Environmental Politics, Political Economy, and Social Democracy in ...

Review

Environmental Politics, Political Economy, and Social Democracy in Canada LAURIE E. ADKIN Le probleme, c'est de sortir du siecle, membre de la generation soixante-huitard,Paris, 1992 ntroduction In "Greening the New Canadian Political Economy," Glen Williams observes that Canadian political economists have been "virtually silent" on environmental issues [1992, 16]. Indeed, most of the political science literature dealing with such issues takes the form of liberal, bureaucratic-elite, or economic structuralist analyses of environmental policy making [Dwivedi 1974, 1986; Brown 1992; Skogstad and Kopas 1992; Boardman 1992; Coleman and Skogstad 1990]. To the extent that Canadian socialists wrote about environmental issues in the 1970s and 1980s, their approaches paralleled other debates between Marxism and the social movements. Those who were close to the labour movement took up the question of conflict between workers and environmentalists, in particular, the corporate practice of job blackmail in response to pressures for environmental regulation.! They viewed their task as, in

I

In a departurefrom our commonpractice, this piece containsin-text referencesto the bibliographythat accompaniesit. The bibliography, which contains both works cited and related works on Canadian environmentalpolitics, will, we hope, providereaders with a useful tool for further research. Studies in Political Economy 45, Fall 1994

130

Studies in Political Economy

a sense, the politicization of environmentalists - meaning, the articulation of their concerns to a critique of capitalism. Others undertook to defend Marxism against its new social movement critics (particularly ecologists and feminists), or to demonstrate the relevance of Marx's thought to contemporary analyses of the exploitation of nature.J This "ecosocialist" project paralleled the theoretical efforts of socialist feminists to reconcile Marxism and feminism during the same period. These navigational debates preoccupied a small community of academics, while the citizens' groups and movement associations attempted to negotiate the rough sea of post-Fordism by means of diverse discourses. "New social movements" have become the objects of competing Marxist, post-Marxist, poststructuralist, and postmodernist theoretical interpretations. However, debates in Canadian left circles about environmental politics or sustainable development have manifested little interest in the broad historical-theoretical issues of concern to European writers [eg., Offe, Touraine, Melucci, Mouffe] or to some American writers [Boggs, Dalton, Eisenstein, Epstein, Navarro]. Recently a number of Gramscian and discourse analyses of citizens' initiatives, environmental campaigns, and the struggles of various actors to define "sustainable development" have appeared [Adkin 1992a, 1992b; Gismondi and Richardson 1991; Richardson et al. 1993; Sandilands 1992]. These analyses also raise questions about the challenges posed to social democracy by ecology, and the possible linkages between ecological discourse, democratization, and alternatives to social democracy. Along with socialist theorists, "new social movement theorists" have offered radical critiques of corporatist or neoliberal discourses concerning the environment, but the latter critiques reach beyond an analysis of capitalism to encompass the crisis of modernity. This article reviews the treatment of environmental politics by Canadian political economists and discourse theorists, and discusses the ways in which the limitations of the existing approaches also reflect elements of the impasse of ecology-as-politics in Canada.I The debates among social democrats, left nationalists, and democratic socialists remain largely within the boundaries of modernization discourse. 131

AdkinlEnvironmental

Politics

These boundaries mark the limits of political economy's critique of the dominant societal paradigm, and of the strategic insights the approach provides for counter-hegemonic politics. While the discourse analyses have contributed to the deepening and broadening of a radical critique of modernization, they have not provided many proposals of a programmatic nature which could help in the building of coalitions among social movement actors. Political economy, social democracy, and environmentalism in Canada Glen Williams observes that Canadian political economists have either ignored environmental issues, or treated them as "add-on" aspects of their analyses. This is the result, he argues, of having focused on the distributional aspects of capitalism rather than the environmental consequences of production. By turning its attention to the "North American capitalist economy" as an "eco-hostile" system, "antithetical to a rational, social planning for production and consumption which provides for the maintenance of harmonious relations with the natural environment" [Williams 1992, 8], Williams argues that political economy can provide an alternative to the predominantly nationalist construction of environmental conflicts in Canada. He argues that the mobilization of Canadians around environmental issues has occurred largely within a nationalist discourse, rather than a class or socialist one. Political economists, by providing an analysis of the logic of capitalist accumulation which takes into account its "eco-hostile" aspects, can "help us transcend the limited horizons of popular discourse and public policy" regarding environmental issues [33]. In this way, political economy can show that it is not "inherently flawed" (presumably, as an interpretation of the meanings of the environmental crisis). Indeed, says Williams, just as the necessity of "fully incorporat[ing]" race and gender into political economy research "as categories with independent explanatory power" has been recognized, so, too, must the status of the environment as a "third category" be acknowledged. The purpose of this "incorporation" is to strengthen the "intellectual leadership" of political

132


economy and its role "in shaping the popular discourse on politics in this country" [26]. What does political economy have to contribute to popular Canadian discourse on environmental issues? Williams outlines three points: (i) the reinterpretation of environmental issues not as national conflicts, but as conflicts stemming from the logic of capitalist accumulation in North America, taken as a continental economy; (ii) the strategic insight that effective protection of the environment requires continental solidarity among environmentalists; (iii) the view that the Canadian nation state "provides remarkably effective mechanisms for the formulation and articulation of a Canadian regional interest on environmental (and other) policy matters" [25]. Although at first glance points (ii) and (iii) appear contradictory, Williams presumably intends this "regional interest" to be defined in ecological terms, i.e., a region's defence of ecology against the rapacious logic of the continental economic system. This argument parallels those made by other authors in the same issue of Studies in Political Economy, [Bienefeld, Cohen, Jackson] who argue that nationalist identity/sovereignty can be the vehicle of democratic, non-xenophobic struggles against the logic of global capitalism.f Political economy's contribution to popular political discourse, therefore, is to add "ecological consequences" to the critique of capitalism, and to attempt to redefine issues like acid rain as "eco-hostile economic system" conflicts (although the substitution of regional interest for national interest may not achieve this). In other words, this appears to be another application of Marxism to ecology with a Canadian/national self-determination twist. While I do agree with some of Williams' observations, his political economy critique of environmental discourse is not matched by a critique of political economy as a counterhegemonic discourse - a task which would have required an examination of the popular discourses themselves, as well as post-Marxist theory. Although I am among the first to agree that much environmental discourse in Canada lacks a critical analysis of the logic of capitalist accumulation as well as economic alternatives to the dominant model of 133

AdkinlEnvironmentai

Politics

development, I have also argued that "eco-socialism" is inadequate as a counter-hegemonic discourse [Adkin 1992a, 1992b].5 Indeed, Williams makes only a very partial response to Robert Paehlke's environmentalist arguments regarding the limitations of political economy. Paehlke lists five major ways in which socialism and environmentalism diverge.s and concludes that "a socialist-environmentalist synthesis would require a revision of socialism as fundamental as the revisions sustained by liberalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century in the face of the socialist challenge" [1989: 198]. The radical discourses articulated by elements of the social movements - to which Williams makes no reference - encompass modern and romantic traditions whose critique of the dominant rationality is both more extensive and more profound than the state-centred structuralism of political economy. Williams' characterization of environmental discourse in Canada as predominantly nationalist (an observation that one could also make of Canadian political economy) simply ignores the success of social movement actors in articulating ecological, socialist, and feminist interpretations of the environmental and economic crisis. The only environmental issues he discusses to support his argument that environmental politics have been largely nationalist in Canada (acid rain and Great Lakes toxic chemical pollution issues), are hardly exhaustive of the range of issues which have mobilized Canadians throughout the 1980s. Nor is it evident, in my view, that a nationalist discourse has predominated in the signification of these problems. Certainly in the case of Great Lakes water quality a substantial body of documentation of public hearings and citizens' initiatives indicates that critiques of capitalism, productivism, technocracy, anthropocentrism, and the limitations of liberal democracy have emerged." In other words, I am not sure who it is who needs to be persuaded that nationalism has led to an "oversimplification and obfuscation" of the nature of the crisis. Ecologists and feminists have been crossing borders for a long time. As Williams himself observes, environmentalists have adopted an "inter-federal" praxis even in the struggles which he takes 134


as examples of nationalism. Certainly he is correct in identifying nationalism as a discourse adopted by social movement actors - as in the anti-free trade coalitions led by Liberals and New Democrats - but he neglects to examine the complex interactions of competing discourses present in these movements and coalitions, and the extent to which social movement actors have succeeded in constructing nonnational (solidaristic) identities (most evidently, those linked to universal humanism or to gender, and their articulations to nature/ecology). Williams' alternative strategy for political economists and environmentalists (an "inter-federal rather than an international relations perspective" [24]) moves hardly any distance away from a conventional discourse of political jurisdictions and state-centred politics. The discussion remains at the level of inter-governmental regulatory or legislative decisions, interest groups, and alliances organized around lobbying on specific policy issues. Perhaps this is the political economy conception of politics, but the absence of any conceptualization of social movements, recognition of the democratization discourse of environmental movement actors, or discussion of non-spatially-defined interests that might underpin opposition to the "eco-hostile economic system," all seem to me to manifest the very problem that Williams sets out to address: the shortcomings of Canadian political economy as an approach capable of illuminating "how societies are, and can be, transformed" [16]. Williams is not alone in arguing that environmentalists need political economy, although other authors theorize this synthesis as a kind of renewed social democracy. Doug Macdonald, author of The Politics of Pollution [1991] and one of the authors of the Ontario New Democratic Party (NDP) policy document, "Greening the Party, Greening the Province: A Vision for Ontario's NDP" [NDP Ontario 1990], argues that environmentalism should be linked to the goal of "a redistribution of wealth [which is] the traditional, central concern of socialism." The ideology of environmentalismhas not yet been fully developed, in Canada or elsewhere.This must be done to provide 135

AdkinlEnvironmental

Politics

a coherent analysisto carry into the political debate, particularly in terms of economic analysis; to strengthen the nascent connectionsbetweenenvironmentalismand other progressivesocial movements;and most importantly,to remove the greatest stumbling blockto environmentalprotection- the issue of allocation of cost and the argumentthat the environmentcan only be saved at the expense of jobs [261]. Robert Paehlke calls for a "moderate," "progressive" environmentalism, which is at the same time a new lease on life for North American social democracy. For Paehlke, it is clear that the synthesis of progressivism and environmentalism will most likely take place in the social democratic parties [1989, 275-279]. In "Politics-Left, Right, and Green," Lynn McDonald [1991] argues that the NDP should and can become Canada's Green Party, representing the environment as it did social policy in the first half of the century. (She does not, however, support this view with an analysis of the actual records of NDP provincial governments vis-a-vis environmental issues.) Can political economy assume intellectual leadership of counter-hegemonic politics in Canada, and precisely which social actors does this discourse address and seek to lead? The answer to the latter question has often been, at least implicitly, the NDP, government policy makers, and to some extent the unions and NGOs. The radical discourses of feminism, anti-racism, gay liberation, and ecology originate in social movements whose starting-points are cultural, psychoanalytical, and social analyses of diverse experiences of alienation and domination. They cannot be "incorporated into" political economy, although political economists may seek to retranslate and contain their perspectives in structuralist terms. Political economy is limited as a counter-hegemonic discourse, whether as an interpretation of the environmental crisis or oppressions of gender and race. Canadian political economy is preoccupied with explaining why the state is failing to Culmits national developmental role. Despite important differences, political economists, whether social democrats or socialists, share certain modernizing assumptions with neoclassical economists. Both political economists and liberal 136


economists have tended to view the environmental movement as an "add-on" to their respective modernization projects. Granted, the radical discourses that emanate from the frontiers of these modernization paradigms are rather weakly articulated in North America, but from their various sites in the citizens' initiatives, the NGOs, the unions, and the movement networks, they oblige political economists to reformulate their questions and priorities. The alternatives envisaged by these actors require us to begin from different places: not from the state as an inadequate vehicle of national development, but from the problem of democratization; not from traditional criteria of development (industrialization, international competitiveness) but from conceptions of human needs, and the principles of ecology. Despite growing interest in the relevance of environmentalism or feminism for social democratic or socialist projects, political economy remains within a nationalist modernization paradigm. As I will attempt to show, the writings of various eco-socialists or progressive environmentalists manifest the tensions between their traditional starting-points or assumptions, and the elements of the postmodern discourses which they have begun to assimilate. a) Political economy and democracy The mechanisms of the social democratic developmental project include a mix of market liberalization and regulatory policies (incentives to make "resource"-use more efficient, enforcement of pollution limits, etc.), public investment (especially in high-tech research and development and in high-value-added manufacturing), "green" taxation policies, and legislative initiatives (environmental bill of rights, abrogation of NAFTA, etc.). All of these approaches imply the central importance of certain actors in bringing about change, i.e. experts, politicians, bureaucrats, and corporations (and to a lesser extent, unions). While these actors are, of course, important, there is a marked absence of attempts by political economists to theorize processes of political and economic democratization. Social democrats and political economists in Canada have for the most part not been preoccupied with ways of reforming 137

~~~~~~~~~~~~~--~~~~------

AdkinlEnvironmentai

Politics

political (representative, bureaucratic) and economic (especially public, co-operative) institutions themselves. "Institutional design"8 for the decentralization and democratization of decision making - for the empowerment of individual citizens, local communities, and regional networks - has not figured prominently on their list of concerns (even reform of the electoral system has never been a priority of NDP or Liberal parties). Insofar as social democratic discourse treats elements such as "the economy," "the environment," and a whole set of problems such as waste management or pollution limits, as discrete and as the objects of expert policy making, law, and administration, the only roles envisaged for citizens or collective social actors are lobbying, or tactical mobilization around particular interests and issues. This discourse, therefore, does not construct societal-level conflict or articulate the commonalities among diverse social struggles. Its problematic is not the formation of a counter-hegemonic social movement; this is not the origin of its interest in the environmental movement. The problem is rather how to bring "environmental issues" into the framework of social democratic discourse. Doug Macdonald argues that "environmentalism can only achieve its potential political strength through explicit development of the underlying values and ideology that will allow it to build on the support it receives from the left connection and to give new sustenance to the basic left-wing objectives of redistribution of wealth and power" [1991, 67]. What is environmentalism's "potential strength"? The possibility of a trans formative social movement with a profound critique of modernization and alternatives? Judging by the "two basic strategic options" that Macdonald identifies for environmentalism, his conception of its social significance is much closer to that of interest-group theorists. [The options are] to work for pollution reduction by means of end-of-pipe standards or by changes in decision-makingprocedures... Changing the process means reaching up the corporate or governmental decision-making process, by requiring increased public access through such things as environmentalassessment hearings or increased access to information,changing 138


external pricing factors or introducing other variables, such as giving the environmentminister or corporate environmentalaffairs officer more powers, in the hope that such changes will lead to better decisions [278].9 These measures may be viewed as "system-friendly;" "changing the process" does not refer to democratization in the broader senses of economic decision making, decentralization, or political reforms. Moreover, on the grounds that environmentalists (and socialists?) have made little progress on such fronts, Macdonald counsels the first (less political) option: [T]he environmentallobby should concentrate on using law to reduce pollution at the point it enters the environment ... The environmentalmovementin Canada shouldpursuea strategy of progressively more stringent waste and pollution reduction requirements, ultimately leading to complete elimination of harmful pollution discharges,set in law and rigorouslyenforced [280-285]. Thus the environmental movement is reduced to a "singleissue" movement, whose primary function is to be legalregulatory lobbying. How does it develop a discourse about "wealth and power?" Apparently it does not; it simply connects itself to the left party whose statist strategy will make possible a greener regulatory environment. The Ontario NDP position paper entitled: "Greening the Party, Greening the Province: A Vision for Ontario's NDP" [NDP Ontario 1990] calls for new regulations, taxation, provincial regulation of land use, "resource conservation initiatives," "economic reforms" (an attempt to reconcile labour and environment concerns), and "empowerment" (referring to an environmental bill of rightsj.I? Noticeably missing are specific proposals for political reforms - for the democratization of decision making. This is particularly remarkable regarding "land use planning" or local development strategy,where one would have thought that participatory processes would at least have been mentioned. It seems that an environmental bill of rights is supposed to take care of "empowerment." This

139

AdkinlEnvironmental

Politics

legalistic approach focuses on redress of grievances rather than input into decisions. The measures proposed in the document overall could be compatible with participatory decision-making processes, but the central actors envisaged are the government and the regulating bureaucracy. "Involving people" seems to amount to managing people; the process of communication is rather one-way: "citizens need to be well informed in order to help make wise decisions. Thus it is an obligation of government to educate the public on the environment in a variety of ways and to encourage debate" [1990, 4].11 The federal NDP document, "Putting People First" (received by the Party convention as a basis for further discussion in 1991), devotes relatively little attention to the question of democratization [NDP Canada, 1991].12 The problem is framed as the "democratic creation and distribution of wealth," and the means discussed are: public ownership (and democratization of state institutions); worker cooperatives; community-based development corporations; and "social capital" funds which invest in the market. These alternatives certainly merit further development, but 'they do not extend very far the potential of a discourse of democratization. First, the discussion of democratization is limited to the creation of new economic institutions, while the democratization of political institutions is left unaddressed in the document. Second, the possibility of these new economic institutions is quickly made contingent on the success of the national, state-led, developmental project. This connection is made by Andrew Jackson [1992], one of the authors of "Putting People First," in his summary of the document's positions. The key point here is that the success of local, participatory structures is seen to depend on changes to international institutions which only governments can negotiate. It is economic structures which determine the limits of democratization; the priority is therefore control of the national government, and reform from above: [D]ecentralized options for a democratic market economy only make sense within an alternative problematic. The NDP's report

140 ------~-----------

------'-


takes off from the insight that the major tension of our times is "that between the bounded political geography of government and the unbound economic geography of supranational private enterprises" [Jackson, 1992: 165]. Marjorie

Cohen, in the same issue of Studies in Political

Economy, argues: More and more people have become increasingly aware of their powerlessness under existing political structures and more conscious of the power of collective action to express such nationalist purposes and translate them into action. Frequent calls for democratization as well as for new policies target existing political structures as the problem ... Such forms of "new politics" are important. Yet, they will be only partial solutions as long as the structures shaping political choices are determined elsewhere and beyond the influence of progressive forces. Therefore, democratization can only be a beginning. At some point the large constraining structures must be confronted. Of course the progressive forces of a single country cannot do this alone; a larger coalition is necessary [157]. Both Cohen and Jackson strongly criticize the adoption of neoliberal and neoconservative fashions by some of the authors of Social Democracy Without Illusions [Richards et al., 1991], in particular, the revived worship of "competitiveness." Cohen argues that social democracy should be guided by principles of freedom, democracy, and equality, and by the objective of the empowerment of individuals to determine social choices [151]. Jackson believes that recent NDP policy "goes well beyond the state-or-market debate to posit the need for decentralized alternatives to both the state and private business" [165]. In "Putting People First," as well as in the rhetoric of provincial NDP parties in recent years, there is increased cognizance of environmental discourse about "limits to growth," industrial pollution, health issues, and so on. It is also evident that some attention is being paid to various conceptions of decentralization. Yet even these left-nationalist perspectives stop short of a conception of a counter-hegemonic strategy based on a radical democratic and ecological discourse. Their analysis not only ignores the radical democratization discourse of the new social movements (vis-a-vis political and institutional reforms), but

141

AdkinlEnvironmentai

Politics

also the populist discourses of alienation directed at the Canadian political system and the NDP itself, that is, the kinds of demands which the NDP has never seriously taken up but which other parties (the Reform Party and the National Party) have sought to represent. Not all democratizing reforms are dependent on a restructuring of the international economy for implementation; they require the willingness of parties and governments to undertake them. The "new politics," in other words, also originate in the limitations of liberal democratic institutions, in our electoral system, in new identities and conflicts which do not conform to traditional party lines, and in the NDP hierarchy's resistance to direction from below.13 While there is relatively little work available on "institutional design" in Canada, a few environmentalists have looked at legal and political system reforms from the perspective of democratization. Ted Schrecker [1992] explains the development of the environmental regulatory framework in Canada as essentially the loss of public or citizens' rights, and the replacement of common law rights by "flexible regulation" and "discretionary" ministerial enforcement of regulations.P These practices are notorious to Canadian environmentalists as means of perpetuating a government bias toward the interests of business polluters. But the changes that Schrecker identifies may also be read from the perspective of democratic rights: citizens' groups have fought for a re-prioritization of rights (environmental/public over profit/private) and for the accountability of public authorities in the enforcement of regulations. This struggle has advanced on two fronts: i) the demand that discretionary provisions become mandatory, as is the norm in the US; ii) the demand for public participation in the agencies and processes of monitoring and enforcement. The article also examines the arguments for an environmental bill of rights, and the interests opposing the legal entrenchment of such rights. Schrecker points out that labour, as well as business interests may conflict with "absolute" environmental rights:

142


How can, and how should, courts resolve trade-offs between environment and development of the kind involved with (for example) banning nonrefillable containers, prosecuting polluting industries even at the risk of their closure, or restricting logging activities in wilderness areas [1992, 102]1 With regard to the democratic implications of shifting environmental policy making to the sphere of the courts, Schrecker raises some important questions. In what ways will the greater empowerment of judges enhance or constrict citizens' rights to influence social decisions? Vaughan Lyon addresses democratization from the angle of political reforms. In addition to some familiar (if neglected) proposals (proportional representation, changes to the party system), Lyon introduces the idea of community (constituency) parliaments. To allow these assemblies to function as an integral part of the policy-making process, and not merely as an advisory body or a collector of after-the-fact reaction, the government would be required to introduce its full sessional legislative program (except for emergency bills) at one time. It would immediately be referred to committees for study. After the committee stage and before MPs were asked to commit themselves formally on any items in the government's program, the members would return to their constituencies for an extended informed discussion with their community parliaments ... In addition to providing a forum for discussion of the ongoing business of government, the community parliaments would serve as a sophisticated kind of "referendum" on issues where government might feel the need to have a clear public mandate ... . Community parliament members would be reimbursed for the time they take off work to participate in these deliberations. They would have all the information presented to parliamentary committees available to them. In addition, local experts and interest groups would fuel these constituency discussions of national issues. The MP would not be required to reflect the views of his or her constituency parliament in speeches and voting in the legislature. However, the elected representative and the government would have a strong vested interest in working in harmony with these large committees of local activists. They would effectively counter the influence special interests now have on public policy [1992, 141-142].

143

AdkinlEnvironmentai

Politics

While one might debate the merits of specific proposals for the democratization of political institutions, discussion of any such alternatives has been remarkably lacking in Canadian politics. Lyon's particular focus is on ways of advancing an environmental agenda, yet his analysis of the limitations of liberal democratic institutions is clearly relevant to the concerns of all social movement actors. A number of writers have studied the un/democratic aspects of battles surrounding specific legislative initiatives and environmental impact assessment processes, as well as the skewed representation of different social interests in provincial and national consultative bodies such as the Round Tables on "sustainable development" [Adkin 1989, 1992a; Clow 1992; Bruton and Howlett 1992; Howlett 1990; Novek and Kampen 1992; Schrecker 1984/85, 1985a,b, 1990, 1991]. These studies point to ways in which decision-making processes managed by the state could be democratized. In a contribution to a collection edited by Douglas Torgerson and Robert Paehlke, Schrecker [1990] reviews the ways in which corporations or business associations seek to prevent, subvert, or design environmental regulation. He argues that, in response to the advance of environmental and social legislation in the 1960s and 1970s, capitalists became more class conscious. This process was manifest in the formation of associations to organize political lobbying, and in "a dramatic increase in the use of corporate wealth to finance lobbying ... and to engage in extensive (and expensive) advocacy advertising campaigns" [171]. From the point of view of radical ecologists, "democratization" encompasses more than the passage of an environmental bill of rights. The struggles around forestry and pulp mill development in Northern Alberta have given rise to an interesting discourse analysis. Michael Gismondi, Mary Richardson, and Joan Sherman [Gismondi & Richardson 1991; Richardson et al 1993] have analyzed the transcripts of the Public Review Board Hearing on a bleached kraft pulp mill in Athabasca County, Albertal5 revealing how dominant norms are made visible and challenged in these struggles. Their analysis shows how environmental discourses may be linked to native rights, and their findings 144


support other observations about the ways in which citizens' interventions are challenging hegemonic discourses [Tester 1992; Lerner 1993; MacDonald 1994]. My own work on citizens' groups and industrial pollution issues in southern Ontario offers more examples of this struggle over the limits of public participation in decision making [Adkin and Alpaugh 1988; Adkin 1989]. While political economists typically begin their analyses from the points of social inequalities (presented in aggregate and empirical forms) and structural economic reforms (via the state or corporate actors), radical ecologists begin with conceptions of alienation, domination, resistance, human needs, and nature. Democratization, from this starting point, becomes a necessary strategy of liberation for both individuals and communities [Adkin 1992 a, 1992b; Sandilands 1992]. b) Political economy and ecology Although "environmentally sustainable" is now being added to redistributive goals as a qualifier of economic policy, social democracy sees as its primary task the rationalization and modernization of the capitalist market economy.Iv Environmental management to reduce waste, enhance productive efficiency, reduce costs, and create new jobs is compatible with the national project of modernization. Social democracy's categories continue to be "resources," "economic growth," "environment," "full employment," and "international competitiveness," even though the addition of environmental concerns links them in new ways. Radical ecologists' concepts of domination, alienation, human needs, and nature - their romantic, psychoanalytical, and postmodern critiques of modernization remain on the margins of the social democratic paradigm, and are often dismissed by socialists as well. The social democratic discourse about the environment is predominantly about efficiency versus waste, full employment versus industrial job loss, resource management versus waste or pollution, and "clean" Canadian participation in international competition (in high value-added or high technology markets) versus the "dirty" Mexican or southern US variety. Indeed, "environmentalism" is the last word in an 145

AdkinlEnvironmental

Politics

enlightened strategy of modernization. Not surprisingly, the lines between a social democratic environmentalism and a "Brundtland Commission" corporate view of sustainable development often seem blurred. The primary difference between them, however, is that while the social democrats seek a multi-partite corporatism including organized labour, and rely on strengthening the regulatory functions of the state, the business organizations prefer to participate in more elite consultation processes, and argue for market regulation and corporate self-monitoring to achieve environmental standards and "resource efficiency.t'I? An excellent example of these differences is provided in the 1992 report of the National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy (NRTEE), entitled Trade, Environment, and Competitiveness (Sustaining Canada's Prosperity) (publication funded by DuPont). In this collection the key spokesperson for the Business Council on National Issues (BCNI), Thomas d' Aquino, argues that liberalized trade will raise environmental standards in Mexico, and will not weaken Canada's present standards. Adam Zimmerman, CEO of Noranda Forest Inc. and Chairperson of the C.D. Howe Institute (among other corporate positions), introduces the interesting term "competitive environmentalism" [1992, 37]. This expresses business's concern that Canada not get "too far out in front" on environmental standards, lest the private sector's "competitiveness" be jeopardized. Michelle Swenarchuk of the Canadian Environmental Law Association (CELA) stands alone in this business-oriented collection in rejecting the argument that trade liberalization is environmentally-friendly. The strong central government role in regulating resource use and environmental standards (including protectionist trade policies if warranted to meet domestic environmental objectives) that CELA supports implicitly depends for its realization on the political success of the NDP. In opposition to the BCNI/Brundtland Commission view of sustainable development (SO), Canadian ecologist William Rees argues: "SO is development that minimizes resource use and the increase in global entropy" [1990]. Modern industrial development in the west, he argues, has required "cannibalizing the biosphere." In his reply to 146


d' Aquino regarding the benefits of trade, he notes that what economists see as comparative advantage - maximizing the export of the products that are produced most cheaply (compared to production costs in other countries) - ecologists call the "appropriation of the carrying capacity of distant 'elsewheres'" [Rees 1992, i]. Examples of such appropriations are provided by the pulp and paper megaprojects studied by Richardson et al [1993], and Novek and Kampen [1992]. The latter study concerns the proposed expansion of the Repap mill in The Pas, northern Manitoba. Novek and Kampen conclude: Globalization of the forest industry allows externalities to be borne in regions far removed from further processing or final consumption ... Repap, ALPAC, and other new kraft mill projects slated for the western boreal region are geared to economic development through the export of natural resources to metropolitan markets. Information industries in the United States, Japan, and other nations will benefit while the boreal region will run the risk as it is inevitably drawn into the global market economy. Vast tracts of Crown land in Manitoba and Alberta have been turned over to management by foreign and domestic multinational forest corporations. In terms of the international division of externalities, the boreal forest will pay the price exacted by clearcut logging and the dumping of toxic chlorine-based chemicals [1992, 258-262].18 Rees' reply to the neoclassical economists 19 is: "orthodox economic analysis is so abstracted from reality that its ability to detect, let alone offer, policy advice on socially critical macro-environmental dimensions of global urbanization is severely compromised" [1992, 1]. In a pointedly titled paper: "The Ecology of Sustainable Development," (my emphasis) Rees [1990] makes an important contribution to ecological economics, one which stands as a challenge not only to neoclassical economics, but to Marxian and social democratic approaches to modernization. Doug Macdonald [1991], Robert Paehlke [1989], and others argue that environmentalism is essentially compatible with the economic growth (if this is limited), full employment, and redistributive goals of social democracy. In this context, both of these authors refer to the idea of increasing

147 -----------------------------

---

-

AdkinJEnvironmentai

Politics

employment by reducing work time in some manner. Such proposals have been advanced by a number of radical European economists (including Elmar Altvater, Andre Gorz, and Alain Lipietz), by the European Greens, and by leading European unions. In Canada, the Canadian Autoworkers have taken some important initiatives to mobilize support for the reduction of necessary labour.20 In the European debate, reduction of work time is placed in the context of far-reaching reforms to the welfare state and proposals for guaranteed basic income. Moreover, in the discourse of the Greens, there is a strong link between the argument about human needs (contemporary experiences of alienation and deprivation) and the liberation of time as a crucial condition for happiness. The question of time is linked, in critical discourse, not only to ecology, but to the ways in which individuals feel deprived, alienated, and isolated in modem life.21 Alain Lipietz captures these connections nicely in this paragraph from Choisir L'Audace: A regime of accumulation centred on the growth of free time is much less subject to the international constraints of a regime centred on consumption. When full employment is based on a measured development of commercial relations, on the expansion of extra-economic activities, then the pressure of international competition, the endless race to balance of payments equilibrium, are much less sensitive. To invest in the quality of life, to dispose of one's free time for sport, art, public debate, or intimate conversation, hardly necessitates imports. Here is a quiet and non-provocative form of protectionism, the path of a spontaneous return towards a regime more autocentre, more adaptable to the regulation organized by democratic societies [1989, 97; my translation]. With the liberation of time/liberation of nature approach we get away from the imperatives of international competitiveness - which, as Leo Panitch says, "parade as the national interest" [1992] - and move toward the imperatives of individual autonomy, social solidarities, and ecological relationships. These kinds of proposals have not figured prominently, if at all, in NDP campaigns in Canada.22 In social democratic discourse, environmental objectives are typically linked to

148


full employment (e.g., conversion to more energy-efficient housing, etc., will create jobs). The starting point is the possibility of combining economic growth, full employment, and more rigorous conservation and pollution regulation. The Ontario NDP's "Greening the Party, Greening the Province" states: The NDP should seriously consider policy reforms that seek to create a substantial and vital conservation-oriented economy in Ontario. The goals of this economic transformation would be to create fuller employment by shifting to more labour-intensive economic development, and by embracing new technology, encouraging entrepreneurship, and implementing "green" tax reforms that create a new market for products and services in tune with a sound ecological society. Such a program will not only significantly reduce stresses on Ontario's environment, but promote economic growth and new employment opportunities for working people [17]. Moreover, a more energy-efficient and modem industrial sector will be better able to compete internationally. In "The last, best left?" Andrew Jackson [1992] presents the current thinking of the federal NDP: In the here and now of Canada, business, with few exceptions, is ill-equipped to take on the giant transnationals which dominate world trade in sophisticated industrial products. Current realities of massive capital flight, abysmal levels of corporate investment in research and development and training, and the manifest lack of dynamic innovative capacity mean that our national economic future cannot be entrusted to the workings of international market forces. That international market is dominated by powerful transnational corporations, and we lack corporate players capable of competing at the global level ... The second basic approach is to enhance the capacity of Canadian businesses to compete internationally in high value-added activities which generate skilled well-paid jobs and the wealth needed to support high-quality social programs and public services ... The third basic approach is to secure some room for manoeuvre by regulating international trade and investment to secure important national purposes [167-168; emphasis added].

149

AdkinlEnvironmental

Politics

Environmentalism is linked to these modernizing goals in the ways I have suggested above. However, the nationalist and structuralist approach makes clear that the relevant actors in the social democratic project are governments, technocrats, investors (and perhaps, the unions). There is no discussion of the liberation of time, not only as a strategy of job creation but as one essential to participatory democracy and to ecological goals. The idea of "full employment" belongs to the Fordist model of work and the Keynesian welfare state, and to that model's oppressive sexual division of labour. In social democratic discourse environmental restructuring functions to extend this model without transforming it.23 In all of these respects, the traditional concerns of political economy and of social democracy are far from the starting points of radical ecology and radical democracy. The problems for the latter discourses are to transform the v~ry logic and ethos of the model of development, and to empower citizens to determine their own history. Political economy analyses begin with economic structures and state functions, and often fail to link these to analyses of actors and their discourses. Insofar as they do consider actors, these are conceived of in much the same way as liberal theorists conceive of "interest groups" - not as the subjects of a (real or potential) social movement that might gradually transform the societal paradigm, but as groups who lobby to redistribute the benefits and manage the costs of the dominant paradigm. The stakes are primarily the sustainability of the dominant model of development and the distribution of its wealth between capital and labour. This is a primarily rationalist and technocratic approach to the management of the resourcisme' and industrialism of liberal-productivist models of development. Glen Williams emphasizes that the problem with the "North American capitalist economy" is that it is "antithetical to a rational, social planning for production and consumption which provides for the maintenance of harmonious relations with the natural environment" [1992, 8]. He adds that it was "revulsion against an unplanned, growth before human values, wasteful and irrational economic system that 150


first stimulated many of us to generate our critiques of continental capitalism" [27]. While of course I agree, my point is that conceptions of rational/irrational must ultimately be rooted in assumptions about these very "human values," or human needs, and this is the discourse which political economy's structuralism and "national developmental" categories can neither reveal nor express. It is the discourses of feminists, ecologists, indigenous peoples, and others that speak from, and interpret socially, individual experiences of alienation, marginalization, deprivation, and subordination, and that construct the unifying values and emancipatory goals of collective action. Although social democratic discourse, in attempting to integrate environmental concerns, has become more conscious of its resourcism and anthropocentrism, it has difficulty grasping the ways in which radical ecologists and ecofeminists re/construct the links between humankind and nature. Doug Macdonald, for example, recognizes that we must be concerned about phenomena such as ozone depletion not only because it negatively affects human health, but because it affects other species who also have rights; he speaks of "the inherent value of nature" [1991, 263-266]. While most ecologists would agree with Macdonald, the "anthropocentrism" criticism hardly encompasses the insights of ecologists regarding the crisis of modernity as lived by humans. Ecological discourse links modem experiences (in specific contexts) to sensual and spiritual deprivations, as well as to poverty, insecurity, and ill health. Chlorofluorocarbon (CFC) production in the west has created the ultimate metaphor of the dominant rationality: the death-sun. The absurdity of this rationality, profoundly experienced by individuals in their daily lives, is what the political economy approach is incapable of speaking to; it can only reformulate these experiences in structuralist terms. Political economists have been quick to dismiss new social movement themes as utopian or romantic. Yet it is not when we measure the rate of GNP, or the balance of payments, that we gain insight into the deepest experiences of the contradictions of the dominant model of development. Rather, it is by beginning with the consequences of the very assumptions and experiences of 151

Adkin/Environmental

Politics

modern life for the bodies and souls of those who inhabit it. D. H. Lawrence's story, "The Sun," reminds us of our enormous distance from the life-sun. She slid off all her clothes and lay naked in the sun, and as she lay she looked up through her fingers at the central sun, his blue pulsing roundness, whose outer edges streamed brilliance. Pulsing with marvellous blue, and alive, and streaming white fire from his edges, the sun! He faced down to her with his look of blue fire, and enveloped her breasts and her face, her throat, her tired belly, her knees, her thighs and her feet ... She could feel the sun penetrating even into her bones; nay, farther, even into her emotions and her thoughts. The dark tensions of her emotions began to give way, the cold dark clots of her thoughts began to dissolve. She was beginning to feel warm right through. Turning over, she let her shoulders dissolve in the sun, her loins, the backs of her thighs, even her heels. And she lay half stunned with wonder at the thing that was happening to her. Her weary, chilled heart was melting, and, in melting, evaporating [(1922) 1976, 530-31]. Reading this, one cannot help but be struck by the contrast with the sun we know today - the sun of the daily reports on the ultraviolet ray count - and by the enormity of what we and future generations have lost. The new social movements encompass a discourse about human needs as inseparable from nature and from other species; they trace the origins of oppression and alienation to the binary oppositions of modernity (civilization/nature, mind/body, masculine/feminine, reason/passion ... ) which split individuals irreparably. In short, they raise the age-old question of the conditions for happiness, and it is the profundity of this discourse which, in my view, suggests its counter-hegemonic promise. Conclusions Three broadly differentiated interpretations of the significance of environmentalism may be identified in the Canadian context. The policy approach (which I have not reviewed here) examines the processes of governmental decision making within a framework of predominantly liberal assumptions about the state and society. The political economy approach attempts to connect class interests to

152


struggles over legal reform and public policy, but it remains largely structuralist and state-centred, and lacks sufficient appreciation of ecological, feminist and "counter-culture" critiques of modernization. The "discourse theorists" examine the deconstructive critiques of modem values and institutions expressed by various social actors; however, most of these analyses offer little in the way of a medium-term agenda for reforms. Both political economy and the existing discourse approaches are therefore limited, albeit in different ways, as counter-hegemonic discourses. What is missing are analyses which bring the orientations of the radical critiques together with a medium-term agenda of reforms. What I have in mind is work such as that of Alain Lipietz or William Rees on economic restructuring, as well as proposals for reform in specific sectors of production and services. No doubt there has been significant union research on specific sectors; the problem is linking this work to the struggles of the other social movements. The NDP policy documents (in the formulation of which there has been some union participation) at least put some ideas on the table for debate. With regard to the NDP's commitment to ecological economics, and its preparedness to steer a determined course through the predictable opposition, it is social democrats' uncritical adherence to modem ideas of progress which gives rise to pessimism. I mean this both in the sense that social democratic politicians and strategists continue to believe that corporatist, environmental management of the hegemonic model of development will be sufficient to reverse the economic and ecological crises of the late twentieth century, and in the sense that they believe that participatory citizenship is destabilizing to their corporatist strategy of reform. These approaches underpin what is perceived as the elitism or lack of nerve of social democratic governments in Canada. Perhaps more importantly, the "division of labour" in both academic and organizational spheres regarding the environment and development has been crippling to the goals of radical social change. Theoretical work seems to reflect increasing academic specialization and detachment from any counter-hegemonic project. This is not a question solely of 153

AdkinlEnvironmentai

Politics

the professionalization of the intellectuals; it also reflects the social and political disorientation which has demobilized the social movements in Canada and elsewhere since the early 1980s. For environmental struggles to go beyond interest group activities and social-democratic definitions of the stakes, they must be transformed in interaction with the discourses of other subject positions. In other words, only when consensus-oriented coalitions are created among environmentalists, unions, feminists, anti-racist organizations, international solidarity networks, and so on will the stakes of environmental struggle be redefined in terms of the entire model of modem capitalist development in the west (the necessity of changing norms regarding work and consumption; the construction of new solidarities; democratization; decentralized development).25 Let us, for a moment, look at a few areas of development strategy. We are not going to have a persuasive, concrete, energy policy alternative to the priorities of capitalists and technocrats until we are able to combine the expertise (and reconcile the interests) of the workers in the sector with those of ecologists, scientists, and citizens demanding the democratization of decision making and the social accountability of state and private sector institutions. The same may be said of forestry and other "resource" sectors, and with regard to industrial pollution issues. From the point of view of the contributions of Canadian political science and political economy to these tasks, it must be said that these have been made, for the most part, in virtual isolation from the scientific, technical, and economic planning work which is needed to help construct alternatives. Of course, due to the educational and political socialization of scientists and economists in North America, alternatives to the hegemonic model of development are hardly priorities in these fields. However, even in the area of political reform, there have been few proposals for the democratization of institutions and of decision making generally. The public policy or public administration fields - insofar as they concern environmental issues at all- are predominantly focused on questions like provincial-federal negotiation of legal jurisdiction, 154


or rather uncritical descriptions of how policies get made in the existing regulatory framework. Some work linking issues in environmental law to a democratization problematic now exists and helps to clarify the alternatives in the sphere of legal system reform. Yet, political theory is - with a few exceptions - neglecting the tasks of proposing specific institutional and political reforms. Ecology-as-politics is limited in Canada by the fragmentation of social actors and the resulting failure to pool and exchange intellectual and moral resources. Without a concentration of effort, movement actors and intellectuals will go on in a reactive mode, ineffectually alienated and increasingly dispirited. What we need now are the efforts and abilities of all the actors interested in radical social change to be focused on the development of short- and medium-term measures (at local, regional, national, and international levels) to realize the visions now considered utopian by neoclassical economists, technocrats, and social democratic politicians. Political economists can contribute their particular analytical and research skills to the tasks of defining alternatives, but this must be in the context of a radically new synthesis of critical discourses. The problem, as my French friend (quoted at the outset of this review) suggested, is to leave this century behind. Notes Research assistance for this review was partially funded by a Support for Academic Scholarship grant from the University of Alberta. The author would also like to acknowledge the research assistance of Mr. Paul Hamilton and Mr. GUrcan Kocan, both of the Dept. of Political Science, University of Alberta, and to thank William Carroll and Mike Lebowitz for their very helpful comments on the first draft. 1.

2.

155

Some of these authors include: Laurie Adkin [1987], Grahame Beakhurst, Hugh MacKenzie, Gregor Murray, Robert Paehlke, Serge Quenneville, Ted Schrecker, Peter Victor, and Robert White, whose works are cited in the bibliography. The "red versus green" debate has taken place, in English Canada, largely in the journals Canadian Dimension and Alternatives. Canadian authors associated with the Marxism/ecology debates include Michael Clow, David Orton, and Jean-Guy Vaillancourt. Theoretical

AdkinlEnvironmentai Politics

3.

4.

work on Marxism and ecology was the impetus for the creation of the journal Capitalism Nature Socialism (eNS) (particularly the work of James O'Connor), and has also been one of the foci of the journal Environmental Ethics. See also: Luciana Castellina; Robyn Eckersley [1986, 1992]; Donald Lee [1980, 1982]; Murray Bookchin [1982, 1990]; Joe Weston; and Raymond Williams [1989]. Work published since this review article was written in the spring of 1993, which - regrettably - is not discussed here, includes: B. Singh Bolaria and Lorna Klose [1994]; Michael Howlett [1994]; George Hoberg and Kathryn Harrison [1994]; and Patricia Perkins [1994]. Marjorie Cohen argues that, "labelling all nationalism inherently dangerous is also wrong. It can be either dangerous or a positive force for change. If nationalism means confronting something powerful and destructive which threatens from outside, then nationalism can take a positive form. In this form nationalism can provide a rationale for people who share a community of interests to arrange things so that they do not have to choose between distasteful alternatives but so that they can actually determine what the choices will be" [1992, 156]. The left-nationalists do not, however, explain why alternatives or "a community of interests" must be articulated to nationalist identities - in this case to a definition of social conflict which necessarily identifies the "something ...which threatens from the outside" as "Americans,"

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

or "Japanese," or "Mexicans."

This is certainly not an original argument; beyond the red-green debates of the 1980s, and the theorization of "Marxist ecology" in the pages of Capitalism Nature Socialism. in Environmental Ethics, and other journals, post-Marxist, poststructuralist, and postmodernist theories have taken up the limitations of political economy (in Marxist or social democratic variants) as a modem critique of modernization. Briefly, these differences concern: centralism, the social functions of technology, the decline of the industrial working class, economic growth, and views of human nature [Paehlke 1989: 206]. My doctoral dissertation [Adkin 1989] documented citizen mobilization in southern Ontario around Great Lakes basin pollution issues. Other sources on Great Lakes environmental politics include: Great Lakes United 1987, and the organization's regular bulletin, Great Lakes United, which defines issues in bio-regional rather than national terms; the journal Alternatives; and the Remedial Action Plan area reports under the Ontario Municipal-Industrial Strategy for Abatement (MISA) program. I have borrowed the term "institutional design" from Robyn Eckersley, who used it at the conference on Global Political Ecology, held at York University, March 3-6, 1994. A collection of essays based on the conference is scheduled for publication in 1995. See also note 20. Another example of changing the decision-making process offered by Macdonald is the struggle for the adoption of an environmental bill of rights [1991]. A condensed version of this document, entitled "Greening the Party, Greening the Province: Environment, Resources, and Energy Policy

156


for the Ontario New Democratic Party," was adopted by Provincial Council, June 1990. 11. Some proposals seem to be redundant, e.g.: "Introduce a process of stakeholder consultations, including the public, prior to formulating regulations. Such consultations should be ongoing so that standards and regulations can be revised in light of new understandings and technological developments" [5]. The provincial and federal governments already have "advisory" bodies with "public" representatives to make recommendations regarding new regulations (e.g., CEPA chemical regulation; MISA in Ontario). The irony is, it is the citizens' groups who fought for these kinds of access, and it is they who "educate" the government and insist on debate! 12. The federal party also subsequently published a series of (electoral) position papers, under the general title "Putting People First," including: "Women and the Economy: A Vision of Equality" (n.d.); "Rural Canada" (June 1992); "An Economic Framework" (July 1992); "Atlantic Canada" (May 1993); "Working with the Indian, M6tis and Inuit Peoples" (June 1993). 13. An example of the kind of democratization to which the NDP might commit itself, and of the party's failure to do so, is provided by an episode which followed the election of the NDP to government in Ontario in 1991. It was proposed to the newly-elected NDP MLA for my eastern Ontario riding that a "constituency council" be set up. This would serve as a forum for the representatives of local organizations and interest groups to debate NDP legislative initiatives, to develop proposals for the government's consideration, and for regular exchange between the MLA and his constituents. The MLA's response was that he did not want to be accountable to a lion's den of local activists; in other words, he immediately assumed that the dynamic would be hostile, and that the "demands" presented would conflict with his obligation to represent and to support party decisions on policy. The forum was never created. 14. There is a burgeoning literature on environmental law in Canada, which is not reviewed here. A good introduction, however, may be found in the work of Ted Schrecker. 15. The Alberta-Pacific Environmental Impact Assessment Review Board Public Hearings Proceedings (1989). 16. For example, the Ontario NDP policy proposal, Greening the Party, Greening the Province: A Vision for the Ontario HDP, states: "Social democrats are committed to economic growth - an increase of the national product or income - within a framework of 'managed capitalism'" [1990, 4]. 17. Ted Schrecker [1990] considers the effect of institutions, both electoral and administrative, in facilitating or constricting environmental and participatory demands. He argues that environmental legislation is generally more favourable to these interests in the United States than in Canada, although in both countries the electoral systems are more exclusive of new competitors than in proportional representation systems. While the "legal and administrative framework of environmental policy may help to explain the partial failure of deregulation in the US," this factor cannot explain the gains made in environmental legislation in Canada in the 1980s. Schrecker argues that, in addition

157

Adkin/Environmental Politics

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

to the "discretionary" nature of most Canadian environmental regulation, business has been relatively reassured by the renaissance of liberal ideology in the 1980s. He suggests that a political environment favourable to the interests of big capital during this period has allowed business the luxury of a corporatist approach to environmental issues. Such an approach has been facilitated by the Brundtland Commission and by governmental adoption of the corporatist "sustainable development" framework. As others have observed [Adkin, 1992a; Clow, 1992], representation on national and provincial sustainable development consultative bodies has been weighted toward bureaucrats and business representatives, while representatives of organized labour have been largely excluded. The Manitoba government in 1989 granted a license to Repap to manage an area equal to 20 per cent of the land mass of the province. In 1988, ALPAC was granted cutting rights over 73,430 square kilometres, or 12 per cent of the Province of Alberta [Novek and Kampen 1992, 260-264; Gismondi and Richardson 1991, 45]. One well-known Canadian economist who has taken a neoclassical view of environmental questions is Richard Lipsey. In his contribution to the C. D. Howe Institute publication. The Environmental Imperative: Market approaches to the Greening of Canada, edited by G. Bruce Doern, Lipsey [1990] argues: i) environmentalists do not understand that the only alternative to the market is central-command solutions ~ la Eastern Europe; ii) environmentalists have a faith in human altruism which more rational creatures (economists) know to be unfounded; iii) environmentalists have a "religious" and "mystical" view of "resources." See the CAW pamphlet "More time for ourselves, our children, our community" (1993) and the Report to the National Collective Bargaining and Political Action Convention, Hard TImes, New TImes: Fighting for our Future. Toronto, May 4-7, 1993. I address these connections from within a social movement problematic in a paper presented to the Global Political Ecology Conference, York University, March 3-6, 1994. See note 7. Although there is need for a comprehensive analysis of the NDP "social contract" in Ontario, the conditions of its imposition, and the isolation of wage/work reduction from the other areas of welfare and income reform - not to mention from any ecological discourse suggest that the social contract is not comparable to the strategy of the French Greens. For a critical review of the Ontario NDP's social contract, see Leo Panitch and Donald Swartz, "The social contract: labour, the NDP, and beyond." in Canadian Dimension. Nov-Dec 1993; and union responses to the Social Contract in Our TImes. Ironically. it is the federal Liberal government which is now considering alternatives for welfare state and labour market restructuring. Raymond Williams argued in 1979 that full employment was a "capitalist category" that socialists must discard in favour of "the very difficult alternative concept of adequate and equitable means of livelihood" [1979, 383].

158


24.

25.

159

John Livingston defines resourcism as follows: "Resourcism sees the nonhuman world, which is all external to man and his structures, as raw material dedicated without reservation to the human purpose ... "A resource is perceived as having intrinsic human utility. The moment a human use is perceived in any thing, that thing becomes a resource. Although there are still very many natural phenomena in the world that have not yet revealed their industrial utility, the expectation of utility allows the entire aggregate of nonhuman entities to be viewed as 'resources for the future'. The entire planet is so viewed" [1985, 4-5]. Various coalitions do, of course, already exist at local levels. There is some discussion of Green Work Alliance and the Coalition for Green Economic Recovery, in the Toronto area, in Roger Keil [1994]. Updates on local "greenwork" campaigns may be found in the journal Alternatives.

AdkinlEnvironmental Politics

Bibliography of Canadian Environmental Politics (References and Related Works) Adkin, Laurie E. 1987. "A Labour-Ecology Programme for Social Change." Our Times (February) . .---and Alpaugh, Catherine. 1988. "Labour, Ecology, and the Politics of Convergence in Canada." In Social Movements/Social Change (The Politics and Practice of Organizing), edited by Frank Cunningham, Alan Lennon, et al. Toronto: Between the Lines. -----. 1989. "The Prospects for Eco-Socialist Convergence (An Investigation of the Relations between the Environmental Movement and two Canadian Industrial Unions)." Ph.D. diss., Dept. of Political Studies, Queen's University, Kingston, Ont. .----. 1992a. "Counter-hegemony and environmental politics in Canada." In Organizing Dissent: Contemporary Social Movements in Theory and Practice. See Carroll 1992. .----. 1992b. "Ecology and labour: towards a new societal paradigm." In Culture and Social Change. See Leys and Mendell 1992. Alpaugh, Catherine and Sabean, Lynn. 1987. "The Politics of PCBs in the 1980s." International Journal of Environmental Studies. Altvater, Elmar. 1985. "Socialism beyond industrial rationality." In Socialism on the Threshold of the Twenty-First Century, edited by Milos Nicolic. London: Verso. Ashworth, William. 1986. The Late, Great Lakes: An Environmental History. 1st ed. New York: Knopf/Random House. Association for Canadian Studies. 1991. To See Ourselves/To Save Ourselves: Ecology and Culture in Canada/Conscience et survie: Ecologie et culture au Canada. Canadian Issues/Themes canadiens series, volume XIII. Montreal. Babin, Ronald. 1985. The Nuclear Power Game. Translated by Ted Richmond. Montreal: Black Rose Books. Bakvis, Herman and Neil Nevitte. 1992. "The greening of the Canadian electorate: environmentalism, ideology, and partisanship." In Canadian Environmental Policy (Ecosystems, Politics, and Process). See Boardman 1992. Beakhurst, Grahame. 1979. "Political Ecology." Ecology Versus Politics in Canada. See Leiss 1979. Bienefeld, Manfred. 1992. "Financial deregulation: disarming the nation state." Studies in Political Economy 37 (Spring). Boardman, Robert, ed. 1992. Canadian Environmental Policy (Ecosystems, Politics, and Process). Toronto: Oxford Univ. Press. Bookchin, Murray. 1982. The Ecology of Freedom. Palo Alto: Cheshire Books.

160


----.

1990. Remaking Society. Boston: Southend Press.

Boychuk, Rick. 1990. "Eco-terrorism." This Magazine vol. 24, no. 1 (June): 14-18. Brown, Michael and John May. 1987. The Greenpeace Story. Scarborough: Prentice Hall. Brown, Paul. 1992. "Organizational design as policy instrument: Environment Canada in the Canadian bureaucracy." In Canadian Environmental Policy (Ecosystems, Politics, and Process). See Boardman 1992. Bruton, Jim and Michael Howlett. 1992. "Differences of opinion: Round Tables, policy networks and the failure of Canadian environmental strategy." Alternatives vol. 19, no. 1 (September/October). Canadian Environmental Advisory Council. 1991. 1989·90 Review of Activities. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada. Canadian Environmental Law Association. 1987. "Submission to Environment Canada on the Proposed Federal Environmental Protection Act." Prepared by Toby Vigod and Marcia Valiante, March. ----. 1985. How to Fight for What:V Left (of the Environment), edited by Shelley Howell. Toronto: CELA, February. Carroll, William K., ed. 1992. Organizing Dissent: Contemporary Social Movements in Theory and Practice. Toronto: Garamond Press. Castellina, Luciana. 1985. "Why 'red' must be 'green' too." In Socialism on the Threshold of the Twenty-First Century, edited by Milos Nicoli. London: Verso. Chant, Donald A. 1991. "The role of Environmental Advisory Councils vis-a-vis Round Tables on Environment and Economy." In Canadian Environmental Advisory Council 1989-90 Review of Activities, 17-20. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada. Clow, Michael. 1982. "Alienation from nature: Marx and environmental politics." Alternatives 10/4 (Summer) . .----. 1990. "Sustainable development won't be enough." Policy Options (November): 6-8. ·----.1992. "Round tables taken with a grain of salt." Alternatives vol. 19, no. 1 (Sept/Oct). Cohen, Marjorie Griffen. 1992. "Social democracy-illusion Studies in Political Economy 37 (Spring).

or vision?"

Coleman, William and Grace Skogstad, eds. 1990. Policy Communities and Public Policy in Canada: A Structural Approach. Mississauga: Copp Clark Pitman, Ltd. Dalton, Russell J. and M. Kuechler, eds. 1990. Challenging the Political Order. Cambridge: Polity Press. D' Aquino, Thomas. 1992. "Trade-environment links: issues for Canadian industry." In Trade, Environment. and Competitiveness. See National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy 1992. 161


Doern, G. Bruce, ed. 1990a. Environmental Imperative (Market Approaches to the Greening of Canada). Policy Study 9. Papers presented at a conference on Environmental policy and the energy industries in Alberta, Calgary, Alberta, Ianuary 18-19. Toronto: C.D. Howe Institute. -----, ed. 1990b. Getting it Green: Case Studies in Canadian Environmental Regulation. Toronto: C.D. Howe Institute . .----. 1993. Green Diplomacy (How environmental policy decisions are made). Policy Study 16. Toronto: C.D. Howe Institute. Dryzek, Iohn S. 1990. "Designs for environmental discourse: the greening of the administrative state?" In Managing Leviathan. See Paehlke and Torgerson 1990. Dwivedi, O.P., ed. 1974. Protecting the Environment (Issues and ChoicesCanadian Perspectives). Toronto: Copp Clark Pub. -----.1986. "Political science and the environment." International Social Science Journal no. 109. -----. 1992. "An ethical approach to environmental protection: a code of conduct and guiding principles." Canadian Public Administration vol. 35, no. 3 (Autumn): 363-380. Eckersley, Robyn. 1986. ''The environmental movement as middle-class elitism: a critical analysis." Regional Journal of Social Issues. ----. 1992. Environmentalism and Political Theory: Toward an Ecocentric Approach. Albany: State University of New York Press. Eisenstein, Zillah. 1990. "Specifying U.S. feminism in the nineties: the problem of naming." Socialist Review vol. 20, no. 2 (April-Iune): 45-56. Epstein, Barbara. 1990. "Rethinking social movement theory." Socialist Review vol. 20, no. I (Ian-March). Evemden, Neil. 1985. The Natural Alien: Humankind and Environment. Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press. Fenge, Terry. 1992. "Damning a people: the Great Whale Project and the Inuit of the Belcher Islands." Alternatives vol. 19, no. I (Sept/Oct). Gallon, Gary and Michael Bryson. 1992. "Coalition promotes green economic strategy." Alternatives vol. 19, no. I (Sept/Oct). Gardner, I. and M. Roseland. 1989. "Thinking globally: the role of social equity in sustainable development." Alternatives vol. 16, no. 3 (OctINov): 26-35. Gismondi, Michael and Mary Richardson. 1991. "Discourse and power in environmental politics: public hearings on a bleached kraft pulp mill in Alberta, Canada." Capitalism Nature Socialism vol. 2, no. 3 (Oct). Gorz, Andre. 1980. Adieux au Proletariat. Paris: Editions Galilee. -----.

1980. Ecology as Politics. Montreal: Back Rose Books.

------. 1988. Metamorphose du travail, qu2te du sens. Paris: Galilee. (English translation 1989. Critique of Economic Reason. London: Verso).

162


'---.

1990. "The New Agenda." New Left Review 184 (Nov/Dec).

Government of New Brunswick. 1991. Premier's Round Table on Environment and Development. A Proposed Sustainable Development Strategy for New Brunswick. Fredericton, NB: Queen's Printer. Grant, George. 1969. Technology and Empire. Toronto: House of Anansi Press. Grant, Jon. 1992. "Round tables and the role of business." Alternatives vol. 19, no. I (Sept/Oct). Great Lakes United. 1987a. "Citizen Action in Developing Clean-up Plans for the 42 Great Lakes Toxic Hot-Spots." Report from a Remedial Action Plan Workshop for Citizens and Community Leaders, September 11-l3, Buffalo, N.Y. Great Lakes United, Water Quality Task Force. 1987b. Unfulfilled Promises: A Citizens' Review of the International Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement. Buffalo, New York: GLU (February). ----.

1986 to present. Great Lakes United Newsletter.

Hegedus, Zsuzsa. 1989. "Social movements and social change in self-creative society: new civil initiatives in the international arena." International Sociology vol. 4, no. I (March): 19-36. Hessing, Melody. 1991. "Ecofeminist approaches to sustainable development: from the soft touch to the hard reality." Paper presented at a Research Workshop on Ethics and Environment: Perspectives on Sustainable Development, Nov. 13-16, Vancouver Island. Hoberg, George and Kathryn Harrison. 1994. "It's not easy being Green: the politics of Canada's Green Plan." Canadian Public Policy vol. 20, no. 2 (June). Hodgins, Bruce W. and Jamie Benidickson. 1989. The Temagami Experience. Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press. Howard, Ross and Michael Perley. 1980. Acid Rain: The North American Forecast. Toronto: House of Anansi Press. Howlett, Michael. 1990. "The Round Table experience: representation and legitimacy in Canadian environmental policy-making." Queen:r Quarterly vol. 97, no. 4: 580-601. Howlett, Michael. 1994. "The judicialization of Canadian environmental policy, 1980-1990." Canadian Journal of Political Science vol. 27, no. I (March). Jackson, Andrew. 1992. "The last, best left?" Studies in Political Economy 37 (Spring): 161-171. Jackson, John. and Phillip Weller. 1982. Chemical Nightmare: The Unnecessary Legacy of Toxic Wastes. Toronto: Between the Lines. Keil, Roger. 1994. "Green Work Alliances: The Political Economy of Social Ecology." Studies in Political Economy 44 (Summer).

163

AdkinlEnvironmental Politics

Kelly, Michael and Kim Sanderson. 1990. "Sea changes, sustainability and strategies." Alternatives vol. 16, no. 4/vol. 17, no. 1 (MarchiApril). Lambert, Ronald D., et al. 1986. "In search of left/right beliefs in the Canadian electorate." Canadian Journal of Political Science vol. 19, no. 4 (September): 541-563. Lawrence, D. H. 1976. The Complete Short Stories. Vol. II. Harrnondsworth: Penguin. Lee, Donald. 1980. "On the Marxian view of the relationship between man and nature." Environmental Ethics 2 (Spring). ------. 1982. ''Toward a Marxian ecological ethic: a reply to two critics." Environmental Ethics 4 (Winter). Leiss, William, ed. 1979. Ecology versus Politics in Canada. Toronto, Buffalo, London: University of Toronto Press. Lerner, Sally, ed. 1993. Environmental Stewardship: Studies in Active University of Waterloo Department of Geography Publication Series No. 39. Waterloo, Ontario: U of W Dept. of Geography.

Earthkeeping,

Leys, Colin and Marguerite Mendell, eds. 1992. Culture and Social Change. Montreal: Black Rose Books. Lipietz, Alain. 1989. Choisir L'Audace (Une Alternative pour le XXIe Siecle). Paris: Editions la Decouverte. -----. 1992. "A regulationist approach to the future of urban ecology." Capitalism, Nature, Socialism vol. 3, no. 3 (Sept). ------. 1993. Vert l'esperance: Paris: Editions la Decouverte,

I'avenir de l'ecologie politique.

Lipsey, Richard G. 1990. "Greening by market or by command? Rapporteur's report and comments." In The Environmental Imperative. See Doern 1990a. -----. 1991. Economic Growth: Science and Technology and Institutional Change in a Global Economy. CIAR Publication No.4. Toronto: Canadian Institute for Advanced Research. Livingston, John A. 1985. "Moral concern and the ecosphere." Alternatives vol. 12, no. 2 (Winter). Lyon, Vaughan. 1992. "Green politics: parties, elections, and environmental policy." In Canadian Environmental Policy. See Boardman 1992. -----. 1985. "The reluctant party: ideology versus organization in Canada's Green movement," Alternatives (December): 3-9. Macdonald, Doug. 1991. The Politics of Pollution (Why Canadians are Failing their Environment). Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. MacDonald, Helen. 1994. "Heeding Rachel Carson's call: reflections of a horne-making eco-crusader." Alternatives vol. 20, no. 2. MacKenzie, Hugh. 1987. "A Labour Perspective: Ground." Alternatives vol. 14, nos. 3-4 (Aug/Sept).

Finding Common

164


MacNeill, Jim. 1989/90. "The greening of international relations." International Journal vol. 45, no. I (Winter). -----. 1992. "Trade-environmental links: the global dimension." In Trade, Environment, and Competitiveness. See National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy 1992. Marchak, Patricia. 1991. "For whom the tree falls: restructuring of the global forest industry." BC Studies no. 90 (Summer). ----.1983. Green Gold: The Forest Industry in British Columbia. Vancouver: Univ. of British Columbia Press. May, Elisabeth. 1990. Paradise Won-The Toronto: McClelland & Stewart.

Struggle for South Moresby.

Mcdonald, Lynn. 1991. "Politics-left, right, and Green." In Social Democracy without Illusions. See Richards, Cairns and Pratt 1991. -----. 1989. "Can the NDP become the Green Party of Canada?" Canadian Forum (December): 13-14. Mellos, Koula. 1988. "The conception of 'reason' in modem ecological theory." Canadian Journal of Political Science vol. 21, no. 4 (December). Mouffe, Chantal and Ernesto Laclau. 1985. Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. London: Verso. Mouffe, Chantal. 1988. "Hegemony and new political subjects: toward a new concept of democracy." Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, edited by C. Nelson and L. Grossberg. Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press. -----. 1990. "Radical democracy or liberal democracy?" Socialist Review vol. 20, no. 2 (April-June). Mowat, Farley. 1990. Rescue the Earth! Conversations with Green Crusaders. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Murray, Gregor. 1992. "Union culture and organizational change in Ontario and Quebec." In Culture and Social Change. See Leys and Mendell 1992. National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy (NRTEE). 1992. Trade, Environment, and Competitiveness: Sustaining Canada's Prosperity, edited by John Kirton and Sarah Richardson. Ottawa: DuPont Canada. Navarro, Vincent. 1988. "Social movement politics and class politics in the US." The Socialist Register. Nevitte, Neil, Herman Bakvis and Roger Gibbins. 1989. "The ideological contours of 'new politics' in Canada: policy, mobilization and partisan support." Canadian Journal of Political Science vol. 22: 475-503. New Democratic Party of Canada. 1991. "Putting People First: Towards a Fair, Environmentally Sustainable and Democratic Economy." Report prepared by the Federal New Democratic Party Policy Review Committee, June. New Democratic Party of Ontario. 1990. "Greening the Party, Greening the Province: A Vision for the Ontario NDP." Policy proposal prepared for

165

AdkinJEnvironmental Politics

the Ontario NDP caucus, March 1990, and adopted by the Provincial Council, June. Principal author: Philip Jessup. Novek, Joel and Karen Kampen. 1992. "Sustainable or unsustainable development? An analysis of an environmental controversy." Canadian Journal of Sociology vol. 17, no. 3. O'Connor, James and David Orton. 1991. "Discussion: socialist biocentrism." Capitalism Nature Socialism vol. 2, no. 3 (October). Offe, Claus. 1987. "Challenging the boundaries of institutional politics." Changing Boundaries of the Political: Essays on the Evolving Balance Between the State and Society, Public and Private in Europe, edited by C. Maier. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. ----. 1990. "Reflections on the institutional self-transformation of movement politics: a tentative stage model." In Challenging the Political Order. See Dalton and Kuechler 1990. Orton, David. 1991. "Opposing forest spraying." Capitalism Nature Socialism vol. 2, no. 1 (February). Paelhke, Robert. 1989. Environmentalism anli the Future of Progressive Politics. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. ----. 1985. "Environmentalism and the Left in North America: A Comrnent." Studies in Political Economy 16 (Spring). -----. 1990. "Democracy and environmentalism: opening a door to the AdministrativeState." In Managing Leviathan. See Paehlke and Torgerson 1990. First published in Environmental Ethics vol. 10 (1988): 291-308. ----and Douglas Torgerson, eds. 1990. Managing Leviathan: Environmental Politics and the Administrative State. Peterborough, Ont.: Broadview Press. Panitch, Leo. 1992. "The NDP in power: illusion and reality," in Studies in Political Economy 37 (Spring): 173-188. Pearce, Fred. 1991. Green Warriors: The People and the Politics Behind the Environmental Revolution. London: Bodley Head. Perkins, Patricia. 1994. "NAFTA and the future of environmental regulation." Constitutional Forum vol. 5. nos. 3&4 (Spring/Summer). Plant, Judith, ed. 1989. Healing the Wounds: The Promise of Ecofeminism. Toronto: Between the Lines. Pojasok, Anton. 1990. "Peigan fight Oldman." Alternatives vol. 16, no. 4/vol. 17. no. 1 (MarchiApril). Quenneville, Serge. 1992. "Local unions and the environment: three Quebec case studies." In Culture and Social Change. See Leys and Mendell 1992. Rees, William E. 1990. "The ecology of sustainable development." The Ecologist vol. 20, no. 1 (JanlFeb): 18-23. '---. 1992. "Ecological footprints and appropriated carrying capacity: what urban economics leaves out." Environment and Urbanization vol. 4, no 2. (1992): 121-130.

166


Richards, J., R. Cairns, and L. Pratt, eds., 1991. Social Democracy without Illusions. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, Inc. Richardson, Mary, Joan Sherman, and Michael Gismondi. 1993. Winning Back the Words (Confronting experts in an environmental public hearing). Toronto: Garamond Press. Robinson, John, George Francis, Russell Legge, and Sally Lerner. 1990. "Defining a sustainable society." Alternatives vol. 17, no. 2 (July/August). Rowat, Don, ed. 1989. Canada and the Crisis of Environmental Destruction. Ottawa: Dept. of Political Science, Carleton University. Ruby, Clayton. 1993. "Fifth Column: Law and Society." The Globe and Mail June I, A20. Sandilands, Kate. 1992. "Ecology as politics: the promise and problems of the Ontario Greens." In Organizing Dissent: Contemporary Social Movements in Theory and Practice. See Carroll 1992. Schrecker, Ted. 1975. "Labour and the Environment: Alternatives Conference Report." Alternatives vol. 4, no. 2 (Winter) . .----. 1984. Political Economy of Environmental Hazards. Study Paper for Law Reform Commission of Canada, Protection of Life Series. Ottawa: Supply and Services . .----. 1984/85. "The Mobilization of Bias in Closed Systems: Environmental Regulation in Canada." Journal of Business Administration 15. .----. 1985a. "Environmental hazards: a critical approach to policy analysis." Public Policy and Administrative Studies, edited by O. P. Dwivedi and R. Brian Woodrow. Vol. 2. Guelph, Ontario: Dept. of Political Studies, Univ. of Guelph. ------. 1985b. "Resisting Regulation: Environmental Policy and Corporate Power." Alternatives vol. 13, no. I (December) . .----. 1989. "The political context and content of environmental law." Law and Society: A Critical Perspective, edited by T. Caputo, et al. Toronto: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich . .----. 1990. "Resisting environmental regulation: the cryptic pattern of business-government relations." In Managing Leviathan. See Paehlke and Torgerson 1990. -----. 1991. ''The Canadian environmental assessment act: tremulous step forward, or retreat into smoke and mirrors?" Canadian Environmental Law Reports vol. 5. .----. 1992. "Of invisible beasts and the public interest: environmental cases and the judicial system." In Canadian Environmental Policy. See Boardman 1992. ----. 1994. "Environmentalism and the politics of invisibility." Alternatives vol. 20, no. 2. Schwartzel, Ellen. 1993. "Take a breather, but don't inhale." The Globe and Mail June l.

167


Shklinyk, Anastasia M. 1985. A Poison Stronger than Love (The Destruction of an Ojibwa Community). New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Singh Bolaria, B. and Lorna Klose. 1994. "Environmental Degradation and Illness." In Power and Resistance (Critical Thinking about Canadian Social Issues), edited by Les Samuelson. Halifax: Fernwood Books. Skogstad, Grace and Paul Kopas, 1992. "Environmental policy in a federal system: Ottawa and the provinces." In Canadian Environmental Policy. See Boardman 1992. Smyth, Donna E. 1985. Finding Out-the Rise of Citizen Science. Program in CBC Radio Series, Ideas, broadcast 8-22 January. -----.

1986. Subversive Elements. Toronto: The Women's Press.

Suzuki, David. 1991/92. Montreal Gazette (March 9, 16, June 15, 1991, March 28, 1992). Weekly column. ----. 1991. "Why conventional economics spells doom." Toronto Star March 2, D6. Swenarchuk, Michelle. 1992. "The Environmental Community's Perspective." In Trade, Environment, and Competitiveness. See National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy 1992. Swift, Jamie. 1991. "Ontario's Social Democrats and the Environment: How Green is the New Democratic Party?" Capitalism Nature Socialism vol. 2, no. 2 (June). Tester, Frank J. 1992. "Reflections on Tin Wis: environmentalism and the evolution of citizen participation in Canada." Alternatives vol. 19, no. 1 (Sept/Oct). Timmerman, Peter. 1990. "Grounds for Concern: Environmental Ethics in the Face of Global Change." Planet Under Stress, edited by C. Mungall and D.J. McLaren. Toronto: Oxford U.P. Tokar, Brian. 1988. "Exploring the New Ecologies." Alternatives vol. 15, no. 4 (Nov/Dec). Torgerson, Douglas and Robert Paehlke. 1990. "Environmental administration: revising the agenda of inquiry and practice." In Managing Leviathan. See Paehlke and Torgerson 1990. Touraine, Alain. 1978. La VOU: et le Regard. Paris: Editions du Seuil. ----, Zsuzsa Hegedus, Francois Dubet, and M. Wieviorka. 1983. Anti-Nuclear Protest: the opposition to nuclear energy in France. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ----. 1992. "Beyond social movements?" Theory, Culture, and Society 9: 125-145. Vaillancourt, Jean-Guy. 1992. "Marxism and Ecology: More Benedictine than Franciscan." Capitalism Nature Socialism vol. 3, no. 1 (March): 19-35. Vezina, Monique. 1993. "Earth Summit a year later: it's working." The Globe and Mail June 4.

168


Victor, Peter. 1979. "Economics and the Challenge of Environmental Issues." In Ecology versus Politics in Canada. See Leiss 1979. .----. 1991. "Indicators of sustainable development: some lessons from capital theory." Ecological Economics 4: 191-213. Weston, Joe., ed. 1986. Red and Green: The New Politics of the Environment. London: Pluto Press. White, Robert. 1986. "Jobs and the Environment: Notes for a Speech by Robert White, President, CAW-Canada." Jobs and Environment Conference, Hamilton, Ontario, November 21. Wilcher, Marshall E. 1989. The Politics of Acid Rain: Policy in Canada, Great Britain, and the United States. Aldershot: Avebury Press. Williams, Glen. 1992. "Greening the new Canadian political economy." Studies in Political Economy 37 (Spring). Williams, Raymond. 1979. Raymond Williams, Politics and Letters (Interviews with New Left Review). London: Verso. -----. 1989. Resources of Hope (Culture, Democracy, and Socialism). Edited by Robin Gable. London: Verso Books. Wilson, Jeremy. 1990. "Wilderness politics in BC: the business dominated state and the containment of environmentalism." In Policy Communities and Public Policy in Canada. See Coleman and Skogstad 1990. -----. 1992. "Green lobbies: pressure groups and environmental policy." In Canadian Environmental Policy (Ecosystems, Politics, and Process). See Boardman 1992. Winfield, Mark. 1994. "The ultimate horizontal issue: the environmental policy experience of Alberta and Ontario, 1971-1993." Canadian Journal of Political Science vol. 27, no. 1 (March). Zimmerman, Adam. 1992. "The resource sector's perspective." In Trade, Environment, and Competitiveness. See National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy 1992.

169