Immigration and emigration decisions among highly skilled British ...

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Immigration  and  emigration  decisions  among  highly  skilled   British  expatriates  in  Vancouver   Dr  William  S.  Harvey   Said  Business  School,  University  of  Oxford,  Park  End  Street,  Oxford,  OX1  1HP.   [email protected]  

Abstract   This  chapter  compares  the  reasons  why  highly  skilled  British  expatriates   immigrated  to  and  would  emigrate  from  Canada.    The  reasons  respondents  left  the   UK  and  would  return  to  the  UK  were  markedly  different.    Job  opportunities,  for   example,  were  important  in  immigration  decisions,  whereas  family  and  friendship   considerations  were  important  in  return  migration  decisions.    In  both  instances   and  in  contrast  to  microeconomic  theories  of  migration,  highly  skilled  migrants   found  that  economic  considerations  was  not  the  most  significant  reason  for   moving,  which  questions  the  importance  of  this  theory  in  different  geographic  and   group  settings.    Finally,  although  social  networks  were  key  in  influencing   migration  decisions,  transnational  social  ties  were  of  limited  importance  and  this   problematises  the  argument  that  these  networks  are  prevalent  amongst  highly   skilled  migrants.  

Introduction   There  is  an  extensive  literature  on  economic  migrants  moving  to  and  from   their  home  and  host  countries.    There  has  been  a  strong  emphasis  on  the  economic   drivers  of  migration,  although  other  factors  such  as  social  networks  have  been  

 

 

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seen  as  important,  but  secondary  in  significance.    This  chapter  intends  to  explore   the  degree  to  which  social  factors  are  less  important  than  economic  factors  for   influencing  migration  decisions.    Furthermore,  there  will  be  an  exploration  into   how  social  networks  and  in  particular  transnational  ties  influence  migration   decisions.    Within  the  migration  literature,  our  understanding  of  the  motivations   and  determinants  of  highly  skilled  migration  remains  somewhat  limited.    This  is   surprising  given  that  this  group  have  made  a  critical  contribution  to  different   labour  markets,  and  governments  and  companies  are  keen  to  implement  policies   to  attract  these  workers.    Again,  it  is  not  clear  whether  this  group  move  through   formal  structures  such  as  internal  company  transfers  (ICTs),  or  as  students,  or  for   other  purposes.    In  short,  this  work  explores  the  key  factors  that  would  drive   highly  skilled  migrants  to  leave  their  host  and  home  countries.    The  chapter  adopts   a  case  study  approach  and  focuses  on  a  group  of  highly  skilled  British  expatriates   working  in  a  range  of  economic  sectors  around  Vancouver.  

Microeconomic  theories  of  migration   Microeconomic  theorists  argue  that  rational  individuals  will  move  when   they  expect  to  receive  a  greater  increase  in  per  capita  labour  earnings  (Sjaastad,   1962).  This  also  applies  to  international  migrants  who  will  move  to  countries   where  they  expect  to  maximise  their  economic  benefit  in  the  global  labour  market   (Borjas,  1999).  The  argument  is  significant  for  all  migrant  groups,  but  less  has   been  discussed  about  microeconomic  theories  of  migration  in  the  context  of  highly   skilled  workers.    Although  this  group  is  numerically  small,  their  economic  impact   upon  regional  economies  has  proved  particularly  high  and  governments  and   companies  are  keen  to  attract  them  (Saxenian,  2006).  

 

 

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  There  has  tended  to  be  a  strong  emphasis  on  the  economic  determinants  of   international  mobility  within  the  migration  literature.    Yet,  individuals  do  not   always  have  the  necessary  means  to  determine  the  costs  of  moving  compared  to   staying  in  a  country.    As  a  result,  scholars  have  also  focused  on  the  social  aspects  of   migration.    Family  members  and  social  networks,  for  instance,  are  considered   critical  in  influencing  migration  decisions  (Boyd,  1989;  Ackers,  2004).    Economists   have  considered  the  importance  of  other  factors  such  as  ‘opportunity  costs’  (job   opportunities),  ‘direct  costs’  (transportation  and  moving  expenses)  and  ‘psychic   costs’  (the  expense  of  keeping  in  contact  and  visiting  family  and  friends)  in   influencing  migration,  but  generally  these  factors  have  been  considered  less   important  compared  to  economic  factors.     Within  the  microeconomic  framework  is  human  capital  theory,  which   argues  that  individuals  invest  in  their  education  and  skills  in  order  to  gain  returns   in  the  labour  market  (Sjaastad,  1962).    Arguably  individuals  will  move  abroad  if   they  expect  their  human  capital  to  hold  greater  value  overseas  than  in  their  home   country  (Regets,  2001).    In  addition,  individuals  who  hold  higher  levels  of   education  are  more  likely  to  leave  their  home  country  than  those  with  fewer   educational  qualifications  (Chiswick,  1999;  van  Dalen  &  Henkens,  2007).    There  is   the  underlying  assumption  that  highly  skilled  migrants  rationalise  their  decisions   predominantly  in  economic  terms  when  in  fact  other  non-­‐economic  determinants   may  have  equal  or  more  weighting.   Some  scholars  claim  that  certain  groups  such  as  the  student  population   have  been  neglected  within  the  skilled  migration  literature  (Baláž  &  Williams,  

 

 

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2004).    This  is  important  because  students  and  young  researchers  represent  the   largest  number  of  highly  skilled  in  the  global  economy  and  they  are  a  key   determinant  of  where  skilled  workers  will  settle  (Ewers,  2007).    It  is  generally   agreed  that  students  from  developing  countries  move  overseas  for  better   educational  or  long-­‐term  employment  opportunities  (Biao,  2003;  Saxenian,  2006;   Waters,  2007).    Surprisingly,  there  has  been  less  analysis  of  students  from   developed  countries.    This  is  significant  because  these  students  have  the  potential   to  improve  international  knowledge  flows  and  contribute  to  regional  economic   development  (Regets,  2001).    Similarly,  when  analysing  the  student  population,   Ackers  (2005)  argues  that  it  is  key  to  distinguish  between  undergraduate  and   postgraduate  flows  because  there  may  be  distinct  differences  in  numbers  and   reasons  for  moving.    In  short,  there  has  been  a  lack  of  specificity  of  the  education   and  skillsets  of  highly  skilled  migrants.   In  addition,  there  has  been  little  attention  concerning  the  stage  in  the  life   course  when  people  move  abroad.    In  general,  it  is  argued  that  highly  skilled   workers  migrate  when  they  are  younger  and  have  a  greater  period  of  time  to  gain  a   return  in  their  human  capital  abroad  (van  Dalen  and  Henkens,  2007).  The  problem   with  generalising  when  people  migrate  is  they  have  different  explanations  for   moving  and  their  reasons  for  migrating  will  change  over  time.    Individuals  also   hold  varying  social  networks,  which  are  considered  critical  for  determining   international  migration.   Until  recently  there  has  been  a  relative  lack  of  discussion  on  highly  skilled   migrants  returning  to  their  home  countries  (Regets,  2001;  Meyer,  2001;  Keren  et   al.,  2003;  Tsay,  2003;  Zhang,  2003;  Baláž  and  Williams,  2004;  Ley  and  Kobayashi,  

 

 

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2005;  Saxenian,  2002,  2006;  Chacko,  2007;  Kobayashi  and  Preston,  2007).    Given   the  recent  emphasis  on  national  governments  and  organisations  trying  to  attract   and  retain  global  talent  (Accenture,  2006),  it  is  surprising  that  return  migration  (or   stay  rates)  has  received  little  critical  attention.    A  number  of  scholars  (Beaverstock,   2002;  Saxenian,  2006;  Larner,  2007;  Harvey,  2008),  for  example,  found  that  a   range  of  highly  skilled  migrants  in  different  geographic  settings  have  made  a   strong  positive  impact  upon  labour  markets.    Yet,  our  understanding  of  why  they   move  remains  inadequate.       It  is  generally  agreed  that  the  majority  of  highly  skilled  migrants  have  not   returned  and  will  not  return  until  they  perceive  there  to  be  the  necessary   professional  opportunities  available  in  their  home  countries.    Zhang  (2003),  for   instance,  shows  that  between  1978-­‐2001,  only  14  per  cent  of  Chinese  students  in   the  US  returned  to  China.    Similarly,  Finn  (2007)  found  that  32  per  cent  of  foreign   citizens  who  received  a  doctorate  in  the  US  in  2000  were  no  longer  living  in  the   country  in  2005.    That  is  not  to  say  that  highly  skilled  workers  are  not  returning  to   their  home  countries.    Tsay  (2003),  for  example,  argues  that  returning  Taiwanese   talent  has  proved  an  important  trend  in  the  last  few  decades.    However,  many   countries  and  particularly  developing  countries,  have  experienced  a  ‘brain  drain’   (Keren  et  al.,  2003),  despite  recent  trends  suggesting  a  greater  proportion  of   return  migration  (Saxenian,  2006).   What  is  absent  from  the  literature  on  highly  skilled  migrants  is  a  study   focusing  on  the  reasons  why  people  leave  their  home  countries  as  well  as  why  they   would  leave  their  host  countries.    This  is  potentially  critical  as  it  could  shed  light   on  the  antecedents  of  brain  drain  and  return  migration  among  the  highly  skilled.    

 

 

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This  study  aims  to  do  exactly  this  by  analysing  the  migration  experiences  and   intentions  of  a  small  group  of  highly  skilled  British  expatriates  living  in  Vancouver.  

Social  networks   Outside  of  the  microeconomic  framework,  migration  scholars  have   emphasised  for  some  time  the  importance  of  social  relationships  in  influencing   migration  decisions  (Stark  &  Bloom,  1985;  Massey  et  al.,  1998;  Taylor,  1999;   Robinson  &  Carey,  2000;  Raghuram,  2004;  Ackers,  2004;  Ley  &  Kobayashi,  2005).     Non-­‐economic  factors  such  as  family  members,  friends,  colleagues  and   professional  contacts  are  considered  critical  in  influencing  migration  decisions.     The  new  economics  of  migration  theory,  for  example,  argues  that  migration   decisions  are  not  made  by  isolated  individual  actors,  but  by  larger  groups  of   related  people  such  as  families  (Massey  et  al.,  1998).   Although  scholars  have  shown  that  social  relationships  among  migrants  are   vital  in  helping  them  to  move  (Boyd,  1989;  Hagan,  1998),  it  remains  relatively   unclear  how  important  they  have  been  for  highly  skilled  migrants,  with  a  few   exceptions  (Robinson  and  Carey,  2000;  Harvey,  2009).    Chain  migration  is  an   important  aspect  of  migrant  social  networks  and  it  describes  the  way  in  which  a   large  number  of  people  from  the  same  home  country  move  to  another  country.     The  theory  argues  that  potential  migrants  use  their  social  networks  with  migrants   who  have  recently  integrated  to  help  provide  them  with  detailed  information.     Montgomery  (2008),  for  example,  found  that  Indian  graduates  of  IIT  universities   would  strategise  about  what  US  universities  to  apply  to  in  order  not  to  have  too   many  students  applying  to  the  same  institutions.    In  this  instance,  social  networks   lower  the  costs  of  migration.    Although  it  has  been  argued  that  social  networks  are  

 

 

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important  for  influencing  people  to  move  to  host  countries,  less  has  been  discussed   about  the  role  of  networks  in  return  migration.    Again,  a  comparative  study  would   prove  insightful  in  order  to  ascertain  the  role  of  social  networks  for  highly  skilled   migrants  both  leaving  and  returning  to  a  home  country.  

Transnationalism   Transnationalism  describes  the  ties  of  people,  networks  and  organisations   across  international  borders  (Faist,  2000).    In  the  context  of  highly  skilled   migrants,  scholars  argue  that  they  maintain  strong  social  ties  not  only  with  other   expatriates  and  the  local  population,  but  also  with  family  members,  friends  and   professionals  living  in  their  home  countries  (Vertovec,  2002;  Hardwick,  2003;   Iredale  et  al.,  2003;  Saxenian,  2006;  Beaverstock,  2002;  Asiedu,  2005;  Hazen  and   Alberts,  2006;  Larner  2007;  Kobayashi  and  Preston,  2007;  Khoo  et  al.,  2007;  Mau   et  al.,  2008;  Faist,  2008).    Transnationalism  includes  not  only  the  physical   movement  of  people  between  different  countries,  but  also  the  maintenance  of   social  relationships  and  the  transfer  of  knowledge  across  international  borders.   Migrants  often  preference  living  in  their  home  and  host  countries  for   different  reasons.    Ley  and  Kobayashi  (2005),  for  example,  found  that  their  sample   of  highly  skilled  migrants  in  Vancouver  and  Hong  Kong  switched  between  living  in   Hong  Kong  for  work  purposes  and  living  in  Vancouver  for  quality-­‐of-­‐life  purposes.     What  is  not  clear  in  general  is  whether  the  reasons  people  move  to  a  host  country   are  the  same  as  those  that  determine  whether  they  leave  that  country.    In  other   words,  to  what  extent  are  factors  in  both  the  home  and  host  country  important  in   determining  migration  decisions?  

 

 

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It  is  clear  that  transnational  social  networks  are  significant  in  the  migration   decision-­‐making  process  for  highly  skilled  workers.  Saxenian  (2006)  found  that   Chinese,  Indian,  Taiwanese  and  Israeli  engineers  around  Silicon  Valley  used  their   transnational  social  networks  with  professionals,  family  members  and  friends  for  a   range  of  purposes,  including  making  migration  and  investment  decisions.     Similarly,  Meyer  (2001)  found  that  over  two-­‐thirds  of  his  highly  skilled  South   African  expatriate  sample  living  in  developed  countries  hold  professional   connections  with  people  in  their  home  country  and  over  fifty  percent  of  them  have   maintained  family  or  personal  contacts  in  South  Africa.    Beaverstock  (2005,  p.  262)   showed  that  transnational  social  ties  were  important  for  British  expatriates  in  New   York  for  maintaining  regular  contact  with  their  families  and  friends  in  the  UK.    This   study  seeks  to  determine  how  critical  transnational  social  ties  were  in  influencing   the  migration  decisions  of  highly  skilled  British  expatriates  in  Vancouver.   Scholars  have  emphasised  the  significance  of  business  workers  moving   abroad  for  work  purposes  such  as  secondments  (Beaverstock,  1996,  2002;  2005,   Findlay  et  al.,  1996;  Jones,  2007).    Beaverstock  (2005),  for  example,  found  that   many  British  bankers  and  accountants  working  in  New  York  were  expected  by   their  firms  to  live  and  work  in  other  major  global  financial  centres.      Although  it  is   clear  that  large  companies  in  certain  sectors  are  important  in  influencing  highly   skilled  workers  to  migrate,  it  is  not  apparent  whether  this  is  significant  for  the   majority  of  workers  in  this  category.    In  addition,  although  there  is  a  body  of   research  looking  at  how  professional  opportunities  are  encouraging  people  to   move  abroad  (Iredale,  2001;  Meyer,  2001),  is  this  necessarily  always  the  case  for  

 

 

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highly  skilled  expatriates  who  are  living  abroad  and  are  considering  returning  to   their  home  countries?   There  has  been  a  limited  amount  of  research  on  the  social  relationships   between  governments  and  highly  skilled  migrants.      Patterson  (2006)  argues  that   the  nature  of  the  relationship  between  a  country  and  its  expatriates  is  extremely   important  for  transforming  brain  drain  into  return  migration.    Larner  (2007)   argues  that  such  types  of  transnational  social  networks  are  becoming  formalised.     She  suggests  that  the  attitude  towards  highly  skilled  migrants  is  changing  and   governments  are  realising  that  their  expatriates  do  not  need  to  return  to  their   home  countries  in  order  to  contribute  to  national  economic  development.    Many   New  Zealand  expatriates,  for  example,  have  increasingly  become  connected  with   businesses  in  New  Zealand  through  voluntary  social  networks.    Although  some   scholars  (Keren  et  al.,  2003;  Patterson,  2006;  Larner,  2007)  have  emphasised  the   importance  of  transnational  social  networks,  it  is  doubtful  how  prevalent  these  ties   are  between  other  highly  skilled  migrant  groups  and  their  home  country   governments.  

Methods   This  research  adopts  a  case  study  approach,  focusing  on  the  experiences  of   British  expatriates  making  migration  decisions  to  and  from  Vancouver.    The  results   that  follow  derive  from  interviews  with  64  highly  skilled  British  expatriates  who   were  working  in  a  range  of  economic  sectors  (see  Table  1).    Interviews  were   conducted  either  in  person  (31  per  cent)  or  over  the  telephone  (69  per  cent)  in   Vancouver  between  September  2008  and  March  2009  and  they  lasted  for  

 

 

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approximately  45  minutes.      The  majority  of  interviews  were  conducted  over  the   telephone  because  most  respondents  preferred  this  to  face-­‐to-­‐face  interviews.     There  was  no  apparent  difference  between  face-­‐to-­‐face  and  telephone  interviews   in  terms  of  the  quality  of  responses  to  questions.    In  fact,  a  number  of  telephone   interviews  not  only  lasted  in  excess  of  an  hour,  but  also  provided  some  of  the  most   detailed  responses.    One  of  the  main  reasons  that  respondents  preferred  telephone   interviews  was  so  that  they  could  be  more  flexible  with  scheduling  appointments   in  this  research.    Structured  interviews  were  the  best  method  for  obtaining  high   quality  data  in  a  relatively  short  period  because  of  the  limited  time  that   respondents  were  able  to  provide.    Open-­‐  and  closed-­‐ended  questions  were  asked   so  that  detailed  qualitative  data  as  well  as  some  descriptive  statistics  could  be   generated.   The  term  ‘highly  skilled  migrant’  is  problematic  because  there  are  multiple   types  of  highly  skilled  migrants  and  different  interpretations  have  been  posited  in   the  migration  literature,  despite  attempts  to  clarify  its  meaning  (Koser  and  Salt,   1997;  Millar  and  Salt,  2008).    In  the  context  of  this  research,  I  use  the  term  ‘highly   skilled  migrant’  to  describe  respondents  who  were  born  in  the  UK,  had  received  at   least  a  bachelor’s  degree  qualification  or  equivalent  training  and  had  received  at   least  three  years  of  paid  or  unpaid  work  experience  since  their  degree  qualification   or  training.   Despite  strong  historical  and  economic  ties  between  the  UK  and  Canada,   very  little  has  been  written  recently  on  the  flows  of  British  expatriates  to  Canada.     This  is  surprising  given  that  Canadian  cities  such  as  Vancouver  and  Toronto  have   large  British  populationsi,  many  of  whom  hold  high  levels  of  educational  and  

 

 

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professional  training.ii    Yet,  little  has  been  researched  on  why  this  group  moves  to   Canada  and  stays  in  the  country  or  returns  to  the  UK.    This  is  important  because   this  group,  along  with  other  highly  skilled  expatriate  populations,  have  made  a   highly  positive  impact  upon  host  countries  (Harvey,  2008;  Saxenian,  2006).   This  research  analyses  the  experiences  of  highly  skilled  British  expatriates   working  in  different  economic  sectors  and  at  various  levels  of  their  careers  and   lifecycles  (see  Table  2).      The  average  age  of  respondents  was  46  and  83  per  cent   were  male  and  17  per  cent  were  female.    This  male-­‐dominated  sample  reinforces   the  heavily  gendered  aspect  of  highly  skilled  migration  (Hardill  and  MacDonald,   1998;  Willis  and  Yeoh,  2000).    Gender  is  not  a  key  focus  of  this  research,  in  part   because  a  more  even  distribution  of  men  and  women  respondents  would  have   been  required.    However,  future  studies  would  benefit  from  examining  the  degree   to  which  men  and  women  differ  in  their  decisions  to  immigrate  and  emigrate.    I   focused  on  highly  skilled  migrants  working  in  a  range  of  industries  to  establish   whether  there  are  any  commonalities  or  differences  in  their  migration  decisions.     This  is  significant  because  scholars  have  often  focused  on  highly  skilled  migrants   within  specific  fields  such  as  banking  and  law  (Beaverstock,  2002,  2005),   engineering  and  IT  (Saxenian,  2006),  academia  (Richardson  and  McKenna,  2002)   and  pharmaceuticals  and  biotechnology  (Harvey,  2008,  2009).   A  number  of  different  avenues  were  adopted  for  gaining  access  to   respondents  to  ensure  that  a  cross-­‐section  of  British  expatriates  were  interviewed.     These  avenues  included  attending  local  sports,  social  club  and  alumni  events,   requesting  participation  on  expatriate  websites,  contacting  relocation  companies   and  the  British  consulate,  and  snowballing  contacts  through  previous  interviews  

 

 

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(for  gaining  access  to  elites,  see  Harvey,  2010).    These  avenues  had  varying   degrees  of  success,  with  snowballing  proving  the  most  successful  and  the  British   Consulate  proving  the  least  successful.    The  vast  majority  of  respondents  assisted   with  gaining  access  to  other  British  expatriates  and  all  respondents  said  that  they   would  be  happy  to  be  contacted  again  for  follow-­‐up  questions.    Pseudonyms  are   used  to  protect  the  identities  of  respondents  and  their  employers.   Table  1:  Age,  university  qualification  and  visa  status  of  respondents     Age   ≤25   26-­‐35   36-­‐45   46-­‐55   56+   University  Qualification   Bachelor’s   Master’s   Doctorate  or  equivalent   Other   None   Visa  Status   Canadian  citizen   Permanent  resident   Work  visa  or  landed  immigrant   Gender   Male   Female    

 

 %  (n)     6  (4)   20  (13)   27  (17)   20  (13)   27  (17)     41  (26)   30  (19)   17  (11)   9  (6)   3  (2)     53  (34)   20  (13)   27  (17)     83  (53)   17  (11)  

 

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  Table  2:  Economic  sector  and  job  title  of  respondents     Economic  sector   Creative   University   Other   Engineering   Accountancy   IT   Consultancy   Government   Law   Banking   Job  title   CEO,  Founder  Director  or  Partner   Senior  Manager   Manager   Early  career   Other  

%  (n)     22  (14)   15  (10)   15  (10)   11  (7)   10  (6)   10  (6)   8  (5)   3  (2)   3  (2)   3  (2)     25  (16)   26  (17)   19  (12)   22  (14)   8  (5)  

Determinants  of  immigration  and  emigration   British  respondents  were  divided  in  their  reasons  for  moving  to  Canada   (see  Graph  1).    The  main  reasons  for  migrating  were  for  a  better  lifestyle,   environment  and  quality  of  life  (35  per  cent),  for  a  job,  career  opportunity  or  new   challenge  (31  per  cent),  for  travel,  adventure  and  a  change  (17  per  cent),  or  for  a   better  environment  for  their  children  (9  per  cent).    Other  factors  that  were   important  for  a  smaller  number  of  respondents  included  joining  their  spouses  or   partners  and  because  they  were  attracted  to  Vancouver  from  former  holidays,  as   well  as  the  fact  that  Canada  is  an  English-­‐speaking  country.    Peter  Mason,  a   university  scientist,  provided  a  typical  response  because  he  was  very  attracted  to   the  physical  environment  around  Vancouver  and  also  held  family  ties:  ‘Initially  I   came  out  on  holiday  here  and  met  my  future  wife  out  here  and  that  was  the  main  

 

 

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reason.    We  had  a  choice  between  England,  Australia  and  here,  and  my  wife's   family  and  the  quality  of  lifestyle  here  –  that  would  be  the  main  one.    We're   outdoors  people.’    Like  many  respondents,  Mason  compared  the  lifestyle  and   quality  of  life  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  different  world  cities  and  decided   that  Vancouver  would  be  best.     Frequently  respondents  put  lifestyle  before  finding  a  job  that  they  often  had   problems  obtaining  work  on  arrival.    Mark  Wilson,  an  architect,  for  example,  said:   ‘I  was  thinking  I  should  have  a  different  experience  of  living  in  England.    I  was  working  in   London.    I  naïvely  thought  I'd  easily  get  a  job  literally  when  I  came  here.    I  had  a  girlfriend   over  there  which  didn't  work  out.    I  got  offered  a  job,  got  sponsored,  but  the  government   didn't  recognise  it  and  so  I  moved  back.    Then  months  after  I  got  refused  I  got  offered  that   job  back.    Then  my  firm  tried  to  sponsor  me  again  and  I  got  refused  again.    I  then  applied  as   a  skilled  worker.    My  wife  is  Canadian.  She  is  one  of  the  main  reasons  that  I  moved  here  the   second  time.    The  key  reason  I  stayed  was  my  wife  and  lifestyle.’  

Despite  Wilson  having  very  high  university  and  professional  qualifications,  he  still   faced  difficulties  finding  work  because  his  professional  qualification  was  not   recognised.    Nonetheless,  he  moved  to  Canada  for  the  second  time  to  join  his  wife   and  for  lifestyle  reasons,  despite  having  to  re-­‐qualify  as  an  architect.    This  example   is  important  because  Wilson  did  not  move  for  a  better  salary  or  job  opportunity.     In  fact,  he  had  to  delay  his  career  progression  in  order  that  he  could  enjoy  the   lifestyle  around  Vancouver  and  live  with  his  wife.    This  response  is  significant   because  many  highly  skilled  migrants  were  not  necessarily  moving  abroad  for   better  job  opportunities.    Indeed,  microeconomic  theories  of  migration  appear  to   be  of  limited  importance  as  a  determinant  of  migration  for  many  highly  skilled   British  expatriates.  

 

 

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Although  lifestyle  around  Vancouver  was  a  critical  reason  that  many  British   expatriates  moved  to  the  city,  the  job  opportunity  was  still  important  for  some   people.    Michael  Peters,  an  engineer,  did  a  lot  of  research  into  the  Human   Development  Index  of  different  countries  before  deciding  upon  Canada.    However,   like  a  number  of  respondents,  he  said  that  the  job  opportunity  in  Vancouver  was  a   key  catalyst  in  moving  to  the  country.    This  suggests  that  job  opportunity  is  not   unimportant  in  influencing  highly  skilled  British  expatriates  to  move  to  Canada.     This  is  particularly  the  case  for  employees  of  large  professional  service  firms  who   have  been  seconded.    James  Lee,  an  accountant,  for  example,  said  that  he  was   attracted  more  to  the  city  of  Vancouver  than  to  Canada  as  a  country.    Again,   lifestyle,  was  a  key  attraction  as  well  as  the  opportunity  to  have  greater   responsibility  and  exposure  to  different  sectors  compared  to  if  he  had  stayed  in   London:  ‘Because  I  wanted  to  get  out  of  London,  a  big  city,  wanted  to  move  to  a   smaller  city.    More  city  than  country,  better  work/life  balance  and  wanted  to  be   outdoors.    Was  going  to  go  down  to  Auckland  and  then  I  got  asked  what  skills  I'd   take  back  to  the  UK  and  basically  better  clients  and  skills  [in  Vancouver]  -­‐  wine,   forestry.    Basically,  lifestyle  and  looking  what  work  to  do.’      

 

 

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Graph  1:  Reasons  for  immigrating  to  Canada  

 

In  terms  of  return  migration,  over  half  of  British  respondents  (53  per  cent)  

said  that  they  would  seriously  consider  returning  to  the  UK.    On  the  surface  this   seems  quite  a  significant  number,  although  it  is  less  than  some  other  highly  skilled   migrant  groups  (see  Table  3).    When  asked  how  likely  on  a  0-­‐10  scale  they  would   be  to  return  to  the  UK,  the  average  British  expatriate  rated  the  likelihood  as  3.3.    In   addition,  25  per  cent  rated  themselves  as  having  zero  likelihood  of  returning  while   8  per  cent  rated  themselves  as  having  a  likelihood  of  ten  on  the  0-­‐10  scale.    Iain   Patterson,  an  engineering  consultant,  for  example,  said  that  he  had  zero  likelihood   of  returning  to  the  UK,  in  part  because  he  already  spends  two  months  of  the  year   living  there,  which  is  something  that  a  small  number  of  other  expatriates  also   experienced.    For  others  like  Darren  Young,  the  likelihood  of  return  was  very  low   because  they  had  children  and  did  not  want  to  uproot  them  or  subject  them  to  a   less  friendly  environment,  which  was  the  general  perception  of  the  UK  vis  à  vis   Canada.    In  the  words  of  Simon  Pearson,  a  Managing  Director  in  the  Hospitality   Sector:  ‘The  social  fabric  has  disintegrated  in  the  UK.’    Finally,  a  very  small  

 

 

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proportion  of  respondents  (5  per  cent)  knew  of  ten  or  more  British  friends  or   colleagues  who  had  returned  to  the  UK  to  work.    Although  by  no  means  conclusive,   this  suggests  that  return  migration  was  not  a  common  trend  for  most  highly  skilled   British  expatriates.    Michael  Night,  Founder  of  a  Relocation  Service,  for  example,   said:  ‘In  the  last  four  years,  of  the  about  sixty  to  eighty  people  who  have  come  here   to  work,  three  to  four  have  gone  back.’   Table  3:  Returning  to  home  country    

British   expatriates   in   Vancouver   56  

British   Indian   Chinese   scientists  in   scientists  in   engineers   Boston   Boston   in  Silicon   Valley   74   93   43  

Indian   engineers   in  Silicon   Valley   45  

Would   consider   returning  to   home  country   (%)   How  likely  to   3.3   n/a   n/a   n/a   n/a   return  to  the   UK  (0-­‐10  scale)   How  many   5   3   15   9   4   respondents   have  ≥  10   friends  or   colleagues  who   have  returned   to  the  UK  to   work  (%)   Source:  Author’s  fieldwork,  Harvey  (2009,  p.  7),  Saxenian  (2002,  p.  33)  

When  British  respondents  were  asked  what  would  be  their  main  reason   and  their  single  most  important  reason  for  either  staying  in  Canada  or  returning  to   the  UK,  lifestyle,  in  both  cases  32  per  cent,  was  again  the  most  important  factor   (see  Graph  2).    Other  important  factors  included  family,  friends,  a  good  job  and  the   society.    Diana  Walters,  Director  of  an  accountancy  firm,  summarises  the  range  of  

 

 

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factors  that  were  important  in  influencing  her  decision  to  stay  in  Canada  as   opposed  to  returning  to  the  UK:   ‘I've  built  a  life  here.    I  like  the  life  here.    What  we  wanted  when  we  moved  was  what  we've   got.    My  hours  are  very  reasonable.    The  fact  that  everyone  has  to  be  nice  is  positive  as  an   employee.    I'm  healthy,  five  minute  commute.    Vancouver  is  also  very  well  setup  for  kids,  a   lot  of  green  space  and  be[ing]  active.    My  family  are  supportive  of  me  not  going  back,  but   I'm  an  only  child.’  

These  remarks  reinforce  the  attractiveness  of  Vancouver  as  a  city  and  quality  of   life  is  again  of  central  importance.      Simon  Pearson,  Managing  Director  in  the   Hospitality  Sector,  gave  a  very  succinct  and  direct  reason  for  why  he  would  stay  in   Canada:  ‘It's  decent,  it's  civil,  it's  correct,  it's  clean,  it's  safe,  it's  reliable,  it's  non-­‐ threatening  as  a  society,  it's  medical  system  and  it's  a  social  and  moral-­‐conscious   society;  all  the  things  not  in  the  UK.’    Strong  societal  morals  and  ethics  in   Vancouver  was  a  frequently  cited  reason  that  British  respondents  were  attracted   to  staying  in  Canada.    There  was  a  general  and  looming  concern  that  the  social   environment  in  the  UK  had  deteriorated  which  many  considered  a  strong   deterrent  for  returning.     Graph  2:  Reasons  and  main  reasons  for  staying  in  Canada  or  returning  to  the  UK  

 

 

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Family  was  another  critical  factor  that  influenced  people  to  stay  in  Canada.     Donald  Bill,  Manager  of  a  sports  management  company,  made  it  clear  that  family   was  the  most  important  tie  in  his  migration  decisionmaking:  ‘There's  far  too  much   here.    My  kids  were  born  here,  my  wife  was  born  here  […]  It's  just  this  place  is   home  now.’    It  is  not  only  family  in  the  host  country  that  is  a  pull  for  British   respondents  to  stay  around  Vancouver,  but  also  family  in  the  UK  that  would   influence  expatriates  to  return.    Indeed,  often  family  is  the  only  principal  draw  for   respondents  to  return.      As  John  Hills,  an  IT  web  designer,  put  it:  ‘The  only  reason  I   would  go  back  to  the  UK  is  family.’    Michael  Peters,  an  engineer,  agreed  saying  that   he  had  no  intention  of  returning  to  the  UK  because  he  thought:  ‘The  quality  of  life   for  family  is  better  for  me,  family-­‐friendly  things  for  our  kids  and  more  affordable   is  more  important  here  than  in  the  UK.    We  are  settled  and  wouldn't  want  to   uproot  ourselves.  My  career  opportunities  are  better  here  than  in  the  UK.    I'm  at  a   higher  level  here  than  in  the  UK.    The  only  thing  that  would  change  that  would  be   to  look  after  family  or  parents.’    Peters  makes  it  clear  that  his  family  in  Canada  and   the  UK  would  be  key  in  influencing  his  migration  decision.   The  responses  from  British  expatriates  reinforces  the  argument  that   economic  advantage  in  the  labour  market  is  not  the  most  important  consideration   in  return  migration  decisions  for  this  group  of  highly  skilled  migrants.      Indeed,   family  circumstances  in  both  Canada  and  the  UK  were  clearly  important  in  shaping   decisions  about  whether  to  return  to  the  UK.    This  supports  some  of  the  major   arguments  in  the  transnationalism  literature  concerning  the  significance  of  family   relationships  and  ties  in  influencing  migration  decisions.    Having  said  this,  a  good   job  opportunity  was  important  for  respondents  when  coupled  with  other  factors.    

 

 

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David  Fish,  a  computer  programmer,  for  example,  said  that  he  would  consider   returning  if  he  felt  that  he  would  be  able  to  afford  the  same  kind  of  lifestyle  that  he   holds  in  Vancouver:    ‘Being  confident  that  I  can  work  there  and  have  the  same   quality  of  life,  cost  of  living.    Mainly  if  I  was  able  to  go  back  and  lead  the  same  kind   of  life,  economically  speaking.    Right  now,  I  don't  think  that  could  be  the  case.’     When  asked  a  closed-­‐ended  question  respondents  ranked  professional   opportunities  more  importantly  than  culture  and  lifestyle  as  a  reason  for  returning   (see  Graph  3).    The  reason  for  this,  however,  was  because  the  vast  majority  of   respondents  felt  overwhelmingly  that  their  lifestyle  in  Canada  was  better  than   their  potential  lifestyle  in  the  UK  and  hence  they  rated  this  as  less  important  than   professional  reasons  for  returning  to  the  UK.    Janet  Ruth,  Programme  Manager  and   Scientist,  said  that  because  she  is  surrounded  by  mountains  and  the  ocean  around   Vancouver,  she  does  not  think  she  could  have  this  proximity  to  the  physical   landscape  as  well  as  the  breadth  of  outdoor  activities  in  the  UK,  unless  she  lived  in   Scotland  and  Wales,  where  there  would  not  be  the  same  professional  opportunities   in  her  field.   When  comparing  the  responses  of  British  expatriates  to  other  highly  skilled   migrant  groups,  professional  opportunities  followed  by  culture  and  lifestyle  were   also  two  of  the  most  important  factors  in  influencing  people  to  return  to  their   home  countries  (see  Graph  3).    British  respondents  in  Vancouver  rated  family   members  as  even  more  critical  (6.1  on  a  0-­‐10  scale)  than  professional   opportunities  and  culture  and  lifestyle.    Similarly,  60  per  cent  of  Saxenian’s  (2002,   p.  35)  Chinese  sample  and  40  per  cent  of  her  Indian  sample  rated  family  members,   including  primary  relationships  with  family  members  and  relatives,  education  for  

 

 

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children  and  need  for  family  consensus,  as  among  the  most  important  factors   shaping  their  decision  to  return  to  their  home  countries.    It  was  predominantly   family  members  in  Canada  that  influenced  British  expatriates  to  stay  in  the   country,  rather  than  family  members  in  the  UK  drawing  them  home.    Michael   Piper,  a  senior  engineer,  said  that  his  family’s  quality  of  life  was  a  very  important   consideration  and  his  family  felt  happier  and  safer  living  in  Canada  than  in  the  UK,   which  is  a  key  reason  why  he  would  not  return  to  the  UK.    However,  he  also  said   that  although  the  quality  of  life  of  his  family  was  most  important,  ‘[…]  the  only   thing  that  would  change  would  be  to  look  after  family  or  parents  [in  the  UK].’     Andrew  Vince,  an  accountant,  went  one  step  further  and  said  that  his  fiancée  and   him  would  want  to  bring  up  their  children  near  their  parents:  ‘Both  me  and  my   parents  are  very  close  to  our  immediate  family  and  we  would  want  to  be  very  close   to  them  when  we  raise  our  family.’    Overall,  family  was  a  critical  factor  in   influencing  respondents  to  stay  in  Canada  or  return  to  the  UK.    Family  in  Canada   was  significantly  more  influential  for  most  people  than  family  in  the  UK.    In  large   part  this  was  because  the  average  respondent  arrived  in  Canada  in  1994,   suggesting  that  most  people  held  greater  location-­‐specific  capital,  including  in   most  cases  stronger  close  family  and  friendship  ties,  in  Canada  than  in  the  UK.   Graph  3:  The  mean  scores  of  different  factors  that  would  influence  various  highly   skilled  migrant  groups  to  return  to  their  home  countries    

 

 

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Source:  Author’s  fieldwork,  Harvey  (2009,  p.  8),  and  Saxenian  (2002,  p.  35)   There  were  distinct  differences  in  why  British  expatriates  moved  to   Vancouver  compared  to  the  reasons  why  they  would  return  to  the  UK  (see  Graph   4).      Moving  for  a  better  lifestyle,  environment  and  quality  of  life  as  well  as  a  better   job,  career  opportunity  and  new  challenge  were  important  when  people  were   making  both  immigration  and  return  migration  decisions.    Both  factors  were  cited   more  frequently  by  respondents  when  they  were  immigrating.    In  the  case  of   lifestyle  this  was  because  some  respondents  did  not  see  themselves  returning  to   the  UK  for  a  better  lifestyle  and  therefore  they  did  not  cite  it  as  important.    In  the   case  of  job  opportunities,  this  was  because  many  respondents  were  at  a   significantly  later  stage  in  their  life  cycle  and  therefore  new  career  challenges  were   much  lower  in  importance.    A  change  of  scene  and  the  opportunity  to  travel  and   experience  a  new  adventure  was  key  for  a  number  of  respondents  immigrating,   but  not  cited  as  important  by  anyone  as  a  reason  for  returning  to  the  UK.   Graph  4:  Comparing  why  respondents  would  stay  in  Canada  or  return  to  the  UK  

 

 

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Social  ties  were  cited  as  much  more  important  as  a  reason  for  returning  to   the  UK  rather  than  immigrating  to  Canada.      Over  half  of  respondents  said  that   their  spouse,  partner  or  friends  would  be  important  in  influencing  them  to  return   to  the  UK,  whereas  only  a  very  small  number  of  people  said  that  this  group  were   critical  in  helping  them  make  the  decision  to  move  to  Canada.    Again,  in  many   instances  this  was  because  respondents  were  at  an  earlier  stage  in  their  life  cycle   and  therefore  tended  to  hold  less  family  and  relationship  ties  when  they  left  the  UK   and  so  this  was  not  important  in  making  the  decision  to  move.    In  contrast,  at  the   time  of  the  interviews  (on  average  fifteen  years  after  they  had  initially  migrated)   the  majority  of  respondents  were  either  in  a  serious  relationship  or  married  and   therefore  considered  such  social  ties  as  critical  in  influencing  their  migration   decisions.    In  other  words,  family  and  relationship  ties  appeared  to  be  significantly   more  important  in  influencing  the  migration  decisions  of  highly  skilled  expatriates   when  they  were  older,  which  again  emphasises  how  migration  decisions  change   over  a  person’s  life  cycle.    Finally,  a  small  number  of  people  said  the  society  and   general  atmosphere  would  influence  their  return  to  the  UK.    Specifically,  these   respondents  were  disconcerted  and  disillusioned  with  what  they  perceived  to  be  a   fall  in  societal  standards  in  the  UK,  which  was  enough  to  prevent  them  from   returning.   As  was  mentioned  above,  respondents  worked  in  variety  of  economic   sectors  and  given  the  highly  skilled  nature  of  their  work,  this  increased  their   exposure  to  and  influence  from  other  like-­‐minded  knowledge  professionals,  many   of  whom  had  migrated  for  professional  purposes  themselves.    As  a  result,  social   contacts  were  of  further  importance  in  providing  information  on  migration  

 

 

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possibilities.    It  is  likely  that  the  specific  nature  of  work  within  different  economic   sectors  may  also  have  impacted  migration  decisions.    Professionals  employed  in   sectors  with  long  working  hours  such  as  investment  banking  and  law,  for  example,   were  arguably  likely  to  move  for  different  reasons  than  professionals  working  in   sectors  that  have  shorter  working  hours  such  as  government.    Although  this   research  found  key  trends  for  migrating  among  this  highly  skilled  group,  future   work  would  benefit  from  analysing  the  degree  to  which  professionals  in  similar   sectors  have  converging  motivations  for  moving  because  of  the  similar  work  and   social  norms  within  these  sectors.  

Migration  decision-­‐making   The  majority  of  respondents  said  that  they  made  the  decision  to  move  to   Canada  with  others.    Table  4  shows  that  three-­‐quarters  of  respondents  made  the   decision  to  move  to  Canada  with  family  members,  spouses  or  partners.    Michael   Beach,  Chief  Software  Engineer,  said  that  he  made  the  decision  to  move  to   Vancouver  with  his  wife  having  weighed-­‐up  the  pros  and  cons  of  living  in  other   global  locations:  ‘We  were  living  in  Los  Angeles.    She  had  a  Ph.D  back  in   Cambridge.    She  didn't  like  America.    The  rationale  of  living  abroad  had  surfaced.   We  looked  at  Australia,  New  Zealand  and  Canada.    New  Zealand  was  a  second   runner;  it  is  such  a  long  way  from  anywhere.    Australia  would  have  been  better  for   jobs.    We  had  been  in  Vancouver  visiting  and  preferred  it.    We  looked  at  Calgary   and  Toronto  and  went  for  Vancouver.’    Deborah  Walton,  a  director  of  an   accountancy  firm,  said  that  she  made  the  decision  to  move  to  Vancouver  with  her   husband  and  it  was  a  ‘very  mutual  decision.’    Although  she  took  the  initiative  to   attend  a  local  seminar  about  emigrating  from  the  UK,  she  said  that  her  husband  

 

 

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would  have  done  the  same  if  he  had  come  across  the  same  seminar  first.    The   above  quotations  highlight  the  way  that  many  respondents  were  quite  calculated   in  where  they  decided  to  move  to  compared  to  other  alternative  locations.    These   responses  also  show  that  decisions  were  frequently  made  with  family  members.     This  supports  the  emphasis  in  the  migration  literature  on  the  importance  of  social   networks  in  influencing  international  mobility  decisions.   A  significant  proportion  of  respondents  (16  per  cent)  said  that  they  made   the  final  decision  to  move  to  Canada  independently.    Having  said  this,  they   admitted  that  they  were  still  influenced  in  some  capacity  by  others  such  as  parents   and  professionals.    Janet  Ruth,  a  university  programme  manager,  said  that  she  was   quite  independent  in  her  decision  to  move  to  Vancouver,  although  she  admitted:  ‘I   have  a  boyfriend  who  had  to  be  consulted.’    Caroline  Short,  a  national  programme   manager  for  an  accountancy  firm,  gave  quite  a  mixed  message  about  who  she  made   the  decision  to  move  with.    She  initially  claimed  that  she  made  the  decision  herself   and  then  subsequently  said  that  it  was  a  joint  decision  with  her  boyfriend  because   both  of  them  wanted  to  move  for  lifestyle  reasons  as  well  as  for  the  greater   professional  opportunity.    A  small  number  of  respondents  said  that  their  decision   to  move  was  influenced  by  professionals.    James  License,  manager  of  an   accountancy  firm,  said  that  he  made  the  decision  with  his  partner  initially,  but   before  he  made  the  final  decision  he  spoke  with  his  career  coach  as  well  as  some   senior  colleagues  from  his  UK  workplace.    Importantly,  although  the  professional   opportunity  was  a  good  one,  it  was  secondary  in  importance  compared  to  the   lifestyle  opportunity  for  his  partner  and  him.    These  findings  are  significant   because  for  most  respondents  migration  decisions  were  predominantly  a  family  

 

 

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and  a  personal  decision  rather  than  a  professional  one.    This  questions  the   microeconomic  argument  that  migrants  are  necessarily  moving  abroad  for   professional  development  purposes.     When  people  made  the  decision  to  move  to  Canada,  45  per  cent  said  that   they  expected  a  lower  income,  39  per  cent  said  that  they  expected  a  higher  income,   12  per  cent  thought  their  income  would  be  the  same  and  4  per  cent  were  unsure   (see  Table  4).    Simon  Bison,  Project  Manager  of  a  construction  company,  expected   his  income  to  be  lower  in  Canada  compared  to  the  UK:  ‘I  thought  it  would  be  less   than  the  UK,  but  it's  turned  out  higher.    I  was  willing  to  take  the  pay  cut,  but  I  didn't   have  to.’    In  many  cases,  respondents  did  not  expect  their  income  to  be  higher,  but   they  thought  there  was  the  opportunity  to  earn  more  in  the  long  term.    Adam   Briggs,  Project  Director  of  an  IT  consultancy  company,  for  example,  said:  ‘I  thought   the  potential  was  there,  but  I  didn't  expect  it  would  be  higher.’    A  significant   number  of  respondents  said  that  they  expected  to  receive  a  higher  income  when   they  moved  to  Canada.    Richard  Willis,  University  Professor,  said  that  he  was   earning  £50,000  a  year  and  then  received  an  offer  of  $136,000  CAD  which  at  the   time  was  twice  the  amount  of  money.    Having  said  this,  he  argued  that  it  was  not  a   factor  for  him  moving,  but  rather  it  was  the  potential  job  satisfaction.    A  larger   proportion  of  respondents  thought  that  their  job  would  be  better  (41  per  cent)  or   the  same  (17  per  cent)  as  their  previous  job  in  the  UK,  but  again  this  needs  to  be   placed  in  the  context  that  people  were  more  satisfied  with  their  overall  lifestyle   such  as  their  work-­‐life  balance.  

 

 

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Table  4:  Immigration  decision-­‐making    

 

Who  respondents   made  migration   decisions  with  (%)  

The  importance  of   different  contacts  in   shaping  migration   decisions  (0-­‐10  scale)   6.9  

Family  members,  spouses  or   75   partners   No  one   16   n/a   Professionals   8   3.7   Friends   1   2.4   Despite  the  high  proportion  of  people  that  expected  to  receive  a  higher  

income,  the  qualitative  responses  indicate  that  this  was  not  a  determining  factor   for  most  people  in  their  decision  to  move.    Simon  Davidson,  Senior  Partner  of  an   architecture  firm,  like  the  vast  majority  of  respondents,  stated  categorically  that   income  was  not  a  factor  in  his  decision  to  move  to  Canada.    Despite  45  per  cent  of   respondents  saying  that  they  received  some  financial  support  to  move  to  Canada   (see  Table  5),  typically  either  from  their  company  or  a  university,  this  was  not  a   determining  factor.    Caroline  Short,  a  national  programme  manager  of  an   accountancy  firm,  for  example,  said  that  between  her  partner  and  her,  they  had   received  about  £15,000  of  relocation  money,  including  costs  for  flights,  shipping,   accommodation  and  a  per  diem  allowance.      This  substantial  financial  support,   however,  was  not  a  factor  in  the  decision-­‐making  process.    Although  many   respondents  welcomed  the  financial  support,  it  was  not  critical  in  influencing  them   to  move.     Table  5:  Respondents  who  received  a  higher  income,  better  job,  financial  support   or  company  support  when  they  moved  to  Canada     Higher   Better  job  (%)     Financial   Logistical   income  (%)   support  (%)   support  (%)   Yes   39   41   45   55   No   45   29   55   45   Same   12   17       Not  sure   4   13      

 

 

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A  larger  proportion  of  British  expatriates  (55  per  cent)  received  some  kind   of  logistical  support,  which  typically  included  assistance  with  visas.    Adam  Briggs,   Project  Director  of  an  IT  consultancy  company,  said  that  his  company:  ‘Employed  a   lawyer  to  help  with  the  work  permit  and  that  made  quite  a  big  difference  and  they   also  helped  with  the  permanent  residency  and  that  made  it  a  lot  easier.’      Many   respondents  who  had  secured  jobs  before  moving  to  Canada  said  that  their   employer  had  been  helpful  in  enabling  them  to  secure  their  visa.    In  summary,   although  a  large  number  of  British  expatriates  received  a  higher  income,  a  better   job,  financial  support  to  move  as  well  as  logistical  support  with  relocation,  these   factors  on  the  whole  were  of  limited  significance  in  their  ultimate  decision  to  move   to  Canada.    That  is  not  to  say  that  these  measures  did  not  help  with  the  process  of   migration  and  integration,  but  they  were  of  limited  or  no  importance  in  the   decision-­‐making  process.    This  questions  the  extent  to  which  certain   microeconomic  theories  of  migration  capture  the  nuances  of  micro-­‐level   international  mobility  decisions  among  highly  skilled  expatriates.    

Conclusions   This  chapter  has  demonstrated  that  the  key  determinants  of  immigration   and  return  migration  amongst  highly  skilled  British  expatriates  are  markedly   different.    Job  opportunities,  for  example,  tended  to  be  more  important  for   respondents  when  immigrating,  whereas  family  and  relationship  ties  tended  to  be   more  significant  for  respondents  when  emigrating.    The  results  from  this  research   indicate  that  although  economic  factors  were  important  in  determining  migration   decisions,  they  were  not  the  sole  or  most  important  consideration  for  highly  

 

 

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skilled  migrants.    When  making  immigration  decisions,  lifestyle  factors  were  the   main  reason  that  people  moved,  whereas  when  making  return  migration  decisions,   family  and  relationships  ties  were  the  main  reason.    These  findings  question  the   prevalence  of  microeconomic  theories  of  migration  among  the  highly  skilled  across   different  geographic  settings.    That  is  not  to  say  that  microeconomic  theories  of   migration  are  not  important  for  many  groups,  but  in  the  case  of  many  British   expatriates  moving  to  Vancouver,  economic  factors  were  not  the  most  significant   consideration.    There  is  overlap  between  economic  and  non-­‐economic   determinants  of  migration,  but  these  have  been  separated  in  the  analysis  because   respondents  emphasised  the  significance  of  non-­‐economic  over  economic  factors,   rather  than  both  factors  being  of  equal  importance.     Social  ties  were  important  in  influencing  migration  decisions,  which   supports  the  emphasis  in  the  literature  on  the  ways  in  which  social  relationships   determine  international  migration  decisions.    Having  said  this,  despite  the  fact  that   respondents  held  transnational  ties,  particularly  with  families  members  back  in   the  UK  when  they  were  working  in  Canada,  such  relationships  were  not  critical  in   determining  migration  decisions.    In  addition,  transnational  social  ties  with   businesses  and  governments  was  almost  non-­‐existent,  suggesting  that  the   potential  for  bridging  social  networks  has  not  been  harnessed  anywhere  near  the   extent  that  scholars  have  shown  in  other  locations  (see  for  example  Larner,  2007).     Finally,  despite  the  fact  that  many  expatriates  move  abroad  through  formal   structures  such  as  company  transfers,  with  a  few  notable  exceptions  most  British   expatriates  moved  to  Vancouver  independently.    This  serves  to  show  that  highly   skilled  migrants  are  not  necessarily  influenced  by  corporations  to  move  abroad,  

 

 

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which  again  questions  the  degree  to  which  economic  factors  are  always  the   predominant  determinant  of  international  migration  decisions.  

Acknowledgements   I  am  very  grateful  for  the  financial  support  from  the  Canadian  Post-­‐Doctoral   Research  Fellowship  Program  (PDRF).  I  would  also  like  to  thank  David  Ley,  Elaine   Ho  and  an  anonymous  reviewer  for  highly  valuable  comments  on  an  earlier  draft   of  this  chapter.  

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                                                                                                                i  Vancouver’s  British-­‐born  population  is  65  810  (3.1  per  cent  of  the  city’s  total   population)  and  Toronto’s  British-­‐born  population  is  128  310  (2.5  per  cent  of  the   city’s  total  population)  (Statistics  Canada,  2006).   ii  64.2  per  cent  of  Vancouver’s  British-­‐born  population  hold  a  post-­‐secondary   certificate,  diploma  or  degree  and  their  average  employment  income  is  $68  901   CAD.    60.8  per  cent  of  Toronto’s  British-­‐born  population  hold  a  post-­‐secondary   certificate,  diploma  or  degree  and  their  average  employment  income  is  $78  701   (Statistics  Canada,  2006).