would pay

Haiti, it is not surprising that when we

people a living wage, which is a necessary

queried rural survey participants about what

(though not sufficient) condition for equitable

they believed their community would be like

recovery.

in five years, 56.7% believed that their

An additional dimension of the discourse

communities would be worse than it currently

of disaster capitalism also emerges from the

is (i.e., only 43.3% believed it would be

New York Times articles, which discuss the

better).

building of new international hotel chains

21

4. The Social Construction of

We also notice that throughout all documents, the words “rebuilding” and

Key Actors, Power, and the

“reconstruction” prevail in the discourse of

Unnoticed Heroes

recovery. These words are indicators of a

Data sources portray different social

larger preoccupation with the physical

actors dichotomously – protagonist and

environment, and by extension, less focus

antagonist, hero and victim, beneficiary and

on the issues of psychosocial recovery and

benefactor, powerful and powerless, “haves”

other aspects of human functioning,

and “have-nots,” deserving and undeserving.

including rights and freedoms. These

This phenomenon speaks to the power

concerns are articulated by our focus group

structures at play, and the potential for

participants as well as individuals

inclusive or exclusive policies and practices

interviewed in New York Times articles, who

and their impacts on sustainable recovery

envision recovery as certainly related to the

outcomes.

physical environment, but extending far

There are three key social actors that

beyond that.

populate and tie together the narrative we

Our findings from the focus group reveal

analyze of the post-earthquake recovery: the

that recovery means getting back on one’s

Haitian government, the international

feet and living lives defined by dignity and

community, and victims of the earthquake.

individual and social well-being. Provided

The narratives of these actors, however, are

that the resources and skills are in place, the

not fixed and are often contested within and

participants see themselves as self-sufficient

across our data sources. For example, the

and self-reliant responders and recovery

policy documents (and to some extent the

actors. They revealed stories of building a

INGO documents) construct the Haitian

road that revealed their “strength, synergy,

government as an agent of change (e.g., a

enthusiasm, and relationship.” They affirm

leader of recovery efforts). On the other

the importance of utilizing local knowledge

hand, the policy documents, aid

and resources, helping each other, and

organizations and news articles construct the

engaging in partnerships with outsiders that

government as a target of change (e.g., in

are egalitarian and collaborative.

need of building its capacity and decentralizing its efforts). Similarly, the organizational documents and news accounts present local people as both the objects of external interventions (e.g. poor

22

in a rural region just outside the capital. In a slum area, a volunteer first-aider dressed the wounds of a girl who had been trapped in rubble. These largely unsung heroes know they can't replace the big foreign aid agencies, but they're doing what they can to fill the gaps (Mackey, 2010).

and homeless, patients, trainees, lawless mob, and counterfeiters) and active recovery subjects (e.g. camp leaders, volunteers, protesters, and entrepreneurs). The view of the international community as resourceful (e.g., possessing emergency supplies,

The New York Times and organizational

funding) and hardworking (e.g., medical

documents offer further insight into Haitian

professionals, rescue teams) is also

society, as they illuminate the inequality

contested with a critique of its actions (e.g.,

within it. More specifically, they highlight the

hampering the local economy by importing

reality that “the haves” (landowners, elite,

emergency supplies, and creating long-term

men) will benefit from the recovery efforts

slums).

more significantly than “the have-nots,”

The narratives and portrayals vary from

especially among the most vulnerable

data source to data source. For instance,

populations, such as children, women, and

while in the policy documents victims of the

disabled people. Such understanding is

earthquake are generally portrayed as in

critical to a capabilities approach to

need of some type of rehabilitation,

sustainable disaster recovery, which

organizational documents center them as

acknowledges heterogeneities and the

those “who must steer the future of their

importance of changing social conditions and

country” (IFRCRCS, 2012, p.3). Similarly,

public policies that ensure equitable

when elites (referred to as “big” people, or

opportunities for recovery. In this regard,

gwo nèg, by our focus group participants)

Oxfam advocates that poor communities be prioritized in recovery planning and programming efforts, explaining that “in a socially divided society such as Haiti, there is a real danger that the better off and politically influential will secure their needs first” (Oxfam International, 2010, p. 1)

talk about local citizens, they see them as victims. But when local citizens talk of themselves, they actually see themselves as “big” people, or “giants” as one of our focus group participants stated. One of the accounts by the New York Times summarizes the unnoticed work of the

All of these dichotomous constructions –

local heroes amidst the hyper-visibility of

protagonist and antagonist, hero and victim,

international efforts:

beneficiary and benefactor, powerful and

A company which sells drinking water is distributing it free to people living in a school compound. A Haitian Jesuit priest has mobilized local relief workers and international doctors to work together

powerless, “haves” and “have-nots,” deserving and undeserving – speak to the power structures at play, and reveal the 23

potential for inclusion into or exclusion from

quake, including significant losses of

disaster recovery-related decision-making

personnel and facilities. The pre-disaster

and action and their impacts on subsequent

history of the Haitian government is complex

recovery outcomes. The construction of, and

and intimately tied up with post-colonialist

the roles assigned to, the Haitian

politics and economics, though this issue is

government and international organizations

largely invisible in our data sources. Some

merit separate sections.

scholars have argued that international NGOs have exacerbated the government’s

5. Action and Inaction of the

low capacities by luring capable employees

Haitian Government

into their organizations, thereby facilitating a “brain drain,” pulling civil servants out of

Reflecting a common perception of the Haitian government, much of the data

government positions (Schuller, 2007). Thus,

reveals a portrayal of the Haitian government

especially in the immediate disaster

as inactive, especially the media and

response phase, the New York Times

organizational actors; this is accompanied by

portray the government as inactive or as an

recommendations for extensive government

actual culprit of the problems at hand. The newspaper articles use terms such

capacity building. INGO actors moderate this discourse by acknowledging some of the

as “overwhelmed,” (e.g. Sontag, 2010, p. A1)

government’s successful post-earthquake

“ineffective,” (Sontag, 2010, p. A1)

actions. The government itself views itself as

“unstable,” (Lacey & Urbina, February 16,

a powerful recovery actor while the

2010, p. A4) “corrupt,” (Genzlinger, January

perceptions of local people are mixed. There

11, 2011, p. C2) and “dragging its feet over

is little mention of the historical, political and

decision-making” (Cave, 2010, February 8,

economic factors that has contributed to the

p. A6) to describe the Haitian government.

fragile state of the Haitian government.

The phrases “notoriously ineffective and corrupt government” (Editorial Desk, April 3, 2010, p. A16) and “infamously corrupt and hapless government” (Editorial Desk, March 27, 2010, p. WK9) reinforce the idea that the government’s ineptitude and corruption are given and common knowledge. However, such constructions perpetuate a problematic discourse by failing to acknowledge the roots of the difficulties that the Haitian government faces, perhaps rationalizing

The New York Times criticizes the Haitian government extensively in their coverage of the earthquake, deeming them absent, paralyzed, and slowing down relief and recovery efforts (e.g. Editorial Staff, April 3, 2010, p. A16). This is not surprising, of course, given the low capacities of the government pre-quake and the devastation that the government experienced after the

24

the inevitability of, and legitimizing, outside intervention.

government, for example, for not taking action against forced evictions. On the other hand, the government of

Indeed, there is good evidence that the

Haiti (i.e. Action Plan) generally positions

outside interventions from both foreign

itself as a legitimate, intact, and responsible

governments and INGOs have exacerbated

leader of recovery efforts as if seeking to

the ineffectiveness of the Haitian

reclaim its lost legitimacy during the relief

government both pre- and post-earthquake

phase (and pre-earthquake). However, some

(Schuller, 2012; Schuller & Morales, 2012).

of the empirical data from the surveyed and

However, both the Red Cross and Oxfam

interviewed rural communities in Haiti

strike a balance between their critique and

contest this image. In community L

acknowledgement of the Haitian

(Artibonite Department), 80% of the

government’s effective actions, perhaps an

surveyed do not trust the government and no

indicator of their conscious efforts not to

respondents have participated in

perpetuate the ubiquitous government

governmental projects. In community P

incapability narrative, which is often taken

(South-East Department), 85% of the

out of the historical Haitian context in relation

respondents trust the government

to their colonialist past. Indeed, the Haitian

moderately and none have participated in

state has been controlled by foreign powers

governmental projects. Interestingly and in

literally for centuries with the presence of

sharp contrast, in community F (West

international organizations contributing to

Department), over 80% of the respondents

this weak state (Farmer, 2011; Schuller,

have trust in the government and about 8%

2007; Schuller, 2012). Both organizations

have participated in a recovery project led by

emphasize the proactive and effective

the government. We surmise that community

response of the DINEPA (National Water

F had the highest levels of trust and

and Sanitation Directorate) and the Housing

participation of our three case study

and Public Building Unit’s 16/6 project

communities because it is closest to the

relocation program for displaced persons.

capital, Port-au-Prince, and thus has more

Additionally, both organizations in their

opportunities for interactions. In addition,

reports seek to center the need for

Community F has a charismatic local

partnering with local authorities and

community leader with strong national and

advocate for Haitian authorities to receive

international ties.

the funding and support that they need. On the other hand, Oxfam critiques the

25

6. International Aid

important to remember that these actors also

Organizations: Part of the

have their own agendas. For example, the

Solution, Part of the Problem

mission statement of United States Agency for International Development (USAID),

In the analysis of New York Times

which funds many INGOs, explicitly states its

articles, international aid and humanitarian

allegiance to US security and prosperity.

organizations are hyper-visible with a strong

The discourse of the reports produced by

emphasis on the heroic acts of foreign

Oxfam and the Red Cross also articulate the

actors. Organizational actors echo this belief

hard work of the international organizations.

about themselves, but point to the need for

What is different in their stories, however, is

strong partnerships with local actors. Survey

that they accentuate the need for partnership

participants and focus group participants

and collaboration with local citizens and

emphasize the importance of authentic

government authorities rather than the pre-

collaborations with earthquake survivors and

occupation with the protagonist, i.e. themselves.

community leaders. Findings also reveal the unintended consequences of foreign

Our focus group participants also advocate such an approach, one that works with and centers local communities. More specifically, they report that the projects of the international organizations that they deemed successful in their community were ones that involved consultation and active engagement of community members from start to finish.

assistance as data reveals ways that it has negatively impacted the local economy.

In the analysis of New York Times articles, international aid and humanitarian organizations are hyper-visible and are portrayed as very hardworking, operating under extreme conditions with limited resources, supplying medicine, relief workers and medical professionals, equipment and technology, food, water and relief products.

There are certainly unintended economic consequences of foreign assistance, as revealed by the New York Times and organizational documents. For example, one

The spotlight in these stories is

New York Times article reports on the relief

predominantly placed on the heroic acts of

workers staying in hotels and partying in a

the foreign actors in the relief phase of the

casino in an upscale adjoining district near

disaster. While one could certainly take

Port-au-Prince, Pétionville, thus widening the

these stories at face value and assume that

inequality gap between locals and outsiders

international actors came to Haiti with good

(Romero, March 7, 2010, p. A6). Overall,

intentions and genuine concern about the

there are two commonly mentioned critiques

well-being of Haiti and its citizens, it is

regarding INGOs as contributing to

26

economic problems. First is related to failing

Oxfam’s work (or at least their discourse

to employ local professionals (e.g. medical

about it) serves as an example by not simply

staff) and providing services free of charge,

distributing imported food but purchasing it

thus putting local people (e.g. health

from local farmers and businesses for “food-

providers) into unemployment. Second is

kit” distribution. Such interventions, however,

related to international organizations

also have been critiqued because they are

importing relief supplies and failing to

costly in coordination and also have a

purchase local goods and produce. Such an

potential to disrupt local markets (Doocey et

approach to relief efforts is found to be

al., 2006; Harvey, 2007). Acknowledging the importance of the

problematic because it increases inflation, further hampers the already feeble local

international organizations but also implying

economy, and fails to foster what experts

their tendency to bypass local authorities,

believe to be central to disaster recovery,

the Action Plan (GRH, 2010b) suggests that

namely local participation. In this regard,

better coordination and attunement with

27

national programs needs to be in place.

surveys) illuminate the psychosocial

Also, the New York Times, organizational

dimensions of disaster recovery in Haiti. In

documents, and participants of the focus

the newspaper articles, we find stories of

group all raise concerns about sustainability.

people experiencing symptoms of disturbed

The New York Times focuses on the critique

mental health, mourning the death of loved

of international operations that were largely

ones, survivor’s guilt, overcoming trauma

concerned about “keeping people alive,” but

and loss, secondary trauma, and adjusting to

not improving people’s lives and getting to

a new life as a displaced person such as in a

the root of problems. Having had negative

camp or in another country. One common

experiences with the short-term cash-for-

theme of these stories is that the unknown

work projects when some beneficiaries were

status of family members or lack of proper

left worse off, our focus group participants

burial of the deceased intensifies grief and

also advocate for long-lasting solutions (e.g.

prolongs emotional closure. The primary

being trained in health care provision and

focus of the newspaper articles is on the

disaster response) once the INGOs are

camp residents, traumatized and orphaned

gone. Oxfam sums up this concern by

children, sexual assault survivors, Haitian

stating that Haiti needs to move beyond the

diaspora members, and relief and medical

cliché of the “republic of NGOs.”

workers in the U.S. who experienced secondary trauma.

7. Psychosocial Recovery

Cénat and Derivois (2014), in their

The earthquake had significant negative

assessment of a sample of adult survivors

consequences for the physical, mental, and

30 months after the earthquake, found that

social well-being of Haitian survivors. While

the prevalence rates of PTSD and

international mental health professionals

depressive symptoms were 36.75% (498

played some roles in psychosocial recovery

cases) and 25.98% (352 cases) respectively.

efforts, our research shows that survivors’

According to their study, the risk factors for

participation in recovery efforts and helping

PTSD and depressive symptoms were

others, along with engaging in spiritual and

young and old age, female gender,

religious coping, played important roles. We

unemployed status and low level of

find, however, that this theme was largely

education.

omitted from the recovery visions put forward

Our own survey data, also conducted about 30 months after the earthquake, reveals that about 76% of the respondents in community L, 72% in

by the policy documents and INGOs. Several of our data sources (newspaper articles, organizational documents, and

28

community P and 86% in community F believed they had not recovered emotionally.

narratives of victimhood and pathology, the newspaper articles and organizational documents (Oxfam International, 2011;

When asked if their physical health was fair,

IFRCRCS, 2010, 2012) also portray Haitian

poor, good, very good or excellent, 55% of

people as resilient and resistant in their

all respondents stated that their health was

coping with the hardships bestowed by the

fair to poor, though it is unclear of the

earthquake. The following passage from the

correlation between health and the disaster

New York Times exemplifies some of the

in this case.

discourse around resilience: “

In the face of such significant real

Children can

be seen in every devastated corner

hardship, we also see the coping and

resiliently kicking soccer balls, flying

resistance of Haitian disaster victims.

Defying the pre-occupation with images and

handmade kites, singing pop songs and

29

ferreting out textbooks from the rubble of

recovering from disasters (Alawiyah, Bell,

their schools” (Sontag, 2010, p. A1).

Pyles, & Runnels, 2011; DeMoor, 2009). The stories from the newspaper articles

New York Times newspaper articles report on the psychosocial assistance

and anecdotes provided in the Red Cross

provided by foreign psychiatrists and local

reports (e.g. IFRCRCS, 2011) suggest that

volunteer psychologists (e.g., Sontag, 2010,

social ties and finding meaning in helping

p. A1). In these stories, mental health

others facilitate community involvement and

professionals explain that there was “no

subsequent recovery for Haitian disaster

tradition of therapy in Haitian culture,”

survivors. These survivors, according to Red

(Winerip, January 16, 2011, p. A17) but they

Cross reports, got trained as health

sense a cultural shift with attitudes changing

promoters, provided psychosocial support to

regarding mental health and seeking and

fellow survivors, joined safety and security

receiving help. This claim is a bit suspect as

teams in the camps, became camp leaders,

mental health institutions have existed in

volunteered to clean toilets or perform the

th

Haiti since the early 20 century, even

duties of bacayou (emptying toilet holes

though the government has not prioritized

manually) or came to be “water guardians” to

mental health policies and services. While

name a few. Similarly, our focus group

not necessarily embracing a western mental

participants identified helping others, working

health paradigm and therapy-oriented

together (or tet ansam putting heads

psychosocial recovery processes, religion

together in Haitian Creole), and rebuilding

and spirituality, including vodou, have played

the community as significant factors that

significant roles in dealing with trauma

drove local participation and facilitated their

before and after the earthquake (Kirmayer,

own recovery.

2010). Further, according to the news articles, spirituality and religion have been

8. Solidarity, Collectivity, and a

vital coping mechanisms in the psychosocial

Community-Oriented approach

recovery process. Stories wherein people

There is significant evidence from our

gather to attend church, hold vigils, pray,

data pointing to community level initiatives

dance and sing are numerous. Though no

that are guided by solidarity, or mutual

data from the surveys and focus group

support and unity; in these cases, shared

confirm or disconfirm this, research on other

responsibilities appear to be the backbone of

disasters has shown spirituality and religion

relief and recovery. Survey data reflects the

to be valuable resources for those

traditionally collectivist orientation of rural Haiti, as more than 90% of those surveyed

30

reported that they trust people in their own

example, the newspaper articles offer

community.

narratives from the disaster scenes wherein neighbors are digging neighbors from under

Given the collectivist orientation of Haitian life, at the levels of family, community,

the rubble; a group of women in the camp

culture, and economics (Smith, 2001), it is

are sharing responsibilities for childcare and

not surprising that the issues of solidarity

food preparation; family members are taking

and community building are salient. These

care of each other; and people are standing

themes are addressed by the participants of

guard to protect each other from sexual

the focus group, the Red Cross and Oxfam,

assault in the camps. Our focus group

and occasionally by the New York Times.

participants also explain that working

However, in the PDNA (GRH, 2010a) and

collectively, putting their heads together, or

the Action Plan (GRH, 2010b), community is

tet ansanm, and sharing resources and

largely omitted as a dimension of or target of

responsibilities is what helped them endure

recovery. The Action Plan (GRH, 2010b)

the hardships of the floods in 2004 and the

mentions “community” only three times, i.e.

earthquake in 2010.

community-based infrastructure, equipping

The results of the survey also show that 100% of the respondents in the focus group community trust their neighbors. Similarly, in the other two communities, over 90% of the residents trust people in their community.

community personnel for crisis management, and community level initiatives for food security and nutrition. In the PDNA, the word “community” appears more frequently in the context of community infrastructure, agents at the community level, needs assessed at

We surmise that this collectivist orientation

the community level, community-based

and extensive social infrastructure drove

health strategies, and the need to strengthen

local engagement in recovery efforts in rural

community organizations. However, the

Haiti regardless of the availability of external

social capital and solidarity building

assistance, or rural infrastructure. Some

dimensions of community, as recovery

research has even shown that people-driven

resources central to capabilities-based

responses can be more effective than

sustainable recovery, are neglected.

government-driven ones (Kweit & Kweit,

There is significant evidence from our

2004).

data pointing to community level initiatives that are guided by solidarity; in these cases, shared responsibilities appear to be the backbone of relief and recovery. For

31

9. Disaster Preparedness, Risk

The organizational documents put

Reduction, and Environmental

forward a few steps to ensure community

Protection

level preparedness: securing food stock, relief items and emergency shelter; sending

The government of Haiti articulates a

out text messages about how to prepare for

discourse focused on adaptability to

floods, storms and landslides and other

disasters. In addition, organizational actors

outreach activities to increase awareness

and focus group participants emphasize

about steps to reduce risks. Establishing a

community capacity building approaches to

community-based early warning system is

disaster response. The Haitian government

another example of disaster preparedness

and aid organizations advocate for reducing

promoted by the Red Cross. Providing

risky living conditions and environmental

emergency first-aid and health promotion

protection.

trainings and training “local disaster

Throughout our data, especially the

response committees” in vulnerability and

PDNA (GRH, 2010a), organizational

capacity assessment or community-based

documents and focus group, addressing

disaster management are additional means

disaster preparedness and risk reduction

to ensure disaster preparedness. The

appear as integral components of the

participants of our focus group also propose

recovery process. They are visible in the

that they need skills and tools, e.g. being

context of community disaster preparedness,

trained in disaster response and cholera

plans for reducing precarious living

prevention. The Red Cross also presents

conditions, environmental protection and,

their example of collaboration with local

what in the PDNA is referred to as, creating

people to teach children how to better

a “culture of risk within the nation,” (p. 58) or

prepare for a disaster using songs, skits,

adaptability to disasters. The latter is meant

readings, and workbooks as teaching

to signify building “risk and disaster

materials.

management measures into the

In terms of reducing precarious living

(re)construction process for all sectors (i.e.

conditions, the Red Cross advises people

building codes, insurance, consolidation and

not to settle by the ravines and to engage in

maintenance budget, contingency and

mitigation activities such as digging drainage

operational continuity plans)” (p. 9), creating

ditches, laying sandbags and creating

the National Disaster Risk Management

evacuation routes. Of course, settling in

System (NDRMS).

ravines is never something people want to do, but is largely because of a dearth of

32

other options. The PDNA (GRH, 2010a)

note here that people use charcoal, not

acknowledges that prior to the earthquake

because of cultural customs, but because

“few measures had been taken to reduce

there are no other alternatives for energy).

exposure to seismic risks” and that “neither

Many of these concerns, such as reducing future risk and preparing for disaster, echo concerns of the capabilities approach to disaster recovery, which affirm the importance of inter-generational justice and addressing environmental concerns.

construction techniques nor the location of dwellings made due allowance for the various risks like floods, landslides, or earthquakes” (p. 15). Therefore, to reduce dangerous living conditions, the policy documents prescribe better building codes,

However, without a fundamental change in

an effective land tenure registry system, and

an economic paradigm that centers

decentralization of economic activity and

environmental protection these will be

public administration. Also, the PDNA (GRH,

difficult to achieve.

2010a) advocates for a better hazard monitoring system and access to scientific

10. Local Participation: Visibility

information regarding natural hazards (e.g.

and Invisibility

hydro-meteorological and seismic conditions,

Many of the data sources highlight the

and hazard maps).

wide range of activities associated with local

Lastly, especially visible in the PDNA

people’s participation in their own recovery,

(GRH, 2010a), the discourse of

such as rescue efforts, entrepreneurial

environmental protection is prevalent and is

activity, political resistance, and collective

a means to reduce risk of disasters by state

efforts to rebuild. Policy and INGO

and international organizations.

documents promote the discourse of local

Reforestation and forest management

engagement and discursively position

projects, as well as building watersheds to

Haitians at the forefront of recovery. While

prevent erosion and flooding occupy a great

survey data reveals high levels and types of

deal of environmental protection measures

community participation, we found that only

proposed in the PDNA (GRH, 2010a). Oxfam

10% of respondents reported holding active

also recommends “a good community-based forestry management model

roles in a project with an external partner.

to discourage

Overall, aid organizations and focus group

people from using charcoal,” noting that this

participants urge more authentic community

is a “delicate issue, since managing forests

participation and centering Haitians in

is linked to local cultural customs” (Oxfam

decision-making processes.

International, 2010, p. 17). (It is important to

33

unaffiliated citizens and non-professionals all

The theme of local participation is equally significant through its visibility and invisibility

but impotent (Jackson, 2005). That said, the

across data. From the perspectives of our

PDNA (GRH, 2010a) does specify the need

focus group contributors, New York Times

for engaging youth and student

coverage, and organizational documents,

organizations and especially accentuates the

participation and inclusion of local non-elite

inclusion of women into politics, the job

disaster survivors is framed as a moral and

market, and the post-disaster reconstruction

ethical obligation. Moreover, the survey

process. Despite this discourse, the visual

respondents place a relatively high value on

images provided in the INGO reports

community participation with 41% in

primarily portray women as engaged in

community L, 48% in community P and 82%

domestic labor, while men contribute directly

in community F viewing citizen participation

to relief and recovery efforts. While some of this exclusion and

in relief and recovery as important. Also, the small acts of participation (e.g. translating,

silencing might be a consequence of

volunteering as a nurse, or distributing

negative constructions of disaster survivors

water), contribution to recovery efforts, and

prevalent in its immediate aftermath and

helping others appear to have important

common in many post-disaster scenarios

meaning for local survivors, according to our

(Hines, 2007; Stivers, 2007), there is

focus group members and victims

abundant evidence in our data that people

interviewed by the New York Times.

are indeed active agents in the recovery process. The newspaper reports depict local

Policy documents tend to frame the broader Haitian public into the category of

rescue efforts (as opposed to foreign,

“civil society.” We surmise that this is

professional first responders); camp leaders

obscuring discursive space for participation

self-organizing IDP camps and lobbying aid

and inclusion of all citizens, particularly the

groups; informal entrepreneurs emerging in

most vulnerable, who may not be involved in

the camps (e.g. a beauty salon, or phone

formal organizations and are not members of

charging stations); a former teacher opening

an institutionally affiliated “civil society.”

a school; a local entrepreneur feeding the

Indeed, some scholars of development and

homeless; community groups mobilizing and

globalization have argued that it is the

lobbying against gender violence; volunteer

professional development workers (both

nurses, translators and psychologists

expatriate and local) who tend to play the

assisting relief efforts; protesters resisting an

most significant roles in development and

undemocratic election process and

disaster recovery projects, rendering

34

there are many things that we will be able to achieve ourselves in our community.

requesting discharge of the U.N.’s mission in Haiti, known as MINUSTAH.

Levels of participation amongst survey

The organizational documents report on IDPs organizing against forced evictions from the camps, resisting money envelopes for “relocation,” and organizing to defend their right to housing. The Red Cross depicts local participation examples in camp committees; “volunteer camp security systems;” and nurses or translators contributing to the relief and recovery efforts.

participants varied, as 5% of the respondents in community L, 18% in community P, and 58% in community F participated in a relief or recovery project. One of the major reasons for this discrepancy is that community F received significantly more direct damage from the earthquake. In all communities combined, 17% had participated in a project with

The participants of our focus group recounted many examples of local

external actors, funded from outside the

participation both before and after the

community. Across the communities their

earthquake and after other disasters. They

roles in the projects with external actors can

shared with us how members of their

be described as moderate in participation

community collaborated to gather resources

(e.g. relaying information, carrying out tasks

and materials to build a road, shared food

at the staff’s instructions, and partial

and responsibilities while building a health

participation in decision-making and

clinic, and mobilized their community to bring

implementation). Less than 10% of all

water from the cascade down to other

respondents expressed holding active roles

communities. They explain that a shared

(e.g. full partner) in a project with an external

vision guided their collective efforts. Once

partner. Across the communities,

again echoing solidarity and a collectivist

participants of the projects attended

orientation, one of the male participants of

meetings with a medium frequency (often or

the focus group summarizes the importance

sometimes). Overall, 55% of the

and determination of working together:

respondents in community L, 95% in the community P and 89% in community F affirm

What was attractive for us as development agents was really to experience and see the importance of working together. The work that two or three people can't do, ten people put themselves together and really experience how we became stronger when we had to work together. And it was also a door for us to understand that if we keep doing like that, if we keep on working together,

“active” participation in their communities (in times of non-disaster). In addition, 60% of the respondents in community L, 89% in community P, and 8% in community F stated that they had engaged in political action (e.g.

35

attended a political meeting, demonstration

2010, p.17). They advocate for putting

or march).

Haitians in charge of their own development and put forward that the Haitian population

In sum, these data point to moderate and high levels of various types of community

must be architects of their own recovery.

and political participation, though with low

They suggest that meaningful engagement

levels of participation and few opportunities

with beneficiaries helps to empower them

to participate fully in projects with

and involve them in their own recovery. This

international actors. Relatedly, a nationally

discourse of participation, while laudable,

representative study of citizens’ political

should not be taken as actual evidence for

views and behaviors before and after the

meaningful participation. The fact that less

earthquake, conducted by the Latin

than 10% of all our respondents who

American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP),

participated in a project with an outside

finds Haitian participation to be the highest in

partner, expressed holding active roles (i.e.,

the Americas (Smith, Gélineau, & Seligson,

full partner), should certainly give us pause

2012). And, they note that participation in

when considering post-disaster partnerships

community-based associations had risen

in rural Haiti. Focus group members pleaded for

dramatically since the earthquake.

greater local inclusion and citizen-led

For the Red Cross and Oxfam, including and centering local actors in the recovery

recovery efforts in partnership with

process is an ethical obligation. Oxfam

international NGOs. They stressed the

progress reports advocate for “Haitian led

importance of these outside actors sitting

recovery” (Oxfam International, 2010, p.6)

down with, and listening to, local people as

and inclusion of local people. They model

they are the ones who had already

this standpoint through their discourse about

conducted assessments and knew what was

their own work: consulting, training,

needed. They provided an example of a soil

“encouraging communities to participate in

conservation project that faced resistance

discussions and decisions” (Oxfam

and was sabotaged by the locals due to the

International, 2010, p.6), and encouraging

mere fact that local residents were not

“active and responsible citizenship and the

asked, consulted and otherwise included in

participation of civil society in the process of

the decision-making process by an INGO.

reconstruction” (Oxfam International, 2010,

These findings echo those of local rural

p. 24). Likewise, the Red Cross strives to

Haitian community leaders that we

incorporate local knowledge and practices

interviewed in a participatory action research

and to “improve on what exists” (IFRCRCS,

study about post-disaster community and

36

over their environment through political and social processes that invite and demand their engagement and participation (Natural Hazards Center, 2006). In our estimation of this data, the most vulnerable people (rural, poor, non-elites) have not achieved this capability.

organizational needs in 2010 (Pyles, Rodrigue & Andre, 2011).

DISCUSSION “Recovery” from a devastating natural disaster in a setting like Haiti is a complex, if not elusive, undertaking. For many people

The New York Times discourse reveals

who were already living in fragile, if not

that there are many actors profiting from the

disastrous, situations before the earthquake,

disaster at the expense of benefits to victims.

what does it really mean to “recover” from

Both corporations and international NGOs

this disaster? We know from research on

alike have received large, if not bloated,

other disasters that marginalized people

contracts that often fail to genuinely engage

living in underdeveloped locations who are

local people in ways that affirm their

victims of disasters are likely to suffer a

experiences, voices, and skills (DARA,

“downward spiral” after the event and may

2011). Indeed, research shows that while

come to experience even worse conditions

there was some improvement in coordination

(Ozerdem, 2003). Indeed, when we asked

of the efforts of international actors

our survey participants what they thought

compared to previous disasters through the

their communities might be like in five years,

United Nations cluster system, it was done at

57% believed that things would be worse.

the expense of leaving local actors out of the

From the perspective of a capabilities

loop (DARA, 2011). This is also confirmed by

approach to sustainable recovery, policies

the low rates of participation in outside

and practices should restore, maintain, and

projects by our survey respondents, the

enhance quality of life (Gardoni & Murphy,

critiques of the focus group participants of

2008). This means that rural Haitians should

their interactions with INGOs, and the

be able to live in dignity and to achieve full

rallying cries of Oxfam and the Red Cross for

human functioning, implying a requirement

greater and more substantial levels of

for significant improvement over pre-disaster

participatory engagement.

conditions and functioning.

Relatedly, we find that much of the discourse we analyzed (New York Times, policy, and INGO) failed to fully acknowledge the needs of rural communities, instead focusing most of their efforts and attention on urban Port-au-Prince.

Moreover, in order for there to be a “new Haiti,” all constituents must have a reasonable say in what this revitalized country will look like. Or, in capabilities language, they should have control

37

While the New York Times tends to

The grand renewal narrative needs to be

emphasize technology and individual

continually monitored and tracked, or else

expertise as the solutions to these complex

local people, especially the most vulnerable

issues, the government emphasizes

ones (rural people, poor people, women,

positioning Haiti to compete globally and

children, older adults, and people with

create jobs. Aid groups emphasize

disabilities) are at risk of being re-victimized

community and government capacity

by disaster capitalism. As noted, disaster

building, while focus group participants

capitalism is a family of policies and

embrace collective effort and mutual problem

practices that privilege corporate interests,

solving in an effort to return to the

supply driven, and no-bid contract

semblance of normal life. The fact of these

approaches to humanitarian aid, while also

distinct perspectives is a key finding of our

advancing governmental efforts at social

study as there are unique constructions of

control. This phenomenon is not uncommon

recovery across discourse communities.

after disasters and indeed the economist

Organizations see disaster recovery in terms

Milton Friedman, argued that capitalism

of human capabilities and disaster

thrives on disasters (Gunewardena &

preparedness. The Haitian government,

Schuller, 2008; Klein, 2007).

together with the international community,

While everyone involved seems to see

envisions recovery in terms of economic

the importance of a renewed country –

development. Haitian people themselves

economically, politically and environmentally

want to return to the semblance of normal

– we find that during the time period we

living and enhance their well-being. While all

studied, there is much more attention given

of these perspectives are relevant and

to addressing immediate needs than

represent important dimensions of recovery,

implementing long-term sustainable recovery

we must be cautious because of the

solutions. In fact, some of the programs

tendency for elites to benefit in disasters.

whose goals were to address short-term problems such as medical care (e.g.,

Everyone working on recovery issues in Haiti, from policymakers to development workers to local community organizers, must be willing to ask key questions about their projects – Whose vision of recovery does it represent? Who participates? and Who benefits?

importing doctors) or jumpstarting the local economy (e.g., cash-for-work) may actually hamper local economies. This seems to point to the importance of hiring local workers, whether it is medical personnel, construction workers, or childcare workers.

38

As noted, psychosocial recovery was often

Given the low capability threshold experienced by many Haitians, the wide

silenced in the narratives of disaster

range of stakeholders involved, a fragile

recovery across the data, in favor of focusing

government, and a scene dominated by

on recovery of the built environment, and the

INGOs and other outsiders, all of whom have

fixation on the creation of macro-economic

diverse needs and agendas, how can anyone be effective in recovery efforts? With a grounding in principles of capabilities-based sustainably recovery, including an emphasis on quality of life, social equity, and public participation, we believe that the findings in this report can point people in a direction toward sustainable recovery. Thus, below we offer five recommendations for partnership building and participatory, sustainable recovery projects that emerge

opportunities. In addition, Oxfam and the

from the findings. We also consider the

Red Cross tended to prefer an individual

current literature on disasters and

human capital building approach, which

development in Haiti and other similar

seeks to build the capabilities of individuals,

settings.

over a community building approach, which focuses on organizing local people together

Recommendation 1:

in order to develop community capacities.

Engage in Holistic Recovery

We argue that both are important. These

The fragmentation of recovery efforts and

findings imply the need for disaster recovery

the failure to see Haitian people as psycho-

actors to design programs that work to

social-spiritual persons in the context of their

ensure the full capabilities of every individual

cultural, political, and economic environment

in the context of their environments, so that

are the twin tragedies of the recovery period.

individual capabilities are strengthened at

39

Perhaps the key to effective and

the same time that communities are built and the public sector is strengthened (Natural

sustainable disaster recovery lies in the

Hazards Center, 2006). When social capital

ability of the international humanitarian

and community solidarity are strong, we

community, government, and local actors to

know that there is also greater resilience to

understand these various social

future disasters (Smith & Wenger, 2006).

constructions of disaster recovery, embrace

Overall, programs should attend to the whole

complexity, and model rural Haiti’s principle

person, what we call in the field of social

of tet ansam (i.e., working together). And yet,

work, the bio-psycho-social-spiritual person.

it is also important to note that such adjustments and modifications of technique

To achieve these goals, we recommend a more systematic coordination of efforts in the

in programs fail to account for and transform

rural communities and this may mean that

the larger global political economy and

outside organizations, which may consider

Haiti’s position in it. To be sure, actors working in Haiti should

themselves in competition with each other for resources or turf, acknowledge their

prioritize economic transformation, by

differences and work together. This

demonstrating an understanding of the

collaboration should be done while

salient macro-economic issues, including

partnering with local groups and taking the

disaster capitalism, and by facilitating

lead from local leaders, or what the Zapatista

interactions amongst local actors,

movement has called, “leading by obeying.”

government, and economic actors. INGOs

Certainly, community bonds and social

can also organize with local actors to

capital should be stronger as a result of

advocate for and demand that formal

disaster recovery programs. This means that

employment opportunities for local rural

organizations that work on sanitation, health,

people pay a living wage.

youth issues, or agricultural development

Governments and INGOs can also support local people in enhancing their disaster resilience by emphasizing micro economic approaches, helping them to develop livelihood and agricultural projects in their communities, both pre- and postdisaster. Indeed, research has shown that disaster survivors believe that livelihood restoration, i.e. restoring a person’s capacity to make a living, should be prioritized over humanitarian aid, as was found after the 2001

can unify their efforts toward sustainable, holistic recovery in a particular locale. We acknowledge that this is a difficult endeavor, especially in a context where emergency response is a priority, infrastructure is weak, multiple actors are negotiating their agendas and resources, and interventions and dialogue are conducted in translation.

40

Gujarat earthquake and other disasters (United Nations Development Programme, 2001).

citizens in all ten departments, as a way to offer a grassroots perspective for the March 31, 2010 Donor’s Conference (Farmer,

In addition, to whatever extent possible,

2011).

programs should build the capacities of the

Failing to make local actors the center of

government and/or develop public

recovery is a recipe for failure in terms of

resources. An example of such an endeavor

sustainability of efforts and results. When

is the new public teaching hospital in

locals are not sharing leadership or being

Mirebalais, which was jointly built by Haiti’s

hired by outside organizations and

Ministry of Health, and the U.S. based INGO,

companies, projects cannot be sustained.

Partners in Health.

Thus, this implies that outside actors should make the extra effort to buy local products,

Recommendation 2:

hire local people, and perhaps most

Listen to and Partner with

importantly, develop and nurture

Rural Actors

relationships with rural community actors, such as agricultural groups, women’s small

Given the low levels of participation with

business collectives, and youth groups.

external partners that were reported by survey respondents (both in terms of

Organizations should have a strategy for reaching out to and including the most marginalized and isolated in communities, especially those who live in rural areas, as well as people with disabilities, older adults, youth, and women.

quantity and quality), it is critical to consider ways that rural actors can be engaged in recovery in more pro-active and authentic ways. While many donors and INGOs maintain discourse about participation, the extent to which this is operationalized has

While there is a strong ethic of care in rural

been questioned, as revealed by this data

Haiti, there are also typical forms of social

and by many development scholars (e.g.,

exclusion within communities due to

Cooke & Kothari, 2001). One antidote to this

colonialist legacies, cultural norms, and

problem requires listening to victims and

geographic isolation (Smith, 2001). It is

finding out what their needs and dreams are.

important that outside actors not create

The Voices of the Voiceless project is an

and/or perpetuate community divides.

example of a post-earthquake undertaking

Moreover, key actors can emphasize the

that sought to gain the input of Haitian

discourse of local participation and a

citizens on the recovery efforts. These series

strengths perspective in organizational

of focus groups secured input from 1,750

documents, letters to the editor, and other 41

It is important to acknowledge that

informal discourse. This includes highlighting the ways that local (rural) people are leading

processes purported to be participatory can

the way and are engaged in relief and

both conceal and obscure oppressions and

recovery efforts, both with and without

injustices in their various manifestations, as

outside assistance. But, discourse is not

participatory processes can tend to diverge

enough and it just perpetuates inequities if

away from analyzing social problems, narrow

people are not walking the talk. Thus, INGOs

options, and flow into a restricted project

and other outside entities working in Haiti,

(Cooke & Kothari, 2001). An example of this

including the U.S. government, need to be

would be the case of Haitian survivors

held accountable for the extent in which their

cleaning bio toilets, as depicted in the Red

projects actualize the value of participation.

Cross reports. Cooke & Kothari (2001) have

In fact, the participation processes

noted that “the language of empowerment

themselves differ across organizations and

masks a real concern for managerialist

may tend to actually coerce local

effectiveness” (p. 14). To address this issue, Schuller (2007)

engagement, creating confusion, tensions and work being done at cross-purposes.

has proposed a metric for assessing

Beyond fostering participation, INGOs need

participation of local actors in INGO projects

to collaborate with each other to jointly build

that is relevant to the recovery efforts

the capacity of people and communities.

discussed here, identifying eight dimensions

Learning from the synchronized work in the

that INGOs should consider throughout the

community we interviewed, such

life course of a program or project. First,

collaborative effort may be one of the key

organizations should engage in discussions

ingredients for success in sustainable

with locals to mutually identify the problems

recovery. We recommend building holistic

in the area. Second, actors should work

transnational relief and recovery coalitions

together to prioritize what is most important

and capacity for partnership to maximize

in the community. Third, all parties should

resources and efforts, with local actors and

conceptualize together what solutions exist.

local NGOs playing key roles. While the

Fourth, planning and identifying resources

United Nations’ cluster approach to

should be a collaborative effort. Fifth,

coordinating aid and recovery represents an

everyone can work to determine how the

important step, it is based on a model of

plan will be executed, identifying who does

segregating needs into clusters, such as

what and when. Sixth, everyone should work

health, shelter, sanitation, etc., as well as

together to execute the plan. Seventh, the

tending to exclude local participation.

work should be supervised and ensure that

42

all participants are following through. Eighth,

collectivity when funding and developing

a collective assessment should be

community programs and projects. But, that

conducted determining what worked well and

does not mean just getting people to carry

what needs improvement.

rocks, as has been noted by Haitians participating in many rural development

Recommendation 3:

projects (Smith, 2001). When outsiders do

Build on the Collectivist

not build on these strengths, they are failing

Practices of Rural Haiti

to engage in culturally competent practice and are, arguably, perpetuating a kind of

The finding that there are high levels of

violence against Haitian people, as they fail

social trust amongst neighbors (90-100%) in

to see their culture for what it is and render

the three survey communities is extremely

them subservient aid recipients, rather than

rare when compared to other settings

agents of change. In such patronizing

(Putnam, 2000). Also unique to rural Haiti, a

practices, capabilities fail to be fostered.

significant portion of the local people that we

Our focus group participants told the story

surveyed and interviewed perceive

of collaborating with each other to fix a road

themselves as active members of their

that leads to their isolated village. This

communities in times of non-disaster (about

project required not only that individuals

80%). Furthermore, this research reveals the

worked together, but that local organizations

essential and creative ways that local actors

worked with each other. These kinds of

were engaging in recovery efforts in their

collaborative efforts are central to rural

communities with a strong emphasis on

Haitian life, as community members often

teamwork, collective problem solving, and

participate in collective efforts to plant and

entrepreneurship.

harvest each other’s crops in exchange for food and/or help with their own crops in the

Despite this capacity and readiness for community-based work, local groups were largely overlooked by outside actors. In fact, research on humanitarian funding in Haiti points to the fact that external funders failed to fund local Haitian NGOs or to even allow them to be sub-grantees of INGO projects (DARA, 2011).

future (Smith, 2001). This kind of intricate system of exchange is a powerful survival skill and belies stereotypes of the actions of poor people as fatalistic, or as perpetuating a culture of poverty (Stack, 1974). Potential external partners can learn about these practices, identify them as strengths and co-

Clearly, outside actors need to build on

create programs that utilize these kinds of

and leverage Haitian norms and practices of

systems of exchange.

43

Recommendation 4:

for their villages. During the process, local

Develop Capacities for

participants ascertained vulnerable areas

Transformative Solutions to

and vulnerable people of the community.

Risk Reduction

They also identified readiness activities such as the safe keeping of valuables and family

Haiti is a high-risk nation when it comes

survival kits (e.g. dry food for 7-10 days) in

to experiencing natural disasters, especially

the event of a flood. They sought out key

hurricanes, floods, and earthquakes. They

local resources for protecting water sources,

are also at risk of public health crises, as

and located supplies for building rafts and

evidenced by the cholera outbreak that

temporary shelters. All in all, the planning

occurred after the earthquake. The Haitian

process was deemed effective and life-

government and the INGOs placed

saving as the number of lives and livelihoods

significant emphasis on the importance of

lost in the next flood was significantly lower.

disaster preparedness and risk reduction.

Rural communities in Haiti, in a collaborative

Moreover, the participants in our focus group

partnership between the government,

stated that they wanted to be trained as

INGOs, and local groups, could be trained in

disaster responders and health promoters.

such a preparedness process so that risks

Thus, in addition to reducing the risks faced

are reduced and communities are prepared

by vulnerable rural communities (e.g.,

when disaster strikes again.

isolation, lack of resources, poor

While the discourse and practice of

infrastructure, lack of government supports),

disaster preparedness and mitigation are

partnerships can focus on helping local

critical and certainly necessary,

actors be prepared when disaster does

transformative solutions that reduce

strike.

vulnerability and risk at the root are critical

Drawing on the collectivist orientation of

for sustainable recovery.

rural Haiti, local actors can be trained in community-coordinated efforts at disaster

All in all, discussion of the environmental problems in the data was very minimal, and this is concerning given Haiti’s environmental crisis, as well as the larger global environmental and climate change crisis that we are facing.

preparedness. An example of such an effort is the community-based disaster preparedness (CBDP) planning that was used in India after the floods of 2000 in West Bengal. A wide range of stakeholders, including the government and both

It is especially important to consider as

international and local NGOs, came together

abundant studies have shown that

to help local communities create action plans

environmental degradation is causally linked 44

Recommendation 5:

to natural disasters (e.g. Abramovitz, 2001; Dolcemascolo, 2004) and, in the case of

Study the Situation,

Haiti, one study has shown that soil erosion,

Study Yourself

from hurricanes and possibly deforestation,

Many of the recovery actors who found

triggered the fault slippage that caused the

their way to Haiti after the disaster came

earthquake (Wdowinski, 2011).

there for the first time. To what extent these

The practices that lead to deforestation in

seemingly well-intentioned people had a

rural areas are now necessary for survival.

competent understanding of Haiti’s history,

At the same time, deforestation is connected

economy, and culture is unclear, but

to greater disaster risk, as well as water

anecdotal evidence reveals that their

shortages and soil infertility, also contributing

knowledge of Haiti was limited. One thing

to environmental vulnerabilities and disaster

that is clear from the findings of this research

risks. All these environmentally-related

is that there are a range of discourses about

deprivations of human capabilities are harder

the disaster, and a significant portion of them

to change than others, but are essential from

are not necessarily empowering to

the perspective of ecological resilience and

vulnerable disaster survivors. Relatedly,

sustainability. While there are multiple efforts

there is a relationship between one’s social

throughout Haiti aimed toward reforestation

location and social constructions and

and soil conservation, both before and after

discourse about Haiti and other places in the

the earthquake, there are many challenges

developing world, including the visions of

in terms of failed remedies and

disaster recovery one has. We know that

unsustainable funding (Ayiti Kale Je, 2013).

these varying visions can lead to policies

In some cases, such as in one of our case

and practices that can be re-victimizing and

study communities, university students

devastating to vulnerable people, such as

studying agronomy have undertaken these

disaster capitalism and social exclusion from

kinds of projects. In the end, addressing

recovery processes. By failing to learn about

environmental issues at their root causes

(and care about) the history of colonization,

requires inquiry and intervention into

the dynamics of the humanitarian and

economic discourse, policies, and practices.

foreign aid industries, the politics of disaster

Though daunting, it would help achieve inter-

development, and the local people and

generational justice and address

culture, external actors are severely

environmental concerns so that Haitian

hampered in their abilities to initiate and

survivors have the opportunity to achieve full

sustain partnerships of trust and open

human functioning.

45

communication. And, they are more than

Pyles & Svistova, 2015). Thousands of

likely doing more harm than good.

people have made their way from all parts of the world to help, from professional

Anyone who is already working in or thinking about working in rural Haiti, or

organizations with experience working in

similar contexts, must do his or her

disasters around the globe, to church

homework. This means studying the

congregations who just felt moved to come,

country’s history, politics, economic system,

to grassroots teams of medical personnel. At

environmental situation, and culture, as well

the same time, we must be aware and

as the dynamics of the specific village or

transparent about the fact that we go there

neighborhood they will be working in. It is

with our own stories and projections about

particularly important to understand, as our

what sort of place Haiti is (fueled by

focus group participants discuss, that there

discourses of media outlets such as the New

is an extensive history of INGOs, faith

York Times, policymakers, aid organizations,

groups, and others coming into communities,

and more) and about what is needed to help

conducting assessments and then leaving

the situation, which are mutually reinforcing. While we recommend that people working

without any follow-up. A whole body of research echoes the reality of this dynamic

in organizations that want to initiate

in Haiti and similar contexts (e.g. Schuller,

partnerships develop their understanding of

2007; Haslam, Schafer, Beaudet, 2012;

a country’s history and strengthen their

Smith, 2001). Rural community members are

cultural competence, it is also equally as

ever hopeful that partnerships with INGOs

important that actors engage in personal

can become fruitful (our surveys indicate that

inquiry about why they really want to work in

65% completely trusted outsiders coming to

Haiti. If one is to look deeply and honestly

help) and this is a promising finding that can

one may find that his or her hopes and goals

inspire future change. However, the history

are more about personal fulfillment, noblesse

of aid and development has created some

oblige, and the perpetuation of colonialist

distrust of outsiders, as evidenced by our

legacies, rather than working in solidarity

focus groups, and the fact that 35% of

with what a community wants for

participants do not trust or have only

themselves. One also must be clear about

moderate trust of outsiders.

the temporality or longevity of their intentions for involvement. Far too many concerned

Individuals and organizations must be willing to check their intentions for working in

actors tend to act in emergency, leave, and

Haiti and develop awareness of their own

forget, while hardships remain band-aided

power and privilege (Pyles, Forthcoming;

and may re-surface with even stronger

46

intensity. This ongoing inquiry must

Furthermore, our analysis brought a

necessarily entail work on structural,

normative lens, i.e. the capabilities approach

interpersonal, and personal levels. As we are

to sustainable recovery, which affirms the

all victims of the devastating legacies of

values of holistic well-being, social equity,

colonialism and internalized oppression that

and the centrality of freedom and choice in

it causes, we must have compassion for

achieving full human functioning. There are also some more specific

ourselves and each other as we engage in

limitations of this study to keep in mind. First,

this work.

the three case study communities were

By doing this kind of reflective work, we can move towards a time when disaster recovery

purposeful and not necessarily

could indeed be sustainable by promoting

representative of rural Haiti generally.

public participation and true social equity, so

Second, while many voices of earthquake

that disaster victims can achieve full

survivors were garnered through New York

functioning now and for generations to come.

Times stories, the stories we heard in the focus group represent only a small portion of

As Haitian anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot (1995) wrote, “History is the fruit of power, but power itself is never so transparent that its analysis becomes superfluous. The ultimate mark of power may be its invisibility; the ultimate challenge, the exposition of its roots” (p. xix).

the diverse views that survivors have about participation in disaster recovery. Third, recall that the policy and INGO documents represent discourses of disaster recovery and do not necessarily reflect what these groups have actually done on the ground. Finally, we do not know the actual impacts of

Limitations

discourse and interventions, as we do not claim any kind of causality between these

Any study is always only capturing a small portion of truth, and even then its

and the perspectives of community members

methods are always potentially fallible. In

garnered through surveys and a focus group.

this research, we analyzed a range of data sources, including both qualitative and quantitative data. As such, integrating these diverse sources into meaningful findings is a challenging task and is only as good as the analyzers’ capacities. Indeed, it is important to remember that this data was analyzed through our own human lenses.

47

CONCLUSION

over the interests of outsiders who are benefitting from the disaster. And yet,

In this report, we have articulated key

Haitians, like other disaster victims in the

findings on the subject of community

developing world, cannot do it alone. They

participation and partnership building in the

need the support of the international

aftermath of the 2010 Haiti earthquake. We

community, based in partnerships that are

have discussed the findings and offered

built on mutual respect, equality, dialogue,

recommendations for disaster recovery

and transparency. These partnerships must

based on a capabilities framework that

be relentless in their efforts to engage

affirms five key principles: (1) Restore,

disaster victims, including the most marginal

maintain and enhance quality of life; (2)

ones, throughout all phases of programs

Promote social equity (intra-generational

and projects. A new Haiti, or any country

justice); (3) Promote inter-generational

wishing to “build back better,” is only

justice; (4) Address environmental concerns;

possible when everyone “puts their heads

and (5) Facilitate public participation.

together,” so that everyone can live in

We have made the case for a recovery

dignity and achieve the full human

effort that centers the needs, visions,

functioning they rightly deserve.

strengths, and skills of Haitian communities

48

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APPENDIX A Data Sources for Post-Earthquake Rural Haiti Data Source

Sample (#)

Period

Demographics

New York Times

235 newspaper articles

01.12.201001.12. 2012

N/A

Post Disaster Needs Assessment (GRH)

1 government document (115 pages)

2010

N/A

Action Plan for Recovery (GRH)

1 government document (57 pages)

2010

N/A

Oxfam

7 documents (progress reports, briefing notes and briefing papers)

2010-2012

N/A

Red Cross

5 documents (progress reports and updates)

2010-2012

N/A Gender: 190 –f; 184 –m

Surveys

3 rural communities (F, P & L)/ 374 surveys

May-August 2012

Age: F – 59% - 18-33; 23% - 34-51; 18% - 52-89; P – 19% - 18-33; 50% - 34-51; 31% - 52-89; L – 40% - 18-33; 50% - 34-51; 10% - 52-89. Education: 42% - less than high school diploma; 35% - high school diploma or equivalent; 22% - some college or higher 2 females, 5 males

Focus Group

7 participants/community leaders

February, 2014

Age: average age 40 y.o. Race: Black Worked for 4 different organizations, ranging from 3 months to 3 years.

54

APPENDIX B Research Instruments Part I: Quantitative Survey Instrument Disaster Resilience in Rural Communities Disaster Recovery Survey Informed Consent__

Were you living in the community at the time of the earthquake?

1 = Yes

2 = No

Are you of 18 years of age or older?

1 = Yes

2 = No

Would you be willing to participate in this survey?

1 = Yes

2 = No

If they answered NO to any of these questions, then sincerely thank them for their time, but they do not qualify or are not eligible to participate in this survey. Part 1: Disaster Impact and Recovery

I am going to ask you some questions about the January 2010 earthquake. Please indicate the number corresponding to your level of agreement (lowest to highest number) with each of the following statements. For Qs. 1-2 and 5-10: If they answer STRONGLY DISAGREE for any of the part “a” disaster questions, then skip the corresponding part “b” recovery questions. For Qs. 3-4: If they answer STRONGLY AGREE for any of the part “a” disaster questions, then skip the corresponding part “b” recovery questions.

1a. I was injured in the disaster. b. I have recovered from the injuries. 2a. The place I was living in was destroyed to the point where I could not live in it. b. I now have permanent housing. 3a. Immediately after the disaster, I had adequate access to food. b. I now have adequate access to food.

Strongly

Strongly Disagree

Disagree

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

Neutral

Agree Agree

4a. Immediately after the disaster, I had adequate access to clean drinking water. b. I now have adequate access to clean drinking water.

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

5a. The disaster caused me to lose my ability to earn money.

1

2

3

4

5

55

b. I now have a job or a source of income. 6a. The disaster prevented me from moving about my community freely, such as visiting family, friends and neighbors. b. I am now able to move about my community freely, such as visiting family, friends and neighbors. 7a. The disaster destroyed some of my personal property such as home, auto, livestock, personal effects. b. I have now recovered this property or its equivalent. 8a. The disaster caused me emotional distress (e.g. made me feel more anxious/afraid, or depressed/sad). b. I have recovered emotionally. 9a. The disaster increased my experiences with violence including physical, emotional or sexual abuse from a loved one or stranger. b. I am now free from such violence. 10a. Immediately after the disaster, I was not able to participate in disaster relief, recovery or future community planning with neighbors, local leaders and/or local officials. b. I am now able to participate in disaster relief, recovery or future community planning with neighbors, local leaders and/or local officials.

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

1

2

3

4

5

Part 2: Disaster Participation

I am going to ask you some questions about community participation in disaster recovery. Please provide the written information requested or circle the number corresponding to the appropriate response for each question. 1. How much do you agree with the following statement: “Citizen participation is important for successful disaster recovery.” 1 = Strongly disagree 4 = Agree 2 = Disagree 5 = Strongly agree 3 = Neutral 2. Since the disaster, have you participated in any disaster recovery projects or programs in your community? (If NO, skip to Part 3.) 1 = Yes 2 = No 3. What kinds of projects did you engage in? (Circle all that apply.) 1 = Clean-up/debris removal 4 = Livelihood support 2 = Reconstruction 5 = Organizational capacity-building 3 = Agricultural projects 6 = Other 4. Did you participate in any projects that were funded by or coordinated by anyone from outside your community? (If no, skip to Part 3.) 1 = Yes 2 = No

56

5. Who was the lead organization on the project? (Please circle all that apply.) 1 = Government 2 = Regional or national non-profit/non-governmental organization 3 = Business or other private sector actor 4 = Church or religious group 5 = International organization 6 = Foreign country 7 = Don’t Know 6. How do you or did you perceive your role in the project? (Choose the one that best describes their role.) 1 = I take no part at all 2 = I play a passive role 3 = I participate in relaying information 4 = I carry out various tasks at the staff’s instructions 5 = I participate partially in planning, decision-making and implementation 6 = I am a full partner in planning, decision-making and implementation 7. How often did you attend meetings or activities? 1 = Never 2 = Rarely 3 = Sometimes

4 = Often 5 = Always

8. How often did you actively participate in discussions at meetings or activities? 1 = Never 4 = Often 2 = Rarely 5 = Always 3 = Sometimes 9. If you had concerns about the project, did you feel that you were heard and/or that action was taken? 1 = Never 4 = Often 2 = Rarely 5 = Always 3 = Sometimes 10. All things considered, how effective do you think the project was overall? 1 = Extremely ineffective 4 = Somewhat effective 2 = Somewhat ineffective 5 = Extremely effective 3 = Neither ineffective or effective

Part 3: Civic Engagement and Social Capital

I am going to ask you some questions about community your current civic engagement and social capital activities. Please provide the written information requested or circle the number corresponding to the appropriate response for each question. 1. Did you vote in the last election? 1 = Yes

2 = No

2. How active would you say you are in your community, such as in local government or volunteer organizations? 1 = Very inactive 4 = Somewhat active 2 = Somewhat inactive 5 = Very active 3 = Neither active nor inactive

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3. Which of the following activities have you been involved with in the past 6 months? (Circle all that apply.) 1 = Attended a political meeting, demonstration, march, or other political/community action 2 = Reached out to a political or community leader to discuss issues of relevance to your community 3 = Participated in religious or spiritual activities (besides services) such as a Bible study or church committee 4 = Participated in or attended a cultural event such as a musical performance or Carnival 5 = Participated in a parent association or other school support/advocacy group 6 = A neighborhood association or agricultural cooperative 7 = Any other organizations not mentioned above related to disaster recovery or rebuilding 4. Following a disaster, who should assume the majority of the responsibility for taking care of victims and their families: (Please circle all that apply.) 1 = The victims themselves 2 = Privately funded organizations such as the Red Cross, Oxfam, Salvation Army, Churches, etc. 3 = Government agencies 4 = International organizations such as the United Nations 5 = Other (please specify) ___________________ Part 4: Quality of Life

I am going to ask you some questions about your quality of life. Please provide the written information requested or circle the number corresponding to the appropriate response for each question. 1. All things considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole nowadays? 1 = Extremely dissatisfied 4 = Somewhat satisfied 2 = Somewhat dissatisfied 5 = Extremely satisfied 3 = Neither dissatisfied or satisfied 2. In five years, do you think your community will be: 1 = A much worse place to live 2 = A somewhat worse place to live 3 = About the same

4 = A somewhat better place to live 5 = A much better place to live

Part 5: Social Trust

I am going to ask you some questions about your social trust of other people and/or groups. Please circle the number corresponding to your level of trust for not at all (lowest number) to a lot (highest number) with each of the following statements. Only a Not at All Some A Lot Little 1. People in your neighborhood? 1 2 3 4 2. The police in your local community?

1

2

3

4

3. People of other races?

1

2

3

4

4. Outsiders coming into your community to help?

1

2

3

4

5. The federal or national government?

1

2

3

4

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Part 6: Respondent Demographics I would like you to answer some questions about yourself and your current situation. Please provide the written information requested or circle the number corresponding to the appropriate response for each question.

1. In what year were you born? ___________________ 2. What is your marital status? 1 = Single 2 = Married 3 = Member of an unmarried couple living together

4 = Separated 5 = Divorced 6 = Widowed

3. What is your race/ethnicity? 1 = White or Caucasian non Hispanic 2 = Black or African American 3 = Hispanic or Latino

4 = Asian 5 = Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander 6 = American Indian or Alaska Native

4. What is the last grade in school you completed? 1 = Less than high school 2 = Some high school 3 = High school diploma or GED 4 = Some college

5 = Associate/junior college degree 6 = College degree 7 = Some graduate studies 8 = Graduate degree

5. Do you currently live in a residence that you own or are renting? 1 = Own 2 = Rent

3 = Neither

6. Tell me about your work. (Choose one that best describes their situation.) 1 = I work full-time for a company or organization 2 = I work part-time for a company or organization 3 = I have my own business or work in the informal economy 4 = I do not work outside the home, I work in the home, i.e. caretaking responsibilities 7. What is your annual household income? 1 = Below $2000 2 = $2000-$9,999 3 = $10,000-$19,999

4 = $20,000-$39,999 5 = $40,000-$79,999 6 = Above $80,000

8. In general, would you say your health is: 1 = Poor 2 = Fair 3 = Good

4 = Very Good 5 = Excellent

9. How much do you agree with the following statement, “I am a spiritual or religious person?” 1 = Strongly disagree 4 = Agree 2 = Disagree 5 = Strongly agree 3 = Neutral 10. What is your gender? (Only ask if you cannot tell.) 1 = Male

2 = Female 59

Discussion

If there is any additional information that you would like to add or discuss about your experiences with the earthquake, please do so here.

__________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________________________

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APPENDIX C Research Instruments Part II: Key Informant Interview/Focus Group Guide Background and Demographics (This page to be completed by participants)

1) Were you personally affected by the 2010 earthquake (home, work, family, etc.)? Yes/No

2) Organization name (during disaster relief and recovery)

3) Job position (during disaster relief and recovery)

4) Number of years in that position (during disaster relief and recovery)

5) Number of years in similar work

6) Education (Degree and Major Field)

7) Gender

8) Race/Ethnicity

9) Year of birth

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Questions for local actors: What was it like to live in your community before the earthquake? And after the earthquake? What were some of the key needs in your community for short-term recovery and long-term sustainable recovery?

Have they been addressed?

Did you engage in any recovery projects that were initiated solely by the community without any outside assistance? Describe them. Were they successful?

Did you/your organization participate in any recovery projects with outside actors or outside funding, partnering with non-profits, faith-based groups, government, business etc.?

o Describe the project. How were local people selected/hired? Who was involved in the project? Who funded it?

o Describe your experiences and role working on this project.

o How were needs/priorities identified? How were decisions made?

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o Were meetings inclusive, participatory?

o If you had concerns, did you communicate them and were they heard?

o Were you involved in the evaluation of the project?

o How did this participation influence you/your life?

o What is your overall assessment the project, including the quality of local participation?

Are there any special needs of rural communities recovering from a disaster that policymakers and practitioners should know about?

What role does participation of local actors play in recovery? Who needs to be at the table in determining community recovery plans?

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What role does engagement of external actors play in recovery (government, NGOs)? How can we best help them to understand their role?

What are/were some facilitators of recovery? In your life? Community? Country?

What are/were impediments to recovery? In your life? Community? Country?

What are some lessons that you have learned from the recovery process? If you were to engage in recovery process again, what would you have done differently?

Anything else that you would like to share?

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APPENDIX D Haiti Research Team Members Loretta Pyles, PhD, State University of New York At Albany Juliana Svistova, MSW, State University of New York At Albany Josué André, Heart-to-Heart International Christophe Rodrigue, Heart-to-Heart International Luberisse Wales Cenescar Stymphil Estiverne Antoine Innocent Francy Edme Obenson Geneste Rose Ruth Jean Vitane Jean Francois Marc Regalas Magdala

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