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and Contributions in Sustainable Resource Management in of Indigenous Women

Asia – Case Studies from India, Nepal and Vietnam

in Sustainable Resource Management in Asia – Case Studies from India, Nepal and Vietnam

Copyright c Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP)

Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Resource Management in Asia – Case Studies from India, Nepal and Vietnam

Published by:

2015

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Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women


Copyright c Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP). The contents of this research may be reproduced and distributed for non-commercial purposes, if AIPP is notified and the authors and AIPP are acknowledged as the source. Published by: Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP) 108 Moo 5, Tambon Sanpranate, Amphur Sansai Chiang Mai 50210 Thailand Contact: +66(0)53 380168, fax. +66(0)53 380752 www.aippnet.org www.iphrdefenders.net www.iva.aippnet.org www.ccmin.aippnet.org Written by: India: Veronica Dung Dung, Deme Oram, Gloriya Dung Dung, Jagyasini Dansena and Shilan and Ravi Tete; Nepal: Janga Bahadur Kulung, Kala Kulung, Ratna Kulung and Raju Bikram Chamling; Vietnam: Luong Thi Truong, Mr. Dang Duc Nghia, Hoang Ke Sy and Ha Trong Hieu. Edited by: Shree Kumar Maharjan, Charlotte Trenk-Hinterberger and Danielle Michon Layout and cover design: Danielle Michon and AIPP Printing Press Photo Credits: India: SSS, Veronica Dungdung and Emmanuel Pathil; Nepal: NGOFONIN and Raju Bikram Chamling; Vietnam: Nghia Dang Duc The publication of this research report is supported by the Norwegian Agency for Development and Cooperation (Norad). Disclaimer: This publication has been produced by the support of Norad. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP) and can not be taken to reflect the views of the donors. The sharing of this paper with the external audience is aimed at sharinggeneral information and recommendations and does not constitute an endorsement by the donor or its institution. Suggested citation: AIPP. 2015. Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Resource Management Case Studies from India, Nepal and Vietnam, Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact, Chiang Mai, Thailand Printed by: AIPP Printing Press Co., Ltd. www.aippprinting.com

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Table of Contents Acknowledgement

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Abbreviations

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I. Summary Report

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1. Background and Aim of the Research 2. Research Methodology 3. Summary of the Results 3.1 Background: Country Profiles 3.1.1 The Situation of Indigenous Women in the Three Countries 3.1.2 Brief Overview on the Forest Conditions and National Forest Policies in Each Country 3.2 Research Results: Indigenous Women, Sustainable Resource Management and Forest Protection 3.2.1 Concrete Examples of Indigenous Women’s Good Practices 3.2.2 Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women to Sustainable Resource Management 3.2.3 Challenges for Indigenous Women in Sustainable Resource Management and Forest Protection 4. Recommendations II. Case Study from India: Sustainable Resource Management and Community-based Forest Conservation in an indigenous Khadia Community in Sundergarh, Odisha, India

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1. Executive Summary 2. Introduction 3. Results of the Study

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III. Case Study from Nepal: Traditional Natural Resource Management Practices of Indigenous Kulung Women: A case study on the cultivation of the Himalayan Giant Nettle (Allo) in Beteni Village, Sankhuwasabha, Nepal

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1. Executive Summary 2. Introduction 3. Results of the Study IV. Case Study from Vietnam: Community-Based Forest Protection and Management in two Indigenous Communities in Vietnam -Pin Pe Village, Yen Bai Province, and Den Village, Hoa Binh Province 1. Executive Summary 2. Introduction 3. Results of the Study AIPP Publication Feedback Form

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Acknowledgement T

his research report documents good practices of indigenous women in sustainable resource management and forest protection in different Asian countries. The compilation and publication of the research results would not have been possible without the support of the following organization: - Samajik Sewa Sadan (SSS), India - NGO Federation of Nepalese Indigenous Nationalities (NGO-FONIN), Nepal - Center for Sustainable Development in the Mountainous Areas (CSDM), Vietnam Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP) greatly appreciates their dedication, solidarity and cooperation in the conduct of this research. We would also like to express sincerest thanks and appreciation to the writers, namely Veronica Dung Dung, Deme Oram, Gloriya Dung Dung, Jagyasini Dansena, Shilan and Ravi Tete, Janga Bahadur Kulung, Kala Kulung, Ratna Kulung, Raju Bikram Chamling, Luong Thi Truong, Mr. Dang Duc Nghia, Hoang Ke Sy, and Ha Trong Hieu. Moreover, we are also indebted to all the indigenous communities in India, Nepal and Vietnam for their valuable time, active contribution and support to this research. Last but not least, we would also gratefully acknowledge the financial support and generosity of the Norwegian Agency for Development and Cooperation (NORAD)… for this publication. Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP), March 2015

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Abbreviations AIPP CBD CFUGs CSDM DDC DFO DNPWC FAO FGD FRA FRC FPC FPIC GON HNFF IAY ILO IPOs ISFR JFM MARD MONRE MFP MPFS NFIMAP NGO-FONIN NKKBSUS Norad NPWC NTFPs PES PESA PPC PTG REDD+ SSS STs UNDRIP VDC VNFOREST VSS

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Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact Convention on Biological Diversity Community Forest Users Groups Centre for Sustainable Development in the Mountainous Areas District Development Committee District Forest Office Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation The Food and Agriculture Organization Focus Group Discussions Forest Rights Act Forest Rights Committee Forest Protection Committees Free, Prior and Informed Consent Government of Nepal Himalaya Fibre Network Indira Awas Yojana – Indira Housing Plan International Labor Organisation Indigenous Peoples Organizations India State Forest Report Joint Forest Management Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment Minor Forest Produce Master Plan for the Forest Sector National Forest Inventory, Monitoring and Assessment Program NGO Federation of Nepalese Indigenous Nationalities Nepal Kirat Kulung Bhasa Sanskriti Utthan Sangh Norwegian Agency for Development and Cooperation National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act Non-Timber ForestPproducts Payment of Environmental Services Panchayat Extension to Schedule Areas Provincial People’s Committee Primitive Tribal Groups Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, Conservation and Enhancement of carbon stocks, and sustainable management of forests Samajik Sewa Sadan Scheduled Tribes United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Village Development Committee Vietnam Administration of Forestry Vana Surakhya Samiti (Forest Protection Committees)

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n all three case studies, different research methods and approaches were combined during the collection of data. Both primary and secondary data were gathered as part of the studies. The sources of primary data included field visits, formal and informal interviews, semi-structured interviews, discussions with key informants, focus group discussions, surveys, and field observations. The key informants were indigenous women, village elders and other stakeholders associated with the community. The data was complemented by additional secondary data from literature reviews, available documents, publications, research and statistics from various sources. Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP) led the regional coordination, editing, analysis, compilation, and summary of the case studies.

Summary Report 1. Background and Aim of the Research This research on the role and contribution of indigenous women in sustainable resource management in three Asian countries was led by Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP)1 and its partners in India, Nepal and Vietnam2. The country case studies are based on a growing realization that indigenous peoples, particularly indigenous women, play a crucial role in the protection of forests and natural resources. This is seen through traditional knowledge and practices that contribute significantly to the conservation of biodiversity and the environment. Nowadays, there are also several international instruments in place that recognize the indigenous peoples’ intimate relationship with the forest and natural resources (e.g. the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), and the ILO Convention No.169). These instruments promote and protect their rights to traditional knowledge and forest management. The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) recognizes the close and traditional dependence of indigenous peoples and local communities on biological resources. In this context, a specific emphasis is given to the vital role that women play in the conservation and sustainable use of biological resources3. Moreover, the CBD also acknowledges the contributions of traditional knowledge to two key objectives of the Convention: the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity. In particular, Article 8 (j) of the CBD requests governments to recognize and respect indigenous peoples and local communities to preserve and maintain traditional knowledge and practices related to the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity. Article 10 (c) requires the parties to “protect and encourage customary use of biological resources in accordance with traditional cultural practices”4.

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Two other crucial international instruments that recognize indigenous peoples’ rights to sustainable resource management and traditional knowledge as integral to their collective rights over the lands, territories and resources are the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and the ILO Convention No.169. Both the UNDRIP and ILO Convention No. 169 recognize the cultural and spiritual attachment of indigenous peoples to their lands and territories. In its preamble, the UNDRIP acknowledges the contribution of indigenous knowledge, culture, and traditional practices to sustainable and equitable development as well as an adequate management of the environment. In addition, both instruments stipulate a range of basic principles determining the scope of indigenous peoples’ rights to land, territories, and natural resources. One example of this is in relation to traditional occupations, ownership, or use (UNDRIP art. 25, 26.1, 26.2; C169 art. 14.1; C107 art. 11). In this sense, indigenous peoples have rights to the lands, territories, and resources that they have traditionally occupied, owned, or used. In other words, it is “the traditional occupation and use which is the basis for establishing indigenous peoples’ land rights, and not the eventual official recognition or registration of that ownership” (ILO, 2013: 21)5. They also have the right to the conservation and protection of the environment and the productive capacity of their resources, lands, and territories (UNDRIP, art. 29)6. Moreover, indigenous peoples have rights to the natural resources of their territories (UNDRIP art. 26; C169 art. 15.1), including the right to own, use, develop, and control these resources. As a fundamental standard, “these resources comprise both renewable and non-renewable resources such as timber, fish, water, sand and minerals” (ILO, 2009: 107). The indigenous peoples’ rights to land, territories, and resources are embedded in the wider context of their right to self-determination (UNDRIP art. 3) as well as the rights to property, non-discrimination, cultural integrity, and development. Accordingly, both instruments enshrine indigenous peoples’ rights to decide over their priorities and strategies for development and use of their lands, territories, and resources (UNDRIP art. 32.1; C169 art. 7.1)7. Other relevant provisions of the UNDRIP refer to the right of indigenous peoples to preserve, control, protect, and advance their cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and traditional cultural expressions (art. 31), as well as to practice and teach their religious and spiritual traditions, customs and ceremonies (art. 12). Moreover, they have the right to their traditional medicines and health practices, including the preservation of their medicinal plants, animals and minerals (UNDRIP, art.24)8. On the national level, governments have begun to facilitate the participation of indigenous peoples and local communities in decision-making processes, as well as to integrate their traditional knowledge and technologies in forest conservation measures. Some national policy frameworks now protect traditional knowledge and recognize the rights of indigenous peoples and communities to forests and natural resources (e.g. the Indian Forest Rights Act of 2006)9. Even though there are several international and national instruments in place that promote indigenous peoples’ rights to natural resources, their implementation on the

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ground remains weak. Accordingly, the collective right of indigenous peoples to manage and use their natural and forest resources continues to be denied and systematically violated in many Asian countries. Thus, the vast contributions of indigenous women to forest management and their sustainable traditional management systems remain disregarded, marginalized, and even outlawed by the governments and development agents. The crucial role of indigenous peoples is misunderstood in management, sustainable use, and conservation of natural resources while their rich traditional knowledge and their elaborate practices are ignored in spite of strong evidence for respecting and protecting their rights. This research aims at documenting and highlighting the important roles of indigenous women in sustainable resource management and forest protection. The partners in Nepal, India, and Vietnam each agreed to conduct three in-depth case studies on sustainable practices of women in different indigenous communities. The overall objective of this research is to advocate for the recognition of indigenous women’s roles and contributions in sustainable resource management, along with the indigenous peoples’ right to their land, territories and resources as critical for their collective survival. Generating a broader awareness, understanding, and recognition of these rights and the contributions of indigenous women is also important to rectify prejudices and discriminatory policies in relation to indigenous peoples. In this sense, the research also aims at invalidating the widespread claim that indigenous peoples’ livelihood systems are harmful for the environment (e.g. causing forest degradation and deforestation). In particular, the research intends to gather information to mainstream the roles and contribution of indigenous women in sustainable forest management, to demonstrate the critical need for recognition of indigenous peoples’ rights, and to identify issues and key concerns in relation to sustainable forest management. Finally, the findings and recommendations of this research shall be used for awareness raising, advocacy and lobbying at different levels to further promote the rights of indigenous women in particular and indigenous peoples in general.

2. Research Methodology Within a period of 6 months (from December 2013 to June 2014), the partners conducted case studies in three different Asian countries - Nepal, India and Vietnam - based on specific research guidelines. In the Sankhuwasabha District of Nepal, an in-depth study on the roles and contributions of indigenous Kulung women to sustainable resource management was conducted by a study team composed of representatives of the NGO Federation of Nepalese Indigenous Nationalities (NGO-FONIN) and of the Himalaya Fibre Network (HNFF). NGO-FONIN is an umbrella organization of indigenous peoples led NGOs in Nepal who are engaged in empowering indigenous peoples and ensuring the

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protection and promotion of their rights as well as their meaningful participation in decision making processes. Composed of representatives from indigenous women’s producer groups, the HNFF aims at advocating and asserting their rights over natural resources and facilitating market access. In India, Samajik Sewa Sadan (SSS) led the study on good practices of natural resources management and community-based forest protection and conservation in an indigenous Khadia community in Sundergarh, Odisha. SSS is a non-governmental organization founded in 1982 that promotes and facilitates the sustainable and self-determined development of Adivasi and Dalits groups, especially women and youth. In Vietnam, research was undertaken in two indigenous communities, a Thai community in Hoa Binh province, and a Hmong community in Yen Bai province, led by the Center for Sustainable Development in Mountainous Areas (CDSM). The CSDM is a non-government development organization, which has been working with local governments on the conservation of biodiversity and traditional knowledge for more than a decade. CSDM has conducted research in various areas, including ethnic minority rights, indigenous knowledge, climate change, and community forest management.

3. Summary of the Results An estimated two-thirds of the world’s indigenous peoples live in Asia, the majority of whom are in India (80 to 100 million)10. With regard to the recognition of indigenous peoples on a national level, the situation in different Asian countries is highly diverse. Although indigenous nationalities have been legally recognized in Nepal11, most other Asian countries use national terms to refer to these peoples, such as Adivasi/Scheduled Tribes (India), ethnic minorities (Vietnam), or hill tribes (Thailand)12. Likewise, only certain groups of people are recognized as distinct collective rights-holders, e.g. Scheduled Tribes under the Indian constitution, or ethnic minorities under the Vietnamese legislation. Moreover, traditional land use practices and livelihood systems such as shifting cultivation, hunting, or fishing are outlawed in many countries. Many national laws on land and resources stipulate the right of the state over public lands and resources in the interest of national development. In addition, conflicting laws relating to land and resources have contributed to a further marginalization of indigenous peoples13. Several countries in Asia, however, have progressed in the development of legislation to recognize certain land rights. For example, the Indian Forest Rights Act of 2006 stipulates collective rights to forest resources management for Adivasi/tribal communities (see below). However, the key challenge related to these legal provisions is their generally weak implementation.

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3.1 Background: Country Profiles

3.1.1 The Situation of Indigenous Women in the Three Countries The case studies were carried out in three ecologically and culturally diverse countries that are home to a large number of indigenous groups. In Nepal, different ecological regions 14 are inhabited by more than 100 diverse indigenous groups with distinct cultures, religions, traditions and different forms of settlements15. Out of these groups, the Government of Nepal (GON) has legally recognized 59 indigenous nationalities (or “Adivasi”/”Janajati”)16, comprising around 8.4 million people, or 37.19% of Nepal’s total population of almost 29 million17. Indigenous peoples’ organizations, however, claim that the population of indigenous peoples is even higher than 50%18, and a number of groups continue to struggle for their official recognition as indigenous peoples. India has an indigenous population of around 80-100 million people i.e., 8.2% of the total population in the country, in many diverse geographical areas and climates with distinct cultures, languages and ethnicities19. India has the second largest concentration of indigenous peoples (“Adivasis”/”Tribals”) in the world20. The prominent tribal areas constitute approximately 15% of the total area of the country21. Altogether, there are around 533 indigenous groups in all States and Union Territories of India22. In Vietnam, 54 different ethnic groups23 are recognized by the Government, each with its own language, culture, and traditions which account for around 14% (approximately 13 million) of the country’s total population of 90 million. There are some large ethnic minority groups with populations between 500,000 and 1.2 million people, and much smaller groups with less than 300,000 people. Some are even comprised of only several hundred people24. In these countries, indigenous peoples continue to be marginalized and discriminated culturally, politically, and economically. Indigenous women face multiple forms of discrimination and oppression based on their ethnicity, gender, and socio-economic status. They continue to belong to the poorest and most vulnerable segments of society. One major issue that indigenous women face in these countries is a limited access to social services, including health care and education. Their low literacy level limits the indigenous women’s awareness of their rights, their ability to interact with authorities or legal mechanisms, and their capacity to develop their full potentials to contribute more to the development of their societies. Compared to the majority of the population, they also have poorer health conditions. Moreover, traditional male-dominated patriarchal beliefs, norms, and value systems severely restrict their livelihood opportunities, participation in decision-making processes, and political representation while increasing their vulnerability to all forms of violence. They rarely have formal control or tenure rights to land and natural resources, property rights, or inheritance rights. Likewise, women are economically disadvantaged and have less

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control over their means of livelihood, even though they often contribute the major part to agricultural production for food security. In addition, they are also in charge of domestic work, including household chores, childcare, and cooking. The destruction of natural resources, lack of livelihood opportunities, low literacy rates, and limited access to resources makes indigenous women particularly vulnerable to all forms of violence, including domestic violence, sexual assaults, bonded labor, and trafficking. In all three countries, the crucial contributions of indigenous women to the conservation and protection of natural resources, forests, and the wider eco-system remain widely ignored. 3.1.2 Brief Overview on the Forest Conditions and National Forest Policies in Each Country The forest condition and quality differ in the three countries described in the case studies. In Nepal, only 25.4%, (3,636,000 ha) of the total land area is covered by forest25. The country’s forest reserves have largely decreased during the last decades, due to a range of factors, e.g. general lack of clarity in the tenurial system, the conversion of forest into agriculture and settlement areas, illegal logging, timber smuggling, and certain national policies. India’s forest cover is 697,989 km2 (69.79 million ha), accounting for 21.23 % of the country’s geographical area26. In contrast to a 2011 assessment, an increase of the countries’ forest cover (of around 5,871 km2) was registered in 2013. Accordingly, in hill and tribal districts, the forest cover increased 2,436 km2.27 In Vietnam, 41.9% of the total land area is forested.28 Over 25 million people reside in the forests, 11 million of whom are ethnic minorities29. In the period between 2005 and 2010, Vietnam has shown an overall increase in forest cover. Even though the total forest coverage in Vietnam is gradually growing, some regions continue to experience high rates of deforestation and forest degradation30. More than 75% of Vietnam’s natural forest is reported to be of poor quality31, while rich and closed-canopy forests, mostly located in remote mountainous areas32, account only for 4.6%of the total forest (in 2004). The diverse picture of forest condition and quality in Asia is also related to national policy frameworks in different countries. In Nepal, some national policies have been identified as factors contributing to deforestation (e.g. the Private Forest Nationalization Act 1957, and the Forest Act of 1961)33. However, the government has also enacted several laws and policies on forest and natural resource management that promote the local peoples access to and participation in forest governance, management, and conservation (e.g. Master Plan

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for the Forest Sector (MPSC) 1988, The Forest Act of 1993 and the Forest Regulation of 1995). Through community forestry programs, more than 14500 Community Forest Users Groups (CFUGs) have been created and proven to be effective in protecting and managing forests34. However, indigenous peoples continue to remain excluded from decision-making processes and equitable benefit-sharing of forest land and forest products. The government of Nepal has also enacted laws on national parks and wildlife conservation (e.g. the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act (NPWC, 1973)35 that heavily restrict the local peoples’ access to the forests. Most of the policies related to forest and natural resources management do not mention the rights of indigenous peoples36, and state-imposed conservation practices have frequently neglected indigenous traditional knowledge, skills, and their dependency on the forest and natural resources. In India, the user rights of indigenous peoples to forest resources have historically been overlooked or negated by the state, while control over forests was largely exercised by the state. This included the enactment of several laws37 which all facilitated the acquisition of land through the state, and which deprived forest dwellers of their right to use forest resources38. As a consequence, traditional livelihood activities have regularly been criminalized, and communities have been labeled as illegal forest “encroachers”. The post-colonial India has strengthened centralized control of forests while commercializing the forest (e.g. through National Forest Policy of 1952, Forest Conservation Act of 1980). The displacement of forest dwellers continued, including their eviction from their traditional homelands by forest departments (based on the Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 and its 1991 amendment). Several laws drastically restricted the rights of forest dwellers in wildlife sanctuaries in national parks. Opposition by forest users and tribal communities eventually led to the enactment of a new law, the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers Act (or Forest Rights Act - FRA) which came into force in 2008. The law recognizes and protects the occupation and a wide range of rights of forest dwellers and Scheduled Tribes (STs), including their customary rights to control, manage, and use forest land as a community forest resource, and their right to natural resources as a common asset39. Also the Panchayat Extension to Schedule Areas (1996)(PESA) aims to ensure that traditional governance systems in scheduled areas are conserved by equipping them with special powers, including control over natural resources. A major challenge for both the FRA and PESA remains their implementation on the ground.40 Vietnam has taken various measures to green barren lands, protect natural forests, reform management systems, as well as grant forest rights to local people. Over the last decades, forest protection and management measures as well as national laws have changed and significantly contributed to the preservation of forest resources. Vietnam has passed a number of acts and policies as well as implemented different programs to benefit households, communities, and private enterprises that participate directly in forest protection and forest plantation (e.g. Decision No. 661/1998/QD-TTg; or Decision No. 178/2001/QD/TTg). While in the past, forests were managed by local

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villages based on customary law, the right to manage forests was later given to peoples’ communes and cooperatives. During this time, national policies had adverse impacts on the forests as they permitted permanent mono-cultivations of cash crops and large infrastructural changes. Additionally, weak enforcement of forest protection laws, the restriction of community-based forest management and protection, as well as rapid population growth led to severe destruction of forest resources and sacred forests. Later on, forest resources were re-allocated to households and communities for protection. Nowadays, villages mostly apply national laws to manage and protect allocated forests, but once again the process of law enforcement remains weak41. The implementation of forest land allocation is facing a number of problems, e.g. the lack of clearly demarcated boundaries, or inconsistent and ill-managed allocation procedures. In all three countries, it becomes clear that the key challenge related to existing legal provisions remains their generally weak implementation. This is due to various factors including a lack of political motivation due to the economic interest of decisionmakers in regards to indigenous peoples’ lands and natural resources. 3.3 Research Results: Indigenous Women, Sustainable Resource Management and Forest Protection The majority of indigenous peoples in Asia heavily depend on forests and natural resources. Their rich knowledge on the natural environment plays an important role in their indigenous cultures, livelihoods, and production systems. Moreover, they also have profound knowledge and experiences in using, protecting, and developing forest resources, and contribute to the maintenance and preservation of biodiversity and sustainable forest development. Indigenous women in all three countries in the study significantly contribute to the protection of forests and the conservation of indigenous knowledge. As they are so intimately interlinked with the forest and natural resources, the women are key agents for the protection and restoration of the environment.

3.3.1 Concrete Examples of Indigenous Women’s Good Practices

In the case studies, good practices of sustainable resource management and forest protection were identified in Nepal, India and Vietnam. Traditional Plant Cultivation and Processing In Nepal, the Himalaya Giant Nettle ‘Allo’ is an indispensable part of the Kulung traditional culture, religion and everyday life. Indigenous Kulung women have a rich traditional knowledge on cultivation and processing practices of Allo, which they pass on from generation to generation.

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Only the women are responsible for the processing of Allo, e.g. threading, knitting, and weaving of different kinds of materials. The cultivation of Allo and the production of clothes and household items allow the women to earn additional income and to sustain their livelihoods. The different cultivation steps are based on rules that ensure the sustainability of the practices (e.g. a prohibition of harvesting young plants) and are entirely environmentally friendly. Moreover, the use of Allo supports the preservation and development of forests, e.g. through the control of soil erosion on steep hillsides. Collection of Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFP): Flowers, Leaves, Bark, Seeds, and Fruits and Medicinal Plants In India, the indigenous Khadia are the stewards of the Mahua trees, a tree which is considered to be holy by many indigenous peoples. The flowers are used for a large variety of purposes (e.g. for consumption). Flowers, oil, and the bark of the Mahua tree are also used in traditional medicine for a variety of purposes (e.g. to cure heart diseases, asthma, or blood diseases). The leaves are indispensable in many different religious ceremonies and rituals, e.g. during weddings and funerals. The Sal Tree is also considered sacred due to its cultural significance for the indigenous Khadia, e.g. for their religious traditions and their social and economic life. The collection of Sal leaves is the main responsibility of the indigenous women. The Sal tree is an important source of timber and fuel wood. Moreover, the bark, leaves, resin, fruits, and seeds of the Sal tree are essential parts of traditional medicinal treatments, e.g. for the cure of fever, headache, burns, diarrhea, skin diseases, dental problems42. As Adivasi43 worship trees in the forest as living gods (particularly the Mahua and all fruit bearing trees), they never fell or cut them. Further, the indigenous Khadia women collect a variety of other NTFPs in a sustainable and non-exploitative way, including leaves, fruits, seeds (e.g. Kendu, Char, Jamun, Tolo and Kusum) and use them for a variety of purposes (e.g. as ingredients for food preparation, or as cigarette papers). Forest Protection Activities – Forest Patrols, Use Regulations, and Enrichment Planting Forest Patrols. In India, the indigenous Khadia decided to protect the forest around their community from illegal logging. With a self-created and self-financed farmers association, they now protect more than 400 hectares of forest land. Wood is only collected sustainably and for domestic use. As a consequence of the forest protection, the forest has become denser. The improved forest condition also has various positive consequences for the

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indigenous peoples in the area, e.g. an increase of available NTFPs. Moreover, the villagers are able to cultivate natural resin, which brings them a higher income with smaller investments. The community-based forest protection contributes significantly to sustain the villagers’ livelihood and to ensure a healthy development of the community. In Vietnam, members of an indigenous Hmong community have set up forest patrol groups for uncomplicated management and protection of their forest. Patrols are conducted on a regular basis, preventing acts of illegal deforestation and forest fires. Indigenous Thai women have become voluntary rangers in the forests during several months of the year (June to September). Forest and Resource Use Regulations. Indigenous Thai women in Vietnam created a convention on forest protection and development for the village. Accordingly, the women’s union monitors the use of certain resources, e.g. young bamboo and under-canopy-trees. Hmong men and women in Vietnam participated in the establishment of a convention on forest management and protection, as well as village regulations, prohibitions and commitments. Each Hmong household is responsible to protect, manage and use its allocated land, and clear regulations are in place for the use of forest resources. For example, people are allowed to make use of forest products, but not to exhaust them; and they have to get permission before using certain forest resources (e.g. wood for construction work), while the usage of resources is monitored by the group. Breaches of the regulations are fined according to the regulation. Enrichment Planting. Facing a severe water shortage during dry season due to overexploitation of forest resources, the indigenous Thai women in Vietnam mobilized the villagers to plant seedlings, under-canopy-trees and bamboo in forests. Likewise, trees with big leaves and deep roots were planted to retain water and prevent soil erosion. Cultivation was also applied on slopes: instead of clearing all forest trees to make farm fields, alternating rows of grass were grown to feed cattle and to control erosion. The shortage of drinking water in the community was completely solved within one year. Also indigenous Hmong in Vietnam have undertaken measures to enrich the forests, and to replant vacant places with shrubs, small bamboo trees, and other native trees species.

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3.3.2 Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women to Sustainable Resource Management Throughout the different case studies it became evident that indigenous women take on a variety of different important tasks and roles in their families and communities. Women as Protectors of Forests, Natural Resources and Biodiversity Indigenous women are a key force in protecting forests, natural resources, and biodiversity. Their contribution to sustainable forest management is substantial as their daily work is intimately intertwined with it. The forest provides them with firewood, food, and medicinal plants while ensuring family food security and cash income. The elaborate cultivation and processing techniques based on indigenous knowledge are sustainable and environmentally friendly. Indigenous women only use natural resources according to their needs, which protects them from over-exploitation. Moreover, their traditional planting techniques often promote the preservation and development of forests and natural resources, e.g. through the control of soil erosion. Due to their regular activities in the forests, women are also often the first to discover threats or destruction to the forest. Women as Key Holders of Traditional Knowledge on Natural Resource Management and Forest Protection Indigenous women have rich knowledge on plant species and processes of natural regeneration, various kinds of seed-related activities, forest resources, and NTFPs. They are able to identify a large variety of plant species as well as their specific use, geographical location, and seasonal availability. For example, tribal women in India know and use almost 300 different forest species for medicinal purposes44. Moreover, indigenous women are often the main cultivators, they decide what to plant, which seeds to use, which techniques to apply. Women as Transmitters of Culture and Knowledge For generations, indigenous women have passed on their vital knowledge and taught younger generations about sustainable resource management, forest protection, and development. As indigenous cultures center around the agricultural calendar and natural resource management systems, the daily work of women plays a crucial role in preserving and maintaining indigenous traditions and identity. For generations, indigenous Kulung women in Nepal have passed on their vital knowledge on Allo cultivation to their daughters. Thai indigenous women continue to pass on their knowledge about forest protection and development to the younger generations. Women as Experts in Traditional Medicine Indigenous women take care of the health of their family and community by using traditional medicine from the forest. They have a vast repertoire and extensive knowledge on traditional medicine and treatment. They use herbs, flowers, oil, and bark to treat different kinds of diseases. For example, flowers, oil and the bark of the

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Mahua tree have long been used in traditional medicine for a variety of purposes, from curing heart and blood diseases to asthma. Likewise, leaves of the Sal tree are essential for various traditional medicinal treatments, e.g. for the cure of fever, headache, burns, diarrhea, skin diseases, and dental problems. Women as Food and Water Providers While men are responsible for physically straining tasks, such as logging and digging, women play a key role in ‘lighter’ activities, such as domestic and parenting tasks as well as agricultural activities. As main food provider for their families, they are responsible for the collection of edibles, subsistence items and NTFPs, such as food, fruits, fish, vegetables, medicine, fodder, and grasses. They know how to use the forest resources to provide for their families. Moreover, they apply their indigenous knowledge and skills for the efficient use and conservation of water. For example, they identify water sources, fetch and carry water, control its use and storage, also oversee the sanitary arrangements. Women as Financial Supporters of the Family In many indigenous communities, indigenous women are involved in economic activities, and contribute more to the household income. For example, Khadia women in India generate additional income through efficient resource management that often allows them to support their families (e.g. through the collection and sale of NTFP). The production of items (e.g. clothes, bags and baskets from natural resources helps Kulung women in Nepal to enhance their income and to support the household. Women as Advocates for their Rights In the fight against illegal logging and deforestation, indigenous women and their organizations are often actively involved in forest protection measures as well as in the dialogue with the government or private companies. Through regular forest patrols, they guard the forest from illegal cutting. Indigenous women in Nepal directly negotiate with the government and advocate for their rights at local and district levels. Likewise, indigenous women in Vietnam and India protect their forest from illegal logging and poaching of forest resources. 3.3.3 Challenges for Indigenous Women in Sustainable Resource Management and Forest Protection Non-Recognition of Indigenous Knowledge Despite their intense involvement in natural resource management systems and in the conservation of biodiversity, indigenous women’s roles and contributions remain unrecognized, and are often portrayed as harmful and backwards, or even outlawed by agricultural professionals, development planners and governments. Therefore, women’s role in forest management and protection is weakened, and their indigenous knowledge is gradually disappearing in these countries.

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Dispossession of Land and Unsustainable Resource Extraction; Restrictive Policies Indigenous women in many Asian countries continue to face dispossession of their customary land, leading to a loss of their traditional occupations, livelihoods, and social roles. The approval of large-scale development projects, often without any prior consent and consultation of the villagers, threatens their sustainable management practices. Particularly for indigenous women, the right to land is not ensured and they remain overlooked in policies on forest and natural resources. As main food providers for their families, the loss of access to forest products, farm land, and natural resources places a particular burden on women. Certain land and forest policies, such as the declaration of National Parks and Conservation Areas, severely restrict the livelihoods of indigenous peoples without consent which deprives them of their basic rights (e.g. in Nepal). Based on these regulations, the indigenous peoples and forest dwellers are no longer permitted to live or to perform any activities in the designated areas. Moreover, communities depending on forest resources are often turned into lawbreakers, and many have been relocated out of the protected areas under these laws. Relocation also threatens the women’s rich traditional knowledge on plants and herbs as they get disconnected from their natural habitat and their sustainable resource management systems. Weak Implementation of Law Even there is national forestry policy and legislation in place that recognizes and protects the indigenous peoples’ customary rights to control, manage, and use forest land (e.g. FRA, PESA), their implementation remains weak. There are also policies on land allocation to communities and households. However, as in the case of Vietnam, the allocated forest areas are often not sufficient for their sustainable livelihood. If the community is not able to make use of their rights to access natural resources, neither their food sovereignty is guaranteed, nor is the preservation of biodiversity in the local forest. Limited Education and Restricted Participation Due to their lack of education and control over land and other resources, women normally get less benefit from the natural resources than they actually could. Additionally, they are often neither aware of their rights as indigenous peoples and as women nor of their rights to natural resources. Their lack of education or knowledge of their rights often restricts their ability to interact with authorities and access to decision-making processes. Traditional Patriarchal Attitudes and Beliefs The involvement of women in forest protection activities can also place an additional burden on their heavy workload. In many indigenous societies, according to traditional beliefs and values, men are considered as breadwinners and decision-makers, while women are in charge of the household and child rearing (e.g. cooking, child care,

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cleaning, heath care etc.). Therefore, they sometimes face challenges if they have to find someone to take over their tasks if they engage in forest protection measures (e.g. forest patrols). Climate Change The adverse impacts of climate change aggravate the already difficult situation of indigenous women. For example, erratic rainfall adversely affects harvests and the availability of natural resources, and increased occurrence of landslides threaten the indigenous peoples’ households and farm lands. At the same time, the adaptive capacities of indigenous communities are now facing serious challenges in regards to the wide-scale occurrence of disasters. While indigenous peoples’ traditional knowledge is critical in developing appropriate adaptation and mitigation measures to effectively respond to climate change, these are not fully acknowledged, recognized or integrated in national or local policies and actions.

4. Recommendations Across the different case studies, common and general recommendations in relation to the roles and contributions of indigenous women in sustainable forest management can be drawn. Moreover, the research has identified case-specific recommendations for each country (see case studies). • It is vital to raise awareness that indigenous peoples’ lives depend on their right to land and access to forests, and that their livelihood practices are environmentally sound and sustainable. In particular, the traditional knowledge and the essential roles of indigenous women in sustainable resource management processes, the maintenance and promotion of biodiversity as well as in the transmission of knowledge and culture need to be widely understood and recognized. Moreover, it is essential to create a broad public understanding that forests are best protected and promoted if communities are given the responsibility for their conservation and regeneration. Initiatives and measures of forest preservation and management by indigenous women should be given greater support. • Indigenous women continue to face multiple forms of discrimination and marginalization. Thus, national laws should be reviewed to identify and rectify provisions that allow the discrimination against them. Moreover, national laws and policies on land and forest resources have to be reassessed and reformulated in order to recognize the rights of indigenous peoples in accordance with international obligations. It has to be ensured that reforms on land access and land tenure are carefully designed to ensure the rights of indigenous women to access and manage their resources and land. The allocation of forest lands to indigenous communities for their collective ownership and traditional management systems should be encouraged to ensure the collective right of indigenous peoples to maintain their traditional knowledge, skills, and

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customary laws as well as the cultural ties to their lands. • The full, equal, and effective participation of indigenous women in the political and public spheres, community affairs, and in decision-making processes at all levels should be encouraged and strengthened. Their participation has to be ensured in the design and implementation of development models and conservation efforts. If this is done, sustainable development that respects and promotes the women’s distinct identities, cultures and needs can be achieved. Measures should be undertaken to eradicate ethnic and gender-based discrimination, and to reassess traditional patriarchal belief systems. • Among indigenous women, awareness has to be created and raised on women’s rights and their rights to natural resources. Access to information on the topics relevant to traditional resource management practices has to be facilitated and increased. In this context, the low literacy rate of indigenous women has to be taken into account. • Gender-specific capacity building is needed to enhance women’s self-confidence and skills (e.g. financial, literacy, and numeracy training). This should be comprised of the identification of specific needs, issues and priorities. It is essential to improve the education opportunities for women as the limited access to social services poses a major obstacle for them to know and make use of their rights. • It is important to improve and promote economic and livelihood opportunities for indigenous women by ensuring that their traditional knowledge and locally available natural resources can be utilized most efficiently for the sustainment of the their livelihoods. This can also include specific capacity-building activities related to the marketing of the different community products as well as short-term income generating training and programs for women, because their income mainly relies on forest resources which often have been depleted. In Nepal and India, indigenous women already produce a range of products and household items made from natural resources (e.g. Allo or Sal products), but due to their lack of marketing skills, sell them for less than their value. • Their traditional knowledge and skills allow the women to gain income to support their families that often face food insecurity. This, in turn, can contribute to strengthen their status and economic independence and to increase their voice in family decisions. Thus, the Allo cultivation practices are promising ways to uphold traditional knowledge, to build better lives for poor small-holder families, and at the same time, to promote gender equality. However, due to their lack of education and control over land and other resources, women often have less economic benefit from the natural resources than they actually could.

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• In order to prevent the loss of the indigenous women’s rich repertoire of traditional knowledge, it is crucial to document their knowledge, skills, practices, and technologies in a detailed and systematic way. In this context, it is also crucial to promote and strengthen the transfer of knowledge to younger generations through various channels. • When women organize themselves in groups, e.g. in unions or alliances, their voices can be strengthened and they can become the driving forces in activities related to indigenous knowledge and the natural resource conservation. Indigenous women need the space and opportunity to express their specific needs, priorities, issues and potential solutions, based on their own knowledge and experiences. • It is essential to prohibit development programs and projects that threaten indigenous peoples’ livelihoods and their rights to land, territories, and resources, especially when they cause wide-spread deforestation and forest degradation (e.g. the allocation of forests to private companies).

Founded in 1988, AIPP is a regional organization with 47 members in 14 Asian countries. It is committed to the cause of promoting indigenous peoples’ rights and human rights in general, and indigenous women’s rights in particular.

1

In 2013, a project proposed by Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP) (titled “Strengthening the Participation of Indigenous Peoples particularly the Role and Contribution of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Resource Management“) was approved by the Norwegian Agency for Development (Norad) for a period of one year and six months (July 2013 to December 2014). The project is being implemented in 5 selected Asian countries, namely India, Myanmar, Nepal, Thailand and Vietnam, in co-operation with 5 partner organizations. The main goal of this project is that “the collective rights to land, territories and resources of the indigenous peoples in Asia including the roles and contributions of indigenous women in sustainable natural resource management systems, food sovereignty and livelihoods are respected, recognized and protected at local, national, regional and international levels.” 2

For example, in the preamble to the Convention, it is stated that “the close dependence of many indigenous and local communities on biological resources and desirability of sharing equitable benefits of traditional knowledge, innovations and practices relevant to the conservation of biological diversity and the sustainable use of its components.”; http:// www.cbd.int/convention/ 3

http://www.cbd.int/convention/articles/default.shtml?a=cbd-10

4

Brigitte Feiring 2013. “Indigenous peoples’ rights to lands, territories and resources”. ILC, Rome

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AIPP (2013). Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia 6


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9 For example, the Indian Forest Rights Act of 2006 recognizes the right to collective management of forest resources by adivasi/tribal communities. 10 Data presented by AIPP, 2013, cited in: Brigitte Feiring 2013. “Indigenous peoples’ rights to lands, territories and resources”. ILC, Rome

In 2007, Nepal also became the first Asian country to ratify ILO Convention No. 169.

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also in the Philippines the term “indigenous peoples” is used explicitly

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13

16

Mostly the Terai and Himalayan regions are inhabited by indigenous peoples.

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Ranging from nomadic to forest and city dwelling; see also: see: Chapter 1: Introduction. Topography and indigenous peoples of Nepal. In: Tebtebba Foundation (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward. 15

16 In addition, the High Level Task Force formed by the decision of Council of Ministers for Relisting the Indigenous Nationalities headed by an Anthropologist, Prof. Dr. Om Gurung, has recommended to the government of Nepal to include additional 25 ethnic groups (among them, the Kulung) and relisted a total no. of 81 ethnic groups as the indigenous nationalities of the country in his report. The report has yet to be approved by the Council of Ministers. Furthermore more than 13 ethnic groups are still demanding their inclusion in the list of indigenous peoples. So more than 38 ethnic groups have been excluded from the list of NFDIN Act, and they are deprived of the benefits provided by the government mechanisms from grass roots level to national level. A census from 2011 lists 125 diverse caste and ethnic groups, and 123 mother tongues. The total population of the country is 26,494,504, with an annual growth rate of 1.35. Total households are 5,427,302 with 5,423,279 individual households and 4,005 institutional households (Barracks, Hostel, and Monasteries etc). With 16.6% (4, 398,05) of the total population, the largest group are the Chhetree, followed by Brahman-Hill (12.2%; 3,22,903).

Census 2011

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http://www.iwgia.org/regions/asia/nepal

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ISAWN, IWFNEI, AIPP (2014). India NGO CEDAW Shadow Report and status of Adivasi/Tribal women in India. 1427-india-ngo-cedaw-shadow-report-and-status-of-adivasi-tribal-women-in-india-for-the-58th-session-of-cedaw 19

http://paa2009.princeton.edu/papers/90457

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http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/11218/11/11_chapter%203.pdf

21

As notified Schedule under Article 342 of the Constitution of India

22

In Viet Nam, the term “ethnic minorities” is used instead of “indigenous peoples”.

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http://www.iwgia.org/regions/asia/Viet Nam

24

Mikara Kaye Jubay (2009). Resource Material on Indigenous Peoples, Forest and REDD. http://www.unredd.net/ index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=7416&tmpl=component&format=raw&Itemid=53 25

According to the India State Forest report (ISFR 2013),

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fsi.nic.in/cover_2013/executive_summary.pdf

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Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) states in its 2010 Global Forest Resources Assessment (FRA), http://theredddesk.org/countries/Viet Nam/statistics 29 Tebtebba (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward 28

30 The country including the Central Highlands, the Central Coast and the East of the southern region, http:// theredddesk.org/countries/Viet Nam/statistics; Tebtebba (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward 31 According to the report of National Forest Inventory, Monitoring and Assessment Program (NFIMAP); see: Tebtebba (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests and REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward, p3.

Tebtebba (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward

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The Private Forest Nationalization Act legally centralized the authority of forest management in the Terai (lowlands) and hills under state control. Moreover, rights to issue permits to harvest trees were assigned to forest officials with the promulgation of the Forest Act of 1961. This Act gave further authority to forest officer to arrest forest offenders without warrant. Moreover, the Forest Protection (special arrangements) Act (1967) provides additional power to state foresters 33

34 Mikara Kaye Jubay (2009). Resource Material on Indigenous Peoples, Forest and REDD. http://www.unredd.net/ index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=7416&tmpl=component&format=raw&Itemid=53 35 Amongst other policies, the government has also enacted the National Biodiversity Strategy (2002) and the Nepal Biodiversity Strategy Implementation Plan (2007) which aim at the conservation of biodiversity and the promotion of environmental services. The Local Self Governance Act (1999) established links between local governments and local communities in the management of forest areas, in line with the principles of local self-governance; Mikara Kaye Jubay (2009). Resource Material on Indigenous Peoples, Forest and REDD http://www.unredd.net/index.php?option=com_ docman&task=doc_view&gid=7416&tmpl=component&format=raw&Itemid=53

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36 For example, the Ordinance of Formulation of National Planning Commission and Operation-2067(BS), The interim constitution of Nepal-2007, Climate Change Policy-2011, Biotechnology Policy-2006, National Land Use Policy-2068 (Draft), etc.). All these were prepared without meaningful consultation of indigenous and local peoples. Beside its national legislation, Nepal has also adopted and ratified a number of international declarations and instrument that are directly relevant for indigenous peoples in Nepal, such as the CBD, ILO convention No.169, the UNDRIP and CEDAW. 37 “The 1878 Act, which classified forests into ‘protected forests’, ‘reserved forests’ and ‘village forests’; the National Forest Policy of 1894, which re-iterated the regulation of rights and restriction of privileges of ‘users’ in forest areas for the public good; the Land Acquisition Act of 1894, which permits compulsory acquisition of land for a ‘public purpose’; and the 1927 Act, which remains the main legal basis for depriving forest dwellers of their user rights to forest resources.” UNPD (2012). Recognition of Community Rights under the Forest Rights Act in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh: Challenges and Way forward. http://www.undp.org/content/dam/india/docs/DG/recognition-ofcommunity-rights-under-forest-rights-act-in-madhya-pradesh-and-chhattisgarh-challenges-and-way-forward.pdf. 38 UNPD (2012). Recognition of Community Rights under the Forest Rights Act in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh: Challenges and Way forward. http://www.undp.org/content/dam/india/docs/DG/recognition-of-community-rightsunder-forest-rights-act-in-madhya-pradesh-and-chhattisgarh-challenges-and-way-forward.pdf. 39 Forest rights of forest dwelling STs and other TFDs are dealt with in Chapter II of the Act. Section 3 of that chapter lists out what are the forest rights for the purpose of the Act. Following are some of the rights which have been recognized under the Act: (a) Right to hold and live in the forest land under the individual or common occupation for habitation or for selfcultivation for livelihood by a member or members of a forest dwelling Scheduled Tribe or other traditional forest dwellers; (b) Community rights such as nistar, by whatever name called, including those used in erstwhile Princely States, Zamindari or such intermediary regimes; (c) Right of ownership access to collect, use, and dispose of minor forest produce which has been traditionally collected within or outside village boundaries; (d) Other community rights of uses or entitlement such as fish and other products of water bodies, grazing (both settled or transhumant) and traditional seasonal resource access of nomadic or pastoralist communities; (e) Rights, including community tenures of habitat and habitation for primitive tribal groups and pre-agricultural communities) Rights of settlement and conversion of all forest villages, old habitation, un-surveyed villages and other villages in forests, whether recorded, notified or not into revenue villages; (f) Right to protect, regenerate or conserve or manage any community forest resource which they have been traditionally protecting and conserving for sustainable use; (g) Rights which are recognized under any State law or laws of any Autonomous District Council or Autonomous Regional Council or which are accepted as rights of tribals under any traditional or customary law of the concerned tribes of any State; (h) Right of access to bio-diversity and community right to intellectual property and traditional knowledge related to bio-diversity and cultural diversity; (i) Any other traditional right customarily enjoyed by the forest dwelling Scheduled Tribes or other traditional forest dwellers, as the case may be, which are not mentioned in clauses (a) to (j) but excluding the traditional right of hunting or trapping or extracting a part of the body of any species of wild animal. 40 For example, the implementation of the Forest Rights Act in the State of Jharkhand, India, has proven to be poor. As of December 2012, 42,003 claims had been received but only 15,296 titles had been issued, involving as little as 37,678 acres of forest land since 2006 (Government of India, 2012), in Feiring (2013) 41 AIPP (2013). Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia; Tebtebba (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward 42 http://www.toxicologycentre.com/English/plants/English/chenjalyam.html; sal-tree.html

http://www.ecoindia.com/flora/trees/

“Adivasi” is a generic term for the different indigenous groups in India; the indigenous Khadia are one of these indigenous groups/Adivasi.

43

Martin, undated. UN Women (2012) Women’s Rights to Forest Spaces and Resources, http://www.unwomensouthasia.org/ assets/UN-WRFSR-Report.pdf

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Sustainable Resource Management and Community-based Forest Conservation in an Indigenous Khadia Community in Sundergarh, Odisha, India By Samajik Seva Sadan (SSS)



1. Executive Summary This case study is part of the Norad-funded project on “Strengthening the Participation of Indigenous Peoples - Particularly the Role and Contribution of Indigenous Women-in Sustainable Resource Management”1. The study identifies and analyses good practices of sustainable natural resource management and community-based forest conservation in an indigenous Khadia community in Sundergarh, Odisha, India. The study results show that indigenous Khadia women, like other Adivasi women, have a rich traditional knowledge on the sustainable collection of Non Timber Forest Products (NTFPs) such as fruits, seeds, nuts, leaves, mushrooms, and oil seeds. They use the collected NTFPs for a variety of purposes in their daily life, and are able to gain additional income by selling the surplus in the market. Khadia people conserve and maintain their forests and forest resources in a sustainable way to fulfil their domestic needs. They actively protect the forest from illegal logging and exploitation. As a consequence, the forest quality has improved over the last few years with many positive impacts for the indigenous forest dwellers and for the ecological sustainability of the community. Two trees, the Mahua and the Sal, are particularly important for the Khadia women. The Khadia women are skilled in traditional sustainable and environmental-friendly processing techniques of the Mahua tree. The flowers, fruits, seeds, and bark of the tree are used in variety of ways, such as food, oil, sugar derivate and as traditional medicine. The leaves are also an essential part of religious ceremonies and rituals. Likewise, the Sal tree is of high cultural significance for them, especially for their religious practices and economic livelihoods. Based on their indigenous knowledge, the indigenous women use bark, leaves, resin, fruits, and seeds of the tree for a number of purposes, e.g. for the preparation of food and traditional medicine. This case study shows that if the community is deprived of their right to use forest, neither their food sovereignty nor the preservation of forest biodiversity is likely. Moreover, it is the indigenous women who contribute significantly to the protection of forests and natural resources and are the key players in the preservation of the wider eco-system. Nevertheless, their important roles often remain unrecognized by governments and development agents. Therefore, it is recommended to create a genuine public understanding that forests have the best chances to survive if communities participate in their conservation and regeneration. It is essential that the contributions of indigenous peoples, especially indigenous women, are widely understood and recognized in the maintenance and promotion of biodiversity. Hence, it is necessary to integrate sustainable forest management practices of indigenous people into the management plans of governments, as well as to monitor and evaluate the effective implementation of national forest policies.

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Figure 1 Indigenous woman selling products at the market

2. Introduction 2.1 Brief Introduction of the Country and Situation of Indigenous Women With a population of more than 1.2 billion people, India is the second-most populous country in the world. The country shares borders with Pakistan to the west, China, Nepal, and Bhutan to the Northeast, and Burma and Bangladesh to the east2. India hosts a large diversity of geographical areas, climates, cultures, languages, and ethnicities. It has the second largest concentration of indigenous peoples in the world with 8.2% of the total population representing 577 tribal groups3. The Indian Government uses the term Scheduled Tribes (ST) to refer to indigenous peoples. In other parts of India they are known as ‘Adivasis’, while in Northeastern India they are known as ‘Tribals’4. The prominent tribal areas constitute approximately about 15 per cent of the total area of the country5. However, the highest concentration of indigenous peoples can be found in the central tribal belt in the middle of the country as well as in the Northeastern states6. Due to the minority status of their distinct identities, ethnicities, cultures, and traditions, indigenous peoples belong to the most marginalized and discriminated segments of society. The Situation of Indigenous Women Adivasi/tribal women face various forms of discrimination and human rights violations. They belong to the poorest of the poor, and have limited access to health and education facilities, as well as inadequate income. Compared to the majority of the population, their level of education, literacy rate, and health condition often remain poor7. Moreover, Adivasi/tribal children are more likely to be malnourished, and there is a higher rate of

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maternal deaths among indigenous mothers8. Women do not have rights to property, inheritance, or land tenure, and thus, are frequently marginalized economically. Labor and agricultural work of indigenous women often remains unrecognized, and they continue to be paid less for the same work that men do. Considered as subordinate and weak, Adivasi/tribal women are particularly vulnerable to all forms of violence including domestic violence, sexual assaults, trafficking, and witch-hunting9. Unsustainable resource extraction and the construction of large dams have caused massive displacements of Adivasi and Tribal communities, resulting in food insecurity, poverty, violence, trafficking, and sexual exploitation, particularly among indigenous women and girls. This displacement of tribal communities has adverse impacts on their physical, mental and psychological well-being10. 2.2 General Description on the Participation of Indigenous Women to Sustainable Forest Management in the Country In India, approximately 147 million people live in and around forests11. Adivasi/tribal women are particularly dependent on the land, forest, and water for their livelihoods and for ensuring food security for their families and communities12. While men usually perform work in the forest that is physically more straining (like cutting of timber), women are in charge of fetching water, collecting firewood, and NTFP such as food (e.g. nuts, wild fruits, honey, leaves, and oil), medicine, fodder and grasses, and raw material for handicrafts (e.g. bamboo). Forest products also serve as raw materials for the production of a number of household items, such as baskets, brooms, mats, ropes, toothbrushes and leaf plates. Women sell some of the forest products to earn a small income. Because it is the women who typically collect and gather products from forests areas, they possess a special knowledge on plant species and processes of natural regeneration13. Tribal women in India know and use almost 300 different forest species for medicinal purposes14. Moreover, they are often the main cultivators, planting fruits, fodder, and fuel wood trees around their houses.

Figure 2 Different NTFPs

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As indigenous women hold such an intimate knowledge of local natural resources, they are key agents for the protection and restoration of the environment. In spite of their crucial role as custodians of land and natural resources, they often do not have any land or property rights15. Moreover, their contribution to forest protection and biodiversity conservation often remains overlooked and neglected. Indigenous women are usually the worst affected by large-scale development projects16 as the resulting environmental degradation destroys natural resources on which their livelihood is based17. Relocation threatens their rich traditional knowledge on plants and herbs, disconnecting them from their natural habitat and sustainable resource management systems. Moreover, deforestation can force women to walk long distances in the search of fuel wood and potable water. If fodder is hard to find, women are the most affected as they carry the main responsibility for livestock care. The long searches deprive them of time and energy to engage in other activities18. As a consequence, daughters will often be kept at home and encouraged not to attend school in order to take over household chores and care of their siblings19. The access to forests and natural resources by indigenous peoples has deteriorated over time, often due to forestry policies that discourage forest-dependent communities to make use of forests and that favor the commercial exploitation of natural resources. 2.3 Brief Description of India’s Forest Condition and National Forest and Natural Resource Management Policies Forest Condition in India India has a great diversity of natural ecosystems, including evergreen tropical rainforests, deciduous monsoon forests, subtropical pine forests, and dry alpine scrub20. The country’s main rainforest areas are located on the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, in the Western Ghats (a mountain range running almost parallel to India’s west coast), as well as in the greater Assam region in the Northeast. In Odisha, where the case study took place, residual areas of rainforest can be found as well. India’s main areas of tropical rainforest are all distinct, differing significantly in both flora and fauna21. According to the India State Forest report (ISFR 2013), India’s forest cover is 697 989 km2 (69.79 million ha), accounting for 21.23 % of the country’s geographical area. The tree cover is 91 266 km2 (9.13 million ha), or 2.78 % of the geographical area. In sum, the total forest and tree cover thus is estimated to be 8 789 164 km2 (78.92 million ha), or 24.01 % of the geographical area22. Out of the recorded forest areas, 69% are miscellaneous (mixed) forests, 5.78% are Sal, 5.69% are lowland hardwood, 4.69% are teak, and 4.23% are teak with miscellaneous species23. In contrast to an earlier assessment in 2011, an increase of around 5,871 km2 of the country’s forest cover was reported in 201324. Likewise, in tribal districts, the

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assessment shows a net increase of the forest cover of around 2,396 km2, compared to the previous assessment25. National Forest and Natural Resource Management Policies Historically, the user right of indigenous peoples to forest resources has been overlooked or negated by the state. India has a history of exercising centralized State control over forests. This began with the enactment of the Forest Act of 1864, which allowed the colonial government to declare any forestland as government forest. This process was followed by the enactment of other Acts26 which facilitated the acquisition of land by the State, and which deprive forest dwellers of their right to use forest resources27. The intended objectives of these policies were to maximize profits, to strengthen conservation, and to prevent forest communities from ‘exploiting’ forest resources. As a consequence, traditional livelihood activities have often been criminalized, and forest-dependent communities have been labeled as illegal “encroachers”28. The post-colonial Indian state further strengthened centralized control of forests with its National Forest Policy in 1952, which focused on protecting forest resources while commercially exploiting minor forest produce (MFP), and with the Forest Conservation Act of 1980, which placed all forests under the control of the central government. The displacement of forest dwellers thus continued, including their eviction from their traditional homelands by forest departments under the Wildlife Protection Act in 1972 and its amendment in 1991, which severely restricted the rights of forest dwellers in wildlife sanctuaries and drastically limited their rights in national parks. The enactment of this Act finally caused strong opposition by forest users and tribal communities. As a consequence, the new Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers Act (or Forest Rights Act - FRA), was passed in 2006 and came into force in 2008. The enactment of the FRA is a historical step in India’s forest politics, acknowledging for the first time that “the forest rights on ancestral lands and their habitat were not adequately recognized in the consolidation of state forests during the colonial period as well as in independent India resulting in historical injustice to the forest dwelling Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers” (FRA 2006)29. Forest Right Act, 2006 The law was enacted by Parliament to recognize and protect the occupation and a wide range of rights of forest dwellers and Scheduled Tribes (STs) who have been residing in the forest areas for generations, including their customary rights to control, manage, and use forest land as a community forest resource, and their right to natural resources as a common asset30. For example, Section 3(1)(c) of the Forest Rights Act 2006 (FRA) defines forest rights as inclusive of ‘right of ownership, access to collect, use and dispose of minor forest produce which have traditionally been collected within or outside village boundaries’31.

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The FRA aims at restoring traditional forest rights for forest dwellers. Moreover, the Act provides a framework for the evidence required for the recognition process of forest land. The Act further states that the recognized rights of the forest dwellers and Scheduled Tribes include their responsibility for a sustainable use of natural resources, the conservation of bio-diversity, and the maintenance of ecological balance32. At the same time, it provides the conditions for relocation of forest dwellers with their ‘free informed consent’ and their compensation. Further, the FRA strengthens forest governance and conservation while ensuring livelihood and food security of the forest dwellers and Scheduled Tribes. It recognizes that the relationship between forest dwelling tribal people and forests is symbiotic, and addresses the longstanding need of granting secure and inalienable rights to communities whose lives depend on their right to forests. It stresses that forests have the best chance to survive if communities participate in their conservation and regeneration activities and measures. The Act holds superiority over all other forest and wildlife-related laws. A major challenge remains in its implementation, as a full recognition of user rights implies a transfer of power and control from forest departments to local communities.33 Panchayat Extension to Schedule Areas (1996) An earlier attempt to increase the local peoples’ access to forests resources was the enactment of the Panchayat Extension to Schedule Areas (PESA) in 1996. PESA aims to ensure that traditional governance systems in scheduled areas are conserved. It equips local governance bodies, known as Gram Sabhas, with control over natural resources within their jurisdiction. Thus, PESA brings Gram Sabha to the center of forest governance, including control of community resources and forest products, as well as recognition of traditional rights to community resources (i.e. land, water and forests). However, the implementation of the PESA is still limited and Gram Sabhas are not able to exert sufficient control over forest resources34. Constitutional Provisions on Indigenous peoples The Constitution of India provides for a comprehensive framework for the socioeconomic development of Scheduled Tribes and for preventing their exploitation by other groups35. It provides the necessary safeguards for the rights of tribal peoples in several articles, e.g. Article 15, 1636. The Directive Principles of State Policy37 contained in the constitution also make specific references to the protection of Schedules castes and Scheduled Tribes38.

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3. Results of the study 3.1 General Socio-cultural and Economic Data/Profile of the Study Site The study site is located in Tentulijharia, a village of the Khadia tribe, Subdega block in the Sundargarh district of Odisha state. Indigenous peoples in Odisha Tribal communities have been living in the forests of Odisha, formerly known as Orissa, for centuries. According to the 2001 Census, Odisha has 62 Scheduled Tribes39 (ST) with total population of 8 145 081 people, representing 22.1% of the total State population and 9.7 % of the country’s total tribal population40. Out of 62 tribes, 13 tribes are declared as Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs), considered to be the most disadvantaged and vulnerable in terms of development indicators41. The majority of these most vulnerable groups have a small population, reside in remote areas with poor infrastructural facilities and administrative support, and remain excluded from social and economic progress42. The ST population of the State is mainly rural, with 94.5% living in villages. The tribes in Odisha speak as many as 75 different dialects43. Indigenous Peoples in Sundargarh and Subdega block The study is located in Tentulijharia village in the Sundargarh district of Odisha state. Sundargarh is one of 30 districts at the northern boundary of Odisha44. The total geographical area of Sundargarh district covers 971 200 ha, with a total population of 2 080 664. Tribal groups comprise approximately 51% of this population45. The forest of Sundargarh district covers an area of 4 23257 ha which is 43% of its total area and accounts for 8.53% of state forest cover. Subdega is one of the the district sub-divisions (called blocks) of Sundergarh district. Khadia, Munda, Oram, Dalki, Bhujan, Gond and Kisan are the main tribes residing in this block. Tentulijharia was established approximately 110 years ago, and has a total of 615 residents (395 female/220 male).

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Figure 3 Map of Sundargarh District in Odisha State (formerly known as Orissa)

The indigenous Khadia of Tentulijharia village, Subdega block, heavily depend on the forest and natural resources to sustain their lives. Forest resources sustain their livelihoods during several months of the year (4 to 6 months). The villagers have protected the forest nearby their village (called Runipani in the local language) for many generations. Thus, it has a thick vegetation and a large variety of trees. The community members share age-old traditional knowledge and skills related to forest and natural resources. They collect food, fodder, and fuel and celebrate their rituals and festivals in the forest. According to their traditions, the forest belongs to their ancestors who passed it on to their children, and therefore, they have the full right over the forest. Since time immemorial, the Khadia have been intimately associated with the forest, and their worldview, cosmology, culture, tradition, ritual practices, myths and legends, taboos, medicine, technology, and socio-cultural institutions are deeply rooted in their forest interactions. Social and family organization as well as religious traditions are also intimately interlinked with the forest and with forest products, including vegetation and wildlife (e.g. the use of certain natural resources in religious ceremonies, e.g. Mahua and Sal leaves, see below, 3.3). Sacred groves are considered as holy and as the abode of deities and spirits. The indigenous peoples venerate cultivable land and adjacent forests and treat them with high respect. The youth in the village is increasingly attending school. In 2014, 7 boys and 8 girls are enrolled in Anganwadi centres, 11 boys and 19 girls in primary school, 3 girls and 1 boy in high school, and 6 men and 3 women are studying in college. 3.2 Research Methodology The research methodology in this case study included a combination of Focused Group Discussions (FGDs), interviews, field observations, and desk research. For the documentation of good practices, 4 FGDs were conducted in the target community, with 12-15 women participating in each group discussion. Additionally, interviews were conducted to collect data on the availability of forest resources. The village elders46 shared essential information on the community-based traditional forest management system. The interviews were complemented by data from various field observations. Throughout the process, women were selected as key informants, because their voices often remain unheard. Moreover, information was collected from existing resources, such as the press, the internet, and analytical reports. 3.3 Description of the Concrete Practices of Indigenous Women on Resource Management As other Adivasi women, indigenous Khadia women play an important role in the protection and management of forests and natural resources. It is usually also the women who are in charge of the basic food supply for all family members. They spend

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most of the day involved in the collection of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) and raw materials, mostly from the forest and rivers, i.e. firewood, green leaves, mushrooms, fruits, tubers, flowers, oil seeds, leaves, meat, and fish.

3.3.1 Sustainable Livelihood Based on NTFPs

Mahua (Madhualongifolia) Flowers The indigenous Khadia are also the stewards of the Mahua tree, which is their major source of income. The Mahua tree grows in large numbers in the adjacent forest. All villagers (a total of 109 families) collect Mahua flowers and Tola (seeds of the Mahua tree) for their daily consumption and for the sale of the surplus. Usually, each family is able to gather 2 to 5 quintal47 of Mahua flowers per year. From February to April, women spend most of the day collecting Mahua flowers. First, the indigenous Khadia women clean the area around the fallen Mahua flowers. They collect and burn leaves, branches, and grass cuttings. Then they systematically pick up each fallen Mahua flower and keep it in a small basket. Finally, they gather all collected Mahua flowers in one big hamper and carry it to their houses. Afterwards, the women smear the courtyard with cow dung and wait until it has dried. Next, the flowers are spread on the ground.

Figure 4 Dried Mahua Leaves

After 2 to 3 days, the flowers are completely dry, and the women store them in a Mora (a storage facility to keep grains, made from soft paddy straw) where they can be accessed and prepared in many different ways for household consumption. When the yields are high, the Khadia sell the Mahua flowers at the nearest market (Panchayat Hat) for a price fixed by traders, usually 20.00 INR per kg. As they lack knowledge and experience to develop a value added product, Khadia only sell the raw Mahua flowers at the market. One of the major challenges for the harvest is the weather. If it is raining and cloudy during harvest time, then the Mahua yield is often poor.

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Mahua Flowers. The Butternut tree (Madhualongifolia, also called Mahua, Mahwaor Lluppai) is a tropical tree growing largely in forests in Central and North India, e.g. in Madhya Pradesh, Kerala, Gujarat and Odisha. The tree is an evergreen or semi-evergreen with a dense canopy. The Mahua flowers of the Butternut tree open at night and fall on the ground around dawn. The flowers are kept by indigenous peoples and used for a large variety of purposes, e.g. they are eaten in many different ways, i.e. raw, boiled, fried, or with salt and chilies. In some areas, they are used as sugar derivate, or made into an alcoholic drink. The oil from the seeds serves many purposes, e.g. for cooking, lighting lamps, for soap production. The leaves are indispensable in many different religious ceremonies and rituals, e.g. during weddings and funerals48. Also cups and plates used for festivals are produced from Mahua. Flowers, oil and the bark have long been used in traditional medicine for a variety of purposes, e.g. to cure heart and blood diseases, and asthma. The Mahua tree is considered holy by many tribal communities because of its great usefulness. Thus, it is well preserved and carefully conserved by the indigenous communities. Sal (Shorea robusta Gaertn. f.) Leaves The Sal Tree (also called Badamsal) is also of great importance to the indigenous communities, e.g. for their religious traditions and their social and economic life. Each tribal village considers the tree as sacred and worships it since time immemorial. The collection of Sal leaves is the responsibility of Khadia women. Both men and women make different kind of plates from it, such as Dana (Dana, also called Socer, a small plate used for serving Dal/soup during a meal) for use in various traditional festivals and family celebration. Thick stems of the Sal branches are used as toothpicks. Indigenous women sell both Sal leaf plates and toothpicks at the nearby market, but earn a very small income from them. However, Sal leaves and Sal seeds have a higher market value for indigenous women than other forest products.

Figure 5 Sal Forest

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The Sal tree (Shorearobusta, Gaertn. f.), a large sub deciduous hardwood species, has larges leaves and yellow flowers. The tree occurs on the southern slopes of the Himalayas and is can be found on the Nepal, Bangladesh, and India, mainly in North East and Central India49. A Sal tree is an important source of timber and fuel wood. Moreover, the bark, leaves, resin, fruits, and seeds of the tree are used for a variety of purposes. They are essential parts of traditional medicinal treatments for the cure of fever, headache, burns, diarrhea, skin diseases, and dental problems50. Leaves are used for the preparation of rice cakes, for smoking, and used as fertilizers51. The seed oil is often used, for cooking and a source of lamp oil52. Indigenous peoples also use the leaves to make plates, bowls, and small baskets. These items are environmentally sound because the used leaves are easily compostable and eaten by cattle or goats53. The Sal tree has particular importance in festivals and marriages of Adivasis. Marriage invitations are made with Sal leaves, and the altar is made from the Sal tree54). Under earlier forest policies on NTFP, a ban on the collection of Sal seeds by the Government prohibited the indigenous peoples to gather seeds, and thus diminished their financial returns. Nowadays, however, the ban has been abolished and the villagers are allowed to collect them again. Other NTFPs There are a variety of other species that are sustainably harvested by Khadia women.The wild Kendu plant, produces new leaves in summer that are plucked by the women and sold to the government. Kendu leaves are used for the production of “beedi” cigarettes, which are made with tobacco rolled into the leaves. The Char tree produces small seeds in bunches. The indigenous women collect Figure 6 Household items made from bamboo the seeds of the tree, dry them, crack the hard shell, and keep the kernel. They are used as a delicious and costly ingredient of cakes and different sweets. The Jamun tree bears sweet violetvfruits in summer similar to blackberries. The fruits are collected and sold in the market.

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Khadia women also collect different kinds of seeds (like Tolo and Kusum) and extract oil based on their traditional processing techniques. In this way, they ensure that the community has sufficient oil reserves for food preparation. Khadia women take over the majority of the economic activities in the community by selling NTFPs, like Mahua flower, different fruits, Sal leaves or green leaves. In this way, they contribute more to the household income than men. As they collect different items in different seasons, they are able to support the household management and economy throughout the year. They also produce household articles from bamboo (e.g. plates, rice husker) and raise livestock (e.g. goats, hens) to increase their income. They can earn approximately 15000 to 20000 INR per year. The Gram Panchayat55 issues licenses prior to the collection of NTFP. Every year, the villagers have to purchase a license for a price of 100 INR for each different type of NTFP they collect.

Examples of NTFPs available in different seasons: Summer

Rainy Season

Winter

Fruits: Mango, Jackfruit, Tamarind Leaves: Kendu Nuts: Cashew and others Seeds: Char, Sal Others: Incense gums

Fruits: Jamun, Makar Kend, Banion, Dimiri, Tolo Vegetables: Mushrooms Large variety of herbal medicine: plants, leaves, roots, flowers

Fruits: Harida, Anla, Bahada (all are also called Trefla), Sweet Lemon (Kandhia) Leaves: Mahua, Sal Vegetables: Mushrooms Others: Kujury (medicinal oil extracted from seeds

Figure 7 Indigenous women selling NTFPs

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3.3.2 Forest Protection and Conservation by the Indigenous Community

All Adivasi worship the forest, particularly the Mahua and all fruit bearing trees. They never cut a fruit bearing tree, as they consider them as living gods. The forest plays an important role in sustaining their livelihoods: it hosts a large variety of forest products while preserving and protecting biodiversity. Thus, if the forest is depleted, the survival of the indigenous forest-dwellers is threatened. In order to assert their rights over the forest, the indigenous peoples in Tentulijharia village initially formed the Gram Sabha in 199956. Women were included in this local institution to address various issues of women related to forest protection, e.g. their important contributions to sustainable resource management. They decided to protect Runipani Forest from illegal logging57. They also formed a farmers’ association called the Jay Birsa Farmers club58. As they do not receive any financial support from the government, all villagers contribute according to their capacity (between 10 and 15 INR per family). The 60 club members (39 men, 21 women) have protected 400 hectares of forest land since the association’s establishment. For their daily needs, they collect around 10 to 15 quintal of firewood for cooking from the forest. Annually, around 150 to 200 quintal of wood is used for roofing their houses. Nowadays, the protected forest has become even denser. The good condition of the forest also has positive impacts on the people in the area, e.g. an increase of NTFPs as the indigenous Khadia, especially the women, use NTFPs for a variety of purposes. An example of this is when the villagers were able to cultivate ‘Lah’ (natural resin) which brings them higher income with smaller investments. The villagers decision to protect the forest contributed significantly to sustain their livelihood and to a healthy and ecological sustainability of the community. They have made plans for the future, including the extension of the protected forest conservation area, the development of water sources for wild life, and the strengthening the role of the Forest Protection Committee as a watch dog for the maintenance of their forests. Subsequently, the neighbouring villages (i.e. Simdega, Chikatjore, Tentulijharia) also started to form Forest Right Committees (FRCs), and are now trying to conserve the forests. The indigenous peoples follow the provisions of the FRA. In accordance with the FRA, the villagers conducted a Gram Sabha meeting in 2006, and formed a Forest Right Committee (FRC) in the village which started to be effective in 2008. The FRC normally conducts 4 to 5 meetings annually. They are practicing their livelihoods as envisaged in 4(b) of PESA59, and in 4(d) of PESA60 which clearly authorises the Gram Sabha as a competent body to protect, conserve and manage the community resources

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according to their tradition and customs. During the FRA implementation process, 32 people received individual Land Patta, 23 people got housing facilities under I.A.Y (Indira Awas Yojana – Indira Housing Plan), and 20 persons got land levelling benefit (30 Acres land levelling)61. Also in accordance with the FRA, the villagers collect only dry wood from the forest for their own consumption. Repeatedly, however, the communities face challenges with the illegal exploitation of NTFPs62. Nowadays, the villagers are less able to enjoy the freedom they were experiencing a few decades ago, as their rights have been curtailed due to forest policies, primarily in the name of national interest according to the government. It became evident that Joint Forest Management (JFM), i.e. partnerships in forest management involving both the state forest departments and local communities, decreases the biodiversity and is not sustainable. Presently, forest officials have implemented the Forest Protection Committees, (FPC, also called VSS, Vana Surkhya Samiti) in many parts of the state by approving the constitutional body of the FRC (Forest Rights Committee) and have resolved the JFM. “We were getting everything from this forest, but neither the Government nor NGOs protects it. Governments are not enforcing existing laws, and NGOs are not aware of us communities living in the forest. The forest started to become bald, thus, we took it in our own hands to protect the forest ourselves.” - Abhimanyu Majhi, activist from the village It is obvious that unless the community is able to make use of their right to access natural resources, neither their food sovereignty is guaranteed, nor is the preservation of biodiversity in the local forest. 3.4 Conclusions and challenges on forest/resource management based on the practices and experiences of indigenous women • Indigenous communities have a symbiotic relationship with the forest. Their dependence on the forest and their sustainable collection practices do not degrade or harm the forest in any way, but rather, contribute to protect and conserve the forest. • Women play a key role in the preservation and protection of forests and natural resources. Nevertheless, their contributions are often neglected and ignored by policy makers and development practitioners. Further, a large number of indigenous women are illiterate and not aware of their rights due to discrimination and government neglect.

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• Though the national forestry policies and legislations (such as FRA, PESA) recognize and protect the indigenous peoples’ customary rights to control, manage, and use forest land, the implementation of these laws remains weak63. For example, according to PESA, Gram Sabhas are the owners of NTFPs. Nevertheless, the Forest Departments often claim that villagers or communities do not have control over reserved forests, as these are located outside the village boundaries, and thus, PESA could not be applied. Frequently, legal control/ ownership has not been transferred to Gram Sabhas/Panchayats as directed by PESA, and governments remain the owners of the most important NTFPs. • It remains a challenge to create relatively autonomous governance structures in Scheduled Areas according to the constitution. Likewise, equal access to justice for indigenous communities remains a serious challenge • The process of preparing this case study of good practices has encouraged other villagers to assert their rights to forest access and use, and to preserve the biodiversity and economic sustainability of their resource management system. 3.5 Recommendations

3.5.1 Case-Specific Recommendations to NGOs/IPOs

• To generate broad public understanding on indigenous peoples sustainable forest management practices as critical in effective forest conservation. The contributions of indigenous peoples, especially indigenous women, to the maintenance and promotion of biodiversity should be widely understood and recognized. • To raise awareness on indigenous peoples rights and their environmentally sound and sustainable livelihood practices as critical for the collective survival of indigenous peoples and the protection of forests • To conduct gender-specific capacity building in relation to entrepreneurial skills including product development. A more elaborate processing of raw materials, for example, may enable indigenous Khadia women to earn a better income. • To generate wide-scale awareness among the indigenous women on indigenous peoples’ rights, and women’s rights especially in relation to natural resource management, taking into account their level of literacy. In this context, the low literacy rate of indigenous women has to be considered. • At the community level, it is crucial to a) set up a Cooperative Marketing Society, registered under law, to advance the marketing of the different community products b) develop storage facilities

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c) provide training for indigenous peoples in processing Mahua into different food items, and thus, to be able to generate higher income. A special emphasis should be given to the direct participation of women in the forest conservation and management activities. • The Adivasi communities’ self-rule and governance bodies should be strengthened and be in charge of determining purchase rates, marketing strategies, and value addition with the effective participation of Adivasi women and other community members. • For women union/women self-help groups assist and provide support to Adivasi women in improving their economic condition.

3.5.2 Recommendations to Governments

• Review national laws to identify and rectify provisions that discriminate women in general and indigenous/Adivasi women in particular. • Implement the Forest Rights Act properly in terms of its intent and spirit, and ensure the full recognition of forest land tenure of indigenous communities in a collective manner. • Establish effective and participatory mechanisms to monitor the implementation of policies and programmes to promote the women’s full enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights. • Integrate and protect the indigenous sustainable forest management practices into the overall land-use and management plans of the Government. • Ensure the full and effective participation of the indigenous peoples, including indigenous women, in the design and implementation of development models and conservation efforts in order to achieve sustainable development that respects and promotes their distinct identities, cultures and needs/priorities. • Revise existing development projects and approaches in Scheduled Areas according to the needs and priorities of indigenous peoples, particularly indigenous women and children. • Set up a review committee to monitor and evaluate the effective implementation of PESA and FRA • Strengthen the dialogue between policy makers, government authorities, and indigenous peoples.

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ANNEX Study Team The research was conducted by Samajik Seva Sadan (SSS), a non-governmental organization founded in 1982 that promotes and facilitates the sustainable and self-determined development of Adivasi and Dalits groups, especially women and youth. Data were collected and complied into a narrative report by Veronica Dung Dung, with the help of Deme Oram, Gloriya Dung Dung, Jagyasini Dansena and Shilan and Ravi Tete. References: 1 In 2013, the project “Strengthening the Participation of Indigenous Peoples particularly the Role and Contribution of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Resource Management“ was approved by Norwegian Agency for Development (Norad) for a period of one year and six months (July 2013 to December 2014). The project is being implemented in 5 selected Asian countries, namely India, Myanmar, Nepal, Thailand, and Vietnam, in cooperation with 5 partner organizations. The main goal of this project is “The collective rights to land, territories and resources of the indigenous peoples in Asia including the roles and contributions of indigenous women in sustainable natural resource management systems, food sovereignty and livelihoods are respected, recognized and protected at local, national, regional and international levels.”

http://www.hss.de/india/en/our-work-in-india/about-india.html

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3

In India, a variety of terms is used to refer to the scheduled tribes enlisted under Article 342 of the constitution (like adivasi / adyavasi, vanajati, pahadia, adimjati). 4

http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/11218/11/11_chapter%203.pdf

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6

ISAWN, IWFNEI, AIPP (2014). India NGO CEDAW Shadow Report and status of Adivasi/Tribal women in India. 1427-india-ngo-cedaw-shadow-report-and-status-of-adivasi-tribal-women-in-india-for-the-58th-session-of-cedaw 7

8 ISAWN, IWFNEI, AIPP (2014). India NGO CEDAW Shadow Report and status of Adivasi/Tribal women in India. 1427-india-ngo-cedaw-shadow-report-and-status-of-adivasi-tribal-women-in-india-for-the-58th-session-of-cedaw 9 ISAWN, IWFNEI, AIPP (2014). India NGO CEDAW Shadow Report and status of Adivasi/Tribal women in India. 1427-india-ngo-cedaw-shadow-report-and-status-of-adivasi-tribal-women-in-india-for-the-58th-session-of-cedaw 10 ISAWN, IWFNEI, AIPP (2014). India NGO CEDAW Shadow Report and status of Adivasi/Tribal women in India. 1427-india-ngo-cedaw-shadow-report-and-status-of-adivasi-tribal-women-in-india-for-the-58th-session-of-cedaw 11 FSI (2002) in: UN Women (2012) Women’s Rights to Forest Spaces and Resources, http://www.unwomensouthasia. org/assets/UN-WRFSR-Report.pdf 12 ISAWN, IWFNEI, AIPP (2014). India NGO CEDAW Shadow Report and status of Adivasi/Tribal women in India. 1427-india-ngo-cedaw-shadow-report-and-status-of-adivasi-tribal-women-in-india-for-the-58th-session-of-cedaw 13 Gurung et. al. 2000, in UN Women (2012) Women’s Rights to Forest Spaces and Resources, http://www.unwomensouthasia.org/assets/UN-WRFSR-Report.pdf

Martin, undated. UN Women (2012) Women’s Rights to Forest Spaces and Resources, http://www.unwomensouthasia. org/assets/UN-WRFSR-Report.pdf 14

15 ISAWN, IWFNEI, AIPP (2014). India NGO CEDAW Shadow Report and status of Adivasi/Tribal women in India. 1427-india-ngo-cedaw-shadow-report-and-status-of-adivasi-tribal-women-in-india-for-the-58th-session-of-cedaw 16 ISAWN, IWFNEI, AIPP (2014). India NGO CEDAW Shadow Report and status of Adivasi/Tribal women in India. 1427-india-ngo-cedaw-shadow-report-and-status-of-adivasi-tribal-women-in-india-for-the-58th-session-of-cedaw

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17 UN Women (2012) Women’s Rights to Forest Spaces and Resources, http://www.unwomensouthasia.org/assets/ UN-WRFSR-Report.pdf 18 UN Women (2012) Women’s Rights to Forest Spaces and Resources, http://www.unwomensouthasia.org/assets/ UN-WRFSR-Report.pdf 19 UN Women (2012) Women’s Rights to Forest Spaces and Resources, http://www.unwomensouthasia.org/assets/ UN-WRFSR-Report.pdf

India’s natural vegetation and biodiversity, The Pearson CSAT Manual 2012 by Edgar Thorpe

20

India’s natural vegetation and biodiversity, The Pearson CSAT Manual 2012 by Edgar Thorpe

21

Forest Survey of India (2013). Executive Summary. fsi.nic.in/cover_2013/executive_summary.pdf

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23

http://fsi.nic.in/cover_2013/executive_summary.pdf

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“The 1878 Act, which classified forests into ‘protected forests’, ‘reserved forests’ and ‘village forests’; the National Forest Policy of 1894, which re-iterated the regulation of rights and restriction of privileges of ‘users’ in forest areas for the public good; the Land Acquisition Act of 1894, which permits compulsory acquisition of land for a ‘public purpose’; and the 1927 Act, which remains the main legal basis for depriving forest dwellers of their user rights to forest resources.” UNPD (2012). Recognition of Community Rights under the Forest Rights Act in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh: Challenges and Way forward. http://www.undp.org/content/dam/india/docs/DG/recognition-ofcommunity-rights-under-forest-rights-act-in-madhya-pradesh-and-chhattisgarh-challenges-and-way-forward.pdf. 26

27 UNPD (2012). Recognition of Community Rights under the Forest Rights Act in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh: Challenges and Way forward. http://www.undp.org/content/dam/india/docs/DG/recognition-of-community-rightsunder-forest-rights-act-in-madhya-pradesh-and-chhattisgarh-challenges-and-way-forward.pdf. 28 UNPD (2012). Recognition of Community Rights under the Forest Rights Act in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh: Challenges and Way forward. http://www.undp.org/content/dam/india/docs/DG/recognition-of-community-rightsunder-forest-rights-act-in-madhya-pradesh-and-chhattisgarh-challenges-and-way-forward.pdf. 29 UNPD (2012). Recognition of Community Rights under the Forest Rights Act in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh: Challenges and Way forward. http://www.undp.org/content/dam/india/docs/DG/recognition-of-community-rightsunder-forest-rights-act-in-madhya-pradesh-and-chhattisgarh-challenges-and-way-forward.pdf.

Forest rights of forest dwelling STs and other TFDs are dealt with in Chapter II of the Act. Section 3 of that chapter lists out what are the forest rights for the purpose of the Act. Following are some of the rights which have been recognized under the Act: (a) Right to hold and live in the forest land under the individual or common occupation for habitation or for self-cultivation for livelihood by a member or members of a forest dwelling Scheduled Tribe or other traditional forest dwellers; (b) Community rights such as nistar, by whatever name called, including those used in erstwhile Princely States, Zamindari or such intermediary regimes; (c) Right of ownership access to collect, use, and dispose of minor forest produce which has been traditionally collected within or outside village boundaries; (d) Other community rights of uses or entitlement such as fish and other products of water bodies, grazing (both settled or transhumant) and traditional seasonal resource access of nomadic or pastoralist communities; (e) Rights, including community tenures of habitat and habitation for primitive tribal groups and pre-agricultural communities) Rights of settlement and conversion of all forest villages, old habitation, un-surveyed villages and other villages in forests, whether recorded, notified or not into revenue villages; (f) Right to protect, regenerate or conserve or manage any community forest resource which they have been traditionally protecting and conserving for sustainable use; (g) Rights which are recognized under any State law or laws of any Autonomous District Council or Autonomous Regional Council or which are accepted as rights of tribals under any traditional or customary law of the concerned tribes of any State; (h) Right of access to bio-diversity and community right to intellectual property and traditional knowledge related to bio-diversity and cultural diversity; (i) Any other traditional right customarily enjoyed by the forest dwelling Scheduled Tribes or other traditional forest dwellers, as the case may be, which are not mentioned in clauses (a) to (j) but excluding the traditional right of hunting or trapping or extracting a part of the body of any species of wild animal. 30

31 UN Women (2012) Women’s Rights to Forest Spaces and Resources, http://www.unwomensouthasia.org/assets/ UN-WRFSR-Report.pdf

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32 UNPD (2012). Recognition of Community Rights under the Forest Rights Act in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh: Challenges and Way forward. http://www.undp.org/content/dam/india/docs/DG/recognition-of-community-rightsunder-forest-rights-act-in-madhya-pradesh-and-chhattisgarh-challenges-and-way-forward.pdf. 33 UNPD (2012). Recognition of Community Rights under the Forest Rights Act in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh: Challenges and Way forward. http://www.undp.org/content/dam/india/docs/DG/recognition-of-community-rightsunder-forest-rights-act-in-madhya-pradesh-and-chhattisgarh-challenges-and-way-forward.pdf. 34 UN Women (2012) Women’s Rights to Forest Spaces and Resources, http://www.unwomensouthasia.org/assets/ UN-WRFSR-Report.pdf

The Constitution of India, it may be noted, does not define the term “Scheduled Tribes”. Instead, Article 366(25) refers to Scheduled Tribes as those communities who are scheduled in accordance with Article 342 of the Constitution. According to Article 342 of the Constitution, the Scheduled Tribes are the tribes or tribal communities or; part of or groups within these tribes and tribal communities that have been declared as such by the President of India through a public notification1.

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E.g., Educational, Economic and Public Employment-related Safeguards, such as Article 15: Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth, Article 16: Equality of opportunity in matters of public employment. Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India http://tribal.nic.in/index1.html.

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37 “The Directive Principles of State Policy are guidelines to the central and state governments of India, to be kept in mind while framing laws and policies. These provisions, contained in Part IV of the Constitution of India, are not enforceable by any court, but the principles laid down therein are considered fundamental in the governance of the country, making it the duty of the State to apply these principles in making laws to establish a just society in the country.” http://www.rishabhdara.com/faq/view.php?faq=11&question=What_are_the_Directive_Principles_in_India? 38 Article 46 of the “Directive Principles of the State Policy” which are “fundamental in the governance of the country” states: “The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation.” Further Article 330 of the Constitution of India makes reservation of seats for Scheduled Tribes in the House of People. Article 335 requires the government to consider the claims of Scheduled Tribes in appointments to services and posts in connections with the affairs of the Union or of a State.

http://tribal.nic.in/WriteReadData/CMS/Documents/201305031210162373115overview.pdf.

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Orissa DATA HIGHLIGHTS : THE SCHEDULED TRIBES Census of India 2001

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Land Alienation and Its Dimensions: A Study of Scheduled Districts of Orissa By Karunakar Patnaik, Pramila Prava Patnaikv 41

42 http://tribal.nic.in/WriteReadData/CMS/Documents/201401080453054892461DevelopmentofPTGScheme.pdf. PTG in Orissa: 1. Chuktia Bhunjia 2. Birhor 3. Bondo 4.Didayi 5.Dongria Khond 6.Juang 7.Kharia 8.Kutia Khond 9.Lanjia Saura 10.Lodha 11.Mankirdia 12.Paudi Bhuyan 13.Saura 43 Land Alienation and Its Dimensions: A Study of Scheduled Districts of Orissa, by Karunakar Patnaik, Pramila Prava Patnaik; among the districts densely populated by tribal communities are Malkangiri (57.4 per cent) Mayurbhanj (56.6 per cent), Rayagada (55.8 per cent) and Nabarangapur (55 per cent). Orissa, DATA HIGHLIGHTS : THE SCHEDULED TRIBES Census of India 2001

Between 21°32’ and 22° 32’ north latitudes and 83° 32’ and 85° 22’ east longitudes. Sundargarh district was constituted on the 1st January, 1948 out of the two States of Gangpur and Bonai, which merged with Odisha. Sundargarh is bordered by Ranchi District of Jharkhand on the North, Raigarh district of Chhattisgarh on the west and North-West, Jharsuguda, Sambalpur and Angul District of Odisha on the South and South-East and Singhbhum District of Jharkhand and Keonjhar District of Odisha in the east. 44

http://ethesis.nitrkl.ac.in/3379/1/VIJAY_FINAL_REPORT_MAY_12TH.pdf.

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Restikus Dung Dung, Shelas Dung Dung, Salsis Hembram, Dileswar Khuntia, James Tete

46

In India, the quintal as equivalent to 100 kilogram is a standard measurement of mass for agricultural products

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Sticks of the tree are placed on the bride and groom’s hands during weddings and a corpse is anointed with Mahua oil

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http://forestry.oxfordjournals.org/content/79/1/81.full

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http://www.toxicologycentre.com/English/plants/English/chenjalyam.html; sal-tree.html 50

http://www.ecoindia.com/flora/trees/sal-tree.html

51

Dictionary of Forestry and Wildlife Sciences, By Kailash Chandra Bebart

52

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http://www.ecoindia.com/flora/trees/

http://www.toxicologycentre.com/English/plants/English/chenjalyam.html

53

http://www.ecoindia.com/flora/trees/sal-tree.html

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“A Gram Panchayat is a local self-government institution at the village or small town level in India and has a Sarpanchas its elected head. Under British Colonial rule, the role of panchayats were strengthened, whereas under post-independence they were given little right of co-determination. After attempts to deal with local matters at the national level, panchayats were reintroduced as institutions of local self-governance in 1992”. (Ipsita Sapra (2013). “Living in the villages”. dandc.eu.) As of 2002, there were about 265,000 gram panchayats in India. http://teca.fao.org/ read/7904 “Gram Sabha include all the adult citizens of the village. It is empowered to support or topple down the Gram Panchayat body. The Sabha can contribute to the number of decisions taken by the Panchayat and can modify weak decisions whenever they feel. The Panchayat can be established for a village having a population of 1000-25000. The villages having less population are grouped under Gram Sabha. The member count usually ranges from 7 to 17 depending on the strength of the village population. These form various Committees, viz. Agriculture, Animal Husbandry, Public Works, Social Welfare and Health and sanitation in village Gram Panchayat”.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gram_ panchayat 55

56 The movement for Adivasi rights over Jal (Water), Jungle (forest) and Jameen (Land) as well as the Adivasi self-rule started in 1999. 57 Samajik Seva Sadan, the partner orgnisation that conducetd this case study, has been involved in that process seven years.

Mr. Valorous Bhengra and Mr. Kastu Lakra is the president and secretary of the club respectively.

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Sec.4(b): a village shall ordinarily consist of a habitation or a group of habitations or a hamlet or a group of hamlets comprising a community and managing its affairs in accordance with traditions and customs; The 59

60 Sec.4(d): every Gram Sabha shall be competent to safeguard and preserve the traditions and customs of the people, their cultural identity, community resources and the customary mode of dispute resolution;

In order to improve the lives of Adivasis, the government is giving incentives for levelling (i.e. making the land useable for agricultural purpose) the land provided under the Forest Right Act (FRA).

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62 For example, villagers of Dumberguda, a hamlet village of Tentulijharia, stole fire wood from the forest and sold it at the market. The communities tried to stop this practice in a collective effort. 63 UNPD (2012). Recognition of Community Rights under the Forest Rights Act in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh: Challenges and Way forward. http://www.undp.org/content/dam/india/docs/DG/recognition-of-community-rightsunder-forest-rights-act-in-madhya-pradesh-and-chhattisgarh-challenges-and-way-forward.pdf.

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Traditional Natural Resource Management Practices of Indigenous Kulung Women: A case study on the cultivation of the Himalayan Giant Nettle (Allo) in Beteni Village, Sankhuwasabha, Nepal By NGO-FONIN (NGO Federation of Nepalese Indigenous Nationalities)



1. Executive Summary/Abstract This case study was conducted as part of the Norad-funded project “Strengthening the Participation of Indigenous Peoples - Particularly the Role and Contribution of Indigenous Women - in Sustainable Resource Management”1. Based in an indigenous Kulung Community in Beteni Village of Bala Village Development Committee (VDC), Sankhuwasabha District, Nepal, this case study documents sustainable resource management and traditional livelihood practices of the indigenous Kulung, one of the most marginalized indigenous groups in the country. In particular, the study explores the sustainable cultivation of the Himalaya Giant Nettle (known as Allo in Nepali language) with a specific focus on the traditional knowledge and skills of indigenous Kulung women. One of its key purposes is to document good practices of sustainable resource management for awareness-raising and advocacy work in relation to indigenous peoples’ knowledge as well as their rights to forest and natural resource use. The results show that indigenous Kulung women have an intricate traditional knowledge on Allo cultivation techniques, and that Allo has been an indispensable part of their traditional culture and everyday life. The sustainable and environmentallyfriendly processing techniques include different steps from harvesting to weaving which are entirely based on indigenous knowledge. The market demand for Allo products is also increasing. This has opened income-generating opportunities for the villagers, particularly the women. It is evident that indigenous women have been protecting natural resources, forests, and the wider eco-system as essential parts of their livelihood. Despite their intense involvement in sustainable resource management for many generations, their roles and contributions have been widely neglected and at times even outlawed by the state. In this context, it is recommended to enhance public awareness on the essential role that indigenous women play in sustainable resource management processes. The government of Nepal is urged to rectify all provisions in national laws that permit discrimination against indigenous women and to ensure that reforms on land access also protect and respect rights of indigenous women. Likewise, it is requested to promote the effective participation of indigenous women in political and public spheres and in decision-making processes at all levels. Finally, capacity building is needed for the Kulung women, particularly related to their entrepreneurial skills, in order to tap the full potential of their traditional knowledge and the locally available natural resources. The sustainability of traditional Allo cultivation is a key example for positive environmental practices, able to give credibility and validity to the indigenous peoples’ lifestyle and resource management systems.

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2. Introduction 2.1 Brief Introduction of the Country and Situation of Indigenous Women Nepal is a landlocked country in South Asia, which is bordered by China to the North, and India to the South, East and West. It covers an area of 141,181km2 and can be divided into three ecological zones: the low flatlands (Terai), the hill areas, and the high mountains (Himalayas), with the highest altitude of 8,848 meters in the Northern Himalayas2. More than 100 diverse indigenous groups inhabit these different ecological regions3, all with distinct cultures, religions, traditions, and different forms of settlement4. But the Government of Nepal (GON) has only recognized 59 indigenous nationalities (or Adivasi/Janajati) legally5, comprised of 8.4 million people, or 37.19% of Nepal’s total population of almost 29 million6. However, indigenous peoples’ organizations claim more than 50% of the population is indigenous in Nepal7. A number of groups are struggling for their official recognition as indigenous peoples and are classified as “enlistment oriented communities”. The indigenous Kulung is one among them. Although they form a significant portion of the population, indigenous peoples in general, and indigenous women in particular, have been marginalized culturally, politically and economically throughout the history of Nepal. Disaggregated data regarding health, access to education, and other quality-of-life indicators are hardly available for indigenous peoples8. Even though there are various organizations advocating for women’s rights9 and several national laws that contain provisions explicitly referring to women rights10, their implementation into practices remains limited11. Indigenous women continue to suffer disproportionally from multi-fold discrimination and oppression, based on their ethnicity, gender and socio-economic status. Traditional patriarchal beliefs, norms, and values, as well as the influence of Hindu tradition often force women into limited reproductive roles and responsibilities. Without access to other options, indigenous women often enter into a kind of servitude to their family that restricts their mobility and access to information12. Even though they shoulder the majority of the domestic chores and farm work, they remain economically disempowered. While men continue to exert control over their means of livelihood, indigenous women have very limited access to social services. Their political representation and participation in decision-making processes remain low. They are usually not encouraged to express their opinions in public meetings13. Access and long-term involvement in the education system is limited for women due to lack of mastery of the dominant instructional language, Khas Nepali. Likewise, they face difficulties in communicating with local authorities and in judicial proceedings 14. Although women contribute between 50-80% of the agricultural labor15, they rarely have formal control or tenure rights to land and natural resources. As they seldom

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own land, they can’t access bank loans to improve or expand their agricultural work to earn additional income16. Indigenous women in Nepal continue to face dispossession of their customary land, leading to a loss of their traditional occupations, livelihoods, and social roles. As main food providers for their families, the loss of access to forest products, farms land, and natural resources can be devastating for them. Nowadays, indigenous women are increasingly disconnected from their land and resources due to government-supported development initiatives, e.g. the declaration of protected and conservation areas in remote areas of Nepal. These national government policies limit access to natural resources, which means that traditional occupations, livelihoods, and skills are under threat with indigenous women bear the brunt of the impacts17. Dispossession and the destruction of the natural resources, as well as the lack of livelihood opportunities increasingly push young indigenous women into work outside their communities. This widespread systemic oppression of indigenous women in Nepal makes them particularly vulnerable to all forms of violence, from domestic violence to threats of long-term bonded labor and human trafficking18. 2.2 General Description on the Participation of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in the Country Although indigenous women’s knowledge and contribution to natural resource management is substantial, it is either not recognized or portrayed as harmful and backwards by agricultural professionals and the state.19 Indigenous women in Nepal play a vital role in sustainable use and management of forests and natural resources, and their traditional knowledge significantly contributes to the conservation and promotion of forest biodiversity. As main food provider for their families, indigenous women are responsible for the collection of edibles and subsistence items such as vegetables, fruits, fish, and water. They have profound knowledge on seed-conservation, forest resources, and NTFPs such as firewood, fodder, Nigalo (bamboo) and medicinal herbs. The majority of indigenous women in Nepal is able to classify different plant species and know their use for nutrition or health as well as geographical distribution, seasonal availability, and suitable storage techniques20. Indigenous women are the ones who decide what to plant and what seeds to use in a particular season. They also apply traditional knowledge and skills in the efficient use and conservation of water. It is the women’s responsibility to identify, collect, store, and control sources of water, and also to oversee sanitary arrangements. 2.3 Brief Description of Policies on National Forests and Natural Resource Management as well as Data on the Forest Condition. Even though only a quarter (3,636,000 ha) of Nepal’s total land area is covered by forest21, the forest biodiversity is rich, hosting 6,973 plant species and 1,240 animal species22. Out of the total forest area, 12.1% is classified as protected forest and 21.4% is

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classified as conservation areas. 349,000 ha are categorized as primary forest, 384,000 ha as modified natural forest, 2,850,000 ha as semi-natural forest, and 53,000 ha as production forest23. Unless registered as private forests, all forests in Nepal are national forests. Studies show that Nepal’s forest cover has decreased by 28.9%24 during the last decades, from 4.82 million ha in 1990 to 3.64 million ha in 200525. Deforestation is linked to various factors, like a lack of clarity in the tenurial system, the conversion of forest into agriculture and settlement areas, illegal logging, and timber smuggling. Some national policies have also been identified as factors contributing to deforestation, such as the Private Forest Nationalization Act 1957, and the Forest Act of 196126. These laws strengthen the authority of forest officials in different regards, e.g. enable them to grant logging concessions. At the same time, the government of Nepal has enacted several laws and policies on forest and natural resource management that benefit indigenous peoples while addressing the drivers of deforestation and forest. Evidence shows that forest degradation and deforestation is substantially reduced if forest management is handed over to local communities27. For example, the Master Plan for the Forest Sector (MPSC) in 1988 emphasized the participation and rights of local people in forest governance, management and conservation. The Forest Act of1993 and the Forest Regulation of 1995 aimed to protect the forest and to promote the local peoples access to the conservation and development of forest resources. For more than a decade, the government of Nepal has facilitated the hand-over process through the creation of community forestry programs. In this context, more than 14,500 Community Forest Users Groups (CFUGs) have been created, and proven to be effective in protecting and managing forests28. However, the transfer of forest management responsibilities to the community does not change the legal status of land ownership, and the state remains the main authority to exert control over the forest29. Indigenous peoples remain excluded from decision-making processes and equitable benefit-sharing of forest land and products. Moreover, there is a lack of initiatives to promote indigenous knowledge and customary practices for sustainable resource management. The government of Nepal has also enacted laws to establish national parks and to conserve wildlife and their habitats, e.g. the National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Act (NPWC, 1973)30. The Act heavily restricts the local peoples’ access to the forests. Prior to its implementation, the indigenous peoples were neither consulted nor was their Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) obtained31. The concept of “buffer zones” (a transition belt) was incorporated into the NPWC in 1992 as an attempt to improve the lives of the people in the vicinity of the park. This was further refined in the Buffer Zone Management Regulations (1996) and the Buffer Zone Management Guidelines (1999), aiming to improve management and conservational activities in

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the buffer zones. Presently, some indigenous communities are allowed to use natural resources under strict regulations and supervision of the park authorities. Most of the policies related to forest and natural resource management do not mention the rights of indigenous peoples , and state-imposed conservation practices have frequently neglected indigenous traditional knowledge, skills, and dependency on the forest and natural resources. As a consequence, laws about National Parks do not protect and promote the rights of indigenous peoples,32 but rather exclude them from the forests that they heavily depend on. Makalu Barun National Park in Sankhuwasabha is managed by the Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation. It has its own policy that directly affects the community. The Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation (DNPWC) does not allow local people to access and use natural resources within the conservation area. Even though the Kulung community strongly depends on forest products, especially the Allo for domestic use, it is prohibited by the National Park Security Forces for indigenous peoples to cut Allo. Moreover, when Kulung women groups prepare Allo fiber, they are required to pay local taxes. The Kulung community is also no longer allowed to protect their farmland from wild animals.

3. Results of the Study 3.1 Research Methodology Main field research methods included formal and informal interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) with the indigenous women in the target community. Guiding questions and questionnaires were used to ensure a comprehensive data collection during the discussions. Moreover, the analytical process was based on extensive literature review as well as information collected from key stakeholders associated with the community, i.e. from representatives of the Nepal Kirat Kulung Bhasa Sanskriti Utthan Sangh (NKKBSUS) and the Himalayan Natural Fiber Foundation (HNFF)33. 3.2 General Socio-Cultural and Economic Data/Profile of Study Sites Sankhuwasabha is one of the mountainous districts in Eastern Nepal, densely populated with Kulung indigenous peoples34. The district encompasses 33 Village Development Committees (VDCs)35. Under the influence of the sub-tropical climate, it has a lush vegetation and rich biodiversity. This case study is based in Beteni, a small village in the Bala Village Development Committee of Sankhuwasabha District. The village is located at an altitude of 1,420m36 in the border region adjacent to China, surrounded by the Makalu Barun National Park and the Hungu Valley37.

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The village was selected as a study site as the community members face greater challenges to sustain their livelihoods as other villages in the area, due to the declaration of the National park. At the same time, the community is particularly interesting because the indigenous Kulung women have profound knowledge and skills developed on sustainable resource management, which they have been practicing since time immemorial. The village is solely inhabited by Kulung indigenous peoples. The Kulung belong to the most marginalized indigenous peoples in Nepal38. In the 2011 census, their population was counted to be 33,20039; other estimated numbers range from 100,000 to 150,00040. Based on their exclusion from the list of the indigenous nationalities, Kulung communities are deprived of their basic rights as indigenous peoples. The Kulung indigenous peoples depend heavily on traditional agriculture and natural resources for their livelihoods. Throughout the country, Kulung women are considered the most skilled product manufacturers of the Himalayan Giant Nettle (Allo) as they have an intricate knowledge of natural fiber weaving and knitting. This case study particularly focuses on the indigenous women in the community and their roles and contributions to sustainable Allo management. Demographics/Population Characteristics of Beteni. Altogether, 255 indigenous Kulung (132 women in 45 households) are living in Beteni village, with an average of 5 people (3 children) per household41. The villagers are organized in different social units, such as Indigenous Peoples Organizations (IPOs), community forestry organizations, cooperatives, and local income generating groups. The surrounding forest is managed and operated by the local Community Forestry Users Group (CFUG). Access to Education. There is one primary school in the community, but neither a secondary school nor higher education institutions. In order to attend secondary school, children have to move to another VDC. In Beteni, most women have not received any kind of formal education.

Table 1: Education levels in the survey community. Education Illiterate levels

Primary Secondary InterSchool Mediate School

Bachelor degree

Master’s Doctorate degree degree

Women

77

40

12

2

1

-

-

Men

72

35

8

5

3

-

-

Total

149

75

20

7

4

-

-

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Cultural Life and Religious Beliefs. The indigenous Kulung are Animists, worshipping nature spirits and natural phenomena (land, rivers, mountain, water, forest, crops) as the basis of their livelihoods and survival. More than 6 different forms of land worshipping (Tosh) are known to the villagers. They also worship the seasons in regular intervals42. Traditionally, marriages take place between members of different Kulung clans. At the present, marriage within clans is less practiced but also accepted. For economic transactions, a cooperative is accessible in the village. However, the majority of households do not have access to a bank. There is no electricity in the village, so the residents use solar cells or candles. Major Challenges Faced in the Community. Before 1995, there were more than 65 households in Beteni village, but almost one-third of the population has migrated to Terai (the lowland area) for their survival and security. The major challenges in the community have been identified as food insecurity, the impact of wild animals, natural disasters, and the scarcity of electricity in the area43. The Kulung Community and their Connection to Nature. The livelihood of the Kulung community, their religion (animism), culture, language, and traditional skills are deeply interrelated with nature. Nature and natural resources serve as their means of subsistence and form the basis of their cultural identity, worldview, and cosmology. The ecosystem around the village is holds a diverse range of wildlife, such as tigers, bears, deer, and monkeys. Water and natural resources are abundant in the area, especially Allo, bamboo, Seula (fodder plants), and medicinal herbal plants. The villagers cultivate maize, millet, wheat, potatoes, Pidalu (colocasia or taro root), Fapar (buckwheat), soybean, and chilies. They produce, store, and manage seeds. Most of their agricultural production is consumed within the village, but a small fraction is sold at the local market. In the forest, the women, collect grass, Seula, and timber. They are also produce different kinds of herbal medicine from Chiraito (swertia or chireta), Titepati (mugwort), and Elainchi (cardamom). The villagers are prohibited to fell trees within the conservation area, but they have permission to cut small pieces of wood in the adjacent forest. There is a large variety of plants, herbs and trees that are closely related to Kulung culture, but Allo is considered the most important plant for the indigenous community. According to their history, ancestors of the Kulung have made clothes and other utensils from Allo. Women have an impressive traditional knowledge on Allo cultivation, harvesting, spinning and weaving.

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BOX 1: Allo The Himalaya Giant Nettle (Girardinia diversifolia, syn, G. heterophylla) (also called Allo, Sisnu or Puwa),is a fiber yielding herbal plant growing at an altitude between 1200 and 3000m in the hilly regions of Nepal. The indigenous communities in remote areas of Nepal, especially the Kulung, have been practicing environment-friendly Allo cultivation in their community forest since time immemorial. Traditionally, they rely on Allo for a large variety of practical and religious purposes. Bark, shoots, and leaves of the plant are used as fiber, vegetable and fodder. The fiber extracted from the Allo bark is the strongest among all natural Himalayan fibers, so the Allo products are particularly durable44.

Making Nettle Fiber

3.3 Perspectives of Indigenous Women on Sustainable Forest/Resource Management and Descriptions of the Concrete Practices of Indigenous Women on Resource Management The Cultural Significance of Allo. For many generations, Allo has been an indispensable part of the Kulung traditional culture and everyday life. It is used in all kinds of rituals from birth ceremonies to funerals. When a child is born, the navel must be bound by a Kandhani (an Allo net, or Allo nettle waist belt). Babies sleep on bed sheet made of Allo. During worship, the sanctuary is covered with holy clothes made from Allo. The plant in the form of incense sticks is also used in treatment of headaches, nausea, and dizziness. At the Kulung cremation ceremony, the deceased is laid on a blanket made from Allo. Due to its high cultural significance, Allo is considered as holy in the Kulung community. The indigenous Kulung in Beteni have an intricate knowledge on the sustainable cultivation management of Allo, which has been passed on from generation to generation.

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Use in Everyday Life. Allo is also used in the Kulung’s everyday life in many ways. For example, the leaves serve as a dietary source of Vitamin A. Most importantly, a variety of woven products are made from the Allo bark, such as clothes, bags, sacks, tablecloths, blankets, strings, baskets, and fishing nets45. All products are also used as medium of exchange for different kinds of goods and services at the community level.

Figure 2 Readymade Allo Yarn

Sources of Income. The main sources of income of the Kulung community are cardamom and Allo. Since cardamom plants require fertile land and shade, specific kinds of trees are planted on the cultivation land. The promotion of tree plantations preserves and increases biodiversity and natural resources in the area. While the sale of cardamom generates income for all villagers, the cultivation of Allo and the production of clothes and household items allow Kulung women to earn additional income and to sustain their livelihoods. In Beteni, indigenous women are more involved in economic activities than men46, particularly with the marketing and selling of Allo products. The local non-profit organization Himalayan Natural Fiber Foundation (HNFF) has assisted the women with income generating activities and sanitation education. Thedemand for Allo productsin the market is increasing, which has opened income-generating opportunities for the women. The products are sold and marketed in Kathmandu and exported to foreign countries like the USA and Japan47. However, the income for women only ranges between NRs. 12,000 and NRs. 15,000 (125-156 USD) per year. Moreover, the women have not been particularly empowered on their rights, they lack of awareness on indigenous peoples’ rights, especially women’s rights and the rights to natural resource management, as well as their right to free prior informed consent. Moreover, they lack entrepreneurial skills to make best use of locally available natural resources for the sustenance of their livelihoods. The Kulung cultivate Allo in their community forest. Within the community forest, they have demarcated areas for Allo farming. Besides, they have sub-divided the community into different groups and allocated the Allo farming areas to these different sub-groups. More recently, it is also being cultivated on private land due to an increased demand for the nettle products.

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Since 2012, Allo has been cultivated on 74 ropani48 by 28 Kulung women’s groups on their private land in Beteni and surrounding villages in Sankhuwasabha49. The cultivation of Allo on public land was also expanded to an additional 368 ropanis on public land in the same year (particularly in Bala and Tamku VDC, Sankhuwasabha district). The community members depend on Allo as a source of income. However, the products are insufficiently marketed by the community. Both men and women are involved in planting activities and the extraction of fiber, Once the fiber is produced, only the women are responsible for the processing (threading, knitting, and weaving) of different kinds of materials like jackets, trousers, handkerchiefs, caps, bed-sheets, mattresses, and baskets. All women continue to practice traditional weaving with handlooms, with wild bast fibers (i.e. or skin/plant fibers) extracted from the inner Allo bark as raw material50. All steps of the production process are entirely sustainable and environmentally friendly, and no toxic substances are used. Moreover, the use of Allo promotes the preservation of forests through the control of soil erosion on steep hillsides.

Figure 3 Weaving Allo Thread

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Different Steps of the Allo Processing

1. Allo Harvest The Community Forestry User’s Group (CFUG) consisting of Kulung men and women harvests Allo nettles in October and November. The shrubs are chosen on the basis of the development of their stem as the bark bearing the fibers is taken off later. There is a common understanding that young plants cannot be harvested, so that the Allo plants can to continue to grow and prosper until the next harvest. In this way, sustainable Allo cultivation has been practiced in the community for many generations, and Allo plantations still exist today.

Figure 4 Allo is a tall, robust and perennial fiber yielding herbal plant with stinging hairs, growing in moist forest soil.

2. Natural Methods of Fiber Extraction

Figure 5 Stripping the bark from Allo stems

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After harvesting the Allo stem, the bark is stripped off with sickles and other tools. Frequently, the Kulung men and women use their bare hands and teeth for peeling off the bark. Women are responsible for boiling the stems in water containing ashes51 to soften it for the separation of the single fibers. Afterwards, they dry it in the sun for a period of three to four days.

Figure 6 Stripped stems ready to be softened

Figure 7 Stems are boiled in water with ash to help soften the fibers

Figure 8 Fibers are dried in the sun for 3-4 days before the retting process begins

3. Retting This process helps to dissolve the substances which hold the fibers together (mainly pectin, hemicelluloses, and lignin), a preliminary condition for obtaining fibers that can be used in the textile industry. The traditional preparation process includes either a) retting on the ground (leaving the plants on the ground, exposed to the weather and fungal microbial flora), or b) retting in water (immersing the plants in retting pits with still water or in running water, e.g. in a river).

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BOX 2: Retting During the retting process, substances are dissolved mechanically, microbiologically, chemically or biochemically. At the industrial level, the stems of fibrous plants for textile use are retted with large doses of chemicals (mainly caustic soda). This method comes with considerable disadvantages for the environment, producers, and consumers. In contrast, Kulung indigenous peoples make use of microbiological retting which is based on the decomposition of substances by micro-organisms in the ground and in plant species. The indigenous knowledge is of high significance as it provides an alternative to environmentally-destructive ways of extracting fiber.

4. Separation of Fibers After this, the bark is stonewashed at a nearby river. The women shake the bundles strongly to further separate and clean the single fibers. The cleaned fibers are dried in the sun then mixed with crushed limestone to smooth them. The long fibers are then separated from the shorter ones and the remaining wood particles are removed. After this procedure, the fiber is ready for being spun into thread.

Figure 9 Limestone provides an organic method of smoothing the cleaned fibers

In some cases, the fibers may not be sufficiently separated from one another, and/or may not always be suitable for the use in the textile industry. This is due to the fact that all steps of this process are purely organic.

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5. Spinning and Weaving Traditionally, a wooden top or Charkha (spinning wheel) is used to spin the yarn. In other cases, the fiber is rolled around the waist, with the free end clamped between the weaver’s teeth. During the weaving process, one hand quickly rolls the fiber down through the teeth. The fineness of the yarn largely depends on the quality of the fiber and skills of the spinner. The thread obtained is suitable for the production of a variety of woven textiles and fabric, e.g. clothes, bags, head-straps (Namco), rope, or fishnets.

Allo Products

There is a large variety of traditional woven products made from Allo, such as Once (jacket), Tongrimma (head crown), Pairima (muffler), Thapri (long, thick waist belt), Womero (underwear), and Bunchhari (thin waist belt) for men, as well as Ulumma lo lalachar (long skirt), Lukspa (towel), Hembari (child carrier), and Takiperm (comb) made for women. The youth also used to make different kinds of gifts to share with lovers and loved ones during festivals and in weekly markets (Hatbazar), such as house decor and flowers (sunakhari) made from the nettle. Sometimes young boys produce goods, such as a case (Belowem/Belodap) to carry the women’s Khurpa (tool used in the forest to collect fodder), a small musical instrument (Dangam), a head-strap (Sambanam), or a small basket (Chherbusep). Export products designed in Kathmandu include vests, shawls, and a variety of new products ranging from bags, cushions covers, wallets, and clothes with natural dyes. Although the indigenous women have an intricate traditional knowledge on natural Allo management, they have rather limited skills related to their marketing and commercialization. During the study it became evident that the indigenous women are interested in learning a more efficient way of extracting and spinning fibers as the procedure is very time-consuming. Moreover, Kulung people often hurt themselves when using their bare hands and teeth for peeling off the fiber. In addition, it remains a challenge that they do not get the proper amount of money for their products, or do not receive it in good time. In some cases, they have to wait more than 6 months for their payment from the traders. This directly affects their livelihood as most of them depend on the income from the Allo products for their daily needs, such as the purchase of school materials for their children, clothes, medicine and other daily supplies. As a consequence, they have to take loans with up to 60% interest to manage their daily transactions.

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3.4 Conclusions and Challenges on Forest/Resource Management Based on the Practices and Experiences of Indigenous Women • Kulung women have been protecting the natural resources and the forest surrounding their community as an essential source of their livelihood for generations. Not only the Allo, but also the biodiversity of the wider eco-system, flora and fauna have been conserved and promoted through the community’s customary practices. Despite their in-depth knowledge and intense involvement in natural resource management systems, the indigenous women’s roles and contributions as custodians of resources and biodiversity have been greatly undermined, neglected, and even outlawed by development planners and governments. • Traditional Allo farming and processing techniques underline the women’s intricate traditional knowledge and skills in the use of natural and renewable resources. The appreciation and recognition of indigenous Kulung women as the most knowledgeable managers of the local resources can strengthen a sense of identity and cultural pride among them, and preserve cultural and religious values that are connected to the Allo resources. • Beteni is surrounded by the Makalu Barun National Park, which is owned by the Ministry of Forests and Soil Conservation. Thus, the National Park has its own regulation and policies to conserve wildlife that directly and negatively affect the community. The Kulung community wishes to change these national park policies, because they foresee punishments for many of their traditional activities, e.g. the cutting of Allo in the forest or the defense of their crops against animals. • The cultivation and processing techniques of the Allo plant are sustainable and environmentally-friendly. The fibers are derived from renewable resources, and they are completely compostable and biodegradable, leaving no dangerous residues. Thus, the producers are not exposed to any chemical work hazards. Moreover, the time-consuming production process reflects the elaborate manual work and high product quality. • Theirtraditional knowledge and skills allow the women to gain income to support their families that often face food insecurity. This, in turn, can strengthen their status and economic independence and increase their voice in family decisions. Thus, the Allo cultivation practices are promising ways to uphold traditional knowledge, to build better lives for poor small-holder families, and at the same time, to promote gender equality. However, due to their lack of education and control over land and other resources, women often benefit less economically from the natural resources than they actually could.

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• Over the course of the study it became clear that the indigenous women are highly motivated, but that they are neither aware of their rights as indigenous peoples and as women nor of their rights to natural resources, even though they have been practicing sustainable resource management for generations. • There is a need for systematic capacity building and skill development for the women to ensure a full utilization of the natural resources, in particular with regard to entrepreneurial and marketing skills. • The process of threading is time-consuming and can be improved through appropriate technology. • Though the Allo products have a large potential to increase income, clear regulatory mechanisms for transactions are lacking, often resulting in delayed or deficient payments. This adversely affects the women’s livelihoods and forces them into debts. • The Kulung community members of Beteni village do not have access to government resources. Even there are local government bodies (such as the District Development Committee and Village Development Committee), the Kulung community has never been represented in decision making and planning processes of government agencies. • The climate change has also adversely affected the forest and Allo farming in Beteni. For example, increased rainfall has created more landslides during the last decade. 3.5 Recommendations of Indigenous Women in Strengthening Sustainable Resource Management and their Contributions and Roles

3.5.1 Case-Specific Recommendations to NGOs/IPOs

• To enhance public awareness on the essential role indigenous women play in sustainable resource management processes. The traditional practices provide a variety of monetary and non-monetary benefits to the communities. • To create and raise awareness among the Kulung indigenous women on indigenous peoples’ rights, especially women’s rights and the rights to natural resource management, and to facilitate and increase the women’s access to information on topics relevant to their traditional resource management practices. Materials have to be produced in their indigenous language to enhance an understanding of their rights. In this context, the low literacy rate of indigenous women has to be taken into account, as well as the difficulties to enhance knowledge through print material. Thus, education materials has to be designed creatively, e.g. in the form of comic books, animation videos or documentaries.

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• To build up the capacity of the indigenous women and leaders, mainly their entrepreneurial skills so that the traditional knowledge and skills as well as locally available natural resources can be utilized most efficiently to sustain the indigenous peoples’ livelihoods. This has to be comprised of the identification of women’s specific needs and issues and gender-related capacity building (e.g. women’s knowledge of financial capital, literacy, or numeracy training). • To facilitate the establishment of marketing channels and networks for the Allo products. In this context, it is important to develop a strategy on how to make best use of their traditional knowledge and to enhance their skills and to enable them to cope with the emerging demand of Allo products. • To introduce simple tools to facilitate the extraction of fibers from the stalks of Allo which can make the procedure more effective and less burdensome for the villagers. A foot paddle handloom was already introduced to facilitate weaving. For an improvement of the collective work of the women and of their income, a compatible spinning machine could enhance their productivity. • To establish fair payment practices to protect communities from exploitation and unequal relations with buyers. The compliance with regulations and contracts has to be monitored effectively. • To organize and strengthen collaboration among indigenous women in the production of Allo goods as well as with traders/entrepreneurs and policy makers to ensure an equitable share of the benefit/profit of the products. • To provide information to the community members about government policies and programs, as well as ways to get involved in the planning of the government, particularly in order to improve their political participation. • To develop a monitoring mechanism in close collaboration with the local government and the community in order to prevent and reduce violence against women and to enhance their security. Since the Kulung community is surrounded by the Makalu Barun National Park, the location also poses a challenge on the villagers’ security, especially for indigenous women. Studies have found that there is a high potential for violence against indigenous women in restricted and conservation areas52. • To collaborate and closely interact with government agencies such as Village Development Committee (VDC), District Development Committee (DDC), District Forest Office (DFO), and the National Park Office, in order to gain support through government resources. • To provide trainings and orientation programs for the Kulung youth on traditional knowledge and skills in order to sustain the natural resources management practices.

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3.5.2 Recommendations to Governments

• To undertake a thorough review of national laws towards identifying and rectifying all provisions that directly or indirectly permit discrimination against indigenous women. • To monitor the implementation of programs to protect and promote the full enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights of indigenous women without discrimination. • To ensure that reforms on land access and land tenure are carefully designed with the effective participation of indigenous communities and protection of the rights of indigenous women to access and manage their resources without unjust restrictions. • To recognize the collective right of indigenous peoples to maintain their cultural ties to their lands as well as to own and to manage their resources, their traditional knowledge, skills and customary laws for the protection of natural resources. • To ensure that data collected in Nepal is disaggregated by categories of indigenous ethnicity or nationality as well as gender in order to promote accurate understanding of indigenous peoples’ situations. • To promote the full, equal and effective participation of indigenous women in the political and public spheres and in decision-making processes at all levels, including as managers, designers and implementers of development projects. • Formulate gender sensitive policies and measures to empower women as equal partner with men, especially in terms of women’s equal access of land, ownership, and control over natural resources. • To ensure that development interventions protect and promote traditional knowledge, innovations and skills based on locally available natural resources and enhance the quality of life of the indigenous forest dwellers while respecting their distinct cultures and identities.

ANNEX Study Team The study team was composed of 2representatives of the Himalaya Fibre Network, (Sankhuwasabha District), and 2 representatives of NGO-FONIN53. The Himalaya Fibre Network, consisting of representatives from indigenous women’s producer group, aims at advocating and asserting their rights over natural resources and facilitating market access. NGO Federation of Nepalese Indigenous Nationalities (NGO-FONIN) is an umbrella organization of indigenous peoples’ organizations

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(IPOs) and IP-NGOs engaged in empowering indigenous peoples, ensuring the protection and promotion of their rights as well as their meaningful participation in decision making processes. Other Sources of Information a. Baseline survey report of Beteni Village of Bala Village Development Committee in Sankhuwasabha District of Nepal. (Dec. 2013) b. Traditional knowledge of processing and use of the Himalayan giant nettle (Girardinia diversifolia) among the Gurungs of Sikles, Nepal Ethnobotany Research Applications: A Journal of Plants, People and Applied Research c. Deewa Shrestha (2001). Market Study of Allo and Hemps. d. Tanka P Barakoti and Keshav P Shrestha (2000). Commercial utilization of Allo (Girardinia diversifolia) by the Rais of Sankhuwasabha for income generation http://www.nepjol.info/index.php/BANKO/article/view/2162 Primary and Secondary Data Prior to the study, indigenous Kulung, in particular the women, in different VDCs of Sankhuwasabha District were consulted and briefed about the project objectives and intended activities. After extensive discussions, Beteni village was selected as a study site as the community members face greater challenges as other villages to sustain their livelihoods. Primary Data The study team interacted directly with 55 Kulung community members (50 of them women) in Beteni village. The women were encouraged to describe their livelihood practices, their situation in the community, as well as the relationship between forest biodiversity and their traditional resource management system. Guiding questions and questionnaires were prepared in order to ensure comprehensive data collection during the community discussions. Formal and informal interviews were conducted in the field. Secondary Data The team reviewed available material and publications (online and print), in particular of the Village Development Committee (VDC) and the District Development Committee (DDC), related to Natural Resource Management (specifically Allo) and its contribution to adaptation and livelihood practices of Kulung communities. Moreover, the study team conducted meetings with the Himalayan Natural Fiber Foundation (HNFF), an organization promoting economic empowerment in the Kulung community since 2000. The study team obtained additional information from the central committee of the Kulung representative organization “Nepal Kirat Kulung Bhasa Sanskrit Utthan Sangh”

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Schedule of recognized indigenous peoples in Nepal National Foundation for the Upliftment of Aadibasi/Janjati 2002/National Foundation for the Development of Indigenous Nationalities Act 2002 1. Kisan 2. Kumal 3. Kushwadiya 4. Kushunda 5. Gangai 6. Gurung 7. Chepang 8. Chhantyal 9. Chhairotan 10. Jirel 11. Jhangad 12. Dolpo 13. Tangbe 14. Tajpuriya 15. Tamang 16. Tin Gaunle Thakali 17. Topkegola 18. Thakali 19. Thami 20. Tharu 21. Thudam 22. Danuwar 23. Darai 24. Dura 25. Dhanuk (Rajbansi) 26. Dhimal 27. Newar 28. Pahari 29. Free 30. Bankariya 31. Baramo 32. Bahra Gaunle 33. Bote 34. Bhujel 35. Bhote 36. Magar 37. Majhi 38. Marphali Thakali 39. Mugali 40. Meche (bodo) 41. Yakkha 42. Rai 43. Raute 44. Rajbansi (Koch) 45. Rajhi 46. Larke 47. Limbu 48. Lepcha 49. Lhopa 50. Lhomi (Shingsawa) 51. Walung 52. Byasi 53. Sherpa 54. Satar (Santhal) 55. Siyar 56. Sunuwar 57. Surel 58. Hayu 59. Hyolmo The Foundation for the Development of Indigenous Nationalities Act 2002, Section 2, recognizes indigenous nationalities as communities who consider themselves as distinct groups and have their own mother tongues, religions, traditions, cultures, identities, social structures, as well as unique oral and written histories, traditional homelands, and geographical areas54.

References: 1 In 2013, the project “Strengthening the Participation of Indigenous Peoples particularly the Role and Contribution of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Resource Management“ was approved by Norwegian Agency for Development (Norad) for a period of one year and six months (July 2013 to December 2014). The project is being implemented in 5 selected Asian countries, namely India, Myanmar, Nepal, Thailand and Vietnam, in cooperation with 5 partner organizations. The main goal of this project is “The collective rights to land, territories and resources of the indigenous peoples in Asia including the roles and contributions of indigenous women in sustainable natural resource management systems, food sovereignty and livelihoods are respected, recognized and protected at local, national, regional and international levels.” 2 The Himalayas contain the highest mountain on earth the Mount Everest (8,848 m), see: Chapter 1: Introduction. Topography and indigenous peoples of Nepal. In: Tebtebba Foundation (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward.

Most indigenous groups live in either the Terai or Himalayan region

3

Ranging from nomadic to forest and city dwelling; see also: see: Chapter 1: Introduction. Topography and indigenous peoples of Nepal. In: Tebtebba Foundation (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward. 4

5 In addition, a High Level Task Force for Relisting the Indigenous Nationalities was formed by the Council of Ministers. The task force, headed by anthropologist, Dr. Om Gurung has recommended that the government of Nepal should include an additional 25 ethnic groups (including the Kulung) and relist 81 ethnic groups as recognized indigenous nationalities . The report has yet to be approved by the Council of Ministers, leaving more than 38 ethnic groups excluded from the list of the National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN) Act. More than 13 ethnic groups are still demanding their inclusion in the list of indigenous peoples, and all are deprived of the benefits provided by the government mechanisms from grass roots to the national level. 6 A census from 2011 lists 125 diverse caste and ethnic groups, and 123 mother tongues. The total population of the country is 26,494,504; with an annual growth rate of 1.35. The total number of households is 5,427,302 with 5,423,279 individual households and 4,005 institutional households (Barracks, Hostels, Monasteries etc.). The largest ethnic

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group is the Chhetree with 16.6% (439,805) of the total population, followed by Brahman-Hill with 12.2 % (322,903). For a list of all recognized peoples listed in the National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN) Act-2002, see Annex A). http://www.iwgia.org/regions/asia/nepal

7

According to a shadow report entitled The Rights of Indigenous Women in Nepal for the combined 4th and 5th Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) Periodic Reports of Nepal which was submitted by the National Indigenous Women’s Federation (NIWF) and the Lawyers’ Association for Human Rights of Nepalese Indigenous Peoples (LAHURNIP) with support from the Forest Peoples’ Programme and International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cedaw/docs/ngos/FPP_NIWF_ Nepal49.pdf 8

9 Such as the Ministry for Women, Children and Social Welfare, and the National Women Commission (NWC); Chapter 3, Tebtebba 10 In Nepal, the Plan of the Women’s Development Programme (2002-07) incorporated programs for the inclusion of women at all levels of governance and called for the reform of legal provisions to ensure the recognition of women’s rights. In the interim Constitution of Nepal (2007), under Article 20, women’s rights are stipulated including prohibition and punishment by law of cases of VAW. Further, the right to social justice (Article 12) includes the explicit reference to indigenous women and other marginalized sectors having the right to participate in state structures on the basis of principles of proportional inclusion. Nepal is currently re-drafting its Constitution under a democratic system of governance, and a significant number of indigenous women are part of the Constituent Assembly. 11 Unpublished report of the High level Task Force of Implementation of ILO 169 in Nepal, 2010, cited in Chapter 3: Laws, policies and programs on forest, land tenure, REDD, Climate Change and indigenous peoples’ rights. In: Tebtebba Foundation (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward. 12 Sherpa, L. (2004). A Report on the Indigenous Peoples, Gender and Natural Resource Management; submitted to the KULU-Women and Development Denmark; http://apps.cals.vt.edu/cgi-bin/WebObjects/SANREM.woa/wa/viewMetadata?resourceID=3196 13 Sherpa, L. (2004). A Report on the Indigenous Peoples, Gender and Natural Resource Management; submitted to the KULU-Women and Development Denmark; http://apps.cals.vt.edu/cgi-bin/WebObjects/SANREM.woa/wa/viewMetadata?resourceID=3196

NIWF, LAHURNIP, Forest Peoples’ Programme, International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (2011), The Rights of Indigenous Women in Nepal. Shadow Report for the combined 4th and 5th Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) Periodic Reports of Nepal. http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/ cedaw/docs/ngos/FPP_NIWF_Nepal49.pdf 14

Depending on the geographical location and their socio-economic situation

15

Sherpa, L. (2004). A Report on the Indigenous Peoples, Gender and Natural Resource Management; submitted to the KULU-Women and Development Denmark; http://apps.cals.vt.edu/cgi-bin/WebObjects/SANREM.woa/wa/viewMetadata?resourceID=3196 16

NIWF, LAHURNIP, Forest Peoples’ Programme, International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (2011), The Rights of Indigenous Women in Nepal. Shadow Report for the combined 4th and 5th Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) Periodic Reports of Nepal. http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/ cedaw/docs/ngos/FPP_NIWF_Nepal49.pdf 17

Bonded labor is an issue mainly among the Tharu people. Moreover, a disproportionately high number of indigenous women and girls is being trapped into human trafficking. NIWF, LAHURNIP, Forest Peoples’ Programme, International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (2011), The Rights of Indigenous Women in Nepal. Shadow Report for the combined 4th and 5th Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) Periodic Reports of Nepal. http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/cedaw/docs/ngos/FPP_NIWF_Nepal49.pdf 18

http://www.forestpeoples.org/partners/national-indigenous-women-s-federation-niwf-nepal; see also: Adapted from Gender Dimensions of Biodiversity Management: Cases from Bhutan and Nepal by Jeannette Gurung. Newsletter No. 31 Biodiversity Management in the Hindu Kush-Himalayas, 1998; cited in: Integrating Indigenous and Gender Aspects in Natural Resource Management; http://www.unpei.org/sites/default/files/PDF/stakeholderengagement/Integrating-Indigenous-Gender.pdf 19

20 Sherpa, L. (2004). A Report on the Indigenous Peoples, Gender and Natural Resource Management; submitted to the KULU-Women and Development Denmark; http://apps.cals.vt.edu/cgi-bin/WebObjects/SANREM.woa/wa/ viewMetadata?resourceID=3196

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21 Mikara Kaye Jubay (2009). Resource Material on Indigenous Peoples, Forest and REDD. http://www.unredd.net/ index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=7416&tmpl=component&format=raw&Itemid=53

Nepal Country Profile. Available from: http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20nepal.htm.

22

Nepal Country Profile. Available from: http://rainforests.mongabay.com/20nepal.htm

23

According to Mongabay, cited in Mikara Kaye Jubay (2009). Resource Material on Indigenous Peoples, Forest and REDD; http://www.unredd.net/index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=7416&tmpl=component&for mat=raw&Itemid=53 24

25 The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and its Global resource Assessment, cited in Mikara Kaye Jubay (2009). Resource Material on Indigenous Peoples, Forest and REDD. http://www.unredd.net/index.php?option=com_ docman&task=doc_view&gid=7416&tmpl=component&format=raw&Itemid=53 26 The Private Forest Nationalization Act legally centralized the authority of forest management in the Terai (lowlands) and hills under state control. Moreover, rights to issue permits to harvest trees were assigned to forest officials with the promulgation of the Forest Act of 1961. This Act gave further authority to forest officer to arrest forest offenders without warrant. Moreover, the Forest Protection (special arrangements) Act (1967) provides additional power to state foresters 27 Mikara Kaye Jubay (2009). Resource Material on Indigenous Peoples, Forest and REDD http://www.unredd.net/ index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=7416&tmpl=component&format=raw&Itemid=53 28 Mikara Kaye Jubay (2009). Resource Material on Indigenous Peoples, Forest and REDD. http://www.unredd.net/ index.php?option=com_docman&task=doc_view&gid=7416&tmpl=component&format=raw&Itemid=53

Chapter 3: Laws, policies and programs on forest, land tenure, REDD, Climate Change and indigenous peoples’ rights. In: Tebtebba Foundation (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward. 29

30 Amongst other policies, the government has also enacted the National Biodiversity Strategy (2002) and the Nepal Biodiversity Strategy Implementation Plan (2007) which aim at the conservation of biodiversity and the promotion of environmental services. The Local Self Governance Act (1999) established links between local governments and local communities in the management of forest areas, in line with the principles of local self-governance; Mikara Kaye Jubay (2009). Resource Material on Indigenous Peoples, Forest and REDD http://www.unredd.net/index.php?option=com_ docman&task=doc_view&gid=7416&tmpl=component&format=raw&Itemid=53

Chapter 3: Laws, policies and programs on forest, land tenure, REDD, Climate Change and indigenous peoples’ rights. In: Tebtebba Foundation (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward. 31

32 For example, the Ordinance of Formulation of National Planning Commission and Operation-2067(BS), The interim constitution of Nepal-2007, Climate Change Policy-2011, Biotechnology Policy-2006, National Land Use Policy-2068 (Draft), etc.). All these were prepared without meaningful consultation of indigenous and local peoples. Beside its national legislation, Nepal has also adopted and ratified a number of international declarations and instrument that are directly relevant for indigenous peoples in Nepal, such as the CBD, ILO convention No.169, the UNDRIP and CEDAW. 33 The Himalayan Natural Fiber Foundation (HNFF) is an organization promoting economic empowerment in the Kulung community since 2000. The foundation seeks to foster economic development through the promotion of entrepreneurship and the extension of market channels for the Allo products, see also: http://www.hnff.org/.

Preliminary information was collected in Kathmandu from the following persons 1

Chandra Singh Kulung

Chairperson

Nepal Kirat Kulung Bhasa Sanskriti Utthan Sangh, Central Committee.(NKKBSUS)

2

Indra Kulung

Chairperson

Himalayan Natural Fiber Foundation (HNFF)

3

Bhalakaji Kulung

Treasurer

NKKBSUS

It has a total area of 1257 sq. km, and lies between latitude 260 52’ - 270 52’ N, and 870 19’ - 870 59’ E longitude.

34

As well as Khandbari Municipality. With a total population of 158,742 (75,225 male and 83,517 female) or 34,615 households. 35

36 Beteni is located within the Bala VDC, an area mainly inhabited by Kulung indigenous peoples. The total households of the village are 567 and total population is 2,828 (1,331 male and 1497 female).

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37 The valley is part of the so-called Maha-Kulung (greater Kulung) zone. Moreover, Beteni lies next to a northeastern tributary of the Dudh Kosi River, and further east, the drainages of Sankhuwa and Sisuwa Rivers which flow into the Arun River

http://www.kulung.net.np/detail.php?atsn=2&sn=4

38

http://www.ethnologue.com/language/kle/view/

39

http://www.kulung.net.np/detail.php?atsn=2&sn=4 However, the Kulung communities have claimed that they are more than 150,000 across the country. The Kulung community is an enlistment oriented community (to be officially recognized as indigenous peoples) in the Annex-1 of the Act of National Foundation for Development of Indigenous Nationalities. They have been struggling since 15 years for their recognition, even though the government has not endorsed the report of the High Level Task Force of Relisting the Indigenous Nationalities formed by the Council of Ministers in 2010. 40

Being excluded from the list of the indigenous nationalities of the government Kulung communities are deprived of their rights. The government has created different kinds of opportunities for indigenous peoples, such as an inclusion quota/reservation for scholarships, civil service employment, as well as subsidies or tax exemption on handicrafts based on traditional knowledge and skills, interest-free loans etc. But Kulung are not getting the opportunities from the government affirmative and inclusive programs. In such cases, mainly the Kulung women have adversely been impacted. 41 The interviews and focus group discussions were based the structured questionnaire that aimed to highlight Kulung community practices. The age groups in the village are distributed as follows:

Age

Male

Female

Total

%

01-10 years

14

16

30

14

11-20 years

18

22

40

16

21-30 years

32

33

65

25

31-40 years

34

36

70

27

41-50 years

17

18

35

12

Over 60 years

8

7

15

6

Total

123

132

255

100

42 For example, Ubhauli and Udhauli (sometimes also spelled Uvauli and Udhauli) are popular festivals for many ethnic groups, including the Kulung. Traditionally, the ethnic groups used to climb up to the mountains in summer to avoid the heat after performing the traditional Ubhauli rituals. During these Ubhauli rituals, they worship their ancestors and the nature, asking for wealth and good crop production. At the start of winter, they used to move down the hill and to celebrate Udhauli with similar rituals; http://www.weallnepali.com/nepali-festivals/sakela-ubhouli 43 The community members fully depend on agriculture, but not enough food is available throughout the year (they can produce only enough for 3 to 4 months). Corn can also not be produced in an adequate amount. Furthermore, wild animals have frequently destroyed agricultural land and territories, e.g. cultivations of corn and other crops. There were dangerous landslides in 1995 and in 2009. Since no electricity is available in the village, the children have to do their homework in the light of the fire which can cause health problems for them as well as for their mothers who often help them with their assignments. In village, there are no industrial areas or factories.

See also: http://www.hnff.org/what-is-Allo.html#sthash.unFIwAMm.dpuf

44

Until the 90ties, the Kulung community of Sankhuwasabha heavily depended on Allo for the production of their traditional dresses 45

5 men are employed by the Nepal Army, several other men are employed in agriculture work.

46

see also: http://www.hnff.org/what-is-Allo.html#sthash.unFIwAMm.dpuf

47

1 ropani = approximately 508.74 square meters

48

Allo cultivation started from 2012 under the slogan of digojibikopar jankalagi Alloudham which means “Allo enterprises for sustainable livelihood” on private land and public land in Sankhuwasabha district. 50 Also the bark of Boehmeriamacrophylla, B. platyphylla, Ficussemicordata etc. (Dunsmore, 1993), 49

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For approximately three hours, depending upon the amount of fiber. For example, indigenous women entering national park areas for the collection of food, timber, grass and other resources are often vulnerable for harassment, sexual assault and rape by the army and park authorities. ‘Protecting People in Protected Areas’, Researchers: Yuba Raj Subedi and Laxmi Gurung; Major Findings 4.1. of a study from Chitwan National Park and Parsa Wildlife Reserve, Nepal, Social Inclusion Research Fund, SNV Nepal, Dec. 2008 51 52

S.N.

Name

Designation

1

Janga Bahadur Kulung

Program Manager

2

Kala Kulung

Secretary

Himalaya Allo Network, Sankhuwasabha district.

3

Ratna Kulung

General Secretary

NGO-FONIN

4

Raju Bikram Chamling

Program Coordinator

NGO-FONIN

54 See NIWF, LAHURNIP, Forest Peoples’ Programme, International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (2011), The Rights of Indigenous Women in Nepal. Shadow Report for the combined 4th and 5th Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) Periodic Reports of Nepal. http://www2.ohchr.org/english/ bodies/cedaw/docs/ngos/FPP_NIWF_Nepal49.pdf; Chapter 1: Introduction. Topography and indigenous peoples of Nepal. In: Tebtebba Foundation (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward.

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Community-Based Forest Protection and Management in two Indigenous Communities in Vietnam - Pin Pe Village, Yen Bai Province, and Den Village, Hoa Binh Province By the Center for Sustainable Development in Mountainous Areas (CSDM)



1. Executive Summary The case study presents good practices from two indigenous communities in Vietnam - Den Village in Hoa Binh province and Pin Pe Village in Yen Bai province. In both solve the severe water shortage in their community that was caused by the over-exploitation of under-canopy trees as forest enrichment helped to retain water resources and to prevent further soil erosion. In Pin Pe village, forests areas were allocated to an indigenous Hmong community. The various forest protection measures of the community proved to be successful in addressing a land dispute with a logging company, as well as in curbing illegal logging and the exploitation of forest products. The two case studies highlight that indigenous peoples play an important role in climate change adaptation, and that indigenous women are key holders of traditional knowledge. They are also the main force in protecting non-timber forest products (NTFPs) from long-term exploitation. Through their sustainable cultivation techniques, indigenous women ensure the protection of forests and of biological diversity. This study recommends improving the recognition of indigenous women - particularly of the roles and contributions to sustainable resource management, as well as their traditional livelihoods and customs. In this context, it is crucial to inform women about their land use rights and the relevant policies, with a focus on how to access full benefits from relevant policies and laws.

2. Introduction 2.1 Brief Introduction of the Country and Situation of Indigenous Women The Vietnamese government has recognized 54 different ethnic groups, each with its own language, culture, and traditions. The population of Vietnam is around 90 million, and the Kinh form the ethnic majority, which represents 87% of people. The other 53 ethnic minority groups account for the remaining 13% (approximately 13 million) of the country’s total population1. There are some large groups within these ethnic minority groups, such as the Thai, Tay, Nung, Hmong and Dao (each between 500,000 and 1.2 million people), and much smaller groups with less than 300,000 people. Some groups are only comprised of several hundred people2. Ethnic minority people in general, and minority women in particular, face multiple forms of discrimination and marginalization, including high poverty rates, limited access to health care, and poor education services3. While the poverty rate of the Kinh-Hoa group is estimated to be 12.9%, the rate is much higher among ethnic minorities, with a rate of 67.4% in the northern mountainous areas, and of 65.1% among other ethnic minority groups4. Ethnic women belong to the poorest among the

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vulnerable ethnic minorities in Vietnam5. Poor sanitation and lack of clean drinking water have led to deteriorating health conditions and the spread of diseases (e.g., tuberculosis, malaria and tetanus) among minority people in mountainous areas, with women being particularly affected. In mountainous areas, numerous households use rain water or spring water for drinking purpose. Many households also lack drinking water on an average of two months per year. The percentage of households having access to clean drinking water is low compared to the national average. Thus, villagers have to travel far distances to fetch drinking water during the dry season. These conditions especially affect the health and well-being of ethnic minority women as they are in charge of providing drinking water to their families6. The illiteracy rate of the people in ethnic minority and mountainous areas is still high7, and remains even higher for ethnic minority women8. Among the major reasons for school drop-outs of ethnic minority girls are poverty and the need to support their parents at home. The malnutrition rate of the children in the minority and mountainous areas is still higher compared to the national average9. These factors combine to make the life expectancy of ethnic minorities lower and the gender inequalities higher than the national average10. On average, women work 4 hours longer than men every day because in addition to other tasks, they are also in charge of domestic work. However, men’s average income is still higher than that of women11.

Figure 1 Indigenous women sell NTFP to supplement their limited income

According to traditional customs and values, men are considered as family breadwinners and decision-makers, and they enjoy advantages in inheritance rights. In contrast, women are in charge of household chores, childcare, and cooking. Thus, girls have to learn housework from very young age, especially in rural areas. Frequently, girls are expected to care for their younger siblings, clean the house, prepare food, wash clothes, and more. Girls under 15 usually stay at home to assist their families

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in domestic activities, leaving them less time and opportunity to study. Existing traditional gender preconceptions and male dominance continue to restrict the implementation of gender equity. Moreover, ethnic minority women and children are also particularly vulnerable to trafficking because they are often poor, come from remote areas, and lack of access to information and education12. 2.2. Brief Description of National Forest and Natural Resource Management Policies and Data on the Forest Condition

Data on the Forest Condition

Vietnam’s total land area is 330,003 km2 (33 million ha), with three quarters being covered in mountains and hills13. According to the FAO (2010)14, 41.9% of Vietnam’s total land area is forested. The Vietnam Administration of Forestry (VNFOREST) estimated the forest cover to be 39.7% in 201115. Over 25 million people reside in the forest, with 11 million being ethnic minorities16. In the period between 2005 and 2010, Vietnam had an overall increase in forest cover of 1.08%. Even though the total forest coverage in Vietnam is gradually increasing, some regions continue to experience high rates of deforestation and forest degradation, e.g. in the Central Highlands, Central and South-East Coastal area, and the Northern Mountains Region17. According to the report of National Forest Inventory, Monitoring and Assessment Program (NFIMAP), more than 75% of Vietnam’s natural forest is of poor quality. In contrast, rich and closed-canopy forest accounts only for 4.6% of the total18, and is mostly located in remote mountainous areas. The report also indicates that forest quality and biodiversity are deteriorating19. 72% of Vietnam’s forests are classified under public ownership (FAO, 2010). Less than 1% of the country’s forest is primary forest, with 74% being ‘naturally regenerated forest’ and 25% ‘planted forest’20. During the last decade, Vietnam has taken various measures to green barren lands, protect natural forests, reform management systems, as well as grant forest rights to local people. The creation of protected forests and special use forests according to national general planning has successfully supported the protection of watersheds and the conservation of the biodiversity of all forest eco-systems21. Since 1954, forest protection and management measures as well as national laws have changed and contributed to the preservation of forest resources. These changes in the laws and measures can be categorized into the following three different periods: Before 1954: During this period, local villages had the right to manage and protect the forest, based on the customs and laws of each ethnic group. The villagers were able to

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conserve the forest well, and also sacred and forbidden forests were entirely protected. Their population was rather small, so resource conflicts and forest destruction did not occur. 1954 to 1986: The right to manage forests was given to cooperatives and Commune People’s Committees . During this time, national policies had adverse impacts on the forests as they permitted permanent mono-cultivations of cash crops and the construction of large-scale infrastructure (e.g. roads). Additionally, weak enforcement of forest protection laws, the restriction of community-based forest management and protection, and rapid population growth (due to high birth rates and in-migration from the plains), led to severe destruction of forest resources and sacred forests. From 1986 until present day: Forest resources were re-allocated to households and communities for protection, and no longer given to state farms and Commune People’s Committee. However, villages did not apply the same laws on forest protection as they used before 1954. Nowadays, villages mostly make use of national laws to manage and protect allocated forests, but the process of law enforcement is weak and thus, forest protection often remains ineffective23. Since 2000, shifting cultivation has mostly been eradicated, but illegal logging in several local watersheds remains widespread. Accordingly, the forest quality has degraded, even though the extent of decline is still lower compared to the preceding period24. National forest and Natural Resource Management Policies a. Forest Use, Protection and Management Vietnam has passed a number of acts and policies as well as implemented different programs to benefit households, communities, and private enterprises that participate directly in forest protection and forest plantation. On July 29, 1998, the Prime Minister enacted Decision No. 661/1998/QD-TTg on the implementation of a new 5 million ha forest plantation program (Program 661), and on promulgating mechanisms for natural forest protection. Under this law, People’s Committees at different levels are assigned to delineate forest location and scope, implement the forest allocation and forest land leasing, as well as issue land use right certificates for households and other economic entities in accordance with the law. In relation to forest protection, the Prime Minister issued Decision No. 178/2001/QD/TTg on November 12, 2001, which outlines the benefits and responsibilities of individuals or households who are hired to protect the forest land. Moreover, the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development (MARD) came up with a plan for forest land allocation and leasing during the period of 2007- 2010, in line with Decision No. 2740 /QD-BNN-KL dated September 20, 200725.

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The implementation of forest land allocation and leasing, however, is facing a number of problems. The allocated forest land frequently lacks clearly demarcated boundaries, the process of land allocation has not been consistent, comprehensive, or well-managed, and allocated land is often misused for other purposes. Moreover, allocated forest land is often used in an unsustainable way, leaving forest that is too small or too poor in quality to sustain the livelihoods of households and communities26. Vietnam has encountered many challenges in persuading and encouraging local people to participate in forest protection and management. The results are not fully satisfactory, because of the local people’s limited awareness and poor policy dissemination to the communities. Thus, the poorest people are still those living in or near forest, and they are often held responsible, unjustifiably, for deforestation and forest degradation. Additionally, task assignment amongst agencies is overlapping and unclear, while government investment in forest protection and development remains limited. Currently, Vietnam is the first and only country in Southeast Asia implementing Payment of Environmental Services (PES)27. The PES system sets payments to those involved in protecting forest areas, including organizations, households, individuals and village communities. b. Forest tenure Before 1994, natural forest land areas were mainly managed by the government and state enterprises. Since 1994, however, the government has issued policies and decisions to allocate forestry land to households, individuals and economic entities, aiming to improve the implementation of forest land rights and to ensure sustainable forest management28. This development has caused wide-spread changes in Vietnam’s land tenure system. According to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment (MONRE), in 2009 a total number of 1,037,000 land use certificates were issued with 8,422,000 ha of forest land allocated throughout the country29. The government has enacted various decisions and decrees to promote forest land allocation to households. Decision No 146/2005/QĐ-TTg, issued on June 15, 2005, allocates productive forest land from state enterprises to poor ethnic minority households. Government Decree 200/2004/ND-CP, issued on December 3, 2004 declares the restructuring and reforming of state forest enterprise30, like the dissolution of all ineffective state enterprises and the re-allocation of their forest land areas to communities, households, or individuals. However, the implementation of the Decrees is delayed and large forest areas are still not allocated as planned. According to the General Department of Forestry, forest land has been allocated to different forest land users: households (28.6%), community (1.3%), Forest Management Board (39.9%), Economic agencies (14%), Armed force (2.2%), and other agencies (4.2%). The People’s Committee manages the unallocated production forest land of 23%.

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In September 2007, the MARD approved the National Project on Forest Land Allocation for the Period 2007 – 2010 to promote the forest land allocation process, stipulating that 12.6 million ha were to be allocated to communities, households and other economic entities by the end 201031. However, the real situation of ethnic women being able to access land is a matter of concern. In patrilineal ethnic minority groups a very low percentage of women has the right to the land use certificate (only 11%), as compared to the matriarchal groups with 21%32. With regard to land tenure rights, the relevant policies on forest and forest land provide opportunities for ethnic minorities to access forest land as a first priority. Based on the policies, the forest land users are provided five rights asserted by a land certificate (“Red book”)33. 2.3 General Description on the Participation of Indigenous Women to Sustainable Forest Management in the Country The majority of indigenous peoples depend on forests and natural resources and they possess rich knowledge on the natural environment, which plays an important role in their cultures, livelihoods, and production systems. Their indigenous knowledge is a valuable resource, not only for the communities themselves, but also for the whole society. Moreover, ethnic minorities also have a vast body of knowledge and experiences in using, protecting, and developing forest resources and contribute to the maintenance and preservation of biodiversity and sustainable forest development. Ethnic women significantly contribute to the protection of forests and the conservation of indigenous knowledge. Therefore, their roles are highly respected in the communities. While men perform heavier tasks, such as felling trees and digging trenches, women play a major role in agricultural activities. They are the ones who decide what to plant and which techniques to apply. Often, the women are also decision makers in choosing forests to create forest gardens. Towards the end of the cropping season, it is the women who select seeds for the upcoming year34.

3. Results of the study 3.1 Research Methodology A combination of different methods was used during the research process, including desk research (e.g. the review of secondary literature, documents, statistics, and reports on relevant topics) as well as direct fieldwork. Fieldwork methods encompassed field observations, discussions with key informants, focus group discussions (FGDs), semi-structured interviews, and surveys. Prior to data collection, the research team had preparatory meetings with the village leaders and development agents in the communes. During the village meetings, basic information about the villagers’

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practices and customs were collected in respect to natural, economic, and social living conditions. The research team also discussed various topics with the leaders of the Communal Women Union, i.e. about the roles and contributions of women in general, and their relationships to the forest in particular, including their indigenous knowledge, resource management, land use and protection activities. In the following, good practices from two different indigenous communities in Vietnam are presented. Both communities actively engage in community-based forest protection and conservation. The first case study in Den village in Hoa Binh Province describes the successful practices of Thai indigenous women to combat the severe water shortage in their community through a variety of different forest protection and enrichment measures. 3.2 Women in Den Village, Vietnam Restore Drinking Water and Reproduction of Water Source.

3.2.1 General Socio-Cultural and Economic Data/Profile of the Study Site

Den village is located in Mai Dich Commune, Mai Chau District, Hoa Binh Province. Thai ethnic people account for over 90% of the village’s population. It is an agriculturally based economic village, and the main sources of income are farming (e.g. the cultivation of rice, cassava, and soybeans), and NTFPs (e.g. “Luong”, bamboo species). There are a total of 88 households living in the two main areas of Den village: the Den village center and Na Po area. 3.2.2 Description of the Concrete Practices of Indigenous Women on Resource Management In recent years, the Den village water supply for daily use and agricultural production has been very erratic. In the rainy season, water flowing from mountain ravines form flash floods causing soil erosion, landslides and damage of irrigation works in coastal streams. Farms are left with sand and gravel sediment, leading to low productivity and higher production costs to restore the fields. In contrast, the winter crop of the dry season is often threatened by drought. The water sources for daily use are barely enough for people in Den Village, and the water shortage is so serious in Na Po area that many households have started taking water from further away. The problems with the water supply began when local people were allocated protected forests and started to overexploit young bamboo and other under-canopy-plants that help to ensure water retention in the soil. Furthermore, the shortage of water has become more and more serious, leading to rapidly diminishing income from the forests. With the help of a local organization, Centre for Sustainable Development of Mountainous Area (CSDM), the village’s women are leading efforts to address the

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issue of water shortage and winter cultivation in the dry season. The women have visited other villages to learn from other management models. They have mapped their forests to identify boundaries, to point out diverse areas (e.g. non-forest areas, areas most vulnerable to erosion, and areas requiring enrichment measures) as well as to build a forest development plan. In this way, a tool was created to solve potential disputes over boundaries.

Figure 2 Indigenous Groups visit other communities to learn more from each other about forest protection

In the spring, as a way to enrich the dwindling forest resources, the women mobilized the villagers to plant seedlings, under-canopy-trees and bamboos in forests. Based on their traditional indigenous knowledge, trees with big leaves and deep roots were planted to retain water and prevent soil erosion. Cultivation was also applied on slopes: instead of clearing all forest trees to make farming fields, alternating rows of grass were planted to feed cattle and to control erosion. In the dry season, the women’s union assigned groups to collect dry branches and clear shrubs to prevent forest fires. As a collective action, the village women’s union built and monitored a convention on forest protection and development for the village. In the season of harvesting young bamboo and under-canopy-trees, the women’s union holds meetings to monitor potential exploitation in accordance with quotas. From June to September, women volunteer as forest rangers during the daytime. In 2013, the shortage of drinking water in the dry season in Na Po area was completely solved. Some households had even enough water for their winter vegetable crop, which had never happened before. In the near future, protected trees will grow to prevent flash floods and sedimentation in rainy season, which in turn will reverse diminishing water in the dry season.

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Figure 3 Training on climate change, REDD (Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation), forest management, and community-based unions for women in Den Village.

3.2.3 Conclusions and Challenges on Forest/Resource Management Based on the Practices and Experiences of Indigenous Women • The actions of the people in Den village led by the women have solidified their important role in climate change adaptation. They are protectors of traditional knowledge and have a close relationship with nature. Their concern about the shortage of drinking water led their initiative to restore the water source for the village. They are a key force in agricultural and forestry activities, such as collecting non-timber forest products and protecting these products from long-term exploitation. The women also pass on their knowledge and teach the younger generations about forest protection and development. Because of the activities of the women in Den Village, villagers have gradually applied traditional cultivation techniques, ensuring the balance between economic development and environmental benefits. • The case study shows that women are able to gain more political influence and decision-making power if they organize themselves, e.g. in the form of a Women’s union or association. In Den Village, Thai women earned the trust of the authorities in their abilities only after their voices became stronger. • In Den village, women raised issues and came up with solutions on their own. Based on democracy and equality, all ideas in the meetings were respected,

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encouraging the involvement of many people. All ideas were then synthesized into a proper action plan meant to solve the problem locally. • Forest protection activities also pose additional challenges to the situation of the indigenous women. As they are the ones shouldering large parts of agricultural and domestic work in their families, they have to find someone (e.g. a family member) to take over their work during their forest patrols. In the evening and nights, they are often busy with childcare, so they can participate in forest protection activities mainly during the daytime. 3.3 Experiences in community-based-forest protection and management in Pin Pe village

3.3.1 General Socio-cultural and Economic Data/Profile of Study Site

A Hmong community has been living in Pin Pe village, Cat Thinh Commune, Van Chan district, Yen Bai province for over three generations. The families live scattered on high mountain slopes in three separate areas, around 10 km (including 2 km of walking, as the road conditions are poor) far from the commune center. In total, there are 76 households with 467 people. Out of 886 ha of forest area around the community, 836 ha is natural forest and 50 ha is production forest (plantations). Pin Pe village is located in a critical watershed forest that ensures the water supply for the agricultural production of the village and the commune center. The forest thus has a high need for protection. After raising awareness of the problems with forest burnings for farming in short-term shifting cultivation, burns have virtually vanished. Instead, the villagers have started to use vacant land and shrubs as farm fields. The cultivation of maize, tea and forestry trees, as well as the raising of livestock (e.g. cows or goats) supports the safe management and protection of their contracted forests. 3.3.2 Description of the Concrete Practices of Indigenous Peoples on Resource Management: Management of Forest Land and Forest Resources in Pin Pe village The Yen Bai Provincial People’s Committee (PPC) has issued a Resolution on Forest Allocation in Yen Bai province for the period 2012-201535. On the basis of this Resolution, the Van Chan District People’s Committee (DPC) has set up a district forest allocation project. Research on forest allocation shows that all communes in the district that have allocated forests to villagers have gained positive results in forest protection and development, limiting illegal logging and the exploitation of forest products. However, the resolution also aims to “allocate forests and land to companies or economic organizations”, if approved by the PPC.

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At the end of 2012, based on this resolution, the PPC directed the Van Chan DPC to allocate and grant certificates of land use rights to the Minh Tien Company without any prior consultation of the commune government or the villagers. The concession covers 902 ha forest in the Cat Thinh commune and 200 ha of forest in Pin Pe village, an area that was contracted to the Pin Pe villagers in 1995. Even though the commune government did not agree with this resolution, the Minh Tien Company started to cut down trees in the area. Their operations caused distress and anger among the villagers in Pin Pe village. Not only is the affected area located in the watershed forest area, but it also belongs to the administrative area of the village. The Pin Pe community and villagers thus strongly disagreed with the logging activities of the company. In this context, the community’s women’s union came up with recommendations to the government in order to reclaim the land from the Minh Tien Company. The local organization CSDM conducted a variety of activities in Pin Pe village, including meetings, workshops, and training to raise awareness among the community leaders and villagers. The Pin Pe community, including the women, was encouraged to map the community forest and assess forest resources, to identify their needs for planning and making use of the forests and forest land, to set up forest protection rules and regulations, to build community forest management plans, and to establish forest management and protection groups. At least 30% of the participants in decision-making processes, e.g. related to the design of forest protection measures and the forest

Figure 4 Map of the Pin Pe Forest Area

development plan, were female. The village women also formed an important part of the management and protection group. Moreover, men and women were given support on forest development (such as training on creating family nurseries in the village to preserve a variety of seedlings), and the dialogue on forest protection between the community, the local government and Minh Tien Company was strengthened.

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Mapping helped local people to identify and clarify the boundaries around their forests and other villages’ forests. The villagers became aware that the forest area certified in the company’s red book was mostly identical with the village forest, and they recognized the risk of losing larger forest areas to the company than originally announced. As the indigenous peoples were aware of their rights to forests, they requested the communal government to raise this problem at relevant departments at the District or Provincial governments; at the same time, they sent complaints to departments at the national level, demanding a timely intervention. At the same time, men and women took part in setting up village regulations and commitments. In this context, they came up with specific provisions, e.g. the development of a village forest patrol, especially in the forest areas allocated to the company, to prevent the company from conducting any activities in the disputed area. The villagers prepared to conduct all possible measures to protect their land if the company started to exploit the village forest. They also strictly prohibited any kind of logging activities and firewood collection to protect the vital watershed forest. The allocation of production forests to the village households was determined on the basis of traditional territory. Each household was given the responsibility to protect, manage, and use its allocated land. Disputes or cases of land invasion did not occur. Clear regulations were set up for the use of forest resources. For example, people were allowed to make use of forest products, but not to exhaust them. Households in need of timber for house construction, for example, had to get permission from the group leader before they were allowed to use forest resources. If a household did not comply (e.g. overexploited resources or using species other than those approved) it was fined according to the village regulations. If a household knowingly broke the rules, it was punished by no longer receiving any kind of support from the village. In case a household in the village relocated to another area, it was not allowed to sell its allocated forest. Instead, the village paid a fee according to the value of trees on the land to the household, and then the allocated land was given to new households or households with small land. Members in the community supported each other by protecting allocated forests and common forests. When forest fires occur, the entire village mobilizes. To enrich the forests, villagers have started to replant vacant places with shrub, small bamboo trees and native trees species with economic value. When they detect signs of invasion of anyone’s forests, they immediately report this violation. Usually, women are the firsts to detect infringements of the forest, as they regularly collect fire wood and NTFPs (e.g. vegetables, bamboo shoots, or medicinal plants). 3.4 Conclusions and Challenges on Forest/Resource Management Based on the Practices and Experiences of Indigenous Women • The case study shows that once forests were allocated to the Hmong ethnic community in Pin Pe village, the community also took over the responsibility of forest management and protection. The community has conducted forest boundary mapping, established a convention on forest management and

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protection, created village regulations as well as a commitment to forest protection and the development of each household and group of households. They set up groups to manage and protect forests, created a forest map and split into groups according to the geographic location for an uncomplicated management and protection of the forest. Patrols were conducted on a regular basis, timely preventing acts of illegal deforestation and forest fires. All these activities contributed to affirm the peoples’ right to the ownership of forests.

• The Hmong community decided by itself how to implement the project activities. In this way, it was ensured that the measures are appropriate and consistent with the actual situation, customs and habits of Hmong indigenous peoples. • The project always gave particular consideration to Hmong women in all activities in Pin Pe village, especially during capacity building. The ratio of women participating in activities was always defined clearly and women usually accounted for more than 30% of the participants. 3.5 Recommendations • As originally intended by the forest policy, production forestry land should be allocated to the indigenous people and communities. Moreover, it is crucial to promote the rights of indigenous people to use the forests, to ensure their full and effective participation, and to strengthen a sense of ownership among the villagers through the involvement of the community. This will also improve the compliance with national laws of forest protection and development. • The Government and authorities at all levels need to provide clear and detailed guidance on the allocation of forestland and to forest benefits for communities and indigenous households, especially for indigenous women. In this context it is especially important to inform minority women about land use rights and the relevant policies, in particular on ways how to access full benefits from relevant policies and laws (e.g. on forest land allocation); and to encourage women to make use of their rights, and community members to allow them to do so. • Indigenous women shall be provided with the space and opportunity to articulate and point out issues and potential solutions based on their own knowledge and experiences. When women are organized, they can be the driving forces in project activities, especially activities related to indigenous knowledge and the natural environment. Along this line, government shall also provide the mechanisms to address and discuss gender equality and the participation of women in forest protection measure in order to develop and improve their effective involvement. • The Government needs to develop a law for ethnic minority people by giving particular consideration to ethnic minority women who form the most vulnerable and marginalized segment of the society. It is necessary to reconsider

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and revise existing land laws and provisions that are related to forest land as well as to rights to forest benefits for indigenous peoples, especially indigenous women. • Government authorities and indigenous peoples have to cooperate to improve the recognition of the role of indigenous peoples, particularly the contribution of indigenous women, to sustainable resource management, as well as their traditional customs, and indigenous knowledge on sustainable forest management and biodiversity conservation. Their legal rights as well as their role as protectors of forest land have to be widely recognized. • Improve the education opportunities for women from ethnic minority communities as the lack of access to social services poses a major obstacle to women’s access to land rights and to their political, social and economic empowerment.

ANNEX Study Team Center for Sustainable Development in Mountainous Areas (CSDM), a non-government development organization, has been working with local governments on the conservation of biodiversity and traditional knowledge for more than a decade. Besides being actively engaged in REDD+ issues in partnership with AIPP since 2009, CSDM has conducted research in various areas, including ethnic minority rights, indigenous knowledge, climate change, and community forest management. The staff of CSDM has profound experiences in conducting research with ethnic minorities in different provinces of Vietnam. Mrs. Luong Thi Truong, the director of CSDM, was in charge of the research, including field work, report writing. Mr. Dang Duc Nghia, project staff with more than 8 years of experience in research and intervention projects, directly coordinated and took part in the field work, including group meetings, interviews, secondary-data research, and the compilation of the final report. Mr. Hoang Ke Sy, project staff with 10 years of experience in research and intervention projects, joined the field work, including group meetings, interviews, secondary-data research, and contributed ideas for the final report. Finally, Mr. Ha Trong Hieu, project staff, joined intervention projects at the localities, and took part in the field work, including group meetings, interviews, visual documentation and the preparation of the report’s appendixes.

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References: The term “ethnic minorities” is often used interchangeably with “indigenous peoples” in Vietnam.

1 2

http://www.iwgia.org/regions/asia/Vietnam

AIPP (2013): Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia; http://iva.aippnet.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/For-Web_Research-on-the-Roles-andContributions-of-IW-FINAL.pdf 3

4 CEMA & UNPD (2012): Project: “Strengthening Capacity in Ethnic Minority Policy Formulation, Implementation and Monitoring – EMPCD”. SITUATION AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR LAND MANAGEMENT AND USE IN ETHNIC MINORITY AND MOUNTAINOUS AREAS; http://www.vn.undp.org/content/dam/vietnam/docs/Publications/BCtom_tat_dat_dai_tieng_Anh_.pdf 5 AIPP (2013): Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia; http://iva.aippnet.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/For-Web_Research-on-the-Roles-andContributions-of-IW-FINAL.pdf 6 AIPP (2013). Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia 7 The Northern mountainous region with the highest ethnic minority population proportion is also the region with the highest percentage of illiterate population above age 15 years (12.7%). 8 AIPP (2013). Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia 9 The malnutrition rate of some minority groups is very high, e.g. Mang ethnic group- 40.03%, La Hu- 44%, Co Lao47.37%. The mortality rate of minority children under age 1 year is also high, especially in some provinces of the Northern Mountains and Central Highland regions, which are twice or even three times higher than the national average: Lai Chau (47.7%), Dien Bien (39.7%), Ha Giang (37.5%), Kon Tum (38.2%). CEMA & UNPD (2010): http://www. vn.undp.org/content/dam/Vietnam/docs/Publications/HRD%20report%20_Eng_final.pdf, see also: AIPP (2013). Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/ Asia

in Lai Chau - 63.8 years, Lao Cai - 65.8 years, Ha Giang - 66.3 years. For some very small ethnic minority groups living in the most disadvantaged areas, e.g. Mang, La Hu, Cong, Co Lao, Pu Peo, Romam and O du, the life expectancy is dangerously low (around 50-55 years) and the gender gap is very high, see also AIPP (2013). Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia

10

11 AIPP (2013). Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia 12 AIPP (2013). Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia


13

Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) states in its 2010 Global Forest Resources Assessment (FRA), http://theredddesk.org/countries/Vietnam/statistics

14

VNFOREST, 2013. http://theredddesk.org/countries/Vietnam/statistics

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16

http://theredddesk.org/countries/Vietnam/statistics; Tebtebba (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward 17

In 2004

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19

Primary forest defined as naturally generated native forest with no clear signs of human activity and undisturbed ecological processes (FAO, 2010); http://theredddesk.org/countries/Vietnam/statistics 20

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21 Assessment of Environment Strategy for Mater plan on Forest development and protection period 2010- 2010. In. AIPP (2013). Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia. 22 Vietnamese provinces are controlled by an elected People’s Council. The People’s Council, in turn, appoints a People’s Committee, which acts as the executive arm of the provincial government.

AIPP (2013).Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia; Tebtebba (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward 23



26 According to an evaluation conducted in 2008, around 20-30% of allocated forest land started bringing in benefits to the forest owners but these were unsustainable. Many state enterprises were allocated a large area of forest but they did not have sufficient capacity for effective management. Forest areas under the management of People’s Committees have not been protected and well managed. Households and communities have been allocated some forest land, even though their livelihoods could not be secured by small plots of poor forest (AIPP 2013). Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia; Tebtebba (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward 27 The Decree on Policy for Payment of Forest Environmental Services (PFES) (established by decree 99/2010/ND-CP dated 29/10/2010) has been implemented since January 2011. AIPP (2013).Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia; Tebtebba (2010). Indigenous Peoples, Forests & REDD Plus: State of Forests, Policy Environment & Ways Forward


28

This accounts for 69.2% of the area required for allocation and 51.9% of total forest area planned for forest development purposes according to the National Assembly Resolution.

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30 Some state enterprises have to change into forest companies, while others were transferred under the management of Forest Management Boards.


32 AIPP (2013). Research on the Roles and Contributions of Indigenous Women in Sustainable Forest Management in Mekong Countries/Asia


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35 “Forest allocation or leasing, associated with land allocation and leasing, certificate of production land use in Yen Bai province for the period 2012-2015”

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AIPP at a glance The Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact (AIPP) is a regional organization founded in 1988 by indigenous peoples’ movements as a platform for solidarity and cooperation. AIPP is actively promoting and defending indigenous peoples’ rights and human rights; sustainable development and management of resources and environment protection. Through the years, AIPP has developed its expertise on grassroots capacity building, advocacy and networking from local to global levels and strengthening partnerships with indigenous organizations, support NGOs, UN agencies and other institutions. At present, AIPP has 47 members from 14 countries in Asia with 7 indigenous peoples’ national alliances/networks and 35 local and sub-national organizations including 16 are ethnic-based organizations, five (5) indigenous women and four (4) are indigenous youth organizations. Through our Indigenous Women (IW) programme, AIPP aims to empower indigenous women through networking, education and capacity building activities with the overall goal for indigenous women to assert, promote and protect their rights as women and as indigenous peoples.

Our Vision

Indigenous peoples in Asia are living with dignity and fully exercising their rights, distinct cultures and identity, and enhancing their sustainable management systems on lands, territories and resources for their own future and development in an environment of peace, justice and equality.

Our Mission

AIPP strengthens the solidarity, cooperation and capacities of indigenous peoples in Asia to promote and protect their rights, cultures and identities, and their sustainable resource management system for their development and self-determination.

Our Programmes

Our main areas of work among the different programmes are information dissemination, awareness raising, capacity building, advocacy and networking from local to global levels. Our programmes are: - Human Rights Campaign and Policy Advocacy - Regional Capacity Building - Environment - Indigenous Women - Communication and Development - Organizational Strengthening AIPP is accredited as an NGO in special consultative status with the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) and as observer organization with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), Green Climate Fund (GCF), Global Environment Facility (GEF) and the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). AIPP is a member of the International Land Coalition (ILC).

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