1
Immigration and emigration decisions among highly skilled British expatriates in Vancouver Dr William S. Harvey Said Business School, University of Oxford, Park End Street, Oxford, OX1 1HP.
[email protected]
Abstract This chapter compares the reasons why highly skilled British expatriates immigrated to and would emigrate from Canada. The reasons respondents left the UK and would return to the UK were markedly different. Job opportunities, for example, were important in immigration decisions, whereas family and friendship considerations were important in return migration decisions. In both instances and in contrast to microeconomic theories of migration, highly skilled migrants found that economic considerations was not the most significant reason for moving, which questions the importance of this theory in different geographic and group settings. Finally, although social networks were key in influencing migration decisions, transnational social ties were of limited importance and this problematises the argument that these networks are prevalent amongst highly skilled migrants.
Introduction There is an extensive literature on economic migrants moving to and from their home and host countries. There has been a strong emphasis on the economic drivers of migration, although other factors such as social networks have been
2
seen as important, but secondary in significance. This chapter intends to explore the degree to which social factors are less important than economic factors for influencing migration decisions. Furthermore, there will be an exploration into how social networks and in particular transnational ties influence migration decisions. Within the migration literature, our understanding of the motivations and determinants of highly skilled migration remains somewhat limited. This is surprising given that this group have made a critical contribution to different labour markets, and governments and companies are keen to implement policies to attract these workers. Again, it is not clear whether this group move through formal structures such as internal company transfers (ICTs), or as students, or for other purposes. In short, this work explores the key factors that would drive highly skilled migrants to leave their host and home countries. The chapter adopts a case study approach and focuses on a group of highly skilled British expatriates working in a range of economic sectors around Vancouver.
Microeconomic theories of migration Microeconomic theorists argue that rational individuals will move when they expect to receive a greater increase in per capita labour earnings (Sjaastad, 1962). This also applies to international migrants who will move to countries where they expect to maximise their economic benefit in the global labour market (Borjas, 1999). The argument is significant for all migrant groups, but less has been discussed about microeconomic theories of migration in the context of highly skilled workers. Although this group is numerically small, their economic impact upon regional economies has proved particularly high and governments and companies are keen to attract them (Saxenian, 2006).
3
There has tended to be a strong emphasis on the economic determinants of international mobility within the migration literature. Yet, individuals do not always have the necessary means to determine the costs of moving compared to staying in a country. As a result, scholars have also focused on the social aspects of migration. Family members and social networks, for instance, are considered critical in influencing migration decisions (Boyd, 1989; Ackers, 2004). Economists have considered the importance of other factors such as ‘opportunity costs’ (job opportunities), ‘direct costs’ (transportation and moving expenses) and ‘psychic costs’ (the expense of keeping in contact and visiting family and friends) in influencing migration, but generally these factors have been considered less important compared to economic factors. Within the microeconomic framework is human capital theory, which argues that individuals invest in their education and skills in order to gain returns in the labour market (Sjaastad, 1962). Arguably individuals will move abroad if they expect their human capital to hold greater value overseas than in their home country (Regets, 2001). In addition, individuals who hold higher levels of education are more likely to leave their home country than those with fewer educational qualifications (Chiswick, 1999; van Dalen & Henkens, 2007). There is the underlying assumption that highly skilled migrants rationalise their decisions predominantly in economic terms when in fact other non-‐economic determinants may have equal or more weighting. Some scholars claim that certain groups such as the student population have been neglected within the skilled migration literature (Baláž & Williams,
4
2004). This is important because students and young researchers represent the largest number of highly skilled in the global economy and they are a key determinant of where skilled workers will settle (Ewers, 2007). It is generally agreed that students from developing countries move overseas for better educational or long-‐term employment opportunities (Biao, 2003; Saxenian, 2006; Waters, 2007). Surprisingly, there has been less analysis of students from developed countries. This is significant because these students have the potential to improve international knowledge flows and contribute to regional economic development (Regets, 2001). Similarly, when analysing the student population, Ackers (2005) argues that it is key to distinguish between undergraduate and postgraduate flows because there may be distinct differences in numbers and reasons for moving. In short, there has been a lack of specificity of the education and skillsets of highly skilled migrants. In addition, there has been little attention concerning the stage in the life course when people move abroad. In general, it is argued that highly skilled workers migrate when they are younger and have a greater period of time to gain a return in their human capital abroad (van Dalen and Henkens, 2007). The problem with generalising when people migrate is they have different explanations for moving and their reasons for migrating will change over time. Individuals also hold varying social networks, which are considered critical for determining international migration. Until recently there has been a relative lack of discussion on highly skilled migrants returning to their home countries (Regets, 2001; Meyer, 2001; Keren et al., 2003; Tsay, 2003; Zhang, 2003; Baláž and Williams, 2004; Ley and Kobayashi,
5
2005; Saxenian, 2002, 2006; Chacko, 2007; Kobayashi and Preston, 2007). Given the recent emphasis on national governments and organisations trying to attract and retain global talent (Accenture, 2006), it is surprising that return migration (or stay rates) has received little critical attention. A number of scholars (Beaverstock, 2002; Saxenian, 2006; Larner, 2007; Harvey, 2008), for example, found that a range of highly skilled migrants in different geographic settings have made a strong positive impact upon labour markets. Yet, our understanding of why they move remains inadequate. It is generally agreed that the majority of highly skilled migrants have not returned and will not return until they perceive there to be the necessary professional opportunities available in their home countries. Zhang (2003), for instance, shows that between 1978-‐2001, only 14 per cent of Chinese students in the US returned to China. Similarly, Finn (2007) found that 32 per cent of foreign citizens who received a doctorate in the US in 2000 were no longer living in the country in 2005. That is not to say that highly skilled workers are not returning to their home countries. Tsay (2003), for example, argues that returning Taiwanese talent has proved an important trend in the last few decades. However, many countries and particularly developing countries, have experienced a ‘brain drain’ (Keren et al., 2003), despite recent trends suggesting a greater proportion of return migration (Saxenian, 2006). What is absent from the literature on highly skilled migrants is a study focusing on the reasons why people leave their home countries as well as why they would leave their host countries. This is potentially critical as it could shed light on the antecedents of brain drain and return migration among the highly skilled.
6
This study aims to do exactly this by analysing the migration experiences and intentions of a small group of highly skilled British expatriates living in Vancouver.
Social networks Outside of the microeconomic framework, migration scholars have emphasised for some time the importance of social relationships in influencing migration decisions (Stark & Bloom, 1985; Massey et al., 1998; Taylor, 1999; Robinson & Carey, 2000; Raghuram, 2004; Ackers, 2004; Ley & Kobayashi, 2005). Non-‐economic factors such as family members, friends, colleagues and professional contacts are considered critical in influencing migration decisions. The new economics of migration theory, for example, argues that migration decisions are not made by isolated individual actors, but by larger groups of related people such as families (Massey et al., 1998). Although scholars have shown that social relationships among migrants are vital in helping them to move (Boyd, 1989; Hagan, 1998), it remains relatively unclear how important they have been for highly skilled migrants, with a few exceptions (Robinson and Carey, 2000; Harvey, 2009). Chain migration is an important aspect of migrant social networks and it describes the way in which a large number of people from the same home country move to another country. The theory argues that potential migrants use their social networks with migrants who have recently integrated to help provide them with detailed information. Montgomery (2008), for example, found that Indian graduates of IIT universities would strategise about what US universities to apply to in order not to have too many students applying to the same institutions. In this instance, social networks lower the costs of migration. Although it has been argued that social networks are
7
important for influencing people to move to host countries, less has been discussed about the role of networks in return migration. Again, a comparative study would prove insightful in order to ascertain the role of social networks for highly skilled migrants both leaving and returning to a home country.
Transnationalism Transnationalism describes the ties of people, networks and organisations across international borders (Faist, 2000). In the context of highly skilled migrants, scholars argue that they maintain strong social ties not only with other expatriates and the local population, but also with family members, friends and professionals living in their home countries (Vertovec, 2002; Hardwick, 2003; Iredale et al., 2003; Saxenian, 2006; Beaverstock, 2002; Asiedu, 2005; Hazen and Alberts, 2006; Larner 2007; Kobayashi and Preston, 2007; Khoo et al., 2007; Mau et al., 2008; Faist, 2008). Transnationalism includes not only the physical movement of people between different countries, but also the maintenance of social relationships and the transfer of knowledge across international borders. Migrants often preference living in their home and host countries for different reasons. Ley and Kobayashi (2005), for example, found that their sample of highly skilled migrants in Vancouver and Hong Kong switched between living in Hong Kong for work purposes and living in Vancouver for quality-‐of-‐life purposes. What is not clear in general is whether the reasons people move to a host country are the same as those that determine whether they leave that country. In other words, to what extent are factors in both the home and host country important in determining migration decisions?
8
It is clear that transnational social networks are significant in the migration decision-‐making process for highly skilled workers. Saxenian (2006) found that Chinese, Indian, Taiwanese and Israeli engineers around Silicon Valley used their transnational social networks with professionals, family members and friends for a range of purposes, including making migration and investment decisions. Similarly, Meyer (2001) found that over two-‐thirds of his highly skilled South African expatriate sample living in developed countries hold professional connections with people in their home country and over fifty percent of them have maintained family or personal contacts in South Africa. Beaverstock (2005, p. 262) showed that transnational social ties were important for British expatriates in New York for maintaining regular contact with their families and friends in the UK. This study seeks to determine how critical transnational social ties were in influencing the migration decisions of highly skilled British expatriates in Vancouver. Scholars have emphasised the significance of business workers moving abroad for work purposes such as secondments (Beaverstock, 1996, 2002; 2005, Findlay et al., 1996; Jones, 2007). Beaverstock (2005), for example, found that many British bankers and accountants working in New York were expected by their firms to live and work in other major global financial centres. Although it is clear that large companies in certain sectors are important in influencing highly skilled workers to migrate, it is not apparent whether this is significant for the majority of workers in this category. In addition, although there is a body of research looking at how professional opportunities are encouraging people to move abroad (Iredale, 2001; Meyer, 2001), is this necessarily always the case for
9
highly skilled expatriates who are living abroad and are considering returning to their home countries? There has been a limited amount of research on the social relationships between governments and highly skilled migrants. Patterson (2006) argues that the nature of the relationship between a country and its expatriates is extremely important for transforming brain drain into return migration. Larner (2007) argues that such types of transnational social networks are becoming formalised. She suggests that the attitude towards highly skilled migrants is changing and governments are realising that their expatriates do not need to return to their home countries in order to contribute to national economic development. Many New Zealand expatriates, for example, have increasingly become connected with businesses in New Zealand through voluntary social networks. Although some scholars (Keren et al., 2003; Patterson, 2006; Larner, 2007) have emphasised the importance of transnational social networks, it is doubtful how prevalent these ties are between other highly skilled migrant groups and their home country governments.
Methods This research adopts a case study approach, focusing on the experiences of British expatriates making migration decisions to and from Vancouver. The results that follow derive from interviews with 64 highly skilled British expatriates who were working in a range of economic sectors (see Table 1). Interviews were conducted either in person (31 per cent) or over the telephone (69 per cent) in Vancouver between September 2008 and March 2009 and they lasted for
10
approximately 45 minutes. The majority of interviews were conducted over the telephone because most respondents preferred this to face-‐to-‐face interviews. There was no apparent difference between face-‐to-‐face and telephone interviews in terms of the quality of responses to questions. In fact, a number of telephone interviews not only lasted in excess of an hour, but also provided some of the most detailed responses. One of the main reasons that respondents preferred telephone interviews was so that they could be more flexible with scheduling appointments in this research. Structured interviews were the best method for obtaining high quality data in a relatively short period because of the limited time that respondents were able to provide. Open-‐ and closed-‐ended questions were asked so that detailed qualitative data as well as some descriptive statistics could be generated. The term ‘highly skilled migrant’ is problematic because there are multiple types of highly skilled migrants and different interpretations have been posited in the migration literature, despite attempts to clarify its meaning (Koser and Salt, 1997; Millar and Salt, 2008). In the context of this research, I use the term ‘highly skilled migrant’ to describe respondents who were born in the UK, had received at least a bachelor’s degree qualification or equivalent training and had received at least three years of paid or unpaid work experience since their degree qualification or training. Despite strong historical and economic ties between the UK and Canada, very little has been written recently on the flows of British expatriates to Canada. This is surprising given that Canadian cities such as Vancouver and Toronto have large British populationsi, many of whom hold high levels of educational and
11
professional training.ii Yet, little has been researched on why this group moves to Canada and stays in the country or returns to the UK. This is important because this group, along with other highly skilled expatriate populations, have made a highly positive impact upon host countries (Harvey, 2008; Saxenian, 2006). This research analyses the experiences of highly skilled British expatriates working in different economic sectors and at various levels of their careers and lifecycles (see Table 2). The average age of respondents was 46 and 83 per cent were male and 17 per cent were female. This male-‐dominated sample reinforces the heavily gendered aspect of highly skilled migration (Hardill and MacDonald, 1998; Willis and Yeoh, 2000). Gender is not a key focus of this research, in part because a more even distribution of men and women respondents would have been required. However, future studies would benefit from examining the degree to which men and women differ in their decisions to immigrate and emigrate. I focused on highly skilled migrants working in a range of industries to establish whether there are any commonalities or differences in their migration decisions. This is significant because scholars have often focused on highly skilled migrants within specific fields such as banking and law (Beaverstock, 2002, 2005), engineering and IT (Saxenian, 2006), academia (Richardson and McKenna, 2002) and pharmaceuticals and biotechnology (Harvey, 2008, 2009). A number of different avenues were adopted for gaining access to respondents to ensure that a cross-‐section of British expatriates were interviewed. These avenues included attending local sports, social club and alumni events, requesting participation on expatriate websites, contacting relocation companies and the British consulate, and snowballing contacts through previous interviews
12
(for gaining access to elites, see Harvey, 2010). These avenues had varying degrees of success, with snowballing proving the most successful and the British Consulate proving the least successful. The vast majority of respondents assisted with gaining access to other British expatriates and all respondents said that they would be happy to be contacted again for follow-‐up questions. Pseudonyms are used to protect the identities of respondents and their employers. Table 1: Age, university qualification and visa status of respondents Age ≤25 26-‐35 36-‐45 46-‐55 56+ University Qualification Bachelor’s Master’s Doctorate or equivalent Other None Visa Status Canadian citizen Permanent resident Work visa or landed immigrant Gender Male Female
% (n) 6 (4) 20 (13) 27 (17) 20 (13) 27 (17) 41 (26) 30 (19) 17 (11) 9 (6) 3 (2) 53 (34) 20 (13) 27 (17) 83 (53) 17 (11)
13
Table 2: Economic sector and job title of respondents Economic sector Creative University Other Engineering Accountancy IT Consultancy Government Law Banking Job title CEO, Founder Director or Partner Senior Manager Manager Early career Other
% (n) 22 (14) 15 (10) 15 (10) 11 (7) 10 (6) 10 (6) 8 (5) 3 (2) 3 (2) 3 (2) 25 (16) 26 (17) 19 (12) 22 (14) 8 (5)
Determinants of immigration and emigration British respondents were divided in their reasons for moving to Canada (see Graph 1). The main reasons for migrating were for a better lifestyle, environment and quality of life (35 per cent), for a job, career opportunity or new challenge (31 per cent), for travel, adventure and a change (17 per cent), or for a better environment for their children (9 per cent). Other factors that were important for a smaller number of respondents included joining their spouses or partners and because they were attracted to Vancouver from former holidays, as well as the fact that Canada is an English-‐speaking country. Peter Mason, a university scientist, provided a typical response because he was very attracted to the physical environment around Vancouver and also held family ties: ‘Initially I came out on holiday here and met my future wife out here and that was the main
14
reason. We had a choice between England, Australia and here, and my wife's family and the quality of lifestyle here – that would be the main one. We're outdoors people.’ Like many respondents, Mason compared the lifestyle and quality of life advantages and disadvantages of different world cities and decided that Vancouver would be best. Frequently respondents put lifestyle before finding a job that they often had problems obtaining work on arrival. Mark Wilson, an architect, for example, said: ‘I was thinking I should have a different experience of living in England. I was working in London. I naïvely thought I'd easily get a job literally when I came here. I had a girlfriend over there which didn't work out. I got offered a job, got sponsored, but the government didn't recognise it and so I moved back. Then months after I got refused I got offered that job back. Then my firm tried to sponsor me again and I got refused again. I then applied as a skilled worker. My wife is Canadian. She is one of the main reasons that I moved here the second time. The key reason I stayed was my wife and lifestyle.’
Despite Wilson having very high university and professional qualifications, he still faced difficulties finding work because his professional qualification was not recognised. Nonetheless, he moved to Canada for the second time to join his wife and for lifestyle reasons, despite having to re-‐qualify as an architect. This example is important because Wilson did not move for a better salary or job opportunity. In fact, he had to delay his career progression in order that he could enjoy the lifestyle around Vancouver and live with his wife. This response is significant because many highly skilled migrants were not necessarily moving abroad for better job opportunities. Indeed, microeconomic theories of migration appear to be of limited importance as a determinant of migration for many highly skilled British expatriates.
15
Although lifestyle around Vancouver was a critical reason that many British expatriates moved to the city, the job opportunity was still important for some people. Michael Peters, an engineer, did a lot of research into the Human Development Index of different countries before deciding upon Canada. However, like a number of respondents, he said that the job opportunity in Vancouver was a key catalyst in moving to the country. This suggests that job opportunity is not unimportant in influencing highly skilled British expatriates to move to Canada. This is particularly the case for employees of large professional service firms who have been seconded. James Lee, an accountant, for example, said that he was attracted more to the city of Vancouver than to Canada as a country. Again, lifestyle, was a key attraction as well as the opportunity to have greater responsibility and exposure to different sectors compared to if he had stayed in London: ‘Because I wanted to get out of London, a big city, wanted to move to a smaller city. More city than country, better work/life balance and wanted to be outdoors. Was going to go down to Auckland and then I got asked what skills I'd take back to the UK and basically better clients and skills [in Vancouver] -‐ wine, forestry. Basically, lifestyle and looking what work to do.’
16
Graph 1: Reasons for immigrating to Canada
In terms of return migration, over half of British respondents (53 per cent)
said that they would seriously consider returning to the UK. On the surface this seems quite a significant number, although it is less than some other highly skilled migrant groups (see Table 3). When asked how likely on a 0-‐10 scale they would be to return to the UK, the average British expatriate rated the likelihood as 3.3. In addition, 25 per cent rated themselves as having zero likelihood of returning while 8 per cent rated themselves as having a likelihood of ten on the 0-‐10 scale. Iain Patterson, an engineering consultant, for example, said that he had zero likelihood of returning to the UK, in part because he already spends two months of the year living there, which is something that a small number of other expatriates also experienced. For others like Darren Young, the likelihood of return was very low because they had children and did not want to uproot them or subject them to a less friendly environment, which was the general perception of the UK vis à vis Canada. In the words of Simon Pearson, a Managing Director in the Hospitality Sector: ‘The social fabric has disintegrated in the UK.’ Finally, a very small
17
proportion of respondents (5 per cent) knew of ten or more British friends or colleagues who had returned to the UK to work. Although by no means conclusive, this suggests that return migration was not a common trend for most highly skilled British expatriates. Michael Night, Founder of a Relocation Service, for example, said: ‘In the last four years, of the about sixty to eighty people who have come here to work, three to four have gone back.’ Table 3: Returning to home country
British expatriates in Vancouver 56
British Indian Chinese scientists in scientists in engineers Boston Boston in Silicon Valley 74 93 43
Indian engineers in Silicon Valley 45
Would consider returning to home country (%) How likely to 3.3 n/a n/a n/a n/a return to the UK (0-‐10 scale) How many 5 3 15 9 4 respondents have ≥ 10 friends or colleagues who have returned to the UK to work (%) Source: Author’s fieldwork, Harvey (2009, p. 7), Saxenian (2002, p. 33)
When British respondents were asked what would be their main reason and their single most important reason for either staying in Canada or returning to the UK, lifestyle, in both cases 32 per cent, was again the most important factor (see Graph 2). Other important factors included family, friends, a good job and the society. Diana Walters, Director of an accountancy firm, summarises the range of
18
factors that were important in influencing her decision to stay in Canada as opposed to returning to the UK: ‘I've built a life here. I like the life here. What we wanted when we moved was what we've got. My hours are very reasonable. The fact that everyone has to be nice is positive as an employee. I'm healthy, five minute commute. Vancouver is also very well setup for kids, a lot of green space and be[ing] active. My family are supportive of me not going back, but I'm an only child.’
These remarks reinforce the attractiveness of Vancouver as a city and quality of life is again of central importance. Simon Pearson, Managing Director in the Hospitality Sector, gave a very succinct and direct reason for why he would stay in Canada: ‘It's decent, it's civil, it's correct, it's clean, it's safe, it's reliable, it's non-‐ threatening as a society, it's medical system and it's a social and moral-‐conscious society; all the things not in the UK.’ Strong societal morals and ethics in Vancouver was a frequently cited reason that British respondents were attracted to staying in Canada. There was a general and looming concern that the social environment in the UK had deteriorated which many considered a strong deterrent for returning. Graph 2: Reasons and main reasons for staying in Canada or returning to the UK
19
Family was another critical factor that influenced people to stay in Canada. Donald Bill, Manager of a sports management company, made it clear that family was the most important tie in his migration decisionmaking: ‘There's far too much here. My kids were born here, my wife was born here […] It's just this place is home now.’ It is not only family in the host country that is a pull for British respondents to stay around Vancouver, but also family in the UK that would influence expatriates to return. Indeed, often family is the only principal draw for respondents to return. As John Hills, an IT web designer, put it: ‘The only reason I would go back to the UK is family.’ Michael Peters, an engineer, agreed saying that he had no intention of returning to the UK because he thought: ‘The quality of life for family is better for me, family-‐friendly things for our kids and more affordable is more important here than in the UK. We are settled and wouldn't want to uproot ourselves. My career opportunities are better here than in the UK. I'm at a higher level here than in the UK. The only thing that would change that would be to look after family or parents.’ Peters makes it clear that his family in Canada and the UK would be key in influencing his migration decision. The responses from British expatriates reinforces the argument that economic advantage in the labour market is not the most important consideration in return migration decisions for this group of highly skilled migrants. Indeed, family circumstances in both Canada and the UK were clearly important in shaping decisions about whether to return to the UK. This supports some of the major arguments in the transnationalism literature concerning the significance of family relationships and ties in influencing migration decisions. Having said this, a good job opportunity was important for respondents when coupled with other factors.
20
David Fish, a computer programmer, for example, said that he would consider returning if he felt that he would be able to afford the same kind of lifestyle that he holds in Vancouver: ‘Being confident that I can work there and have the same quality of life, cost of living. Mainly if I was able to go back and lead the same kind of life, economically speaking. Right now, I don't think that could be the case.’ When asked a closed-‐ended question respondents ranked professional opportunities more importantly than culture and lifestyle as a reason for returning (see Graph 3). The reason for this, however, was because the vast majority of respondents felt overwhelmingly that their lifestyle in Canada was better than their potential lifestyle in the UK and hence they rated this as less important than professional reasons for returning to the UK. Janet Ruth, Programme Manager and Scientist, said that because she is surrounded by mountains and the ocean around Vancouver, she does not think she could have this proximity to the physical landscape as well as the breadth of outdoor activities in the UK, unless she lived in Scotland and Wales, where there would not be the same professional opportunities in her field. When comparing the responses of British expatriates to other highly skilled migrant groups, professional opportunities followed by culture and lifestyle were also two of the most important factors in influencing people to return to their home countries (see Graph 3). British respondents in Vancouver rated family members as even more critical (6.1 on a 0-‐10 scale) than professional opportunities and culture and lifestyle. Similarly, 60 per cent of Saxenian’s (2002, p. 35) Chinese sample and 40 per cent of her Indian sample rated family members, including primary relationships with family members and relatives, education for
21
children and need for family consensus, as among the most important factors shaping their decision to return to their home countries. It was predominantly family members in Canada that influenced British expatriates to stay in the country, rather than family members in the UK drawing them home. Michael Piper, a senior engineer, said that his family’s quality of life was a very important consideration and his family felt happier and safer living in Canada than in the UK, which is a key reason why he would not return to the UK. However, he also said that although the quality of life of his family was most important, ‘[…] the only thing that would change would be to look after family or parents [in the UK].’ Andrew Vince, an accountant, went one step further and said that his fiancée and him would want to bring up their children near their parents: ‘Both me and my parents are very close to our immediate family and we would want to be very close to them when we raise our family.’ Overall, family was a critical factor in influencing respondents to stay in Canada or return to the UK. Family in Canada was significantly more influential for most people than family in the UK. In large part this was because the average respondent arrived in Canada in 1994, suggesting that most people held greater location-‐specific capital, including in most cases stronger close family and friendship ties, in Canada than in the UK. Graph 3: The mean scores of different factors that would influence various highly skilled migrant groups to return to their home countries
22
Source: Author’s fieldwork, Harvey (2009, p. 8), and Saxenian (2002, p. 35) There were distinct differences in why British expatriates moved to Vancouver compared to the reasons why they would return to the UK (see Graph 4). Moving for a better lifestyle, environment and quality of life as well as a better job, career opportunity and new challenge were important when people were making both immigration and return migration decisions. Both factors were cited more frequently by respondents when they were immigrating. In the case of lifestyle this was because some respondents did not see themselves returning to the UK for a better lifestyle and therefore they did not cite it as important. In the case of job opportunities, this was because many respondents were at a significantly later stage in their life cycle and therefore new career challenges were much lower in importance. A change of scene and the opportunity to travel and experience a new adventure was key for a number of respondents immigrating, but not cited as important by anyone as a reason for returning to the UK. Graph 4: Comparing why respondents would stay in Canada or return to the UK
23
Social ties were cited as much more important as a reason for returning to the UK rather than immigrating to Canada. Over half of respondents said that their spouse, partner or friends would be important in influencing them to return to the UK, whereas only a very small number of people said that this group were critical in helping them make the decision to move to Canada. Again, in many instances this was because respondents were at an earlier stage in their life cycle and therefore tended to hold less family and relationship ties when they left the UK and so this was not important in making the decision to move. In contrast, at the time of the interviews (on average fifteen years after they had initially migrated) the majority of respondents were either in a serious relationship or married and therefore considered such social ties as critical in influencing their migration decisions. In other words, family and relationship ties appeared to be significantly more important in influencing the migration decisions of highly skilled expatriates when they were older, which again emphasises how migration decisions change over a person’s life cycle. Finally, a small number of people said the society and general atmosphere would influence their return to the UK. Specifically, these respondents were disconcerted and disillusioned with what they perceived to be a fall in societal standards in the UK, which was enough to prevent them from returning. As was mentioned above, respondents worked in variety of economic sectors and given the highly skilled nature of their work, this increased their exposure to and influence from other like-‐minded knowledge professionals, many of whom had migrated for professional purposes themselves. As a result, social contacts were of further importance in providing information on migration
24
possibilities. It is likely that the specific nature of work within different economic sectors may also have impacted migration decisions. Professionals employed in sectors with long working hours such as investment banking and law, for example, were arguably likely to move for different reasons than professionals working in sectors that have shorter working hours such as government. Although this research found key trends for migrating among this highly skilled group, future work would benefit from analysing the degree to which professionals in similar sectors have converging motivations for moving because of the similar work and social norms within these sectors.
Migration decision-‐making The majority of respondents said that they made the decision to move to Canada with others. Table 4 shows that three-‐quarters of respondents made the decision to move to Canada with family members, spouses or partners. Michael Beach, Chief Software Engineer, said that he made the decision to move to Vancouver with his wife having weighed-‐up the pros and cons of living in other global locations: ‘We were living in Los Angeles. She had a Ph.D back in Cambridge. She didn't like America. The rationale of living abroad had surfaced. We looked at Australia, New Zealand and Canada. New Zealand was a second runner; it is such a long way from anywhere. Australia would have been better for jobs. We had been in Vancouver visiting and preferred it. We looked at Calgary and Toronto and went for Vancouver.’ Deborah Walton, a director of an accountancy firm, said that she made the decision to move to Vancouver with her husband and it was a ‘very mutual decision.’ Although she took the initiative to attend a local seminar about emigrating from the UK, she said that her husband
25
would have done the same if he had come across the same seminar first. The above quotations highlight the way that many respondents were quite calculated in where they decided to move to compared to other alternative locations. These responses also show that decisions were frequently made with family members. This supports the emphasis in the migration literature on the importance of social networks in influencing international mobility decisions. A significant proportion of respondents (16 per cent) said that they made the final decision to move to Canada independently. Having said this, they admitted that they were still influenced in some capacity by others such as parents and professionals. Janet Ruth, a university programme manager, said that she was quite independent in her decision to move to Vancouver, although she admitted: ‘I have a boyfriend who had to be consulted.’ Caroline Short, a national programme manager for an accountancy firm, gave quite a mixed message about who she made the decision to move with. She initially claimed that she made the decision herself and then subsequently said that it was a joint decision with her boyfriend because both of them wanted to move for lifestyle reasons as well as for the greater professional opportunity. A small number of respondents said that their decision to move was influenced by professionals. James License, manager of an accountancy firm, said that he made the decision with his partner initially, but before he made the final decision he spoke with his career coach as well as some senior colleagues from his UK workplace. Importantly, although the professional opportunity was a good one, it was secondary in importance compared to the lifestyle opportunity for his partner and him. These findings are significant because for most respondents migration decisions were predominantly a family
26
and a personal decision rather than a professional one. This questions the microeconomic argument that migrants are necessarily moving abroad for professional development purposes. When people made the decision to move to Canada, 45 per cent said that they expected a lower income, 39 per cent said that they expected a higher income, 12 per cent thought their income would be the same and 4 per cent were unsure (see Table 4). Simon Bison, Project Manager of a construction company, expected his income to be lower in Canada compared to the UK: ‘I thought it would be less than the UK, but it's turned out higher. I was willing to take the pay cut, but I didn't have to.’ In many cases, respondents did not expect their income to be higher, but they thought there was the opportunity to earn more in the long term. Adam Briggs, Project Director of an IT consultancy company, for example, said: ‘I thought the potential was there, but I didn't expect it would be higher.’ A significant number of respondents said that they expected to receive a higher income when they moved to Canada. Richard Willis, University Professor, said that he was earning £50,000 a year and then received an offer of $136,000 CAD which at the time was twice the amount of money. Having said this, he argued that it was not a factor for him moving, but rather it was the potential job satisfaction. A larger proportion of respondents thought that their job would be better (41 per cent) or the same (17 per cent) as their previous job in the UK, but again this needs to be placed in the context that people were more satisfied with their overall lifestyle such as their work-‐life balance.
27
Table 4: Immigration decision-‐making
Who respondents made migration decisions with (%)
The importance of different contacts in shaping migration decisions (0-‐10 scale) 6.9
Family members, spouses or 75 partners No one 16 n/a Professionals 8 3.7 Friends 1 2.4 Despite the high proportion of people that expected to receive a higher
income, the qualitative responses indicate that this was not a determining factor for most people in their decision to move. Simon Davidson, Senior Partner of an architecture firm, like the vast majority of respondents, stated categorically that income was not a factor in his decision to move to Canada. Despite 45 per cent of respondents saying that they received some financial support to move to Canada (see Table 5), typically either from their company or a university, this was not a determining factor. Caroline Short, a national programme manager of an accountancy firm, for example, said that between her partner and her, they had received about £15,000 of relocation money, including costs for flights, shipping, accommodation and a per diem allowance. This substantial financial support, however, was not a factor in the decision-‐making process. Although many respondents welcomed the financial support, it was not critical in influencing them to move. Table 5: Respondents who received a higher income, better job, financial support or company support when they moved to Canada Higher Better job (%) Financial Logistical income (%) support (%) support (%) Yes 39 41 45 55 No 45 29 55 45 Same 12 17 Not sure 4 13
28
A larger proportion of British expatriates (55 per cent) received some kind of logistical support, which typically included assistance with visas. Adam Briggs, Project Director of an IT consultancy company, said that his company: ‘Employed a lawyer to help with the work permit and that made quite a big difference and they also helped with the permanent residency and that made it a lot easier.’ Many respondents who had secured jobs before moving to Canada said that their employer had been helpful in enabling them to secure their visa. In summary, although a large number of British expatriates received a higher income, a better job, financial support to move as well as logistical support with relocation, these factors on the whole were of limited significance in their ultimate decision to move to Canada. That is not to say that these measures did not help with the process of migration and integration, but they were of limited or no importance in the decision-‐making process. This questions the extent to which certain microeconomic theories of migration capture the nuances of micro-‐level international mobility decisions among highly skilled expatriates.
Conclusions This chapter has demonstrated that the key determinants of immigration and return migration amongst highly skilled British expatriates are markedly different. Job opportunities, for example, tended to be more important for respondents when immigrating, whereas family and relationship ties tended to be more significant for respondents when emigrating. The results from this research indicate that although economic factors were important in determining migration decisions, they were not the sole or most important consideration for highly
29
skilled migrants. When making immigration decisions, lifestyle factors were the main reason that people moved, whereas when making return migration decisions, family and relationships ties were the main reason. These findings question the prevalence of microeconomic theories of migration among the highly skilled across different geographic settings. That is not to say that microeconomic theories of migration are not important for many groups, but in the case of many British expatriates moving to Vancouver, economic factors were not the most significant consideration. There is overlap between economic and non-‐economic determinants of migration, but these have been separated in the analysis because respondents emphasised the significance of non-‐economic over economic factors, rather than both factors being of equal importance. Social ties were important in influencing migration decisions, which supports the emphasis in the literature on the ways in which social relationships determine international migration decisions. Having said this, despite the fact that respondents held transnational ties, particularly with families members back in the UK when they were working in Canada, such relationships were not critical in determining migration decisions. In addition, transnational social ties with businesses and governments was almost non-‐existent, suggesting that the potential for bridging social networks has not been harnessed anywhere near the extent that scholars have shown in other locations (see for example Larner, 2007). Finally, despite the fact that many expatriates move abroad through formal structures such as company transfers, with a few notable exceptions most British expatriates moved to Vancouver independently. This serves to show that highly skilled migrants are not necessarily influenced by corporations to move abroad,
30
which again questions the degree to which economic factors are always the predominant determinant of international migration decisions.
Acknowledgements I am very grateful for the financial support from the Canadian Post-‐Doctoral Research Fellowship Program (PDRF). I would also like to thank David Ley, Elaine Ho and an anonymous reviewer for highly valuable comments on an earlier draft of this chapter.
References Accenture (2006), Tackling Talent Management. The people factor in achieving high performance for the industrial products industry. Accenture. Ackers, L. (2004), ‘Citizenship, migration and the valuation of care in the European Union’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 30 (2), 373–396. Asiedu, A. (2005). ‘Some Benefits of Migrants' Return Visits to Ghana’, Population, Space and Place, 11, 1-‐11. Baláž, V. and A.M. Williams (2004), ‘’Been There, Done That': International Student Migration and Human Capital Transfers from the UK to Slovakia’, Population, Space and Place, 10, 217-‐237. Beaverstock, J.V. and J. Smith (1996), ‘Lending Jobs to Global Cities: Skilled International Labour Migration, Investment banking and the City of London’, Urban Studies, 33 (8), 1377-‐1394. Beaverstock, J.V. (2002), ‘Transnational elites in global cities: British expatriates in Singapore's financial district’, Geoforum 33 (4), 525-‐538.
31
Beaverstock, J.V. (2005), ‘Transnational elites in the city: British highly-‐ skilled inter-‐company transferees in New York City's financial district’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 31 (2), 245-‐268. Biao, X. (2003), ‘Emigration from China: A Sending Country Perspective’, International Migration, 41 (3), 21-‐48. Borjas, G.J. (1999), ‘The Economic Analysis of Immigration’, Handbook of Labor Economics 3 (Part 1), 1697-‐1760. Boyd, M. (1989), ‘Family and Personal Networks in International Migration: Recent Developments and New Agendas’, International Migration Review, 23 (3), 638-‐670. Chiswick, B.R. (1999), ‘Are Immigrants Favorably Self-‐Selected?’ The American Economic Review, 89 (2), 181-‐185. Ewers, M.C. (2007), ‘Migrants, markets and multinationals: competition among world cities for the highly skilled’, GeoJournal, 68, 119-‐130. Faist, T. (2000), The Volume and Dynamics of International Migration and Transnational Social Spaces, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Faist, T. (2008), ‘Migrant as Transnational Development Agents: An inquiry into the Newest Round of the Migration-‐Development Nexus.’ Population, Space and Place, 14, 21-‐42. Findlay, A.M., F.L.N. Li, A.J. Jowett, and R. Skeldon (1996), ‘Skilled International Migration and the Global City: A Study of Expatriates in Hong Kong’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 21 (1), 49-‐61.
32
Finn, M.G. (2007), ‘Stay Rates of Foreign Doctorate Recipients from U.S. Universities, 2005’, Division of Science Resources Statistics of the National Science Foundation. Hagan, J.M. (1998), ‘Social networks, gender, and immigrant incorporation: Resources and constraints’, American Sociological Review, 63 (1), 55-‐67. Harvey, W.S. (2008), ‘Brain Circulation? British and Indian scientists in Boston, Massachusetts, USA’, Asian Population Studies, 4 (3), 293-‐309. Harvey, W.S. (2009), ‘British and Indian Scientists in Boston Considering Returning to their Home Countries’, Population, Space and Place, 15, 1-‐16. Harvey, W.S. (2010), ‘Methodological Approaches for Interviewing Elites’, Geography Compass, 4 (3), 193-‐205. Hardill, I. and S. MacDonald (2000), ‘Choosing to relocate: an examination of the impact of expatriate work on dual-‐career households’, Women’s Studies International Forum, 21 (1), 21-‐29. Hardwick, S.W. (2003), ‘Migration, embedded networks and social capital: towards theorising North American ethnic geography’, International Journal of Population Geography, 9 (2), 163-‐179. Hazen, H.D. and H.C. Alberts (2006), ‘Visitors of Immigrants? International Students in the United States’, Population, Space and Place, 12, 201-‐216. Iredale, R.F. (2001), ‘The migration of professionals: Theories and typologies’, International Migration, 39 (5), 7-‐26. Iredale, R., F. Guo, and S. Rozario (2003), Return Migration in the Asia Pacific, Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar.
33
Keren, L., Guo, F. and H. Ping (2003), ‘China: government policies and emerging trends of reversal of the brain drain’, in Iredale, R., Guo, F. and S. Rozario (eds), Return Migration in the Asia Pacific, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, pp. 88-‐111. Jones, A. (2007), ‘More than ‘managing across borders?’ the complex role of face-‐to-‐face interaction in globalizing law firms’, Journal of Economic Geography, 7, 223-‐246. Koser, K. and J. Salt (1997), ‘The geography of highly skilled international migration’, International Journal of Population Geography, 3 (4), 285-‐303. Khoo, S.-‐E., Voigt-‐Graf, C., McDonald, P., and G. Hugo (2007), ‘Temporary Skilled Migration to Australia: Employers’ Perspectives’, International Migration, 45 (4),175-‐201. Kobayashi, A. and V. Preston (2007), ‘Transnationalism through the life course: Hong Kong immigrants in Canada’, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, 48 (2), 151-‐167. Larner, W. (2007), ‘Expatriate experts and globalising governmentalities: the New Zealand diaspora strategy’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers NS, 32, 331-‐345. Ley, D. and A. Kobayshi (2005), ‘Back to Hong Kong: return migration or transnational sojourn?’ Global Networks, 5 (2), 111-‐127. Massey, D.S., J. Arango, G. Hugo, A. Kouaouci, A. Pellegrino, and J.E. Taylor (1998), Worlds in Motion: Understanding International Migration at the End of the Millennium, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Mau, S., Mewes, J. and A. Zimmermann (2008), ‘Cosmopolitan attitudes through transnational social practices?’ Global Networks 8 (1), 1-‐24.
34
Meyer, J.B. (2001), ‘Network Approach versus Brain Drain: Lessons from the Diaspora’, International Migration, 39 (5), 91-‐110. Millar, J. and J. Salt (2008), ‘Portfolios of mobility: the movement of expertise in transnational corporations in two sectors – aerospace and extractive industries’, Global Networks, 8 (1), 25-‐50. Montgomery, A.F. (2008), ‘Virtual enclaves: the influence of alumni email lists on the workspaces of transnational software engineers’, Global Networks, 8 (1), 71-‐93. Patterson, R. (2006), ‘Transnationalism: Diaspora-‐homeland development’, Social Forces, 84 (4), 1891-‐1907. Raghuram, P. (2004), ‘The Difference that Skills Make: Gender, Family Migration Strategies and Regulated Labour Markets’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 30 (2), 303-‐321. Regets MC. (2001), ‘Research and Policy Issues in High-‐Skilled International Migration: A Perspective with Data from the United States’, IZA Discussion Paper, 366. Richardson, J. and S. McKenna (2002), ‘Leaving and experiencing: Why academics expatriate and how they experience expatriation’, Career Development International, 7 (2), 67-‐78. Robinson, V. and M. Carey (2000), ‘Peopling Skilled International Migration: Indian Doctors in the UK’, International Migration, 38 (1), 89-‐108. Saxenian, A., Motoyama, Y. and X. Quan (2002), Local and Global Networks of Immigrant Professionals in Silicon Valley, San Francisco, California: Public Policy Institute of California.
35
Sjaastad, L.A. (1962), ‘The Costs and Returns of Human Migration’, Journal of Political Economy, 70 (5), 80-‐93. Stark, O. and D.E. Bloom (1985), ‘The New Economics of Labor Migration’, The American Economic Review, 75 (2), 173-‐178. Statistics Canada (2006), Census of Population, Statistics Canada, catalogue nos. 97-‐557 XCB2006007, 97-‐557 XCB2006009 and 97-‐564 XCB2006008. Taylor, E.J. (1999), ‘The New Economics of Labour Migration and the Role of Remittances in the Migration Process’, International Migration, 37 (1), 63-‐88. Tsay, C-‐L. (2003), ‘Taiwan: significance, characteristics and policies on return migration’, in Iredale, R., Guo, F. and S. Rozario (eds), Return Migration in the Asia Pacific, Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, pp. 112-‐135. van Dalen, H.P. and K. Henkens (2007), ‘Longing for the Good Life: Understanding Emigration from a High-‐Income Country’, Population and Development Review, 33 (1), 37-‐65. Vertovec, S. (2002), ‘Transnational Networks and Skilled Labour Migration: University of Oxford’, Transnational Communities Programme. Waters, J.L. (2007), ‘‘Roundabout routes and sanctuary schools’: the role of situated educational practices and habitus in the creation of transnational professionals’, Global Networks, 7 (4), 477-‐497. Willis, K.D. and B.S.A. Yeoh (2000), ‘Gender and Transnational Household Strategies: Singaporean Migration to China’, Regional Studies, 34 (3), 253-‐264. Zhang, G. (2003), ‘Migration of Highly Skilled Chinese to Europe: Trends and Perspective’, International Migration, 41 (3), 73-‐97.
36
i Vancouver’s British-‐born population is 65 810 (3.1 per cent of the city’s total population) and Toronto’s British-‐born population is 128 310 (2.5 per cent of the city’s total population) (Statistics Canada, 2006). ii 64.2 per cent of Vancouver’s British-‐born population hold a post-‐secondary certificate, diploma or degree and their average employment income is $68 901 CAD. 60.8 per cent of Toronto’s British-‐born population hold a post-‐secondary certificate, diploma or degree and their average employment income is $78 701 (Statistics Canada, 2006).