I am grateful to Rodney Shirley for his insight of ...... singular use, that Julius Caesar began with ..... Normans... from Julius Caesar to our most Gracious.
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E d ito ria l an d design p rin ciples in th e rise o f E n glish w orld a tla ses, 1 6 0 0 -1 7 2 9 Varanka, Dalia, Ph.D. The University of Wisconsin - Milwaukee, 1994
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EDITORIAL AND DESIGN PRINCIPLES IN THE RISE OF ENGLISH WORLD ATLASES 1606-1729 By Dalia Varanka
A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Geography
at The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
June, 1994
EDITORIAL AND DESIGN PRINCIPLES IN THE RISE OF ENGLISH WORLD ATLASES 1606-1729 By Dalia Varanka
A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Geography
at The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
June, 1994
tin.
Approval
EDITORIAL AND DESIGN PRINCIPLES IN THE RISE OF ENGLISH WORLD ATLASES 1606-1729 By Dalia varanka
The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 1994 Under the Supervision of Sona Andrews
This paper summarizes research on the rise and transformation of English world atlases in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.
The analysis of the
atlases was done in view of two major intellectual transitions of the period, a transition in scientific thought and in the way knowledge was presented. Corresponding changes in style have been identified by historians of prose as ranging from Elizabethan to a plain, utilitarian style.
The philosophy of style change, rooted
in the broader social context, can be seen in atlas maps as well.
Historians of cartography today commonly refer to
this transformation as one of "art" to one of "science," although both styles were ones of realism.
The stylistic
change was more keenly related to social ideology, particularly religion. Throughout this period, geography viewed the world as a iii
part of and under the influence of the greater universe. This view was manifested in the close contemporary ties between geography and astronomy.
As a work of cosmography,
Mercator's Atlas and other works modeled upon it incorporated both maps and texts.
During the transition
into the modern era, text was dropped from the atlas in recognizable stages.
Though this change in relative map to
text content was closely tied to production methods, the intellectual consequences of it are in line with the general intellectual shift of which both atlas content and style were a part.
duxM*— Date
Major Professor
iv
(C ) Copyright by Dalia Varanka, 1994 All Rights Reserved
v
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am very grateful to Professor Sona Andrews for having undertaken the supervision of the writing of this dissertation.
Her help and patience were considerable in
many other ways as my advisor.
Also, my sincere thanks
is extended to the members of my dissertation committee for their help:
William Washabaugh, David Woodward,
Judith Kenny, and Harold Rose, and to Michael Day for his help at the onset of the research.
The main focus of the
dissertation was formulated through discussions with my late advisor J.B. Harley, in whose seminars and as research assistant a lot of the preliminary work was formulated.
I would also like to thank Michael
Dintenfass for his help in understanding the historical and analytical context of these atlases. This dissertation depended very much on Ellen Hanlon's editorial assistance and bridge between my late advisor's office and my work.
Although they do not
appear in the dissertation, I am grateful to Mitch Blank who wrote two programs for the research and to Donna Schenstrom for her help on tables of data.
Matthew Edney
helped plan the writing of the National Science Foundation Dissertation Grant proposal. This dissertation was written with the assistance of the following:
the National Science Foundation vi
Dissertation Grant, the Jeannette Black Fellowship in the History of Cartography from the John Carter Brown Library, the Hermon Dunlap Smith Fellowship in the History of Cartography from The Newberry Library, and the Advanced Opportunity Program Fellowship from the Graduate College of the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. I was very fortunate to have had a home base in the American Geographical Society Collection and the former Office for Map History of the University of WisconsinMilwaukee and I thank every member of the staff there, and the memory of the late Howard Deller. The community of historians of cartography in London shared their unpublished research materials and enabled me to visit special collections in England.
I am
especially grateful to the heads and staff members of the Map Room of the British Library, and to Helen Wallis.
It
was a great pleasure to spend time with the members of IMCoS, seminar participants at the institute of Historical Research, Catherine Delano Smith, Donald and Yolande Hodson, and Laurence Worms, from whom all I learned so much. My personal thanks are extended to my family, to my parents Tadas and Elena Varanka for their support, and to my colleagues and friends, particularly Renae Prell and Miriam Simonds.
vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT............................................... ill ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS........................................ vi LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS................................... xi ABBREVIATIONS......................................... xiii CHAPTER ONE. INTRODUCTION............................... 1 The Scope and Meaning of an Atlas within this Study.2 The Influence of Cosmography................... 5 Stylistic Changes in the Restoration.......... 11 Maps and Texts................................. 16 Methods............................................. 19 Sources........................................ 19 Techniques..................................... 23 The Content of Maps andTexts........................26 Text Analysis.................................. 30 Map Analysis................................... 32 Map/text Interrelationship.................... 34 Overview of Chapters................................ 36 Notes............................................... 37 CHAPTER TWO. PRECURSORS................................ 42 The European Precursors.............................42 Theatres....................................... 4 3 The TheatrumOrbisTerrarum................ 4 3 Theatre of theEmpire of Great Britain...50 Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World..................................... 51 Early Baconian Empircism...................... 61 Atlases........................................ 64 Mercator's Atlas..........................64 Other foreign atlases in England......... 70 Symbolism and Science in English Atlas Precursors..................................... 7 3 Cosmography and Geography..................... 79 Heylyn's Cosmography..................... 79 English translations ofVarenius.......... 82 Blome's Varenius and Sanson.............. 84 Porter's Compendius View................. 85 Conclusions......................................... 88 Notes............................................... 92 CHAPTER THREE.
ATLASES IN THE REIGN OF CHARLES II: ATLASES BASED ON FOREIGN SOURCES....... 98 English Atlases of OlderOrigin..................... 98
viii
The Last Edition of Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World.............................98 European Maps and Atlases in England.............. 101 Foreign Atlas Modification to English Use......... 103 Ogilby's The English Atlas................... 104 Pitt's The English Atlas..................... 114 The Work of John Seller...................... 118 The maritime atlas...................... 122 Seller's terrestrial atlas.............. 124 Seller's original work.................. 129 Utilitarian Plain Style...................... 134 Conclusions........................................ 139 Notes.............................................. 142 CHAPTER FOUR.
ATLASES IN THE REIGN OF CHARLES II: ATLASES OF MORE ENGLISH ORIGINS........ 146 Astronomy & Geography..............................146 Restoration Atlases of more English Origins.......154 Mathematical Geography....................... 155 Jonas Moore..............................160 Textual Geography.............................164 Robert Morden............................167 Atlases by Selling Categories..................... 180 Conclusions........................................ 182 Notes.............................................. 184
CHAPTER FIVE. LATER STUART ATLASES................... 188 The Continuing Continental Influences............. 188 Ancient and Present Geography..................... 190 Sacred Geography..............................193 Atlases of Ancients and Moderns.............. 196 The work of Edward Wells................ 198 School atlases.......................... 206 Divergent Styles in English World Atlases......... 209 Atlases of Prose and their Abstracted Maps...210 Serial Publication............................222 Two-sheet, Large Scale Sets of Maps.......... 228 The Design of Serial Maps.................... 2 33 Conclusions................................... 239 Notes.............................................. 241 CHAPTER SIX. ATLASES OF THE EARLY HANOVERIAN PERIOD..245 A New General Atlas................................ 245 Maritime Atlases. ................................ 253 Atlas Minor........................................ 267 Celestial Atlases.................................. 275 Conclusions........................................ 281 Notes.............................................. 283
ix
CHAPTER SEVEN. CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSION............ 287 Text, Map and Atlas Style......................... 288 The Meaning of the Atlas..................... 288 The Transition of Atlas Style In England 291 General Trends................................297 Implications of a Plain Style Atlas.......... 300 Reading the Atlases: Symbology and Map/Text Interrelationships................................. 305 Early English World Atlases and Contemporary Cartographic Issues................................318 Objectivity and Subjectivity and the Role of Text.................................. 318 A Review and Assessment of the Methodology........ 325 Notes.............................................. 327 BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................... 330 APPENDIX I. LIST OF ATLASES............................356 APPENDIX II. LIST OF MAPS IN ATLASES.................. 363
X
ILLUSTRATIONS
1. Part of the title page from John Speed's Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, 1676. 53 2. John Speed, "A New and Accurat Map of the world," in Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the world, 1627. 60 3. John Speed, "Mappa Aestivarum Insularum...A Mapp of the Sommer Islands once called the Bermudas..." in Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, 1676. 62 4. Diagram of Speed's map of Bermuda. A small outline of Bermuda is drawn in the center of the map in relationship to New England and Virginia. The larger depiction of Bermuda shows more detail. 62 5. Peter Apian, "Charta Cosmographica, cum ventorum propria natura et operatione" in Cosmographla per Gemma Frisius, 1564.
75
6. Cesear Ripa, "Prudence," in Iconoloqia, 1603.
77
7. Bleau, "Insula Americannae," in Le Theatre du Monde, our Nouvel Atlas, 1646. 77 8. John Ogilby, placenames on "Terrae Marie Nova et Vlrginiae Tabula," in America, 1671. 9.
no
John Speed, placenames on "A Map of Virginia and Maryland," in Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, 1676. 110
10. John Ogilby, "Novissima et Acuratissima Barbados," in America, 1671. Ill 11. John Seller, "Novissima totius terrarum orbis tabula," in Atlas Terrestrls, c. 1676.
127
12. Herman Moll, "New England" [the "cosmography," c. 1700].
163
13. Robert Morden, "New England," in Geography Rectified, 1693. 163 14. Edward Wells, Frontispiece from Treatise of Ancient and Present Geography. 1717. 199 xi
15. Edward Wells, "A New Map of the Terraqueous Globe..." [two maps], In A New Sett of Maps Both of Ancient and Present Geography, fl7201. 201 16. Frontispiece from A System of Geography, London, 1701.
215
17. Title page of Herman Moll, Atlas Minor, 1729.
268
18. Thomas Templeman, "Islands of America" statistical table, in Atlas Minor, 1729. 269 19.
20.
Virginia Farrar, "A mappof Virginiadiscovered to ye Hills, and in its Latt. From 35.deg: & 1/2 neer Florida, to 4l.deg: bounds of New England," from The Blathwayt Atlas, 1975. 304 Table of numbers of maps
xii
and texts in atlases.
314
ABBREVIATIONS
AGS - American Geographical Society Collection, Milwaukee, Wisconsin. BL - British Library, London, England BOD - Bodleian Library, Oxford, England CUL - Cambridge University Library, England GH - Guildhall Library, London, England LL - Lilly Library, Bloomington, Indiana LC - Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. JCB - John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode island JFB - James Ford Bell Library, Minneapolis, Minnesota NL - The Newberry Library, Chicago, Illinois RGS - Royal Geographical Society, London, England RL - Regensteiner Library, Chicago, Illinois UW - university of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin WHS - Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison, Wisconsin
xiii
1
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION The primary aim of this dissertation is to offer a careful examination, via image and text, of the rise and meaning of the earliest English world atlases.
The
second aim of this dissertation is to trace and analyze the atlases in the context of the priorities of changing ideas of science and cultural values.
The empirical data
will specify where and when the evidence of this transition occurs.
Both of these goals are pursued in
order to identify previous approaches to reoccurring problems of atlas definition, to clarify and understand modern conventions, and to examine reoccurring patterns in the responses of cartographers and their consequences. These tasks are essential for recognizing the complexity and scope of cartographic theory. It is hypothesized that directions established in the seventeenth century had an impact on cartography: certain concepts once practiced at an earlier time were discontinued and others became more emphasized.
A reexamination of these concepts is
relevant to our understanding of what an atlas is and what it means in the radical technological changes of the later twentieth century. The analysis of these conflicting priorities of atlas making can be detailed in terms of cartographic theory,
2
discipline as it is manifested in the documents of its practice.[1]
The specific contemporary issues which this
research contributes to are the meaning of the atlas; the "map as language/map as text" movement; questions of objectivity and subjectivity in cartography; and the current dichotomy between art and science, both historically and in the contemporary view.[2]
This
dissertation falls within the broader movement of image and text studies which are currently developing in disciplines such as art history, literary studies, film studies, and journalism.
It is a contribution to the
understanding of the history of ideas in the formative modern period.
This dissertation begins with an overview
of the subject matter and rationale of the research methods.
The Scope and Meaning of an Atlas within this Study In the conventional conceptual model, an atlas is defined broadly as a collected set of maps, unbound or bound into a book, usually connected by an editorial concept.
The presence of a title page and number
ordering system have also been suggested as defining characteristics of an atlas.
The rationale behind this
format is the need for convenience, storage, and thematic association of a collection of maps.
Further criteria
sometimes require that the maps be standardized in format
3
and produced within a period of time which would indicate that they were meant to be published together.
Relative
lack of text is also given as a criterion,[3] with the idea that an excess of text moves the work from the realm of the atlas into the realm of the book.[4]
Thus modern
criteria by which a work is classified as an atlas almost always follow this pattern. A problem arises when applying this notion of the atlas to the subjects of this study.
Modern criteria can
only offer a partial model of the atlases of early modern England.
It becomes quickly apparent that the atlas was
not always a product determined primarily by its map content.
Technology, including book-making, evolves; the
way it reflects its uses is not static.
That this has
happened to atlases has been indicated by other historians.
Justin Winsor wrote, "modern usage has
somewhat narrowed the meaning as [Mercator] applied it."[5]
Elial Hall concluded in 1887 that the Atlas was
meant by Mercator to apply to a treatise.[6]
To
emphasize concepts of standardization in modern atlases compared to the qualities of sets of maps or atlases with substantial text could create biases without a clear basis for holding such a format as the acceptable model. The problem for this research is to define the significance of the word atlas for Englishmen in the seventeenth century.
4
The word "atlas" Is applied to only a part of our extant corpus of bound or unbound collections of maps of the world In late seventeenth-century England.
A more
frequent term is "set of maps," {or Tabularum Geoqraphicarum in Latin).
"Geography" is also used.
Bound sets of maps, which are called Atlas Factices, are almost never called atlases by their makers/producers. For example, "A List of Maps, as they ly bound in this Book" heads the table of contents in what we call the Blathwayt Atlas.[7] "Atlas," as well as other common words in book titles of the early modern period, such as "Theatrum" or "Speculum," do have symbolic meaning attached to their titles which reflect on the perception of the nature of the book.[8]
The myth of Atlas tells us about the
meaning of the word with which we can then interpret the meaning of titles of books and the graphic symbols often found on their frontispieces and title pages.
Phillip's
dictionary of 1689 defines Atlas as "An ancient King of Mauritania, The Son of Iapetus and Asia, Daughter of Oceanus, who in respect of his great knowledge in Astronomy and Astrology was seigned by the Poets to support Heaven upon his shoulders, and to have been transformed into a Mountain of Mauritania, now called Anchisa, by others Montes Claros."[9]
This is a much
more specific but similar image than the one found in The
Oxford English Dictionary definition: the name of one of the older family of gods, who was supposed to hold up the pillars of the universe, and also the mountain in Libya that was regarded as supporting the heavens.
[10]
The heavens are always an element in the variations of the Atlas myth.
The seventeenth-century definition
specifically links Atlas with celestial knowledge.
The
application of this name to geographical books is a sign that the study of the heavens and society's practical use and symbolic meaning associated with that study was a critical element of atlases and present throughout the scientific revolution in seventeenth-century England and into the early eighteenth century.
I intend to show that
the celestial meaning associated with the myth was used by Mercator in the title of his treatise with maps (incompletely published at the end of the sixteenth century).
Furthermore, celestial study was a pattern
followed by the earliest English atlas projects.
These
features of Mercator's Atlas suggest (and are discussed in Chapter Two) that it was the first world atlas, rather than Abraham Ortelius' Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, which is more commonly accepted.
The Influence of Cosmography Atlases were a manifestation within the period (and were a result) of what we consider to be the general
6
transition of the organization of knowledge based on resemblances of the qualities of things to knowledge based on experimental philosophy.[11]
As the dominant
world view, cosmography was an ordering by resemblances, correspondences, and signatures.
It was predicated on a
belief in an animistic identification; the lack of distinction between inner and outer promoted beliefs that everything is organic and within the realm of human consciousness and spirit.
Human knowledge of the world
centered on the concrete and qualitative, not on rationality.
Geocentricism seemed more believable than
the abstract notion of heliocentricism. closed and time was cyclical.
The world was
Matter had a natural place
and a natural motion of force, sympathy or antipathy, which required a mover (God).
Dialectical reasoning, or
an acceptance of contradiction as the nature of the universe, predominated.[12] In contrast to the erudite and secretive world of resemblances, astrology was a popular and early scientific vehicle by which geographic phenomena were explained.
The list of titles with the word 'Atlas' from
the British Library "Eighteenth-century Short Title" catalogue (a catalogue of books published in the eighteenth century) consists almost entirely of geographical and medical books.
Their link lies in that
the study of the heavenly world which was used to explain
7
geographical subjects was the same context of the early form of the medical atlases. The nature and meaning of the body is expressed in terms of the macrocosm/microcosm concept of cosmology. Through the seventeenth-century, the human body was (as places in the world were) believed to be governed astrologically.
This was symbolized most strongly by the
Zodiac Man.[13]
The human body was described
mathematically; it was inscribed in circles, squares, and triangles, as the macrocosm of the world was.
The unity
of these figures was represented in the figure of the horoscope, or conceptual map of a person's individual relation to the heavens. A wide range of symbols related the microcosm of the human body to the macrocosm of the world.
The four
stages of a human life are likened to the four seasons. The cycle of day and night represented the life and death of an individual which, though temporary, formed the perpetual pattern of humanity.
Celestial bodies
controlled humans as much as the climatological features associated with the four elements and the four qualities of cold, heat, moisture, and dryness.
The seemingly
random phases of a person's life were correlated to the various events evident in the sky.
Treatises expounded
on the correlation of fevers and meteors.
All these
ideas are evident in various illustrative woodcuts of the
8
period.[14] As the English atlas-makers struggled to establish themselves, their stated aims were to stress the usefulness of geography for the population as a whole, and for many particular professions.
In the texts and
maps we see that astrology (the normal science of resemblances) was subsumed to astronomy, a mathematical endeavor.
Geography was expanded.
History became a
lesser priority and chronology was completely abandoned. Though it was an innovation based upon the expanding study of the natural world, the atlas initially retained the subject matter and traditional forms of cosmographies which used worldly description of both word and image. However, language, postulated to be the same as thought,[15] eventually diminished in favor of the mathematical surveying of maps, which was recognized as a rational and global endeavor. Still, atlases kept their name in this transformation from Mercator's more cosmographical work of the sixteenth century to the utilitarian one of the seventeenth.
I
place the end of this transitional period, and thus the ending of the period of this dissertation, at about 1729 with the appearance of the Atlas Minor by Herman Moll. This is the first atlas that most completely corresponds to the modern atlas as is usually produced in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Despite the
9
importance of their maps, a risk exists of rooting atlases too firmly in cartography, so that its ties to other defining concepts such as scientific philosophy and social values are subsumed.
My approach will be to look
at the maps of the atlas as part of the larger work itself, and to recognize that the texts were historically given equal significance.
This textual context suggests
the atlas was tied to wider scholarly and social issues, and persists throughout the period of this study, roughly 1630 through 1730. The selection of works in this research was determined by two main criteria.
The first works
selected are those with "atlas" in the title.
This could
be either the written word or the graphic symbol of Atlas (the mythical character) on a frontispiece or title page. The presence of the armillary sphere, another graphic symbol which occurred with or without the other representations, was another determining factor for this first group of works.
Its appearance on both the
preliminary matter and substantive content of the atlas is prolific.[16] The modern conception of an atlas is used as a second guideline for selecting works included in this research. Although confusion can result from the use of the word atlas to refer to sets of maps bound together in seventeenth-century England, I have included sets of maps
and geographies as important subjects of study and central to the study of atlases.
My intention is to
account for the diversity of such works and to reasonably identify their differences.
My selections of geographies
are restricted to those with a significant relationship to maps, either geographies with a significant textual context for maps or geographies consisting of maps alone.[17]
Maritime atlases are discussed because of
their terrestrial interest.[18]
Some surveys are covered
if they are directly relevant to a more central work. Pilots (also called rutters or waggoners) are excluded for the reason that their more narrow focus on navigation distances them from the context of this study. All of these works are in the English language, although at least one atlas in the languages of the classics persisted in several editions throughout the period of this study.
Although not analyzed in detail,
it also showed evidence of modernization.
This was
Pomponii Melae de situ Orbls (libri tres, 1711). Different editions of the text were printed, one in Greek and one in Latin, though the maps were in English.
The
world map was just of the eastern hemisphere, the only part of the world addressed by the classical authors. strong turn away from classical works and toward vernacular languages and 'modern' learning, which is a major theme of this dissertation, is characteristic of
A
11
this time.
Stylistic Changes In the Restoration It Is necessary at this point to briefly summarize the English cultural context as it is understood today in order to introduce the adjustments the atlases made to the unique circumstances of their rise in England.
A
summary of the way the intellectual influences of this period found expression in texts will be made in the next chapter. Certain biases have been identified in the historiography of seventeenth-century England. history is unevenly covered.
The
The focus has been mostly
on a search for the explanation of the civil wars of 1640 and 1686 and their causes.
Thus the material has covered
the early Stuart period (the period before 1640) more heavily at the expense of events in the Restoration of Charles II in 1660 and from the Glorious revolution of 1688 on into the early eighteenth century. The two most common approaches to the history of the civil wars rest on the assumption of England as a revolutionary society.
According to constitutional
historians, the civil wars of 1640, 1688 and 1715 (and later) were caused by social forces directed toward the achievement of increasing democratic liberties.
The
other viewpoint is Marxist; that the civil wars were the
12
expression of a proletariat revolt against emerging capitalism.
More recent scholarship brings these
traditional viewpoints which have developed over at least the last hundred years Into question. Within the last twenty years, revisionist historians point out that historical studies of the seventeenth century done in the narrative method do not support either of the two usual explanations of the events.
The
evidence is that the basic structure of English society, particularly the economy, and law (including decentralization) were very stable up to the early nineteenth century.
There is apparently no radical
change in social configurations (such as a rise of the bourgeoisie) except as a gradual trend over more than two hundred years.[19]
The very word revolution was a
contributing factor toward this misunderstanding by nineteenth- and twentieth-century readers, for whom it is more inclined to mean a shift or departure, but in reality meant the return to the beginning of a full cycle in the seventeenth century.
The rebellions of the period
are attributed by these historians to the more abstractly constructed thoughts, moralities, and loyalties of individuals.
History cannot construct a context so
severely reduced to material factors as to obscure the larger Revisionist beliefs that changes in the social environment were ideological and, in particular.
13
religious.
However, this newer movement relies heavily
on the work of a smaller body of literature by fewer historians due to Its recent currency.
The social
context used for this dissertation Is summarized In the work of J.C.D. Clark.[20] In the Constitutional or Marxist contexts, the history of world atlases would be a set of assumptions tracing their formation to material and rational foundations.
We would think of the expanding trade both
overseas and in England, warfare and the military, and technological production costs.
But these atlases have
not been convincingly explained by this approach.
The
study of the atlases, and the period in general, is far from complete, yet there is already a lack of evidence that such influences were behind the dynamic adaption of the atlas to English tastes from their Flemish origins in just roughly sixty years (the pattern of form and content is not repeated in other European countries, such as Holland).
Although factors of the economy and politics
(where they are known) are discussed in the atlases and act as logistical constraints on atlas production, these factors were not what drove the atlases, but were rather stable factors worked upon in certain ways by the attitudes of individuals.
These circumstances would
suggest that atlases were primarily works of fashion. Using an internalist analysis of texts as documents
14
(a method of historical inquiry meant to make conscious the unconscious assumptions of the authors and their readers), this dissertation examines the characteristics of English world atlases and Ideological influences (social values and morals) in an attempt to draw parallels to revisionist interpretations.
This
dissertation does not attempt to reconstruct the historical evidence of the revisionist argument but will rather use their conclusions to develop a new perspective on the atlas that is required to be resolved with new evidence, more recent historical thinking, and the relevance of cartography to its history. The literature of the history of cartography contains little study of the philosophy of map representation in the early modern period.
However, Restoration prose
style changes have been researched in depth by language historians.
Their identification of certain principles
suggested the primary research questions at hand:
how
was the transition of Restoration culture manifested in the maps and texts of the atlases? of expression it
assumed?
What were the forms
How does this serve as a
legacy for cartography in the modern period? The dissertation will clarify some of the principles by which ideas shaped seventeenth-century prose in general and texts in atlases, and as a result by which knowledge was organized.
These philosophies were defined
15
In treatises on the reformation of language.[21]
The
conscious attention to writing style both outlined their intentions and help us in the analysis of its effects. These principles were recognized in the atlases and are argued for in this dissertation. The work of prose historians has also provided appropriate parallels for the content analysis of both maps and text of the atlases.
This has been possible
because the broader questions of stylistic elements lay in the contemporary ideologies of the period and place. The hypothesis is that the new utilitarian style became evident in seventeenth-century English mapping and these ideals were roughly the same as those which were applied to prose.
The trends are evident in both the maps and
the texts of the atlases under discussion. The new style was considered correct for natural history, or science although they cannot be called scientific in our sense of the word.
For example, the
Royal Society, an institution devoted to science and proponent of the new style, had active interests in some cartographic projects.[22] The stylistic change is usually described by historians of cartography as a switch from art to science.
The basis for this perspective is the
imposition of the dualistic viewpoint of twentiethcentury cartographic theory regarding objectivity and
16
subjectivity in mapping, as well as the application of other concepts upon the past.[23]
The
differences in
the earlier and later seventeenth century will be examined stressing both style and content.
Despite the
competing approaches to atlas making in this period, both the processes and the products were scientific and subjective in different ways determined by the motives of their publishers. By tracing the specific occurrence of style change in England, a reference point can be made for similar studies of atlases in other countries.
It can be argued
that the implications of utilitarianism and empiricism would have appeared in English texts and maps first because these philosophies originated in England.
Maps and Texts The transition of atlases did not follow a straight progression from one polarized extreme to another, but did shift from an distinct earlier style to a later one. The concept of a standard atlas was not as strong then as it became in the eighteenth century.
The contents of
both standard and compiled atlases and sets of maps vary, although to different degrees, even within the lifetime of the same project.
Atlas factice (an individually
collected book or set of maps) is commonly assumed to have been randomly assembled rather than having a
17
consistent format.
This could be true of a set which was
collected over a length of time from various places, but many atlas factices were composed more immediately according to the criteria of the types of maps a mapseller carried in his shop, and in accordance with conventional demands.
A definite regularity is
noticeable in the remaining examples of atlas factice from the seventeenth century. The more standard extant atlases from Stuart England are usually works with combinations of maps and prose pages of some length.
The text is sometimes no more than
the introductory section.
Most introductory sections
were relatively short treatises (twenty pages or less) on facts of geography and astronomy.
Some were persuasive
expositions on the background and value of these subjects.
Some incorporated instructions for the use of
maps and globes.
Instructions like these were available
for study alone, with the globe, or with maps in the atlas.
Additional text was common and assembled in
various ways, as preliminary pages, within geographical sections, or as indexes or gazetteers. The interrelationship of information between map and text may have been explicitly visible, or may have occurred implicitly.
The way to read the atlas was
either implied by a predetermined interrelationship or spelled out in the introduction.
Either map or text
18
could have Influenced the content of the other, either In print or as maps amended by written Information from the Informant. In the study of content, this research will focus almost exclusively on Introductory sections, world maps, and sections of the atlas covering English claims In America.
Although the atlases were bought for their
various interests as a whole (practical, recreational, referential), each part was composed separately, except for rare statements regarding the different systematic interrelationships between the parts of the world, such as trade relations.
Isolating for study the sections
covering America seemed natural from the publishing point of view since sections were authored separately, but perhaps this compartmentalization was less natural for the consumer, who was free to cross-reference parts while reading.
The main reason to study North America as a
unique case is that no traditional impression remained from the ancients.
Many atlases, such as Phillip Lea's
in 1690, were still being published without maps or texts of America at all.
Thus the information on the new
continent is more directly contemporary, although this may have made the atlases seem more modern than they were over-all.
Reporting efforts on the part of the British
can be assumed to have been more the first-hand English viewpoint, unlike the secondary sources modified by
19
earlier European processes.
The Imposition of an English
conceptual framework upon impressions of America— as in notions such as 'the Indians of New Jersey' or of 'New York'— assigned qualities and meanings to ideas about the New World which are more directly relevant to perspectives which we are reexamining today.
Methods Sources Most of the empirical evidence and its interpretation for this dissertation is drawn from the atlases themselves and atlas-type works, particularly their prefaces, dedications, title pages, and other peripheral parts, and from comparison to other related publications. Other relevant books published in the period were used as primary sources and are cited in the bibliography.
Philosophical books, relating mostly to
language (Wilkins 1668, Phillips 1678), and books on mathematical sciences and commerce provided further insight into aspects which were simplified in the atlases, or missing altogether. Almost all were examined first-hand, by travelling to many libraries in the United States and England.
The
degree of thoroughness by which the atlases were found and studied owes much to a separate bibliography of atlases available in the Map Room of The British Library.
20
Some unexamined atlases, verified by other published bibliographies, are included in the checklist for the sake of completeness (see Appendix I).
Facsimile atlases
with introductions to their background are listed in both the check-11st and the bibliography. Published reference works pertaining to the subject matter are available.
These include bibliographies of
other types of atlases (Pastoureau, Koeman, Skelton, Chubb, Hodson), which were helpful In estimating the extent of different types of atlas publishing; collections of title pages and frontispieces presenting an interesting collection of iconology; advertisements in catalogues and newspapers revealing insight into the publishing process and mention of any missing atlases (Clavell and Tooke 1696, Tyacke 1978), and the papers of specific individuals, such as John Locke's library lists and Robert Hooke's diary, from which I draw ideas about the readership of different atlases. Until recently, contemporary scholarship was more comfortable accepting the study of text as an interpretative endeavor and the study of maps as a science.
This resulted in a predominant focus on the
mathematical accuracy of maps or bibliographic details. Research on the cartography of the period and place, and thus on the atlases themselves, has been developed by E.G.R. Taylor (1937, 1940), R.A.
Skelton (1960, 1966,
21
1968), Sarah Tyacke (1973, 1978), and others.
Histories
of printing, including the printing trade and the book, brought to light the extended network of the atlases. Interpreting the facts of publication was made clearer by social history and histories of intellectual thought and ideas. A large part of the historical context of the atlases is drawn from secondary source literature of seventeenthcentury English history.
Concurrent social influences
and responses clarified the significance of many statements made in the world atlases.
However, the
literature of general seventeenth-century history is too extensive to review here, but is mentioned in chapter notes. The history of prose style was used to extract symbolic meaning of both maps and texts.
The analysis of
text style is well developed within an established tradition of humanism.
Studies of the shift in
seventeenth-century prose style can be found in Adolph (1968), Wanning (1936), and others.
In conducting this
research, early investigations began with examining the interrelationships between maps and texts through the development of an analogy between the two media called map language, which refers to the system of map symbols and rules for their use.
Examples of the literature of
this movement Kolacny (1969), Ratajski (1973), and Meine
22
(1977) were used to examine the appropriateness of semiotlc concepts such as vocabulary, phrasing, and syntax within linguistic models of syntactics, semantics, and pragmatics to graphic sign systems.[24]
Another
focus for research on the map language analogy was in the field of cognitive studies: Morrison (1976), Head (1974), Eastman (1986), and others.
These were particularly
useful for examining the role of the researcher in reading the atlases. The map language analogy served an important role in the cartographic communication theory of the 1970s, and furthered the investigation of meaning behind the map image.
Proponents of this theory suggested that it is
both possible and desirable to examine the correspondence between map symbols and reality as an individual and cultural construction.
However, their aim was still to
build an exact and objective representation of the real world.
However, the growing literature on cartography as
a hermeneutic science supports the idea that the map is a product of cultural or social style as well.
Though some
authors acknowledge the ideological influence of cartography, analysis of the connections between the map image and a broader social connection or meaning is very small. Harley (1989, 1989), Pickles (dates). Wood and Eels (1986), and (Kearney 1984) attempt to establish, in the map as text movement, the correspondence between the
23
map image and world view.
Monmonier (date), Andrews
(1990) write about the subjectivity of mapping. As was mentioned earlier, word and image relationships are a common theme in humanistic studies. The journal Word and image is devoted to it.
Articles on
map and text interrelationships were more directly geared toward educational materials, as are the atlases of this study.
These include Gilmartin (1982, 1986) Davis and
Hunkins (1968) and Kulhavy, Lee, & Caterino (1985). Despite the fact that studies on this subject appear in the literature of psychology as far back as the early 1950s, an understanding about the interactive properties of these representational forms remains only loosely defined.
Techniques The study of maps and texts in this dissertation required analytical techniques which led directly to conclusions about their interrelationships. approaches were required.
Two basic
First, the production and use
of maps and texts, when they could be reconstructed through the accumulation of sufficient historical evidence, indicated some of their elemental meaning. Second, a variety of techniques including analytical reading, tabulation of text and map elements, and electronic analysis of the level of complexity of
24
cartographic detail were applied to the map and text form and content. A knowledge of the implications of the historical context which linked England and the American colonies is critical toward the full understanding of information as it was structured graphically and verbally.
However, the
research is more about the atlases themselves than about the processes of "encounter" between Europe and America, so this historical context is less fully developed. Likewise, the examination of the process of source material acquisition and the considerable constraints which results on the final cartographic and prose products (especially as the authors became more and more selective of their information) is also only minimally included.
Such historical evidence, and evidence
regarding the history of the practical publication of atlases as products, is difficult to approach due to lack of evidence for this period and the scattered nature of the evidence that exists.
Some will be found throughout
this dissertation. The analysis is instead a definition of the corpus of books formed from the viewpoint of the reader. Historical inquiry was directed toward reconstructing a prevailing "archeology of knowledge," as it is called in M. Foucault's method of text deconstruction.[25]
The
strongest historical interpretation I offer is based upon
25
statements in the atlases themselves regarding the design of maps and intentions of the authors, and recommendations to the reader.
These statements were
sometimes compared to others by the authors which added a more subtle context to them.
The research was not
intended to be primarily a narrative history, which would largely duplicate the work of historians of English cartography who live and practice in England.
The
purpose of this study is rather to complement their findings by presenting an over-view and to suggest further research. This research should not be misinterpreted as an attempt to create a complete carto-bibliography, although bibliographic information about the corpus (which was previously undefined) is compiled for the first time in the attached appendices.
A complete carto-bibliography
is only really effective when access is available to many examples of the same work for comparative purposes.
The
level of detail studied in the carto-bibliographic analysis (and in the content analysis) was limited to what can be assumed to have been present in almost all of the examples (except where noted), or to only the one non-comparative example under examination. The specific analysis of content or information calls for methods which have considerable precedence in text analysis, but less for cartographic analysis.
The
26
description of these methods will be discussed below.
The Content of Maps and Texts The symbolic system of cartography quite probably differed three hundred years ago from what it is today, despite the fact that the maps are examples of the early modern period with which we are familiar.
Knowledge and
its documentation involves an empirical base and an intellectual approach, both of which were likely to have changed over time.
The atlases were engaged
representations; contingent on relational, local, and historical circumstances.
They were not entirely about
knowledge of the world, but a practice upon the world. This dissertation aims to direct the reader toward the cultural or intellectual qualities involving the broad treatment of subject matter which resulted in the conventionalization of the map.
Such generalization was
the explicit intention of the period.
Nevertheless,
generalization cannot divorce itself from the character of the individual.
The publications are marked by the
individual proponents of its philosophy. The social sciences commonly use quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis.
The distinction is not
always clear in that all quantitative studies make qualitative decisions at the level of data gathering and deductions from qualitative studies are often applied to
27
the analysis of trends.
As the point of this research is
to analyze a transitional phase in atlas making in which structures varied, qualitative techniques were merged with quantitative ones to assess over-all trends as well as specific information.
A review of over-all trends is
offered in the conclusion. Since the analysis of text style in the period and place of this research is well developed, the results of quantitative methods by computer could be confidently used as a descriptive technique to augment the approach more specifically described below.
The available
software ranges according to the necessary task to be done.
Concordance programs are very easy to use and were
applied in the research, but software for the analysis of syntax often require extensive pre-encoding or other preparation, and so they were rejected.
The techniques
are not intended for predictive purposes, nor to prove or explain the pattern which they illuminate. are derived from social context.
Explanations
The main method most
suitable for this research is a scientific style of proof in which a proposition is made, extensive, convincing examples are shown to clarify and reinforce it, and an explanation is offered. The main approach to more specific studies of content was an analytical reading of the maps and texts.
Ideas
were extracted which were identified repeatedly in the
reading process.
The study of the texts involved noting
the elements and examining the relationships between them. Conventional indicators, such as main idea, supporting detail, inference, tone, logic, application, topics, and composition were all involved.
The selection
of these signs when placed together form the map theme. Reading these representations for rhetorical exposition led to interpreting the meanings of the passage for the author.
At this point, the map loses its mathematical
significance and the reading of it is more humanistic and examined within over-all concerns of geographical realism, consciousness, and power. The theoretical basis of the reading of the representations is semiotics.[26]
The discrete
representational meanings are called signs, or the relationship of marks on the paper to objects in the world.
Two categories of these signs are used: elements
and figurative language.
Elements of the subject matter
of a map are map signifieds: points (such as cities), lines (such as land/water interfaces), and areas (such as figure/ground relationships of land to sea).
The third
part of the sign is the interpretant, or the significance assigned to or associated with the representation of subject matter on the document. Cartographic signs are sometimes called symbols by cartographers.
The size of symbols creates a visual
29
hierarchy.
Although composed of map signs, hierarchy
infers relationship and so is sometimes called part of the map syntax.
In addition to the cartographic signs,
there is text on a map.
The most common examples of
these are title, placename symbols, legends, and annotation, which use hierarchy, too. The focus of analysis was split, though not strictly, between signs of the elements of content, as they indicate empirical things of the material world, and signs of the elements of the practice of cartography,
in
the "language" of the atlases, geographical content on the map are like nouns in text, as opposed to prepositions, articles and the like, which are more inclined to show relationship and build syntax,
in
cartography, all discrete signs referring to parts of the world are assumed to be content, and the representation of geographical concepts, such as scale, or value are taken as indicators of relationship. A critical element of the study of maps and text in this period is the evaluation of their figurative language, such as metaphors.[27]
Figurative language is
more difficult to break down into analytical parts than other rational constructs can be, but its qualities can be described. Figurative language on a map has a nonrational, but rather holistic, interpretation.
Examples
of these are decoration, emblems, and symbols of the
30
over-all subject matter of the map.
Text Analysis Some analytical tasks were specific to text vocabulary and figurative phrases.
After a complete
section of text was transcribed Into the computer, texts were manipulated In different ways.
A word count was
made to compare the lengths of texts, regardless of the font or page size. A concordance was constructed for a few sections of text to study vocabulary.
A concordance Is an
alphabetical list of most words used In the text of Its source, excluding a list of stopwords.
Stopwords are
commonly used words (such as articles, pronouns, and most prepositions) which contribute little to meaning when isolated out of context.
The number of occurrences of
the words, their place according to the line number of the page, and a few lines of context in which they appear are printed as well.[28]
Their types and frequency of
words was observed and inferences were drawn about the vocabulary of world geography. As a descriptive tool, concordances can reveal the range of vocabulary of authors and readers, but they are limited in identifying what meaning a text has.
The
Oxford English Dictionary was used to confirm contemporary understanding of the meaning of these words
31
In their historical context.
The meaning of many
relevant words varied or changed in the stylistic shift from Elizabethan to Utilitarian.
Words from texts of
different atlases were compared to determine if the meaning of the word (as determined by contextual, defined, or inferred meaning) was similar or if it was changing.
For example, the meaning of chorography
changed quite significantly. Some texts were divided into parts according to the salience of their topics.
This was done by counting the
number of lines or pages to see how much space was devoted to certain subject categories.
Valuatlve
phrases, units per se, or cognitive textual units with valuative overtones such as "gross stupid idolaters," were extracted and listed separately, as were metaphors. The analysis of the individual atlases in Chapters two through five present quotes which support my conclusions about their style.
The quotes were selected
because they were the strongest statements of underlying assumptions or good identifying examples.
Qualifying
remarks are included with the quotes about how representative they are of the over-all atlas section. The characteristics and markers of some different kinds of prose style are described by their use of text sources, vocabulary, figurative language, syntax, and linguistic meaning.
More specifically, these markers
were aligned with style fixed by situation and suited to the matter at hand, the decorum of words, rather than by attitudes of the author.
Thus a particular atlas style
was developed.
Map Analysis The analysis of elements of the map consisted of identifying the map symbol and examining the grouping and arrangement of the relatively limited number of types of symbols.
Map themes were formed upon the hierarchies of
the symbol groupings and arrangements. For example, the symbols most frequently correlated to those of an emerging modern political map.
However, certain symbols
which we would expect to see on almost any map were not commonly used then. Decoration was a metaphoric or figurative language in that it captured and associated a meaning with the map which was not literally the same as the representation. This was particularly true of cartouches, unlike pictorial borders and unbordered vignettes on the field of the map itself which suggested or stated a literal representation and a specific locational association to the things depicted there, and are thus more elemental.[29] Cartouches (pictorial frames around titles, scales, legends and other text) embellished or commented on the
33
images portrayed around them like a suggestion or summary of geographical information.
The cartouche itself was
separated from the rest of the map by the eye's perceptual change in angle from the synoptic view of the map to the picture in perspective.
The operation of this
perception was further changed by the altered scale, from very generalized geography to smaller, specific figures. Although this detailed imagery provided a type of information different from either the map or the label wording, the framing elements of the cartouche reinforced the Information on the map and the center of the cartouche, the label, for the map reader by its common association with them.
The details gave a clue as to how
the vast space of the map (and consequently vague title) was filled, and helped to make the land imaginable.
The
pictorial elements of the cartouche acted as a signal to the viewer, associating a deeper and more subtle cultural framework of these individual acts of expression to the place on the map.
Cartouches could thus be "read" as
messages are, and with sufficient repetition, the image and the place would merge in the person's mind.
The
cartouche influenced the European perception of other lands and in the case of newly found continents, subtly affected the formations of their future social and political identity.[30] The pictorial cartouche was closely associated in
some ways with the Elizabethan style of English imagery. The cartouche's variable scale did not mean a break in the continuity of information, but rather a figurative aim to communicate a message rather than create the illusion of realistic spatial proportionate arrangement. These metaphorical elements of cartouches and other decoration are an essential element which underwent transformation in the stylistic changes of the later seventeenth century.
Decoration did not disappear
altogether, but continued on maps throughout the eighteenth-century at least, and even later, as a specific strategy of map reading.
The juxtaposition of
cartouche and territory became so habitual it can be argued that it came to serve as a legitimator for colonial authority. Another type of cartographic analysis focused on the signs of cartographic concepts on the map.
This inquiry
addressed scale, the global grid system, projections, and such.
Map/text interrelationship Cosmography, the dominant system of thought from which atlases arose, used both word and image of worldly description.[31]
Following Mercator's Atlas as a model,
the combinations of maps and texts in the atlases from Stuart England surviving today are usually works with
35
maps and prose pages of some length.
They usually have
an Introductory section as well as maps with or without additional text assembled in various formats.
About one
or two standardized works are composed of maps or text only.
Relative quantity and sequence of maps and texts
in the general format of the atlas varies widely.
This
dissertation will examine both the specific pattern of placement or collation of maps and text in an atlas, and the structure or relationship that sections of maps or text had to each other in a work as a whole. The analysis of individual maps and texts together takes two forms; the study of explicit interrelationships, which included placenames, legends, notation, cross-references; and implicit interrelationships.
This group includes ideas stemming
from a common source and their clarity or obfuscation, contradiction, or the intellectual tension between them. The approach was to closely read the maps and the texts together. repetition.
Certain ideas became clear through their These were tested by defining and grouping
the subject matter of both within loose categories. Conclusions were drawn on the way the map compared to the text in an atlas.
Though this approach is questionable
in that it gives the meaning of the work a built-in bias, the problem did not seem to be too great for the atlases because the semantic associations between words and their
36
context of the atlas prose Indicate the meaning of the content more simply and easily than in literature.
Some
categories, as in the case of section subheadings, were clearly stated in the atlas and taken directly from it.
Overview of Chapters The chapters of this dissertation begin in Chapter Two with the cosmographical background and Continental foundations of the world atlas in England.
It is
followed by a survey of contemporary relevant English precursors to the atlases.
The third chapter also covers
the main points of a philosophical shift unique to England in the seventeenth century.
This influence
suggests a partial explanation of the rise of English atlases.
Discussions of the way in which wider
intellectual trends were adopted and expressed by different shops are presented in Chapters Four, Five, and Six.
Last, some discussion of the over-all trends and
conclusions are presented in Chapter Seven.
37
NOTES - CHAPTER ONE 1.
Examples of writings on formal cartographic theory in the twentieth century have been collected in Leonard Guelke, e d ., The Nature of Cartographic Communication, Cartographies Monograph no.19, 1977. A view on the semiotics of cartography is discussed in Denis Wood and John Fels, "Designs on Signs: Myth and Meaning in Maps," Cartographies 23: 54-103; and J.B. Harley brought postmodern theory to cartography in "Deconstructing the Map," Cartographies 26 (1969): 1-20 .
2.
A view on the "map language/map as text" movement is in Dalia Varanka, "An Approach to Map/text Interrelationships," in Cognitive and Linguistic Aspects of Geographical Space, eds. David M. Mark and Peter Frank (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1991), p. 265-294.
3.
James Richard Akerman, "On the Shoulders of a Titan: Viewing the World of the Past in Atlas Structure" (Ph.D diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1991), p. 10. Also David Woodward, "The Techniques of Atlas-making," The Map Collector No.18 (March 1982): 2-1 1 .
4.
c. Koeman writes in Atlantes Neerlandlci (Vol.I, fol. XI, 1967): "I have allowed a rather large quantity of text in a book with maps before disqualifying it as an 'atlas,'..." In contrast to this text-based attitude is the criterium set for determining an atlas by the cataloguing project of the British Library Map Room. An atlas is stated to be any book with nine or more maps, a definition dependent on map content.
5.
Justin winsor, "The General Atlases and Charts of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries," in Narrative and Critical History of America, ed. by J. Winsor (New York, 1885) p.371.
6.
Elial F. Hall, "Gerard Mercator: his Life and Works," The Journal of the American Geographical Society of New York X (1878): 163-196.
7.
Jeannette D. Black, The Blathwavt Atlas, vols. I & II (Providence: Brown University Press, 1975).
8.
Conversation with Christopher Barker, British Library, March 1991.
38
9.
Edward Phillips, The New World of Words. Or a General English Dictionary, 4th ed. (London, 1678).
10. The Compact Edition of the Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971). 11. Although the literature on the philosophical and scientific shift within which the seventeenth century falls is extensive, two well-known monographs are Michel Foucault, The Order of Things, An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Random House, 1970) and an older work by Alexander Koyre, "From the Closed World to the Infinite Universe" Publications of the Institute of the History of Medicine, 3rd series. The Hideyo Noguchi Lectures, vol. VII (Baltimore: The John Hopkins Press, 1957). 12. For particular aspects of cosmography, see Morris Berman, The Reenchantment of the World. New York: Cornell University Press, 1981. Also Jesse Gellrich, The Idea of the Book in the Middle Ages; Language Theory, Mythology, and Fiction. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985 about the 'book of nature.' 13.
Several examples of these illustrations from almanacs are in Harl. 5936 (90-94), with labels such as "The Anatomie of Mans body, as the parts therof are governed by the 12 signes of the Zodiaque." See also Barbara Stafford Body Criticism.
14. Heninger, p. 154-158. 15. Bernard Lamy, trans., The Art of Speaking: Written in French by Messieurs du Port Royal: in Pursuance of a Former Treatise, intltled, the Art of Thinking, trans. of De l'art de parler, Paris, 1675. (London: Printed by W. Godbid, and are to be sold by M. Pitt, 1676). 16. A clear definition for the armillary sphere is given by William Leybourn in The introduction to Astronomy and Geography (1675): What a Sphere is. A Sphere (omitting the Geometrical denomination) in relation to my present purpose, I define to be, An Analogical representation of the Heavens and of the Earth, made of several Circles so fitted together, as thereby the better to express and represent to the Fancie the Systeme or Hypothesis of the Visible World. Of which there are chiefly three
39
sorts invented; viz. the Ptolomean, Copernican, and Tychonian. The sphere is an excellent symbol of the adjustment which was made in the slow acceptance of the heliocentric world view, and this legacy for the atlas. The original concepts associated with the sphere are explained in cosmographies of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries in which the figure is originally found. The sphere's purpose was to illustrate the Ptolemaic system from a view point away from the earth, and so at first, a small ball representing the earth was included at its center. With the shift to the Copernican system, the sphere remained an effective tool for instruction by illustrating the points at which the direct rays of the sun were perceived by experience to cross the surface of the earth. The imaginary lines of the paths themselves— the tropics, the polar circles, and the equator— were assumed upon the image of the earth. These armillary circles of the sphere continued to define the five climatic zones of the earth. This legacy of knowledge and debate was an organizing principle for the atlases; Introductory sections in atlases brought these concepts to greater detail and they continued to be inscribed on maps. 17.
A checklist of the works are appended at the end of the dissertation.
18. I am grateful to Rodney Shirley for his insight of the nature of maritime atlases. 19. See J.H. Hexter's 'The Myth of the Middle Class in Tudor England,' Reappraisals in History. Evanston, II.: Northwestern University Press, 1961. pp. 71-116. for a study of the idea of the rise of the middle class, and The Economic History of Britain Since 1700,1 1700-1860. Roderick Floud and Donald McCloskey, eds. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981. for an economic analysis of the period. 20.
Clark, J.C.D. Revolution and Rebellion, State and society in England in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986, is a study of the historiography of the English seventeenth century.
21. The diversity of these authors supports the idea that plain style prose originated in a broader social ideology than from strictly 'science.' Examples include Joseph Glanville, an Anglican preacher,
40
Essays on Several Important Subjects In Philosophy and Religion (London, 1676); Jonn Webster, a strong supporter of the new science, Academiarum Examen (London, 1654); Seth Ward, a university astronomer, Vindiciae Academiarum (Oxford, 1654); and Robert Boyle, theologian and chemist. Some Considerations Touching the Style of the Holy Scriptures (London, 1663) and Some Considerations Touching the Usefulness of Experimental Natural Philosophy (London, 1663). 22. Cartographic Interest of the Royal Society: E.G.R. Taylor, "Robert Hooke and the Cartographical Projects of the 17th Century (1666-1696)" Geographical Journal XC (1937): 529-540. The Royal Society acted as a facilitator to link Joseph Kellogg's corrections to John Senex's maps (Raymond Phineas Stearns, "Joseph Kellogg's Observations of Senex's Map of North America (1710)," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review 23 (December, 1936): 345354. 23. Cartographic communication theory addresses the viewpoint on the art and science of maps. See: M. Eckert, "On the Nature of Maps and Map Logic," Bulletin American Geographical Society 40 (1908):344351; Eduard Imhof, "Task and Methods of Theoretical Cartography," International Yearbook for Cartography 3 (1963):13-25; Joel L. Morrison, "The Science of Cartography and Its Essential Processes," International Yearbook for Cartography 16 (1976):8497; J.K. Wright, "Map Makers are Human," Geographical Review 32 (1944):527-544. 24. "Map alphabets" were suggested by Meine to make standard map symbols. This approach to the standardization of cartographic characters is almost identical to John Wilkins' "real characters" inspired by modern scientific philosophy; see John Wilkins, An Essay Towards a Real Character, and a Philosophical Language (London, 1668). Wilkins attempted to devise a set of characters which would unambiguously represent words with specific meanings and could be applicable in any context. Like Meine, the idea could not be done. Reasons most often given is that the meaning of words (and map symbols) is highly dependent on context. 25. Michel Foucault, The Archeology of Knowledge, trans. A.M. Sheridan Smith (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972). 26. The map has commonly been viewed as a two-part semiotic system, in which marks on the map correspond
41
to things In the world. This dissertation uses the three-part system of semiotics, which expands the correspondence of the paper map to things in the world to also include the idea of an interpretant, or a significance attached to the map symbol by the map reader. See John Deely, Basics of Semiotics (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1990). 27. The definition offered for the figurative by the Pocket Oxford Dictionary of Current English. 7th. ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984) applies to both word and image: "...metaphorical, not literal; characterized by figures of speech; of pictorial or sculptural representation." 28. The program used for this was Mconcord, a program developed by the Spanish dictionary project at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, and lent to me by Professor John Nitti. 29. E. Panofsky, Studies in iconology, Humanistic Themes in the Art of the Renaissance (Oxford, 1939) and J. B. Harley, "Meaning and Ambiguity in Tudor Cartography" in English Map-making 1500-1650, Historical Essays, ed. Sarah Tyacke (London, The British Library Board, 1983). 30. William Boelhower, "Inventing America: a Model of Cartographic Semiosis," Word and image 4, no.2, (April-June 1988): 475-497. 31. "...a science that describes [verbally] and maps the main features of the heavens and the earth...” the Random House Dictionary of the English Language, 2nd ed. (New York: Random House, 1987).
42
CHAPTER TWO PRECURSORS Several foreign atlases or atlas-type works circulating in England preceded the production of English world atlases.
The atlas arose not only from strong
European influences, but was also unavoidably melded within the context of other English geographical practices and publications of the period; descriptions, surveys, sets of maps, or pilots, for example.
The
strands of these different influences become apparent in the world atlases of the Restoration.
This chapter
investigates the origins of the earliest English world atlases and offers examples of English works with which they were related.
The European Precursors The English editions of Abraham Ortelius' Theatre of the Worldfl1 and Mercator's Atlas[2] appeared through the efforts of Englishmen using the originals from the Low Countries.
These works had different general approaches,
practical and philosophical, which are evident in their physical appearance, but are also indicated in their historical origins.
43
Theatres The Theatrum Orbls Terrarum Although the Latin editions of Ortelius' Theatrum Orbls Terrarum were known and available in England before 1600, no English editions were planned by the publishers in Antwerp, so those books were late arrivals to English audiences at large.
The epitome editions, octavo sized,
appeared first, in 1603, and the folio in 1606.
The
early venturers must have understood the English interest in these works was strong, to have gone to the trouble of arranging the publishing with the Dutch, and to have invested the cost of translation, paper, and printing themselves.[3] Two different editions of the oblong octavo format were published from two different sets of plates.
John
Norton's edition (no date, but estimated to be 1602 or 1603) were from plates of the first epitome project in the Netherlands, appearing seven years after the first folio original of 1570.
The plates of James Shaw's
edition were from a second set, engraved in 1601.
The
main difference was that Shaw's maps had coordinates of latitude and longitude. R .A. Skelton argues that the larger format can be safely estimated to have been entirely an English enterprise.
Again, John Norton is believed to have
directed the project, but even a successful publisher
44
like him, probably the most established in London, needed to engage in a partnership with John Bill to make it work.
The right to publish the plates never left
Vrients, the publisher of Ortelius' material in Antwerp, and all map plates were returned to him, so further editions of the English editions never appeared. Parts of the textual preliminary matter of the original and the Nomenclatur Ptolemaicus were completely omitted, though the late appearance of the TOT at least offered the fully developed geographical content to English consumers.
In this way, the book was already
more empirical than it was for readers in other parts of Europe.
The large number of regional maps must have
brought these areas to English people for the first time. New maps of Great Britain, England, and Ireland, along with four other plates, were available for the first time from 1602 onward, though it is unclear whether this was a result of the English intentions to republish. The way map and text coordination altered the final product of the English editions of continental works, can be found from the very beginning in Ortelius' Theatrum Orbis Terrarum.
The maps were to be printed in Antwerp
and the translated texts in London; thus, the customary practice of printing the text first and the map second was reversed in this case.
As a result, the text printed
less clearly at the plate mark.
Difficulties in the
45
numbering of folios which have been noticed both in series and in the index, may have resulted from the extra time which either the arrival of maps or translation of the text demanded. The Theatrum Orbis Terrarum was an important example of boohs within a genre of works called theatres, which were different from atlases.
Theatres were encyclopedic
collections of prints of the earth; they were vivid, artistic, and fashionable.
These collections were not
strictly cultural— they represented natural materials of the earth, such as rocks and plants.
A good explanation
of the theatre of the world is as metaphorical as the style of the period; the theatre was the setting in which life is played out.[4] The concept of the "theatre of the world" in England manifests itself directly in the theatres of the period.[5]
They were round in physical structure, with
equilateral triangles drawn on the floor symbolizing the zodiac.
The theatres had a canopy with celestial bodies
painted on it and poles called the atlas to support it. These elements stemmed from cosmographical origins of the theatre of the world in the early sixteenth century.
By
the culmination of the movement in the late sixteenth century, the cosmography of the theatre was centered squarely on the earth as the focus of the world. The intellectual framework uniting the theatres with
surveying and astronomy is attributed to the Vitruvian tradition of mathematics,
in this tradition, mathematics
formed the basis of all other arts in eight categories. These included the sciences dealing with number (arithmetic, algebra, geometry), and other sciences which are dependant on number; military art, law, geometrical arts (surveying, hydrography, geography), perspective, music, astronomy, astrology, statics.[6]
All these arts
were subservient to architecture, related to the constitution of man, or 'anthropographie,' (numbers in relation to man).
Theatre was a required art of
architecture. Although the TOT is customarily called the first atlas by map historians because it was the first work to present a set of maps in a consistent format, it was conceptually different from the first book to bear the title of atlas.
It was not intended as a work of natural
philosophy, but as a collection of prints.
This concept
is first described in the archival methods recommended in Samuel Quicchelberg's Inscrlptiones vel Tltull Theatrl Ampllsslml (1565). It should be briefly noted that the concept of the universal theatre emerges from [Quicchelberg's classification] system as an ideal collection of encyclopedic scope, representing every discipline and all manifestations of human endeavor. The systematized mode of presentation suggests as its guiding principle the promotion of universal knowledge. The system as such consists of five classes with ten to eleven inscriptions in each;
47
the Inscriptions, in turn, indicate further subdivisions or specifications about the items to be included. Roughly speaking, each class comprises a number of separate but related collections.[7] The formal qualities attributed to the TOT, by which we define it as an atlas, are in part the recommended format of a good theatre.
A main idea of Quicchelberg's
method toward the collection of geographical engravings was to limit and to make consistent their size and media. He also suggested keeping them between covers with titles for protection.
Ortelius treated his other collections
of prints, such as his collection of Duerer's work, in the format of the theatre as well.
At least three bound
volumes of the collection held over one hundred wood cuts and engravings each.[8]
Ortelius amended his
geographical collection of prints by changing the maps he received to a more consistent format, but essentially they are still a collection of artistic engravings by individual cartographers from various places in the world, the names of which he notes as one would for a catalogue. This context of the TOT as a theatre is supported by our knowledge of Ortelius's background as map illuminator and antiquities dealer.
Ortelius was not an outstanding
geographer, having no known cartographic work before the age of thirty-seven.
That which comes later in his life
compares as only average with other contemporary work.[9]
48
He founded a museum, and so would have been directly Interested in archival methods, and indeed he had a copy of Quicchelberg's book in his library. Quicchelberg's book suggests itself as another source for the motive and inspiration behind the TOT, but it also suggests that bound sets of engraved maps (of which the TOT was only one, along with the Civltates Orbls Terrarum,[10] and the Speculum Orbls Terrarum,rill) were not at the beginning of an atlas movement, but the culminating works of earlier intellectual forces. The word Theatre was applied to the book contents of varying subject matter, but geographical theatres had certain characteristics of their own.
Continuity of
format and area of coverage varies among the Theatrestyle books.
All theatres are at a scale more immediate
to human experience than are cosmographical atlases.
The
subject matter of the theatre is focused on the terrestrial world only.
Quicchelberg's system of
collecting was organized to be informational in content, which made it useful for trade.
This greater emphasis on
contemporary life led to a format with more emphasis on maps— with their ease of visual mimesis— than on text, which was the representational medium for history and internal logical structures.
Theatres are all
predominantly works of geography within the terms of art and history, not science and mathematics.
Ortelius
49
included only one introductory paragraph on the study of geography, compared to Mercator's long treatise (which will be discussed later). The nation was often the emphasized scale in theatres.
The TOT has maps of many nations and regions
of those nations, but theatres often represented the regions of one nation.
John Speed's Theatre of the
Empire of Great Britain was published in a format similar to Ortelius's.
M. Tavernier's work, Theatre Geographlque
Du Rovaume de France, 16 34, was composed of maps only. Another example from the early eighteenth-century is Nouveau Theatre de la Grande Bretagne (1708).
Nouveau
Theatre de la Grande Bretagne had little text, just captions to accompany the plates and an alphabetical index to the plates. Illustrations are often architectural, sometimes just of building facades.
The
scale and coverage of geographical area varied and was indicated in the title.
City plans were often used, as
in Blaeu's Le Theatre des Cites des xvll Provinces du Paysbas a deux Volumes.
Although the format assumed by
the TOT reoccurs, the format of other theatres varied, particularly in the text.
The later Theatre books are a
combination of backgrounds: views, jardins, and prospects.
A proposal for the publication of an
"artificial Theatre" in the Bagford Collection of the British Library[12] lists the main contents composed of
50
prospects and views, just as the maps of the sixteenth century were heavily adorned with vignettes.
A way to
interpret these is as metaphorical theatre backgrounds. Eventually theatres came to be recognized as works of the older historical period, and were dropped from fashion.
New maps added to the TOT were always
historical, not modern.
As Skelton concluded in 1968,
The Theatrum was, in conception and development, essentially a creation of the 16th century...A much more ruthless effort in revision, substitution and expansion than vrients (the publisher) was able or willing to make was needed to bring the Theatrum into a form likely to satisfy students of the early 17th century; and in the process it would have lost its character."[13] The sources were copied, not original, and therefore were difficult to update.
Nor did the fashion sustain the
title in artistic books of the seventeenth century. Although collections of views and prospects continued to dominate the book and print sellers' catalogues of the eighteenth century, the word theatre no longer occurs.
Theatre of the Empire of Great Britain John Speed replicated the theatre approach in publishing his own work.
The maps he used are a
collection of prints; they are not drafts based upon the wider universe, as by now Mercator's Atlas was known to be, and will be discussed later in this chapter. Unlike the English language TOT, which was an
51
enterprise which could go no further without the map plates. Speed retained the plates which were engraved In Amsterdam for his Theatre of the Empire of Great Britain, a book of county maps which resembled the TOT In format. English chorography was usually organized by county, and the Theatre... Is linked to Speed's other work on English history.
An historical continuation of Speed's Theatre
was published as well as an historical expansion of the Theatre itself.[14] Chorography (county chorography in the English situation) involved not only the geographical description of a place, but its history and culture as well.
A
definition originating in Ptolemy's Geography which probably circulated in Renaissance England promoted chorography as the detailed study of a place, the knowledge of what kind rather than of what size a place is and so has no need of mathematics.
"Chorography needs
an artist and no one presents it rightly unless he is an artist."[15]
Maps and texts were combined together for
the purpose of compiling greater knowledge and attributing personal power in relationship to the land.
Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the world Closely tied (literally bound) to Speed's Theatre of the Empire of Great Britain was his attempt to issue a set of maps at the world scale.
The resulting Prospect
of the Most Famous Parts of the world (1627)[16] was the first English attempt at a set of world maps, but had only partial coverage of areas.
That they were
intertwined is evident in that the title page lists His Majesty's Dominions abroad, that is New England, New York, Carolina, Florida, Virginia, Maryland, Jamaica and Barbadoes, as in the Theatre and therefore simply an extension of the Kingdom, but the Summer Islands are given over to the Prospect (see Fig. 1).
in
contradiction to this, these same areas appear in the bound sequence of maps of the Prospect along geographical division. These Incomplete glances at the world (Scandinavia, for example, is missing) make the name— a prospect— appropriate, and at the same time revealing, in the sense of the word as assessment.
Before the prolific spread of
the required technological instruments and expertise, visual or verbal surveying was the most immediate, elemental practice of topographical experience.
The
English tradition of written surveys of estates began in Medieval times.
The sources for these surveys included
testimony, written records, inspection, and measurement. Though it is often today thought of as a purely mathematical practice, or one geared toward the production of maps, maps were not part of surveys until the late 1570s.
Local land surveying included a range
1. Part of the title page from John Speed, Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World. 1626. The American Geographical Society Collection, University of WisconsinMilwaukee Library.
54
of qualitative activity, including an analysis of the value of the land and types of resources. This sample of the surveyor's tasks given in the table of Fitzherbert's manual (1587) shows us that surveying included the evaluation of property: Of castlelles and other buyldinges, what the walles, the timbre, the stone, the leade, the sclate, the tile, or other of coverings, is worth by the yere as well within the walles as without, And also the gardeynes, curplaces, dovehouses and all other profytes be worth by the yeare. Howe manye feldes are of the demaynes, and how many acres are in every feld, and what an acre is worth by the yere. How many acres of medeows are of the deveyns, and how much every acre is worth, and to what maner of cattel it is moste necessary unto and howe many beastes it wil finde, and what the pasture of the beastes is worth by the yere.[17] The tradition in England arose out of the land-keeper's tasks, including husbandry, as well as the landsurveyor's tasks of mensuration, delineation and the evaluation and improvement of one's estate.
With
increased knowledge of geometry, surveying manuals became very mathematical, but were still sensitive to the greater motive of analyzing wealth.
In an address to the
mayor, aldermen, and sheriffs of London in the preliminary pages, Speed mentions the extent of London's traffic and trade to the shores of the two opposite indies. An examination of the Prospect can provide us with a good contrast to the style of atlases after the Restoration.
The last edition, the 1676, competed with
55
Restoration atlases, but was not reprinted (the 1676 edition will be examined in chapter three).
The text,
attributed by R.A. Skelton to Edward Phillips, Milton's nephew, is more difficult for the modern reader to read than the prose written in a style advocated only about thirty-five years later. A closer look at the introductory section uncovers key elements of pre-Restoration language,
in this
passage about the spherical shape of the earth, metaphor was used to clarify concepts by establishing a resemblance and explaining it dialectically. We may illustrate both the figure and situation by a familiar similitude, to an Ingenuous apprehension. Suppose we a knot to be knit in the midst of a cord that hath many ends: and those to be delivered to sundry men of equal strength, to be drawn several ways round from every part, above and below, and on each side; questionless whilst every man draws in the boes of the knots, it must needs become round: and whilst they continue to pluck with equal strength, it must rest Immoveable in the middle betwixt them: since every strength that would destroy, hath a strength equal to resist it. So it is in the bosom of the earth, where every part meets upon equal privilege of nature: nor can any press farther than the center, to destroy this compacted figure: for it must meet there with a body that will oppose it. Metaphor is used again as a rhetorical device to stress understanding over precision: In this report both of the quantity and form of the earth, we must not require such exactness as cannot vary a hairs bredth: for we see that the mountains of the earth, and often times the waves of the Sea make the superficies unequal. It will be sufficient, if there be no difference sensible to be reckoned in so great a bulk. For let us
56
rudely hew a ball out of a rough stone; still It Is a ball though not so smooth as one of Crystal. Or suffer a mote to fall upon a Sphere of glass: it changeth not Its figure: far less are the mountains which we see in respect of the whole lump. Rather than being ideas, metaphors such as these— derived from general use and decorum instead of personal whim— explained ideas in scientific prose.
Their
elements were used for parlphrasement, not intrinsic interest.
The figure-to-sense is clearly spelled out;
the sentences are long & link together causal relationship.
This was agreeable to current notions of
Baconian empiricism.
Metaphor is almost entirely
excluded from atlases published after the Restoration. Geographical concepts such as earth's shape, circumference, and diameter are discussed further in the text.
The reader is urged to prove to himself the
measure of the world's circumference in terms by which math and science are easily grasped; the Baconian way towards the resolution of experience and rational deduction: The compass of the whole is cast by our latest and most learned, to be 21600 English Miles; which though none ever yet so paced, as to measure them by the foot: yet let not the Ignorant reject this accompt, since the rule by which they are led cannot fail. For we see by continual experience, that the Sun for every degree in the Heavens gains sixty miles upon earth towards his circuit round: and after 360 degrees returneth to the same point in respect of us, as before it was. Repeat the number of sixty so oft, and you will find the accompt just.
57
The reference to the sun gaining on the earth expresses Speed's traditional Ptolemaic image of an orbiting sun, the view in accordance with the Church. As a work of pre-civil war England, Prospect has an overt and predictable religious and political slant to it, evident from the very beginning in the Preface. Throughout the text, Speed makes frequent references to biblical verses and characters, and offers prayer in the form of appeals and expressions of devotion to God.
This
is also a mark of a science of resemblance, for all things were hidden by God from people, but bore his image which was revealed in their signatures.[18] In the first age, there was little needs of skill to measure the whole earth. A garden plot might suffice, and so (for a time) it did. It was planted in Eden. But where that was I may not peremptorily determine, nor indeed dare I be so curious in the search. The hidden things belong to the Lord, the revealed to u s . Deut.29. Speed offers several speculations following this passage about the location of Eden on earth. Regarding politics, Speed covers civil wars from Norman Invasion to Elizabeth's time for the martialists, though he himself dislikes it.
Unlike later
utilitarianists, Speed reveals that his turn to foreign interests was not solely for materialistic purposes, but also the result of worry over internal conflict.
He
writes that he was requested to include accounts of English wars in his combined set of the Theatre and the
58
Prospect, but decided not to.
Instead, his focus on the
overseas is to restore English honor despite the dishonor if internal civil strife. Which being undertaken in satisfaction of the honorable desire of certaine Martiall and Noble minded Gentle-men, professors of Armes, and followers of Fame; desireous to see the passed proceedings of their owne professions: dealt liberally with me to draw the plot, and were most diligent themselves in giving directions, to set downe the places, persons, and the issue of every battaile fought either by sea, or Land, in England, Wales, and Ireland. And being finished in a farre larger platforme (with the liking of the motioners, and good acceptances of her that then was the mirror of her sex, and the maiden Martialist of the then knowne world, the glorious and ever living Queene Elizabeth, to whose sacred censure it was commended and dedicated) I intended there to have staid it from further sight or publication. Since indeed the silence of Englands civill warres, better befitted Englands subjects, they being the markes of her infamies, and staynes to be washed away rather with repentance, then any way reviued by too often remembrance. But these defices I saw could not be so smothered, as to be quite forgot: therefore I thought fit at least to make up her honour, with our other proceedings in forraigne parts; and insinuate my penne into some little better applause by tracing the victories of the English, as farre as the Sunne spreadeth his beames, or the girdle of the earth doth any wise incirle it. The introduction goes on to relate the geographical description and division of the world as found by the ancients.
This includes the tribes of Israel and the
parts of the world they inhabited, in direct resemblance of the mappamundi.
The discussion then turns to a short
introduction of Ptolemy.
With an early eye toward the
moderns, Ptolemaic concepts are introduced and used with
59
the recognition that human experience is enlarged to those lands which were unrelated by the ancients; that is, the New World,
in conclusion, six divisions of the
world are given: Asia, Africa, Europe, America, Septentrionalis incognita and Terra Australis Magellanica.
In Speed's book, the last two are included
in America. Speed ends his text by stressing the map: "Of the rest severally I shall not need here to enlarge my Discourse, since the particular Map of every Region may justly challenge it as their proper right: and will be I hope very shortly extant for my Reader to peruse."
This
statement is in contrast to several in Mercator's Atlas (discussed below) where maps are meant to adorn text, not curtail it. The world map is organized around depictions of the main ideas of a science of resemblances or the analogic worldview: the four elements, a diagram of Ptolemaic heavens and elements, figures of the sphere and solar and lunar eclipses, two hemispheres of the earth, the north and south hemispheres of the zodiac, and the climate zones (which were thought to highly influence geography) (see Fig. 2).
included also are historical portraits:
Thomas Cavendish, Oliver van der Noort, Ferdinand Magellan, and Francis Drake; the last two with notations. There is only one map of the Americas, and that is
2. John Speed, "A New and Accurat Map of the World," in Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, 1627. The American Geographical Society Collection,University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Library.
61
Bermuda.
This map (called the "Sommer Islands") was
drafted by Richard Norwood and reappears in later English atlases of the seventeenth century.
The Island is
depicted twice: at a relatively large scale, and in the center of the map as a very small outline of the island oriented to both Virginia and New England (see Fig. 3 and 4).
"The miniature map of Bermuda just below the title
piece is inserted to show its correct proportion against the American mainland of Virginia and New England."[19] The map shows both detail of the island, but not fragmented from its relationship to a larger context. This is done by over-lapping cartographic 'layers' and mixing scales within the same neatline. Like the T O T , the epitome editions of Speed's Theatre and Prospect proved to be the easiest to publish under risky prospects.
The only English editions of the TOT
the Dutch would produce were epitomes, and Speed's epitomes were most prolific during the Interregnum.
Both
were later in coming than the folios, perhaps due to the easier process of simplifying content than developing it.
Early Baconian Empiricism Despite that Sir Francis Bacon was still a part of the pre-Restoratlon period, his program and thus stylistic requirements came from his philosophy for the advancement of learning, and not from the imitation of
62
3. John Speed, "Mappa Aestivarum insularum...A Mapp of the Sommer Islands once called the Bermudas..." In Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, 1676. The American Geographical Society Collection,University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Library.
4. Diagram of the map of Bermuda. A Small outline of Bermuda is drawn in the center of the map in relationship to New England and Virginia. The larger depiction of Bermuda shows more detail.
any classical author or in resemblance to his contemporary Elizabethan writers.
He believed writing
should be appropriate to his intended audience and to his goal, which was of useful knowledge.
He shunned
moralizing (in the classical or religious sense of right and wrong) and sensuality.
Since usefulness is a quality
imposed on an object from the outside, Bacon does not dwell on the appearance of things.
Other than his
utilitarian objective, Bacon's method is to focus on the study of the principles of matter, not things in themselves.
His scientific ideals sought knowledge for
the benefit of mankind, not knowledge of things for their own sake. John Speed was a source for Sir Francis Bacon's historical writing.
Natural and civil history (what we
would call science and history) was for Bacon the same thing; the attainment of elucidation based upon experience, memory, and examples.
Just as in his regard
of material objects, Bacon seeks to use the past for examples of political wisdom and thus separates civic from moral responsibility, even in his more empirical sense of the word moral as more psychological or behavioral process than religious.
The historical
perspective advocated by Bacon was an abstraction of political wisdom, or an analysis of motives.
[20]
Bacon's legacy led to a style of writing appropriate
for atlases, In plain prose about useful Information for the broad dissemination for general audiences.
Also,
history was written to serve the political interests of the public with a lack of moral evaluation of events. However, these ideas precluded the rise of English world atlases (though they would later be advocated by the Royal Society).
Bacon's idea of geography was still
cosmographical, even if his method is empirical,
"...the
seeing of the names of London, Bristol, York, Lincoln, and some few other places of note, in a Mercator's general map will [not] make a stranger understand the cosmography of England."[21]
Atlases Mercator's Atlas The period of analogic resemblances involved an emblematic type of representation.
Emblems were an image
arising in the later middle ages carrying a moralizing commentary or some other 'real' relationship such as an analogy to a wide variety of common day objects.[22] However, they were not general memory structures, as the idea of edifices served through most of the middle ages. The earliest English atlases were emblematic and dedicated to learning, perhaps even as memory systems, by their breakdown into short sections and descriptive identifying labels linked to images.
65
Mercator's Atlas is the first atlas that is a philosophy on the nature of the universe and of knowledge.
Its original plan does not compare to any
other contemporary project.
It consisted of five parts:
1. the creation of the world, 2. the description of the heavens, 3. the description of the earth, 4. genealogy and the history of the states, and 5. chronology.
It has
been well stated in histories of Mercator's Atlas project that the subtitle read "meditations on the universe," referring to the entire cosmography.[23]
Most of the
work was never completed because of Mercator's death. This situation possibly encouraged the word atlas to eventually become associated with only one part of the project, the book of geographical maps.
However, the
true title of the volume of maps was: Atlantis Pars altera Geoqraphla Nova Totius Mundi. There were two English editions of the Atlas.
The
first was Historla Mundi: or Mercator's Atlas, printed for Micheall Sparke and Samuell Cartwright in 1635.
This
was the English translation of the Judocus Hondlus's Dutch work.
The title page read: "Containing his
Cosmographicall Description of the Fabricke and Figure of the world.
Lately rectified in divers places, as also
beautified and enlarged with new Mappes and Tables;..." The preliminary material is not plain; it includes a frontispiece and an elaborately written poem, "The
66
Meaning of the Frontispiece."
The engraving has the four
continents. Atlas treading on riot, oblivion, and sloth. Figures of history and geography show history writing, and geography reading amid compass, sphere, and cross staff.
A verse is offered called "Why many new atlasses
are printed." One atlas heretofore was though to bee enough to beare up heavens axel-tree. But now, the aged world declines so fast, through discord, sinne, and vice, which lay it wast, that many atlasses had need to stay it with united shoulders from decay. Verse and poetry were commonly associated with emblematic forms.[24] Other preliminary material supports the printed statement that Mercator's atlas teaches how to trade. Included are instructions on the use of the tables, and the distances of degrees or miles. The title of the second English edition (16 36) was Atlas; or, a Geographical Description of the Regions...of the World, represented by New and Exact Maps.r251 was an English project.
This
The titles of the two works
already hint of the Restoration period in which growing English empiricism competes with a more traditional approach.
However, the short, one-page translation of
Mercator's own introduction makes several statements associating the Atlas to first wisdom and philosophy, then to astronomy (as practical astrology), and then to its earthly manifestation in the form of geography.
67
My purpose then Is to followe this Atlas, a man so excelling in erudition, humanitie, and wisedome, (as from a lofty watch tower) to contemplate Cosmographie, as much as my strength and ability will permit mee, to see if peradventure, by my diligence, I may finde out some truths in things yet unknowne, which may serve to the studie of wisedom. And as the world conteyneth the number of all things, the species, order, harmonie, proportion, vertues and effects; so beginning from the creation: I will number the parts thereof, so farre as methodical reason requireth, according to the order of the creation, and will contemplate physically, that the causes of things may be knowne, whereof consisteth that science of sciences wisedom, which directeth every thing to a good end, by a provident wisedom, which doth facilitate the way to the ends. This is the maine scope I ayme at. Afterward I will handle Coelestiall things in their ranke: then the Astronomicks; which appertayne to conjecture by the Starrs. Fourthly, treat of things Elementarie, 6 lastly the Geographicks, and so (as in a mirrour) will set before your eyes, the whole world, that in making use of some rudiments, ye may finde out the causes of things, and so by attayning unto wisedom and prudence, by this meanes leade the Reader to higher speculations.[26] The prose style of the passage is consistent with the purposes of the work as a whole.
The author draws on
philosophical values, religion, metaphor, and literature. At their [Hondius and Jansson] request I have undertaken, and by the helpe of God, according to my weake abilitie, translated their Atlas Major into English, for the good of my Countrie-men, and by their direction (who have most interest therin) have enlarged, & augmented it, out of many worthy Authours of my owne Nation, where it was most needfull and requisite, and amended some errours in it, which were escaped in the former editions, & they for their parts have adorned it with new and exact Maps. This worke then is composed of Geographie, (which is a description of the knowne Earth and the parts thereof) and Historic, which is (Oculus mundi) The eye of the World. These two goe inseparable together, and as it were hand in
68
hand, or as Doctour Heylin saith, are like unto the two fire-lights Castor and Pollux, seene together, crowne or happinesse; but parted assunder, menace a shipwrack of our content, and are like two Sisters intirely loving each other, and cannot without pittie be divided: so as that worthy Souldier Sr. Philip Sidney said of Argulus and Parthenia. Her being was in him alone, And she not being he was none. May as justly be said of these two Gemini Geographic and Historic. These two are of such singular use, that Julius Caesar began with Geographick descriptions his commentaries of his warres against the Gaules...For how could I, or any man knowe, where Poitiers in France standeth, and where our Edward the black Prince, of ever living memorie, with eight thousand wearied Souldiers, gave battle to, and overthrew the French Armie, consisting of fortie thousand men, slew many noble men, and ten thousand Souldiers in that field, tooke King lohn and Philip his Sonne, 70 Earles, 50 Barons, and 12 hundred Gentle-men prisonners: and yet comming out of a bloodie Battle, with a wearisome bodie, to shew his humanitie and obedience to his Father and King lohn, that very night waited on them at their table, if he were ignorant of Geographic and Historic? Hexham's statements in the Preface, that he translated the Atlas Major and that it was adorned with maps, support the Importance of the atlas as a book, not as a set of maps. The Booke of the Creation and Fabrick of the world begins with the scope of cosmography.
The Platonist view
of the world is first described, but Mercator opposes it with the scriptural view of the world in which the creation and manifestation of the world is done in six days.
The second section of the introduction is called
"An introduction to universall Geographie, as well
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moderne, as ancient.
Geography, chorography, and
topography are all defined." But Geographie is properly the description of the situation of the Earth alone, wherein first is to be marked, that in the terme of Geographie this word is not onely taken for one of the foure Elements, as in a phisicall terme, but thereby we understand conjoyntly, the earth moistened with the waters, which are showred upon it, making both together the Center of the whole world, which because of the round figure is called Orbis, or the Globe of the earth.[27] World, as used in the sub-title of the Atlas, refers to the universe of which the earth is only a part.
The
Ptolemaic view of the universe still prevails. The nine chapters follow.
They describe the
imaginary circles, lines, and climates of the earth, measuring the earth, and the latitude and longitude grid system.
The only chapter which seems unusual is that of
the four quarters of the world, and of the winds, which are accompanied by very geometrical diagrams representing these themes, followed by two compass roses. discussion of astrology.
There is no
This is the first example in
English of the geographical introductory section which most atlases of the century adopt and which seem to be lacking in theatres. The word portraiture in Mercator's world map, "A Portraiture of the Universall Earth.," indicates a certain attitude toward the map— that it is a resemblance, as opposed to being an analytical device. The map is heavily decorative; it is metaphoric (in the
larger sense relevant to linages) in contrast to the characteristics of a later style of cartography, but only as the face of the earth, not Its substance. or meaning, Is
Substance,
symbolized In the sphere, mentioned In
the text on the verso of the map.
Again Its symbolic
value Is affirmed as both earth and the universe: "Apuleius describing this excellent frame, worthy of all admiration, salth, It Is that, which conslsteth of the conjunction of heaven, and of earth, and of the nature of the one, & the other."[28]
Mercator's union of heaven
and earth posed no problem within the dialectical reasoning of science before the seventeenth century which believed in contradictions as the nature of the world. Non-contradiction as a principle is a mark of Newtonian science after the Restoration.
Other foreign atlases in England Although it is not the purpose in this dissertation to analyze the European maps which could have been available in England in the period of this study, it is important to make the point that most maps, texts, and atlases fell somewhere between the extremes of styles being described in this dissertation.
A short survey of
other contemporary atlases and sets of maps checked for atlas format indicates some consistency of their arrangement. The pattern adheres to the distinctions of
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defining characteristics which were first noticeable at the end of the sixteenth century. Emulating Mercator, atlases begin with introductions to geography before their descriptions of parts of the world.
Joan Blaeu's Atlas Major had an introduction to
geography, as did Jan Jansson's Novus Atlas (1656). Sanson world atlases had an introduction to geography, as well as a celestial map and hemisphere.
This atlas is a
book of maps without texts, but it has Sanson's wellknown tables.
Taking a later example, a 1705 atlas of
Nicolas de Fer exemplifies the combination of celestial and terrestrial knowledge of the atlas.
It had:
A. The
figure of the artificial sphere, with short passage of explanation, raised slightly higher than a pair of globes, celestial and terrestrial; B. Celestial planispheres, decorated with the sun, moon, Mars, Mercury, Venus, Saturn, and Jupiter, their symbols and their iconological figures; C. a one-page "Discour" of the celestial planisphere; D. the concentric circles of Descartes, Ptolemy, Copernicus, and Brahe on one-sheet; E. a prose passage "The principal systems of the world"; F. world map in two hemisphere decorated with portraits of explorers; G. the passage "Description of the terrestrial globe."
Harmonica Masero, a book of
celestial images by Andreas Cellarius (1661), had an introductory section.
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Cornells De Jode's Speculum Orbls Terrarum (1593) had an Introductory section called Matematica.
Comparing
atlases to a bound set of maps, we find that Nicholas Visscher's Tabularum Geographicarum Contractarum (1649), has cartouches and iconographical engravings of subsection titles (consisting of the continent names) instead of introductory texts.
The 1690 edition has maps
only. Other foreign sets of maps were available to English consumers.
Blaeu's Atlas Malor was not published in
English (the language of the text was probably Latin), but it was still popular enough to be listed in a binder's price list presented to the Stationers Company on August 2, 1669 to be used as an example of a binding job.[29]
This would suggest to us that the work was
probably being imported or reprinted in England and that the price of this "most expensive book in Europe" was affordable to English customers. Several English editions of Dutch charts were available; some specific ones are Blaeu's Light of Navigation, 1612; Sea Mirrour, 1625, 1635, and 1649; and Sea Beacon, 1643. Other publishers of maritime material included Arnold Colom, Peter Goos, and the Lootsman (Jacobsz) family. Other English editions of Dutch seaatlases continued to be imported after the Restoration, such as Water werelt ofte zee.
The Great and Newly
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Enlarged Sea-Atlas of the Water world containing exact descriptions of all the Sea Coasts of the whole World, printed In Amsterdam In 1682 by Johannes Van Keulen consists of a title page, four leaves of text in English, and 143 maps which are the same in the Dutch and English language issues.
Like the atlases, these charts often
formed the basis of English publications, such as Joseph Moxon's Book of Sea Plats and John Seller's pilots.[30] Only the sea-atlases and not pilots or waggoners had introductory sections. It is perhaps true that the English did not plagiarize Sanson maps to the degree that the Dutch did.[31]
William Berry published many Sanson maps, but
his maps are credited to the original author.[32]
Symbolism and Science in English Atlas Precursors A significant feature of the grand Dutch atlases was their richness of visual detail.
Decorated maps are to
be found throughout the seventeenth century, but the imported maps from The Netherlands and the English maps based on Dutch plates were particularly decorated.
The
climate of seventeenth-century Holland allowed for the recognition and involvement of what appears to us as both artistic and scientific expression in geography.[33 ] Although the older style of maps looks more decorative, the scientific component is not missing.
It represents a
different scientific style than the modern. Some significant elements of decorative maps include projections of prominent geometrical shapes with magical meaning, such as the square, or metaphorical meaning, such as the cordiform heart.[34]
"Nova Orbis Terrarum
Descriptio...per Ioannem Blagrawm..." published in London by Benjamin Wright in 1596 is an early style English world map with the Northern Hemisphere inscribed as a circle in a square. into the
The Southern Hemisphere is projected
corners of the square.
There is a very
complicated scale system at the top.[35] A map from the Apianus Cosmography (1564) is an example of elaborate windhead symbology.[36]
windheads
of an evil appearance are engraved below the map; three old heads are at the top, faces evident in the breath of cherubs at sides (see Fig. 5).
Surrounding the map are
figures of war and peace and the zodiac. associate
We often
wind heads with geographical winds, but the
underlying tone and assumptions of some annotations on some maps indicate that they had symbolic meaning as well. The Air is an Element which on all Sides surrounds the Earth and Water, and is of a thin, transparent light and subtile Nature pervading insinuating itself into other Bodies penetrating into the inmost Recesses of Nature, exciting, animating and spiritualizing serving in many of her Functions and Operations for respiration and Animal Life, Vegetation of Plants, Conveyance of Sound and the winged Tribes, for Formation of the Voice, for vocal and Instrumental Musick &c in
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5. Peter Apian, "Charta Cosmographica, cum ventorum propria natura et operatione" in Cosmoqraphia per Gemma Frisius, 1564. The American Geographical Society Collection, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Library.
76
short, 'tis the very Soul of this Lower World, and of greatest Use to the Life, Health, Comfort Pleasure and Concerns of the whole Globe, and is the Theatre where Nature acts those Wonders we call Meteors...[37] The use of the word Theatre again makes its metaphorical meaning as the world apparent. An example of a cartouche serving as a symbol can be analyzed in Jean Blaeu's a map "insula Americanae" published in Le Theatre du Monde, ou Nouvel Atlas vol. two in Amsterdam in 1646.
Part of the cartouche is a
female figure which resembles Cesare Ripa's "Prudence" in Iconoloqia, but is rather altered (see figs.6 & 7).
The
resemblance is close enough to assume a connection between "Prudence” and "America," other than that map ornament was often copied from other printed sources which circulated around Europe. Ripa's third edition of Iconoloqia, published in Rome in 1603, contained over four hundred allegorical images. A major reason for the publication of Ripa's images was the Roman Catholic Church's support for artistic works to counter the Protestant Reformation fight against the use of religious human images in the Church.
Allegorical art
had to convey to the faithful the moral implications of every conceivable human feeling and principle outside of the context of religion.
Where a moral quality was to be
especially emphasized, or could not easily be illustrated because of its abstractness, a personification of that
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CQ es, Ports ; Their Antient and Present Names, Inhtabitants. Situations, Histories, Robert Morden and Thomas Cockeril. At the Atlas in Cornhill, and at the three Legs in the Poultry over against the Stocks-Market, 1680, 1688, 1693, and 1700), p. 542-43. 30. Ibid., p. 542-43.
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31. Ibid., p. 543. 32. Ibid., p. 544. 33. Ibid., p. 544. 34. A pagination problem on some copies is worth noting. The sequence goes: pp. 401 (Bermuda), 372 (Of Peruviana or South America.), 405, 406 (Of Guyana), 403, 404 (Of Castella del Oro), 409 (Of the Amazone), 410 (Of Chili), 407, 408 (Of Peru), 411 (Of Paraguay Rio de la Plata)... These pages are in order in some copies of the first edition. 35. Morden, Geography Rectified, p.589. 36. The word advertisement meant "advice" in the seventeenth century.
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CHAPTER FIVE LATER STUART ATLASES
The Continuing Continental Influences Foreign sources, particularly French maps, continued to be used and sold by English atlas makers Into the eighteenth century.
Sanson is the most prolific foreign
presence in atlas production in this period. are used in many atlases.
His tables
David Mortler, closely
connected with his brother Pierre Mortier in the Netherlands, handled Sanson's maps.
The Atlas Nouveau
contenant toutes les Parties du Monde, ou sont exactement remarque les Empires, Monarchies, Royaumes, in two volumes with maps and tables, was originally issued in Paris by Hubert Jaillot between 1689 and 1696, after which date it was also sold by Pierre Mortier of Amsterdam.
It was available from David Mortier in London
around 1705.[1] A variety of foreign maps were available to be bound in atlas factice.
A good example is a set of 110 maps
attributed to David Mortier in London in about 1708.
The
engraved title page is in Latin, but the catalogue is in English.
The set of maps is composed from those of
Schenk, De wit, Jaillot, visscher, and Sanson.
The
language of the map titles is in French or Latin, but two
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are In English.
One has a London Imprint, Printed and
Sold by D. Mortier, 1705.
Few of the maps are dated.
The oldest maps are continental maps (which were slowest to update) of North and South America (1694).
The latest
is Languedoc (1707).[2] Original maps were presumably brought to England to be copied.
A map in World Described (1726/9) is
attributed to Nolin.
John Senex's used several maps of
De L'isle's in his set of maps, sometimes called Modern Geography or The English Atlas, of 1725.
Some foreign
maps are simply sold by Senex and others re-engraved and sold by him.
In both, the cartouches and scales are
Anglicized. One reason for the popularity of these could have been to follow military events on the continent, for which European maps and atlases were better.
Sarah
Tyacke indicates that the publication of certain maps appeared or increased with the occurrence of battles.[3] Additional topographic maps are often found roughly pasted into well-bound standard atlases.[4]
These are
titled as battle sites or plans, or they may simply be the plan of a fort.
Some text describing the action is
frequently included on the map. However, English cartographers were soon making counter-charges of plagiarism against the Dutch.
Moll
charges on his world map in world Described that the
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English were pioneering mathematically correct maps which the Dutch were copying in Holland, and bringing back to England to sell.
Oddly enough, Moll's map of Flanders or
Spanish Netherlands has both French and English text. Did this indicate that his base map was French and left untranslated into English, or was this done purposefully for selling the maps in France?
Although exports from
England to the continent were uncommon, some exports are known.
One such was Mortier's Atlas Anqlois, perhaps
because English maps of Great Britain were most preferred.[5]
Ancient and Present Geography Both the Theatrum Orbls Terrarum and Mercator's Atlas had maps of historical/classical/sacred geography.
This
type of map set was popular through the seventeenth century.
Interest in Ptolemy's maps, for example, was
sufficient to encourage the continued production of those sets of maps in England as late as 1695.[6] Controversy over the ancients and moderns reached a peak by the 1690s.
At the hear of the matter was a
debate regarding the ideals and values of literature and historical narrative.
The Greek and Latin texts were
traditionally characterized by their eloquence and esteemed for the practical function they served as philosophical examples of proper conduct to men of
affairs.
Moral teaching is found in specific dramatic
situations which the reader shares intimately.
The
purpose of reading the ancients was to recover the hidden motives— the truth—
that directed past actions.
This
was based on the assumption that in all ages, humans were confronted with the same repeating concerns and situations.
History "helps us to judge of what will
happen, by shewing us the like revolutions of former times."[7]
Because human motives are so easily obscured,
the work of scholarship was to capture the character and thoughts that could lead to an understanding of human nature and the nature of life. In this way, the study of the ancients was intended to directly counter the human repression of thought.
These values were esteemed so
highly that it was believed that modern scholarship could never surpass the ancients and that all that could be hoped for would be to imitate them. Although the modern writers respected the ancients and continued to use them in certain ways, they wanted freedom from ancient precedent and advocated the inclusion of modern work in scholarship.
A central
objection on the part of the moderns was to the elevated status of the rhetoric of prose.
The similarity between
history and poetry because of eloquent language made the moderns skeptical of the texts and led them to transform their perspective on ancient narrative to one of poetry.
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(Proponents of the ancients differentiated fiction from truth by identifying different types of narrative.) Modernity also meant the inclusion of non-verbal approaches.
In contrast to the method of the ancients
who evaluated texts by their fidelity to their literary sources, moderns felt the need for documents, artifacts, eyewitness accounts, and empirical testing.
Modern
historical scholarship began with lists or catalogues of such collections.
Although the ancients recognized the
need to build as complete a context to the narratives as possible, compilations of these objects were used as guidebooks to the narratives, and not as the subject of study themselves toward the inducement of further scholarship.
This idea is reflected in the older style
of atlases which have multiple graphical compilations of objects associated with a place. Although moderns hoped to combine these ancient and modern modes of history, attempts were not very successful.
Modern history consisted of compilations and
no narratives of any depth were produced.
In direct
contrast to the exploration of the individual, modern approaches thought good history was an account embodied in society.
Because historical knowledge for its own
sake was deemed undesirable, historical work was eventually not deeply cultivated.
Selective judgement
brought about a kind of whiggishness in historical
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thought by which the ancients were used to serve the causes of modernity.
Sacred Geography The maps of sacred geography, a common tradition, were often presented as a set, or with images of related edifices and objects in hierarchical sets of maps, or with Bible text.
Sections of sacred geography were
appended to more modern atlases, but in general omitted any representation of America. A significant work of scriptural geography was Sacred Geoqraphie. Or Scriptural Mapps. published by Joseph Moxon together with John Seller. authored in Dutch.
The work was originally
The statement of its source, "The
Originals of these had their Original from an Assembly of Dutch Ministers, who selected from among themselves two such Persons as they thought apt and able to correct all the foregoing Authorurs that have set forth Mapps of the like nature..." indicates that this was an established tradition in Europe.
Moxon probably acquired his
originals when in Holland, where Moxon spent part of his youth and later revisited. The maps show only rivers, lakes, and Biblical placenames.
The most common maps, though not necessarily
displayed in this order, are: 1. Map of the world, 2. Map of Paradise, 3. The Peregrinations, 4. The Tribes of
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Israel, 5. Map of Jerusalem, 6.Map of St. Paul's travels. These themes or subjects of the scriptural maps in early sets of maps were identical to a tradition of Bible maps common in society.
The only deviation is between
the map of Daniel's Vision in Bibles, as reported by Delano Smith, and the replacement, the map of St. Paul's travels, in sets of sacred geography.[8]
The bound set
of maps were often to be accompanied by a text. Moxon's text was designed to "conveniently ly open on the Maps while you are perusing them, to avoid the trouble of turning them to and fro."
His maps were designed to be
bound into Bibles, as well. Sacred geography was often a part of a traditional atlas arrangement.
Phillip Lea, an apprentice to Robert
Morden, published An Atlas containing ye Best Maps of the Severall Parts of the World (1690), a bound set of maps with a title page and no other text.
It is unknown if
any textual context existed for this atlas.
His other
works such as Principles of Astronomy and Geography, and the use of Maps, were quite contemporary, and indeed the Atlas may be an early example of the modern atlas, but the sequence of maps is of a quite traditional pattern.[9]
It begins with a world map in two
hemispheres, a map of Europe, Asia, and Africa (all with a table of placenames), a map of the sea-coasts of Europe, various maps of Europe, and then maps of the
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eastern Mediterranean and Biblical middle-east.
The last
group consists of: Canaan, land of Jesus; Persia as paradise; forty years travels for the children of Israel; and a map of the city of Jerusalem.
At the end is a map
of the isles of Japan. The inclusion of the map of Japan is perplexing. Maps of Biblical history were usually arranged in sets of six or seven, of which the five in Lea's atlas were typical inclusions.
His seller's catalogue lists a
Sacred Geography in 7 Scriptural Maps, Viz. 1. Heaven and Earth, 2. Paradise, or the Garden of Eden 3. Forty Years Travels of the Children of Israel in the Wilderness, 4. Canaan, or the Land of Promises 5. Travels of St. Paul, &c . 6. Jerusalem as it stood in our Saviour's time 7. Babylon, Nieve and the Tower of Babylon with six sheets of historical ornaments.[10]
This set was available with
or without a book of description, and was suggested to be useful to bind with the folio, or quarto Bible. Some examples of bound sets of maps were compiled with sequences reflecting the persistent popularity of these arrangements and strongly suggesting these sets were a genre.
A collection of maps of the world
attributed to Henry Overton's shop, London 1706-39[11] follows traditional guidelines in its sequence: world map, Europe, Asia, and Africa, (omitting America) and countries.
The presence of two local maps, London and
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the Mediterranean, add chorographical Interest.
The rest
of the map content augments the historical theme: the six scriptural maps, portraits of kings and worthy persons, battle scenes and prospects, and architectural plans of courts and temples.
The lay-out of rooms was a device
for memorizing material and was thus a symbol for history or memory. This theme endured in combinations of views with some sacred maps.
John Bowles advertised Geoqraphia Sacra
Illustrata: Or, Sacred Geography Illustrated in thirteen prints and maps, representing the Jewish idols, coins, weights, measures, Noah's Art, Tower of Babel, the Tabernacle, Solomon's temple, plan of Jerusalem in a sales catalogue of 1728.
The depiction of such
illustrations bound together recalls an intellectual organization by resemblances, by which sacred geography would be studied together with what it is related to. This would be particularly true if they are all tools in the study of antiquity.
Atlases of Ancients and Moderns Even as it attempted to forge new ground, the expansion of geographical knowledge in early modern England was interrelated to the study of history.
New
methods in scientific thinking may have been inspired by the seventeenth-century methods and practice of
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antiquarianism.[12] Atlas production reflects the interrelationship between natural history and the classics.
Robert Hooke
drew on antiquarianism in his introduction to Pitt's The English Atlas. In the bottom of a turff-pit (for this matter is not earth, but turff) they found not long ago, a small parcel of Coins upon an heap (perhaps they had been tied up in some matter that was putrifled) of Edward IV. as I judg by the face; and this was about eighteen foot deep, which gives us some conjecture, how long at most that turff was a growing, i.e. eighteen foot in two hundred years, [by the way also, there were a few years ago in the Forest of Dean, after the Miners had wrought over a great cinder-heap, found divers Coins of Brass, fresh as when first minted, of Tetricus, and some other of those Tyrants about the year 260, which gives some hint by whom, and at what time those Iron-mines were wrought]. Some attempt was made to expand books of the geography of the classics by illustrating them with maps. Combinations of ancient and modern geography took various forms. J. Garret sold a Book of Maps, describing Europe both in its present and antlent State.
At about the same
time, J. Crosly and S. Smith were selling Two Geographical Tables, containing the old and New World; the one of Ancient Geography in Latin, the other of Modern.[13]
Atlas publishing also responded to this
intellectual climate. The contrast in the old and new image of the world map was a common symbol of the idea of ancients and moderns.
It is used in the frontispiece of A New Sett of
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Maps, where Atlantis Nepos points to both ancient geography, the Ptolemaic world map, and present geography, the map of two hemispheres (see Fig. 14). caption reads "Facit Germino Commercia Mundo."
The
The
figure of Atlas is in the background. Atlases of ancients and moderns seem to have been primarily intended for students.
A proposal for such a
set of maps was circulated by Mr. Churchill and Mr. Bennet in London, together with J. Croke at Oxford.[14] The number of maps were intended not to exceed forty, but for greater ease, subscriptions were taken this first time only for the first five pair: Ancient and Present World in general, Ancient and Present Europe, Asia, Africa, and North and South America.
The work of Edward Wells The authoritative work in such a vein was Well's Ancient and Present Geography, a three-part work. Originally published at Oxford, its stated purpose drew on a different approach to geography than the strictly mathematical: Not only the latitude and longitude of many places are corrected, according to the latest observations; but also the most remarkable differences of antient and present geography may be quickly discern'd by a bare inspection or comparing of correspondent maps; which seems to be the most natural and easy method to lead young students (for whose use the work is principally intended) unto a competent knowledge of the geographical science.
14. Edward Wells, Frontispiece from Treatise of Ancient and Present Geography, 1717. The Newberry Library.
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The contrasting of maps emphasizes geography as the study of a certain process between two distinct periods in time, and thus would encourage a discussion on the part of the contemporary readers about the processes of change, or
alternative perspectives.
A catalogue of the maps showed the order in which they would be discussed in the treatise, twenty-three of the ancient, fourteen of the modern, three sacred maps, and three maps of America, including one of the English Empire.
It was not necessarily expected that they would
be bound, but if they were, the pair of maps of an area depicted in both ancient and modern times would face each other (see Fig. 15).
Thus gaps were left on the side of
modern geography, so the comparison of corresponding places would not be interrupted.
This approach meant
that both types of maps had to have a comparable base and could not be too specific to themselves in theme or period. In contrast to the emphasis on boundaries in other atlases, Edward Wells' representation of America in 1700 takes only the continental and imperial form.
This pair
simplified the separation of the natural from the colonial, or the 'ancient' and 'modern.' treated with a certain flexibility.
Boundaries are
The map is of the
"most considerable” parts of the empire on both continent and islands.
Insets of peripheral areas are included,
15. Edward wells, "A New Map of the Terraqueous Globe. [two maps], in A New Sett of Maps Both of Ancient and Present Geography, [1720]. The American Geographical Society Collection, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Library.
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Nova Scotia and Carolina on the continent and some islands in the ocean, but other separate maps of colonial claims were omitted.
Drawn with small dots, small
colonial boundaries look more faint and are not allencircling. Some elements of the maps suggest a rather sophisticated conceptual cartographic design. The map of the continent has two scales, one of gross computation, 300 miles to the inch, for ease of use and Norwood's computation, the more specific 347.5 miles to the inch. The map of the English Empire suggests maritime sources; mostly coastal features are depicted and "commonly called by seamen" is written at the center.
An "Explanation”
identifies the meaning of eight single-letter abbreviations.
Five inset maps bring peripheral areas
closer together. wells' method[15] is to inventory all the countries; show where they are relative to each other; make tables of cities and divisions of countries, including the placenames of both periods; and follow with an account of topographical features.
His view of the maps is that
they should be drawn exactly alike (except for significant changes over time) and that this will enable "the meanest capacity" to understand ancient and present geography.
It seemed he believed that information
communicated through maps is easier to understand.
Three
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maps (of the usual six) of Biblical geography are included. Longitude is adjusted to London for students for two reasons: to better grasp the concept for facilitating its use: ...hence they very readily apprehend, what is meant by the Longitude of a Place, when they are told, that 'tis nothing else but its Distance from London Eastward or Westward. The other Advantage is, that hereby is taken away the Trouble of Adjusting Longitudes, reckon'd from other Meridians, to the Meridian of London. For in perusing other Maps, before our Young Students can have the Longitude of any Place from London, and by consequence a just and clear Apprehension of the distance of the said Place from themselves; they must Add or Subtract (as Occasion requires) the Longitudinal Difference between London and the First Meridian of such other Maps they make use of ... [16] A statement like this which clearly mixes the meaning of longitude with its use, shifts the basis from the celestial to the local and weighs its value towards the transference of an English self-image globally.
That a
section on the calculation of longitude is included reinforces the image of the objectivity of the Anglocentric view.
The treatise is followed by a geographical
dictionary which lists the name of a place, the page number and chapter where it can be found in the treatise, its classification as a feature, the corresponding ancient/present name, the greater division
of earth and
country where it falls, and possibly a short account of its significance.
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The careful organization of the text enhances Its usefulness for quick, short-term reference, a mark of the modern style.
However, this does not mean that wells is
ready to cut geography off from its larger context.
In a
clear statement of implicit map and text interrelationship, he defends his lack of an introductory section, (which might, for example, define the lines and circles of the globe) because the students: have gone thro' the Doctrine of the Sphere (so far at least as is common to Geography with Astronomy) before they enter upon Geography in particular. Certain I am, that as the Method of learning Sciences in their Natural order, as they depend one on the other, is the best way to make Proficiency therein;[17] The reasons for plainness are given to make learning more simple and to only include what is confirmed to be true about other places. In comparing his work to that of other sets of maps of ancient and present geography, Wells reviews the material available for the purposes of his work.
He
finds the works of Brietus (although his maps are not as carefully designed as the text) and Heylyn (who included much more information beyond the subject) acceptable for the parallel study of geography.
Other sets drafted by
some modern cartographers (Wit, Sanson, and Visscher) are too complicated for a young student to "find out thereby, what Ancient and Present places answer one to the other." He indicates that the maps of ancient geography in
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Cluverius are simply old ones of Ortelius appended to the author's introduction.
Further criticism of Cluver
reveals some of Wells' assumptions of the reading process. ...he constantly proceeds so far as to lay down the Particular Divisions of the Old Countries, and to refer them (as he goes along) to the respective Divisions of the Present Countries answering thereunto, before ever he hath given the Reader any distinct Idea of the said Present Divisions by acquainting him with their Number and Situation; whereas it appears much more natural, and consequently more easy for the young Student's Apprehension, in the first place to be inform'd what be the Divisions of the Present Countries, and how these are situated; and then what Divisions of corresponding Old Countries answer thereunto. The other Particular is, that the Divisions are not cast into Tables, for want of which a great deal of Trouble is occasion'd in several Respects. [18] Here he is clearly weighing the value of the modern over the ancient in contrast to a more historical approach which would have started with the earlier subject.
By
beginning with the modern, he believes confusion in comparing two maps could be avoided. Reasons are offered for changes in the different editions.
They are responses necessitated "by the Change
of Affairs, as to the Government of Countries, or Towns, either by War and Conquest, or other Political Transactions (which have an Influence on Geography) since the [previous] Edition of this Treatise was published." From the second to the third, these were "the Union of England and Scotland into One Kingdom, under the title of
206 Great Britain: the yielding of Gibraltar and Port Mahon (with the whole isle of Minorca, most important places for securing our Trade in the Mediterranean Sea) by the Spaniards to the Crown of Great Britain at the Treaty of Utrecht, and the like..."
Editions were reprinted every
few years after the first in 1700/01.
Later editions
were published in London.
School atlases School atlases of the late seventeenth century were few, as evidenced by Clavell's catalogue, which lists only "Cluverii" and "Dionysii."
Judging from the extant
atlases, the entry Dionysii is probably Dionysii Geoqraphia by Edward Wells.
The work by Philip Cluverius
may be Introductionis in Universam Geoqraphlam, published at Oxford to about 1657.
Available in both Latin and
English, the content was of both ancients and moderns and it has a set of maps in it.
Within the text about the
parts of the globe, lines, the zodiac, etc., are diagrams of zones and winds.
America is included.
The set of
maps consists of maps only, and no other text. By the first quarter of the eighteenth century, a transition was taking place, in which at least two atlases of classical geography were published in English, Geoqraphica Classlca: The Geography of the Ancients so far described as it is contained in the Greek and Latin
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Classics by Christopher Browne, and Geoqraphia Classlca by Herman Moll and William Stukeley.
Though few and late
in coming, these atlases enhanced education in the classics, and were intended for adults as well. Browne's explanation of the development of the school atlas notes that the lack of maps hindered the learning of Classical historians as well as poets and orators.
At
first, maps were added to those school books which wanted them, but proved too costly for students, and so were again omitted.
Browne then thought to publish and sell
for a moderate price a set of maps showing the places and their respective situation and distance.
The main
benefit of the maps is pointed out to be not only to remove the tedium of understanding the material, but to allow the student to judge with better exactness the actions described with them.
Unlike Wells' classical
geography, these maps are more dictated by or keyed to particular events and writers, although some have general geographic names.
They include maps of the places
mentioned in the Old and New Testaments.
A second
edition followed five years later. The first edition of Geoqraphia Classlca has Stukeley's title page first, and a second title page of Moll's, reading "Thirty Two New and Accurate Maps of the Geography of the Ancients, As contained in The Greek and Latin Classlcks."
The texts are in Latin and in English.
208
Its Indicated use for the schools closely resembles Browne's statements, but in Moll's approach, he regarded the visual image of the past as "exercises in calculation according to Mercator's scale."
The reader is given
Instructions on the calculation of scale distance by degrees of parallels. Moll left his other characteristic marks: we read that the maps are "Perform'd according to the Latest and most Exact Observation."
The bias is given to the modern
by his arrangement of the maps more to a geographical and historical framework than to the terms of the authors, with which they would be read.
An interesting mark of
Moll's mathematical interest, in contrast to a main mark of the older style of Ortelius' Theatrum, is his inconsistency in keeping the format of his maps to a standard size.
A statement reoccurs through some of his
other atlases, which is that the difference in sizes between some of the maps could not possibly have been avoided without cramping his design.
The 1726 edition is
mostly the same, but the Stukeley title page is moved from the front to follow the Table of Contents and the world map. It is conceivable that both Browne's and Moll's Geoqraphlca Classica share a common history, despite Moll's modifications.
Both of them credit French sources
for their origin and diffusion to England.
Browne gives
209
credit simply to the French for the foundation of his work, the engraving of the map plates, but Moll more specifically credits "a circle of gentlemen with a certain learned Prelate."
Compositions fell into the
hands of Du Val, who assigned French placenames, but which were rectified according to Laurence Eachard's The Classical and Geographical Dictionary (1715), Cellarius, and the corrections of other contributors.
Some
adaptation to an English audience was also made in Browne's book, but some French place names were left as is, since in his judgment their resemblance to the English or Latin would not cause great difficulty or offence. The map and text interrelationships of these atlases of the classics, as stressed in their Prefaces, was thought to be their strength and innovation.
Unlike
traditional atlases in which maps and texts were meant together, the classics were books of texts to which maps were added.
Three reasons are suggested for the
importance of this; for greater clarity of understanding, to better judge the actions described in the text, and to make the task of learning less tedious.
Divergent Styles in English World Atlases The distinction of theatres from atlases was still being made in the early eighteenth century by the
210
commercial sponsors of both of these types of books.
One
example is the Theatrum Scotiae; consisting of fortythree pages of text placed under the subheads of the old counties of Scotland.[19]
The sixty prospects begin with
one fold-out of Edinburgh; all others are half-folio bound in on guards.
All are copper-plate engravings with
a description of each place.
The prospects, without text
on the back, are two, three, or more to each county, in roughly the same order as the texts (prospect and texts of some areas vary a little).
The scale of the subject
matter varies, as indicated on the title page.
Its
publication is soon after the year of Scotland's incorporation into Great Britain.[20] The atlases of the early eighteenth century are characterized by a persistent tension between map and prose content.
A movement toward publishing atlases of
maps abstracted from their textual origin, similar to Moore's and Morden's atlases mentioned in the previous chapter, continued into the eighteenth century.
Atlases
produced by serial publication took the form of a voluminous text or very large sets of maps.
Several
works of ancient and present geography were also published.
Atlases of Prose and their Abstracted Maps Moll sometimes applies the word atlas for bound sets
211
of maps, but other times not. to a matter of scale.
The difference may be due
The sets of maps are of larger
scale and more regionally constrained than the atlases. These would include, for example, Twenty four New and Accurate Maps of the several Parts of Europe (1708) and A Set of Fifty New and Correct Maps of England and Wales, 6c. (1724).[21]
The works called atlases, Atlas
Manuals[22] and Atlas Minorf231 (discussed in chapter six), are bound sets of maps of the world. Atlas Manuals was published in three editions, 1709, 1713, and 1723.
The table lists forty-four maps; most
"performed" by Herman Moll, but not all.
The four maps
of North America are general; America, the English Empire in America, Terra Firma (the west Indies and north coast of South America), and a map of the French and Spanish parts.
Larger-scale maps were included of every country
in Europe and the chief fortified towns of Europe.
In
addition to the utilitarian advantage of maps in making geography plain and easy, and helping mariners bring back commodities from around the world, the pleasure of surveying the world is added reason to Justify the publication of the maps alone as a book (and not just for extended profit). The introduction of the atlas, called "Advertisement: Concerning this Sett of Maps, and the Correction of Longitude by Modern Observation," makes very clear the
212
dependance of map making on astronomy.
The author argues
the ancient maps were faulty until astronomy came to the assistance of map making.
He mentions Ptolemy as an
astronomer and his "Sett of Maps," achieved "by observation of the fixed stars and course of the planets.”
The whole concept is indicated to be in the
geographical context, the world.
Since the introduction
of the mariner's compass, distant places have been visited, and Ptolemaic degrees of longitude are corrected.
"The Fault in general was computing the
Degrees on Earth faster than would answer to those in the Heavens,..."
The method involves observing the eclipses
of the moons of Jupiter.
The theory is credited to have
been first formed by the Academy of Sciences in Paris, and the eclipses were first calculated and published for a full year by John Flamsteed in Philosophical Transactions, the journal of the Royal Society, of 1683. Contemporary ephemerides were then calculated annually, and observations continue to be taken abroad.
The rest
of the introduction addresses corrections in the calculation of several specific locations.
The celestial
context of the atlas was certainly enmeshed in mathematical surveying by the time of the publication of Atlas Manuale. The maps of this atlas were published in at least three extant books:
A System of Geography, 1701 (which
213
pre-dates AM); and Compleat Geographer, 1709 (third edition) and 1723 (fourth edition).
The book publishers
had already successfully completed a similar earlier project, Thesaurus Geographlcus (1695) sometimes found to be published together with The Compleat Geographer, the subtitle of the Thesaurus Geographlcus. fourth edition (1722), though they had separate title pages.
The maps
of Thesaurus Geographlcus were by Sanson, de Wit, and Visscher. It was published under a bookseller's imprint, first for Timothy Child and A. and J. Churchill, and later for a group of sponsors.
The advantages of access to a well-
developed book-sellers distribution network may account for the successful marketing of Atlas Manuale, unlike Moll's previous experience with the map plates from Moore's book of mathematics, which he possibly attempted on his own.
Although prose authors would have found it
difficult to release their own work, book plates were generally left under the control of engravers. A catalogue of Abel Swall and Timothy Child's other books reveal that they sold the classics, ecclesiastical hermeneutic or humanities tradition.
These books as a
whole are rooted in a University tradition.
The proposal
to Thesaurus Geographlcus states the book contains "By way of introduction: An Abridgment of Cosmography."
The
publishers attribute Heylyn's Cosmography as a model for
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the Inclusion of chorography, history and topography to geography and maps.
Cosmography is called very
significant; the frontispiece depicts Atlas and maps of ancient and modern geography (see Fig. 16).
Its tone is
evident in the introductory section entitled "A Natural History of the Elements: or, a Philosophical View of the Sublunary World."
The texts were derived from authors
and sources at Cambridge University.
However, they drew
on modern maps (based on astronomy) and they were modified into a general style for the public audience. The authors indicate that this humanistic vein sought to maintain an expanded context, and that knowing the common atlas information (only the name, division, and situation of a place) was too simplistic.
Contextual
specifics were demanded, and this resulted in more text, though it was still selectively edited to save the reader too great of an expense of time or money. The former Works of this Nature have been very Defective in the Matter of Topography; and yet that is the most necessary Part of Geography, For as great actions have always happen'd at or near some City or Town, We naturally desire to know something more of it, than meerly it's Name and Situation. Again, by knowing the Condition of the Cities we are able to make a better Judgment of the Wealth, Industry, and Populousness of the Nation. And, in short, 'tis the better Part of what every Body desires to know in Geography. Wherefore in this Work we have been more ample, and set down as particular an Account of every considerable Town as could be procured out of Credible Authors; ...But tho' Topography and History do illustrate Geography, it will still be found Lame and Defective without Tables and Map, wherein may be seen at a View the Divisions of
16. Frontispiece from A System of Geography, London, 1701. John Carter Brown Library.
216
Kingdoms into Provinces, Counties and Governments, together with the Situation of the Cities and Towns in each Division. The earliest of these books. Thesaurus Geographlcus has maps of fortified towns the point of which was to Inform the reader of the strength of the place, but in the later two works, the study of towns is clearly developed distinctly from geography and called topography.
The subtitle to The Compleat Geographer is
The Choroqraphy and Topography of all the known Parts of the E a r t h .
Unlike Ptolemy's definition of chorography
which was not mathematical, but which required art, chorography is attributed with four forms in this book: geometrical, natural (with respect to the heavens), human, and political.
A fine line distinguishes the
'text-heavy' atlas projects from world histories with a geographical base, such as a later work called Modern Geography. An explanation of the design motives of the maps are stated in the Preface and reinforces the significance of showing mainly political subdivisions and cities.
The
instructions for map reading suggest that distances be determined by comparing coordinates of major cities to each other.
It is also evident that the Atlas Manuale
was used together with other books or texts.
A 1723
edition of Atlas Manuale is heavily annotated by hand with notes about commodities, universities, counties,
217
landforms, and geography.
A textual sources was
desirable for the reader to augment the information on the map.
The approach of combining history, topography,
and maps was intended to produce a better "system" of learning geography and would have been more popular and fashionable than the academic style of varenius' geography, for example. Potential customers were wary that the subsequent volumes were simply repeats of previously published.
The
booksellers declare in their proposal that the text of System of Geography (1701) is entirely new from Thesaurus Geographlcus (unlike the maps).[24]
Sources for the text
of A System of Geography are described to be ancient and modern geographers, travellers, scientific observations; "but to be more particular, it must be acknowledg'd that Cluverius, Sanson, Luyts, and the English Atlas (presumably John Ogilby's) have been our Patterns in the following Work."
Additional sources were sought
regarding the English interests in the East and West Indies. The theme of ancients and moderns
was drawn in by
the publishers of A System of Geography, 1701, and carefully marked in the index. ...to render our work as compleat and useful as may be, we have added alphabetical tables of the names of places, a general index of the remarkable things mentioned in the book; and a table of ancient names of places for the use of the students of the classics; whereby a Paralela
218
Geographica Antiquo-Moderna may very easily be made.[25] The text, the more traditional element of atlases, mentions an identify of America in the terms of the ancients.
The text covering America in Compleat
Geographer
is, in general, a Plain style, quantitative,
and showing rational cause and effects, but not strictly utilitarian. The description begins with the stories of Columbus and Americus Vespucius. generally conversational.
The vocabulary of the text is A word count reveals that most
words are used less than five times in a text, which indicates a broad vocabulary on the part of the author. Nine words
are usedbetween five to ten times, and five
words are used
more than ten times in a text more than
2157 words long.
The most frequently used words are:
world, America, north, south, parts.
After that are
continent, degrees, known, land, nations, sea, less, several, and way.
Less, several, way, degrees, known,
and nations are used in the context of trade and exploration, are used in the European perspective also, in that they were words of the encounter between Indigenous and European cultures. In general, the map has many more placenames and better indication of the relative size and location of areas than the text, but the text has better description of details, including settlements and landforms.
The map
219
has no scale, but the calculation of America's extent by miles is worked out in prose.
A large part of the text
is devoted to the description of the environment; soil, climate, etc., and to resources; plants and animals, metals, gems. None of these are depicted on the map. Rivers and mountains are depicted spatially on both map and text, but the prose is more descriptive.
Place names
act as a link or organizing element to different subjects.
For example, the description of different
indigenous cultures are associated with regional names found on both map and in the text. The depiction of Native people is disparaging.
The
author makes the point that they neither read, nor write, nor have science,
other negative qualities are directly
tied to religion. This is certain, that when America was discovered, nothing appeared in it from North to South but idolatrous Superstition. The most Innocent paid Adoration to sticks and Stones; before which they performed many absurd and ridiculous Ceremonies; whilst the wickeder Part honored the Devil with Sacrifices of human Blood, wherein they butchered Multitudes of Men.[26] The rest of the text consists of the establishment of Christianity, measured by the number of new institutions, and the division of the continent into political parts shown by placename and boundary on the map as was indicated in the Preface.
Maritime description is weak,
though the seas are indicated.
A possible land bridge
between Asia and America, and its consequences for the
220
peopling of America, is speculated. The treatment of Virginia is both similar and unlike either the Speed/Ogilby type, or Morden's.
Both natural
history and trade are included (one or the other was emphasized in the previous atlases) but more often linked as cultural processes, not strictly as commerce.
"Of
such [Habitations] there are great Numbers, all along the Banks of the Rivers especially, which is a situation everyone desires, for the Convenience of Shipping off their Tobacco."
Native customs are also discussed.
The
extent of Virginia is now considered to extend to the South-Sea. Although Moll's maps of parts of the world are usually connected with the book trade, the textual atlases should not be attributed to him.
These books are
often called 'Moll's Geography,' but the "Advertisement Concerning the Maps Printed in this System of Geography..." ends with:
"The part about Europe is
authored by Rob. Falconer, mathematician and gentleman at Cambridge university.
The other parts are translated
from Mr. Luyts, which is popular in English Universities."
in the Preface:
[We] have also added Maps fairly Engraven on Copper by Mr. Herman Moll, whose Skill in Geography is known to most of the Masters of the Science, and whose Ingenuity in Graving is seen in every thing he does. Furthermore, Moll disclaims the false use of his name
221
through statements pasted on a set of twenty-seven twosheet maps. About 30 years ago 5 booksellers having formed a design to print a new general atlas In a large folio and agreed with Mr. R. Morden to direct the engraving of several l sheet maps for It. Morden to this end Imployed me and 4 persons more to copy several sorts of maps & of all which I never finished but one, France, published and sold just after the peace of Ryswlck In 1697. Ten years later the partners grew weary of the design, sold all the plates to Chr. Browne In St. Paul's church yard, who finished them and sold them publickly while he was in trade, but after he had left off, those and the unfinished plattes were offerd in sale about the town and at last bought by some booksellers and others with an intention to pursue the original design in order to which the rest of the plates long lain dormant have been since finished.[27] The booksellers intended to put Moll's name on the maps, but his complaint is that those he copied were under Morden's direction and he is not happy to have them called his own.[28] He also felt "ill-used" for having his name prefixed to a small folio book of geography: for which I only did a few of the Maps under Colour whereof the rest in it are not only fathered upon me but I am made to be the author of the whole book which is generally tho falsly called by my Name and all this wholly without my previous knowledge or consent... The book of geography in question is probably Thesaurus Geographlcus or the subsequent related works.
The design
of the placement of his name on the title page could easily mislead a reader to take him as the author of the whole book.
Moll's statement goes on with a threat to
222
sue those publishers. Moll's real passion seems to have been the mathematics of map-making.
It is true that he attaches
the title of geographer to his name, but as was discussed in chapter four, the relationship between maps and the meaning of geography may have been more direct than it is today.
The title pages of his atlas are a table of
contents of the maps, the selling feature of his work. we may want to ask how Moll became so famous, if he worked mainly for publishers.
First, map-makers seem to
have been more famous than book authors.
The title pages
of the period rarely attribute an author, even for such well known works as Oldmixon's English Empire in America. Moll's name was well publicized by his maps of England. Also, he associated with other famous people, such as Daniel Defoe, and William Dampier. Having worked mostly for other publishers, Moll's individual achievements and style finally come into their own quite late, with the World Described, a project spanning about twenty years, and Atlas Minor, published shortly before his death.
These atlases will be
discussed later.
Serial Publication Atlas Geographus: or, a compleat system of geography ancient and modernr291 was an early "number book," or
223
book published and sold in parts at least monthly, bound in blue paper.
Each number was intended to be saved and
permanently bound upon completion.
The title page for
the entire work was usually issued last, but each number of Atlas Geoqraphus had its own title page.
This system
of publication had several advantages that illuminate the nature of the Atlas Geoqraphus. The numbers came out at a periodic low price for the consumers of moderate income for whom a large outlay of money all at once might be difficult.
The first couple
of numbers were most important; they were to capture the interest of the reader to continue collecting each number.
Otherwise, the reader was free to stop his
purchases without having invested a lot of money.
The
other advantage for the reader was that the book was available sooner this way.
The advantages for the
publisher were that they could begin to collect money during production for their initial investment.
It was
easier to incorporate original contributions and to correct errors.
Quick distribution eliminated the need
of large storage space in a time when most publishing operated in houses or small shops.
Although the fashion
of book-buying often resulted in a library which was never read, this is unlikely in the case of number books; if only for the reason that the numbers could not be properly bound and displayed until all were
224
collected.[30]
The historical evidence Is believed to
indicate that this method of publishing successfully increased literacy through the public, and boosted the book-buying market.[31]
The money necessary to produce
an atlas was often raised by subscription or by sponsors dividing shares in the book. The publishing profits in the division of copy of a book could be considerable, and increased with the growing popularity of serial publishing.[32] A prose description of the whole world would have to be very extensive,
in attempting this, and encouraged by
its serial production, the Atlas became a voluminous work.
The five volumes hold almost one thousand pages
each.
The texts were compiled from extensive
bibliographical research from both ancient and modern sources by two main compilers,
(modesty did not allow
their names to be given). The introduction, "the Scientific Part," was written "by the Direction of Dr. Gregory, late Astronomy Professor at Oxon." The text describing the Islands is very specific and attempts to include every known island, in contrast to previous atlases which discuss only the most well-known or only the English interests.
in this regard, the texts
acts more like the map, which would try not to omit the visual representation of places at certain scales. text regarding the continental plantations is also
The
225
diversified.
It is not just a "counting up," but relates
the internal history and the working processes of a place.
For example, the colonial claim based upon the
discoverers is not just stated, but the exploration accounts of the explorers are narrated.
A whole section
is devoted to "The Ancient Inhabitants" of America. Along with population (both English and Native) are sections on natural history, trade, and topography. Government and church are last.
Some of the information
under these subtitles is repeated from earlier atlases, but certain subjects and abbreviated and others are expanded in variety. The maps of the atlas were engraved over a seven-year span by Herman Moll.[33]
They show significant
modifications of Moll's American material when examined as one of five sets of world maps he engraved for atlases in the period of this research.
His earlier maps of
America for Jonas Moore were shown in chapter four to be specific to Virginia and New England (other than the more general maps of America and the islands) and resembled the maps in Robert Morden's Geography Rectified,
in
contrast to those, Moll shapes and modifies the map content in this period in a way that seems less directly in response to newly acquired geographical knowledge. Some of these changes lead to the maps of his last atlas, Atlas Minor.
226
The map of America is larger in scale, has the representation of the Great Lakes and the River Longue and omitted the Land of Jesso, an area that resembles the southern coast of Alaska.
It is drawn on a projection,
unlike the previous two maps (Moore's and Atlas Manuale) which had just the first meridian.
The map of North
America alone in Atlas Geoqraphus may be entirely new. All of the plantations were grouped in the Atlas Manuale as the English Empire in America, but a certain regional shifting appears in Atlas Geoqraphus. separate map
Virginia has a
and New England, New York, New Jersey and
Pennsylvania are depicted together.
A certain care in
combining maps is evident. Carolina is together with Bermuda to the right (corresponding to its relative eastern location), but the map of Bermuda is oriented north, not west as it was most often since its first appearance in Speed's Prospect. The map of the west Indies is laid on a grid, not rhumb lines.
The scale refers to miles, not degrees.
is more complete by including the Lucayos.
It
The work for
Moore had only one map of the Leeward Islands, but the Atlas Geographlcus has individual maps of Barbados, St. Christopher's, Jamaica, and Bermuda.
These separate maps
are the forerunners of the ones in Atlas Minor. Like Ogllby, the publishers of Atlas Geoqraphus published with it an atlas of Great Britain which
227
comprised the sixth volume, but one with a separate title, Magna Britannia Antigua & Nova.
New surveys of
the counties were to be made, but the final publication was actually compiled with county maps from Robert Morden. John Nutt, who printed Atlas Geoqraphicus, and a limited number of retailers who backed many works on geography, particularly Daniel Browne, R. Knaplock, William Taylor, and J. Morphew, published at least one medical book in three quarto volumes, Blblioteca Anatomlca, Medlca, Chlrurqlca, & c .
Wiles' evaluation of
this is as follows: One can understand why publishers in 1708 and 1709 hoped to develop a market for compilations in geography and history, which have always been popular with English readers; it is hard to see what prompted John Nutt to print in monthly numbers a work bearing so learned a title as Biblloteca Anatomica, Medlca, Chlrurqlca, &c... This first number, for November 1709, began with 'several Tracts relating to the External parts of the Body, and of Bones in general.' It was supposed that bones in general would attract readers just as well as a new view of the universe.[34] A new view of the universe would have necessarily reshaped the view of the microcosm.
The co-publication
of geographical and medical books makes sense in terms of the word atlas for both types of texts.
Prospective
buyers would have had a conceptual association between these themes or types of knowledge.
228
Two-sheet, Large Scale Sets of Maps A total of at least twenty-five sponsors were involved in the publication of different editions of Atlas Manuale.
Perhaps the most significant partner of
this loose network who sponsored atlas-type books in the early eighteenth century, at least within the scope of research in the history of the atlas, was John Senex. He began his career apprenticed to a stationer, Robert Clavell,
(the publisher of book catalogues).
Freed in
1706, he then became a partner with Charles Price.
The
following year marks the beginning of the publication of a set of two-sheet, large-scale maps which were published serially.[35]
Senex was joined by John Maxwell in 1710.
They continued to publish their set of maps, eventually to be called The English Atlas or sometimes Modern Geography. Charles Price, John Seller's apprentice from about 1694 to 1703 and
partner with Seller's son Jeremiah (fl.
1699-1705) worked briefly with Senex, but then became partners with George Willdey in 1710. ended about 1713.[36]
That arrangement
Together they also published set
of maps in the same large-scale, two-sheet format. George Willdey was in partnership with Timothy Brandreth in 1707, though still continuing to sell Price and Senex's set of maps until at least 1710. Brandreth in 1711 before joining Price.
He parted with Willdey acquired
229
the plates Price had taken from his partnership with Senex which Price had engraved. Willdey revised them, and had new ones engraved to replace the maps which Senex kept. After splitting with Wildey, Price then worked as a surveyor, sold his earlier set of maps and advertised new ones in the late 1720s.
Newspaper advertisements inform
us of some of the maps which Price was intending to compile into A General Atlas for Sea and Land (1727).[37] A mixture including charts and county maps, the set was never completed, perhaps because Price's proposal goes against the general format of this type of atlas which focused upon a more uniform scale (the continental or country) and type of map (strictly terrestrial). signatures of E. Bowen and
w.
The
Godson on some of them may
indicate that in the course of the work. Price was master to these later eighteenth-century map-makers.[38] As probably the earliest of these men involved in the serial publishing of large-scale maps, Senex was quickly copied by others.
He charges that Henry Overton's maps
are direct plagiarizations of his.[39]
A year after
Senex began his set, Herman Moll began his own series which would eventually be titled World Described.
The
rivalry between the two was aimed directly at the reader in statements such as There is lately published a two sheet Map of South America, copyed after a erroneous French
230
Map done at Paris in 1703, and to deceive ye world dedicated to Dr. Hailey, and pretended in ye Dedication to be corrected by his own Discoveries: This Coppy places C. Horn in Lat. 56 and makes ye Long. Between C. Horn and C. St. Augustin 27 Deg. whereas ye Dr. lays C. Horn in Lat. 57.30 and makes ye Long. Between C. Horn & C. St. Augustin 45 so that this false Map differs from Dr. Hailey and all other late Observations, in ye Lat. of C. Horn 1 1/2 and in ye Long, between ye said Capes 18 D. and consequently makes our sailing to ye South Sea less by above a Thousand Miles than really it is.[40] Unlike Senex, who was publishing for himself, Moll's maps were first printed for D. Midwinter and R. Davies, and later in association
with Thomas Bowles (from 1712
onward), with Bowles and
Overton, or Moll alone.
These sets of two-sheet maps of the world were advertised and available one map at a time, in a manner resembling the number books.
The reasons for the method,
as discussed above, were probably even more successful for processes of engraving production, given the greater degree of initial investment of time Newspaper advertisements
and money.
can help us reconstructthe
occurrence of map availability.
They indicate that the
maps are each a part of a planned set, and catalogue/title pages are issued frequently, as the set of maps became available. the lists are re-issued.
With the addition of new maps, The extended period of time
over which the maps were completed, and the variable occurrence of different maps have made the establishment of the atlas's successive editions somewhat difficult, if
231
indeed edition is the proper concept to apply here.
As
for the title, only working titles were usually used and final ones attributed once the set was well established. Although customers were promised in the proposal that the maps would not be sold separately for less, they eventually were.
These sets resemble our contemporary
concept of an atlas in their completed form, but the circumstances of their production indicate that they differ significantly. As the meaning of the atlas changed in the eighteenth century, celestial elements persist in these two-sheet large scale maps.
Some world maps still carried explicit
text linking the map to a more universal intellectual activity.
William whiston's celestial maps includes
diagrams of the universe and illustrations of comets and individual planets frame Moll's world map, awkwardly placed in a celestial setting.
However, a subtle
transition can be detected from the celestial to the earthly.
A second world map by Moll, with a larger
scale, carried more crude representations of the planets and more specific information about discovery and exploration.
They were described this way in a sales
catalogue by Thomas Bowles. 1. Map of the World, laid down from the observations of the Royal Academy of Sciences: Wherein, as an introduction to the study of geography, the Copernican system is explained; shewing the magnitudes, periods, and densities of the planets, with their distances from the sun,
232
and the quantity of light and heat they severally receive, with many astronomical remarks. 2. A new Map of the World, with several curious observations of Sir Isaac Newton, Dr. Hailey, and Mr. Whiston, on the tides, the trade winds, vapours exhaled, the cause of springs, 6c.[41] The treatment of prose and the blend of a variety of influences makes difficult any categorization of these map set styles.
A review of the established sets of
Senex's and Willdey's shows they resembled an older hierarchical tradition which consisted of world maps, celestial maps, but only a single continental map of North America.
They are often ornamented with views, but
they draw on scientific authorities and political favor in their dedications.
They are explorative rather than
mercantile. Senex's included maps of ancient Greece and Rome and that part of Africa which formerly flourished. "The whole very Useful for the better Understanding of Ancient and Modern History."
Several smaller and more
local maps, such as "Countrey about Paris" are included. The early form of Moll's World Described was of six maps printed for Midwinter and Davies, from the period of approximately 1708 (map of Europe) to at least 1714 (map of Italy).
This early stage of World Described has, in
addition to those six, maps sold by Moll with other partners or alone.
It is in the main model of a world
atlas— world, four quarters, countries of Europe, and perhaps a few of local or transient interest (such as a map of Paris by Nolin bound into it).
This set predates
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the first printed catalogue of World Described, which was in 1717/18.
Added later are three additional maps of
North America (the colonial empires on the continent and the west indies), and the second world map.[42]
The sets
have twenty to twenty-two maps.
The Design of Serial Maps Like Atlas Geoqraphus which was heavily dominated by prose, the two-sheet large scale maps were also relatively extreme in their graphic size, especially in contrast to the small maps of Morden and Seller. relatively large scale of countries of this set
The is
stressed as a great innovation and advantage and the generous allowance of space on these large maps proved fruitful for diverse cartographic design.
For example,
map insets were combined in a variety of ways: 1. to continue a part of an area that would otherwise run off the page of the map; this can be done at a varying or same scale; 2. to focus on a larger scale area within the main area, such as a town plan; or 3., to focus on how the main part of the map fits in a larger context at a smaller scale, like on the continent. display differing approaches to scale.
Moll and Senex Moll refined the
practice of measuring distance by comparing coordinates on a map by including a scale in the form of a grid which allowed for the variations between different degrees of
234
allowed for the variations between different degrees of latitude and longitude.
Senex stated his way in a table
on the map of Europe, English Atlas (1725) which was by "Shewing the Proportion that each Kingdom and Division in this Map, bears to one another, the British Isles being made Unity or a Standard." However, the designs of these maps are most remarkable for their use of words.
Although they lack
prose sections such as introductions or descriptions, the set of maps have extensive annotation on them.
It is
most likely that these sets of maps acquired so much notation because sections of text are omitted, rather than because there was more area on the map.
Although a
larger scale allows for more white space if the amount of information remains the same, white space is not a matter of scale alone, but also of generalization (white space can increase at smaller scales if information is omitted). detail.
The map is filled with additional cartographic Nor is it likely that annotation increased for
specific information associated with a specific location. The information is quite general, or "small scale," in the annotation.
It seems that annotation increased
because there was an expected role for general geographical text which had to be compensated for with the loss of prose sections. Annotations are designed to either assist the reading
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process or to augment geographical information.
For
example, to assist the use of the map, the reader is given instructions for the use of scale.
Annotation on
"terrestrial area" can function to link main and inset maps.
"To avoid to Great a Contraction of the scale,
Part of sth. Carolina is Continued in the Litte Map under here."[43]
Or it served as extensive explanation of the
symbolism.
A long passage refers to how and why French
concepts of territory lines are laid out.
Annotations
too extensive to contain within terrestrial outlines are shifted to margins or edges of maps. As modifiers of Information, a name or letter links places on the map to an account of events.
The
locational reference to fourteen sites of an expedition on World Described plate IX (map of French dominions, 1732) is by name or by a letter key ("Explanation of an expedition in Florida Neck, by Thirty three Iamesee Indians Accompany'd by Capt. T. Nairn...")
Herman Moll's
representation of historical events can seem very animated, as in his traces of voyage runs marked across the space of the map.
One such is "Cap't James set out
from Bristol, May 3, 16 31” on the map of North America. Examples of verbal cartographic symbolism occur on this map.
These are short passages placed in a rough
approximation of area or location.
They were perhaps
written because their nature is difficult to delineate
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graphically; words like "good ground" or "This Country has Vast and Beautiful Plains, all Level and full of Greens, which afford Pasture to an infinite Number of Beeves and other Creatures."
words often modifies the
symbolism, as in "Appalata old Settlem." next to a dot, and even modified further.
From its appearance, the
phrase was originally "Appalata Settlem.," and "old" inserted later. Local maps are equivalent in scale to many inset map of cities, for example the harbors and ports, none of which are more than 10 miles to the inch, on Moll's map of North America in World Described.
Both maps of the
English Empire have inset key maps of their larger geographical situation; a map of the west Indies in general with the islands, and "A Generali Map of Coasts and Isles of Europe, Africa, and America." on the continental map. No scale is given on either. Moll's maps in his world atlases rarely have legends, but World Described has a device resembling legends.
The
meaning of verbal or graphic symbolism is expanded with notation on the margin.
A specific verbal symbol appears
on the map, and the theoretical explanation is written in on the side.
On the map, along the grid markings, is:
"Climates between the equator and arctic circle."
At
edge is: "Note, A Climate is a certain space of Earth and Sea, that is included within the Space of two Parallels;
237
there are 24 on each side of the Equator, being Limited by every half Hour's Increase of the Day; beginning at the Equator, and ending where the longest Day is 24 Hours." On the map is the statement, "A Tract of ye Run between C.St.Lucas and ye I.Guam Shewing ye Variations of ye Compas as they were Found in ye Year 1709/10 by Capt. woodes Rogers."
These statements are linked to the inset
chart: "This Chart is to shew ye Degrees of the Variation of ye Compass as they were Observ'd in ye Year 1700 in ye Atlantick and Indian Ocean; and you will see in ye Map ye Variations of ye Compasses markt over ye Great South Sea, as they were found in 1709/10." explained this way:
Arrows on the oceans are
(at edge) "In this map is inserted A
View of the General and Coasting Trade winds, Monsoons or the Shifting Trade winds.
Note that the Arrows among the
Lines shew the course of those General & Coasting winds and the Arrows in the void Spaces shew the Course of the shifting Trade winds, and the abbreviations, Sept &c. shew the Times of the Year when such Winds Blow." These verbal qualities were the result of highly selective mixture of the newly observed and the old brought to the new world.
The greater share of space
devoted to the map made the inclusion and composition of words more critical than if pages for prose were provided.
Text could easily be filled with various
238
sequences, for which maps were not particularly suited. We would think that verbal statements filling the map were geographical, but in fact the information is of various types,
instead of constructing sections of text,
prose got fragmented into discrete observations; the logical connection between ideas became less critical and were lost.
The readers were given information intended
to create an image, but whose logical meaning had to be supplied by themselves.
An extreme example is the
commercial rhetoric transferred from the title page and mixed in directly on to the image of America.
Moll makes
statements attempting to persuade the buyer to buy maps from him.
Wllldey advertises his instruments for sale on
his. In contrast to both Senex and Moll, Willdey, Brandreth, and Price represent the strong influence of the 'instrument makers' atlas publishers, as John Seller was in the seventeenth century.
As professional
practitioners they combined surveying, engraving, map delineation, and publishing.
A table of London companies
to which scientific instrument makers belonged, c.15501850, reveal that other than scale makers of the Blacksmiths Company, the greatest number of instrument makers, which in London numbered 150 to 200 (over 75% of all) in the first quarter of the eighteenth century, belonged to the Stationers.[44]
Certainly the large
239
number of engravers accounts for some proportion, but in speculation, this fact would suggest that the dissemination and therefore commercial success of the scientific instruments depended upon an educated and interested amateur.
This was achieved by the printing
and sale of short treatises, tutors, or manuals about the subject matter.
Relevant Instruments included the globe,
the drawing instruments (some treatises and introductory sections of atlases explain the making of maps), rules (rulers), mathematical instruments for calculation, and ship time-pieces (the loadstone— a compass— was also a topic found in atlas Introductions).
Conclusions Even as the influence of foreign atlases continued, English world atlases took on a variety of new forms. The maps of sacred geography, a common tradition, were presented by as a set by Joseph Moxon and John Seller, or with images of related edifices and objects in hierarchical sets of maps, or with Bible text, as was Philip Lea's intention.
Sections of sacred geography
were appended to more modern atlases, but in general omitted any representation of America.
Edward Wells'
maps of ancients and moderns made an updated academic style more accessible outside of universities.
Together
with sacred geography, school atlases of ancients and
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moderns by Christopher Browne and by Herman Moll and William Stukeley were motivated by improved map/text interrelationships. Atlases with significant prose text aimed to maintain topography and chorography as a part of world description.
Though somewhat traditional in their
intended emulation of cosmography, they responded to the popular movement toward Utilitarian Plain style by redefining cosmographical elements. The maps of these books were abstracted and published as Atlas Manuale. Serial publication produces atlases at the extremes. To describe the whole world. Atlas Geographus had voluminous text, but still the average number of maps. The large-scale, two sheet maps concentrated on extensive map design.
Both types continued the representation of a
celestial context of atlases and maintained some iconographical elements.
Design variations included
different uses of inset maps, pictorial advertising on the maps, annotation on the maps (this sometimes fragmented the text so as to break logical connections between ideas which prose could better provide), and phrases in place of map symbology.
Sometimes the meaning
of these phrases was expanded in a similar way as a legend.
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NOTES - CHAPTER FIVE 1.
CUL: Atlas 1.69.2.
2.
See Henry Stevens, comp, and annot., "Catalogue of the Atlases, Chart-books, Etc., In the MacPherson Collection," extracted from Arthur L. Humphreys, Old Decorative Maps and Charts (London, 1926).
3.
Sarah Tyacke, "Map-sellers and the London Map Trade c 1650-1710," in My Head is a Map: Essays and Memoirs for R.v. Toolev, eds. Helen Wallis and Sarah Tyacke (London: Francis Edwards and Carta Press, 1973), p. 124.
4.
A Sanson atlas sold and amended by William Berry has at least nine smaller 'seat of war' type maps (RGS I.e.45).
5.
The advertisement of this work appears in Sarah Tyacke, London Map-sellers 1660-1720 (Tring, Hertfordshire: Map Collector Publications, Limited, 1978). p. 124.
6.
Two examples can be found in the Bodleian Library: 2025 b.5 and Gough Maps 88.
7.
John Dryden quoted in Joseph M. Levine. The Battle of the Books: History and Literature in the Augustan A g e . Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991. The context of the word 'revolution' indicates the contemporary meaning of the return of similar conditions or events, unlike our definition of fundamental and complete change.
8.
Catherine Delano Smith, "Maps in Bibles in the Sixteenth Century" The Map Collector 39 (1987): pp. 2-14.
9.
Mentioned in Philip Leas's A Catalogue of Globes. Spheres, Maps, Mathematical Prolections, Books and Instruments... contained in a copy of "English Atlas" 1708-14 in the possession of F.G. Emmison, 1971. See The British Library copy of The Elements of Euclid (530.b.8) for another copy of the catalogue.
10. The catalogue also advertises The English Atlas: or a Book of Maps of the Empires, Kingdoms and Countreys, in the World containing 20, 40, 50, or 150 Maps. Although which "English Atlas" this ad refers to is not known, the reference indicates that the variable number of maps is a feature of the standardized atlas in this
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period. 11. BL: Maps C.45.f .5 12. William B. Ashworth, Jr., "Natural History and the Emblematic World View," in Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, ed. David C. Lindberg andRobert S. Westman (Cambridge: 1990), p. 320-22. 13. Robert Clavell and Benj. Tooke, A Catalogue of Books Printed in England Since the Dreadful Fire of London in 1666. To the End of Michaelmas Term, 1695. 4th ed. London, 1696. 14. Bagford Collection— Harl.5946 (117). This set of maps is discussed in Palmer 1983. The 1706 edition (possibly the third edition) is printed for A. and J. Churchill alone, and by 1726 (possibly the fifth edition), the work is printed by w. Bowyer for R. and J. Bonwiche, J. walthoe, R. Wilkin and T. Ward. 15. All quotes following are from the "Preface" to Edward Wells, A Treatise of Antlent and Present Geography, 3rd ed. (London, 1717). 16. fol. 7 17. fol. 9 18. fol. 5 19. Edinburgh; Dunbritton; Stirling; Linlithgow; Falkland; St. Andrews; Glasgow; Old and New Aberdeen; Haddington; Montross; Dunkell; Dunblane; Hamilton; Aire or Airth; Dunotter; Drybrugh; Invernesse; Scoon; Elgin; Dundee; Aberbrothock; Corsregal; Channerie; Perth; Dumfermelin; Culrosse; Kelso; Bothwell; Melrosse; Brechin; Roslln; Pasley; Basse. 20. Tyacke London Mapsellers, 1978. no. 252. 21. By the mid-eighteenth century, Moll's pocket maps of all the counties in England and Wales is called an atlas colloquially (as in, 'Moll's British Atlas'). A Catalogue of Maps, Prints, Copy-Books, 6c. From off Copper-Plates (London, printed for John Bowles and Son At the Black-Horse in Cornhill, [1753]). (BL: 823.a.37). 22. Atlas Manuale: or, a New Sett of Maps of All Parts of the Earth as well Asia, Africa and America, As Europe (London, Printed for and J. Churchill in
243
Pater-Noster-Row; and T. Childe in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1713). 23. Herman Moll, Atlas Minor: or, A Set of Sixty-two New and Correct Maps of All Parts of the World (London, 1929). 24. Bagford Collection— Harl.5946(114) 25. From the Preface of A System of Geography: or, A New & Accurate Description of the Earth In all its Empires, Kingdoms, and States. London, Printed for Timothy Chilae at the white Hart at the West-end of St. Paul's Church-yard. 1701. LC: 536; BL: 10005.h.11; CUL: N.8.34; Bod: 2017 c.23; NL: Case G 117 .58; JFB: 1701 fMo 26. The Compleat Geographer: or, the Chorography and Topography of all the known Parts of the Earth^ 4th ed. (London, 1723), p. 190. 27. Guildhall Library, Store 581.7 28. Fifty Six new and accurate maps of Great Britain, Ireland, and Wales advertised in Gordon's Geography (1716), a project Morden was directly involved with, might be the work. 29. Atlas Geographus: or, A Complete System of Geography, Ancient and Modern, Vol. 1 & 2, Europe (1711), Vol. 3, Asia (1712), vol. 4, Africa (1714), vol. 5, America (1717), printed by John Nutt (London, 1711-17). 30. R.M. Wiles, Serial Publication in England before 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957), p. 90. 31. Ibid., p. 10-13. 32. Specific examples of profits ...A large groups of sponsors, associated in a way common to serial publication acquired Compleat Geographer (renamed System of Geography) in 17 39. To further protect their investment, they received a King's licence at great expense in 174 3. wiles, Serial Publication, pp. 152, 68, 78. 33. The Library of Congress has a catalogue entry of this set of maps published separately, similar to the atlases of maps abstracted from books. 34. Wiles, Serial Publication, pp. 89-90.
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35. Proposals for A New Sett of Correct Mapps. By Charles Price and John Senex, Geographers to the Queen. BL: 1240.k.9 (#16) 36. The dates of these associations come from Tyacke, London Map-sellers 1660-1720. 37. The third through the seventh sheets were advertised in the Country Journal: or. The Craftsman from 22 Nov.-20 Dec. 1729. Photocopy in Hodson collection of newspaper advertisements. 38. Laurence Worms, personal correspondence. 39.
This is stated in an advertisement in The Daily Courant, 14 May 1708.
40. "A New & Exact Map of the Coast, Countries and Islands within ye Limits of ye South Sea company," in Herman Moll, The World Described: or A New and Correct Sett of Maps (London, 1726-30; Dublin: G. Grierson, [1732]), no. 12. 41. Advertisement in Thomas Bowles, A Catalogue of Maps, Books and Copy-Books, &c. Printed for Thomas Bowles, next to the Chapter-House, St. Paul's Churchyard. BL: Maps 187.1.1.(14.) 42. British Library 4.TAB.1 and Cambridge University Library. At. 1.71.2. 43. Herman Moll, World Described, London, 17 32. Plate 8. 44. Tables of data based on the Project Simon Database Interim findings. Seminar presented at the Institute of Historical Research, London, England. March, 1991.
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CHAPTER SIX ATLASES OF
This chapter is which exemplify the and
THE EARLY HANOVERIAN PERIOD
about three types of world atlases culmination of their difficult rise
transition into modernity.All published in the
1720s, they are each somewhat organizationally stronger in map and text development than earlier atlases and independent from other relevant publications.
Elements
of A New General Atlas by John Senex suggests that Senex's mainly scientific interests, compared to Moll's colonial interests, permitted a significant role for text.
However, both were strongly utilitarian.
Maritime
atlases and celestial atlases were established traditions by this time, too.
A New General Atlas A major atlas project combining maps and text was published by a group of seven sponsors together with John Senex.
The proposal for A New General Atlas was
published in October of 1718, and the atlas was available in 1721.[1] The title page is roughly the same as an announcement of publication in The Daily Courant on December 16, 1720. The subtitle reads "...containing a Geographical and
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Historical Account of All the Empires, Kingdoms, and other Dominions of the World: With the Natural History and Trade of each Country."
The sources, all modern,
include "Cluverius, Brietus, Cellarius, Beau, Baudraud, Hoffman, Moreri, Sansons, Luyts, Atlas Historique, Sir John Chardin, LeBrun, Tournefort, & Co."
Carefully
mentioned is that descriptions are suited to the course of each map.
Other preliminary material includes several
pages of subscribers' names and coats of arms. At the end is an index which categorizes entries by island, river, and country, town, borough, capital, and Parliament. The introduction "A brief Account of the principal Geographers, and the Usefulness of Geography" may have been written by Dr. John Harris.[2]
Harris was a
utilitarian whose opinion was that the contributions of ancient geographers were considerable, but, in contrast to traditional thinking by which contemporary culture could never live up to the achievements of the ancients, he believed that period to be inferior to modernity. Geographical knowledge is asserted to be easy to acquire and brought to such a degree of plainness that only hearing or reading is required for understanding what parts of it are useful to mankind in general, necessary for civil government, military, divinity, lawyers, physicians, historians, poets, philosophers, merchants, sailors, husbandmen, and mechanics (meaning tradesmen or
247
technicians).
In this atlas, such learning is revived
and commerce enlarged.
The introduction also has a
section written for the ready understanding of maps. The section on America in general has a fuller chronological hierarchy of topics offered, unlike almost any other atlases published in England which began their discussion with the English.
First is the physical
continent itself, then the indigenous population, discovery and exploration, and last, the English.
The
section subheadings however are colonial, named by imperial power in the north and by Spanish vice-royalty in the south.
New colonies such as Pennsylvania and New
Jersey are well covered.
The text of the sections of
America follow the general formula in this period, though gaps occur in the sequence: orientation, name or sovereignty, explorers, brief mention of the indigenous people, detailed description of the colony (including itemized places of note) and a general description of the land. The text is heavily infused with English interests. Referring to Cape Breton, or Gaspe Island, the authors write: This Island was always reckon'd a part of Nova Scotia, included in it by King James the First's Patent, and demanded as such by the late Duke of Shrewsbury, according to Queen Anne's Instructions; but 'twas given up to the French by the Treaty of Utrecht, tho a Place of such Importance, that in case of a War with France, it endangers our Trade in Newfoundland, New England,
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&c. commands the Entrance Into St. Lawrence's Bay or Gulph, and by consequence covers all French Canada.[3] The unacknowledged tone of the following sentence is about English security and service. The Number of People in the whole is reckon'd about 160000, and of them 30000 are fighting Men; so that they are an Over-match for the Remains of the twenty Indian Nations, who are not able to raise 10000 fighting Men, and are suffer'd quietly to possess their small Territories, being very useful in cultivating the Ground, and furnishing the English with Peltry, etc.[4] The sentence balance is subsumed to a sense of an argument whose point is hidden or obscured in a string of facts.
The logical assumptions are left for the reader
to provide. Almost all of the placenames in the text are Anglicized.
A small group of native animals are usually
mentioned in every section of Virginia ("the Opassum," "the Aroughena," "the utchunquois"), but here some are no longer referred to by their native name ("flying Squirrel," and "a musk-sented beast").
Virginia is
described by a statistical table of Parishes, Acres, Number of People, Males, Females and Children, Militia, Horse, Foot and Dragoons, all by Counties. At first look, A New General Atlas seems modern, but harbors underlying intellectual elements more closely akin to a style more closely related to cosmographical works.
The authors say "The situation of the countries
may be seen by our map; so that we shall only take notice
249
of the principal rivers and places."
If more of the
geography is left to map reading, the text is used to articulate cultural processes.
The description of
Jamestown in Speed's Prospect was short and general ("This Town adorned with many fair Brick-houses, and other handsome Edifices...) in a somewhat rhetorical plain style, but the author of the passage in A New General Atlas describes Virginia settlement as a process contingent on human decisions. ...James Town, which is thirty Miles up, and it receives several Rivers on both sides. The Town lies on the North-side of the River in a Peninsula, has about seventy Houses that lie scatter'd, and several publick Houses for Conveniency of Travellers. It is much diminish'd by Fire, and the Removal of the Courts of Justice and the Assembly to Williamsburg, about seven Miles further within Land, which consists but of thirty Houses. Colonel Nicholson remov'd those Courts hither, founded a College, a Stadthouse, and a Fort with ten or twelve Guns, and order'd several Streets to be mark'd out in form of a w, but it was never finish'd, it being the Humour of the Virginians to live in their Plantations. 'Tis not expected this Colony should abound with Towns, unless that Custom be alter'd.[5] The mixture of trends in the text is perhaps due to ideological inconsistencies as English intellectual society attempted to resolve traditional with modern styles. The maps of this atlas were engraved by Senex. list of maps on the title page numbers thirty-three. Like Speed and Seller, the world map of this atlas illustrates other ideas discussed in the atlas
The
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introduction.
The four maps in the corner are the earth
projected on the Plane of the Horizon of London (the hemisphere north and south of the great circle created when the globe is viewed with London at the center) and the Earth Projected on the Plane of the Equator (north and south hemispheres with the poles at the center).
At
the top and center is the elaborate iconographical depiction of the four continents.
Europe is the richest,
with horse, compass, globe, geometry book, architecture, and palette; Asia with incense and poppies; Africa with scorpion; America with bow and arrow, a landscape, and lurking alligator; various cherubs over all.
At the
bottom of the map are geographic (ancient and modern), and astronomic diagrams of the sphere with circles and zones.
It would seem the continental influenced world
map style was still popular. The list of maps at the beginning of the atlas lists five maps of America, but this number varies among copies of the atlas.
The most common ones are nA New Map of
America,” and "A New Map of the English Empire in the Ocean of America or west Indies."
The map of the West
Indies is a composite of five maps each of an island— Antigua, Barbados, Tobago, Bermudas, and St. Christopher's— and a regional inset map, the Caribbean Islands in general.
The maps of islands range from three
to 3.66 miles to the inch, except for Jamaica which is
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6.66.
Two other maps, "A Map of Louisiana and of the
River Mississippi" and "A New Map of the English Empire in America,” together with the map of North America, are all known to be corrected by Joseph Kellogg, a militia captain in the Connecticut valley.[6]
In an implicit
interrelationship between the map and text, the observations were communicated in the form of a letter by which the map was amended. Senex's influence on atlases seems to have been balanced between science, tradition, and political patronage.
His scientific accomplishments are
established, but not outstanding.
Even before becoming a
Fellow of the Royal Society by the year 1728, John Senex had access to and drew on the authority of the Societies both at London and Paris for information sources and for the authority of their name: "Corrected from the observations communicated to the Royal Society at London and the Royal Academy at Paris” can be seen on many of his maps.
His mathematical interests are evident in the
design of a projection for which a patent was obtained in 1720.[7]
His connections and political leanings are also
revealed through his choices of dedicatees.
The maps of
his atlas are arranged by the hierarchy of their stature; the most important maps are dedicated to the most important people, but the suitability of maps of specific geographical areas to certain persons is also evident.
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Senex's traditional leanings emerge in Sacred Geography, Contained in Six Maps (1716).
Similar to the older style
of cartography, the symbols of the map are more iconographic, and placenames are Biblical.
"The Plan of
the City of Jerusalem” has pictorial cartouches border around it. After her husband's death, Mary Senex compiled and advertised an inventory of Senex's stock.
Fifty-four
items of all sorts of cartographical work are listed in the catalogue.
(This number excludes some maps on single
or two sheets and over twelve imported maps, which are also listed.)
An examination of these fifty-four
projects reveals that a large part of the catalogue represented celestial phenomena; globes produced in pairs, celestial and terrestrial (four items), general maps of the heavens (five items), schemes of eclipses, transits of planets with their calculations and descriptions, and other works relevant to what we would call cartography (fifteen items).
For example: "The
Zodiac, containing all the Stars in the Way of the Planets, with Dr Hailey's Method for finding the Longitude at Sea."
Or, "The Use of the Globes; or, the
General Doctrine of the Sphere, explaining the most natural Propositions relating to Astronomy, Geography, and Dialling.
To which is added a Synopsis of Eclipses:
The whole illustrated with a great number of Copper
253
Plates, In a manner entirely new."
Senex was a good
source for the study of the celestial nature of map surveying. The maps on sheets, "may be had single or bound together," are general maps of certain states, countries or provinces (twenty two-sheet, six single-sheet, and seven maps of ancient geography). used for them.
The word atlas is not
An atlas is made distinct from complete
sets of maps bound together, as in the entries:
"As Also,
De L'Isle's Maps to be had in compleat Setts containing one hundred and nineteen Maps, Bound and Stained. Price 6 1. or single at 1 s. each."
"A new and exact Atlas,
containing one hundred and six Maps, each on half a Sheet, Bound and Stained. Price 1 1. 11 s. 6 d . " [8] Perhaps the difference was simply that one set was available to sell individually and the other wasn't. The rest of the inventory consists of political maps such as the territorial extent of the House of Hanover, and local maps like battle plans, county surveys and diocese plans, and a fortification plan.
Senex also sold
hydrological charts, a chronological table and a book on the use of the globe.
Maritime Atlases William Fisher formed a partnership with his employee Richard Mount sometime before 1677.
Mount inherited
254
Fisher's shop, including those works which were Fisher's from the partnership with John Seller and the others, in 1692.
Mount then joined with Thomas Page in about 1700.
Upon his death in 1722, Mount's son, William took over. Mount and Page became the sole publishers of The English Pilot, but published several maritime atlases as well. One by the title of Atlas Marltlmus Novus, or the New Sea Atlas was published in 1702 and 1708.
John Thornton
published Atlas Maritimus in 1710. The introduction to the Atlas Maritimus Novus began with the division of the ocean into four parts.
The text
states a roll-call of places, usually with which to trade.
The sequence of this is not by continent, but by
sequential coastlines: Britain, Northeast Passage, coast of Europe, Mediterranean, coast of Africa, Asia, America, and last. Northwest Passage. the terrestrial atlas.
Text topics are more like
They cover land sovereignty and
resources, but an added emphasis is on fluvial and depositional landforms; river, streams, bays, peninsulas, etc. The cartographic material of smaller areas is composed entirely of charts, but continental areas and the world maps are terrestrial.
A heavy emphasis on the
West Indies and Caribbean in a British Library copy of Mount & Page's Atlas Maritimus Novus compared to other copies of the work suggests that they may have been
255
arranged and bound to a customer's order in a way similar to Atlas Maritimus and Atlas Terrestris.
After 1720,
maritime atlases appear to become explicit and rhetorical works in the support of commerce.
They are not tools of
commercial interchange as much as they plainly discuss the underlying commercial motive or philosophy. The design of world atlases had certain advantages over pilots which may have led to the development of the maritime atlas.
The prose of maritime atlases was at
first, like in pilots, only a textual explanation of navigation method.
The charts concentrated the focus on
waters, which avoided obscure issues such as the competitive comparison of different countries by land size and relative position.
Area coverage was global and
in variable scale, but the hierarchy of maps from world, continent, regional, and perhaps local is missing. Eventually, atlases covered harbor towns, but not Interiors.
Thornton's edition of 1710 was different on
these two points; text and terrestrial coverage. Finally, charts may have been more difficult for non seafaring individuals to read.
Figure/ground
relationships become obscured by the greater predominance of the more balanced relationship between land and sea and are further fragmented by the network of rhumb lines extending across the surface of the chart.
These
modifications to the maritime atlas served the landbound
256
overseas trade merchant concerned about his fleet, rather than the maritime explorer. As opposed to being presented as an activity in its own right, exploration and travel as commercial enterprises continued to be published in a related type of book as "the history of commerce."
In 1701, Awnsham
and John Churchill published a proposal for the printing of a new collection of voyages and travels.[9] The accounts were not only English but also translated ones of others and were well-illustrated with maps. The connection of the book to trade and navigation was only that such a work might be useful; it was not specifically named a history of commerce.
In contrast, John Harris
wrote this regarding the publication of significant accounts of discovery and exploration in his work, the Navlqantlum atque Itinerantium Blblloteca: The great end of voyages and travels is, to enquire into, and obtain satisfaction as to these particulars, and the principal design of such collections as this is to represent them freely and fairly to the world: In doing this, I have used all the care and diligence that was in my power, and have never let slip any opportunity of recommending the encouragement, extension, and protection of trade, as the surest means of making us a great, wealthy, powerful and happy people.[10] The texts themselves are edited with a method which the nature of commerce in general points out, and they are preceded by an introduction, being a history of shipping.[11]
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We must first examine what the natural commodities are of the country, the trade of which we consider, the quantity, value and demand for these commodities in other parts, and the manner in which they are disposed of by the natives of the country where they are found. This is the first step in the history of commerce. The next is the enumeration of their manufactures, whether they are of their own commodities, or of those imported from abroad: and with regard to this head we must attentively consider the number of the people employed, the nature of their employments, and the effects which their industry produces to themselves and to the state. The third head in this inquiry should be the sea-ports in the country under our consideration, the natural and artificial conveniences of each of them, and the particular advantages and disadvantages attending them, in point of situation and other wise.[12] This commercial way of writing history in maritime books, was made to seem more the natural way of the world by the geographical arrangement of the material. This style of prose contributed to a particularly textual work, the Atlas Maritimus & Commerclalis; a text of about 345 pages long bound dos-a-dos with Cutler's Pilot,[13] sea charts, and "Two Large Hemispheres on the Plane of the Equinoctial; containing all the Stars in the Britannic Catalogue: Of great use to Sailors for finding the Latitude in the Night."
The atlas has contradicting
indications about its map and text components.
It could
be considered an atlas without any maps, for the reason of the separate title pages of it from the Pilot, the wording of the list of charts, which reads "Belonging to the General Coasting-Pilot, annex'd to the Atlas Maritimus" and total lack of coordination, though
258
together they somewhat fit the maritime atlas idea.
This
might be explained that the publishers did not commission charts of their own, but feeling the need to include them, used an already available work which they could not subsume into a single title.
Also, the publishers seem
to prefer to maintain a certain distance from maps.
The
strict utilitarian concern with standards of truth in map-making is summed up by this quote: Our Map-makers [in general] give very differing Descriptions here, and some are so honest as to confess their Ignorance, and say little or nothing of them. Indeed it were well if all of them would do so, where their Accounts cannot be supported by Truth, and not describe a Country which has never been duly survey'd, rather than impose upon the World, by suggesting mere Possibilities, and things that may rather deceive than guide those who may come to those Places hereafter. The Preface indicates that everything included is "true and useful" and that only those places known to be available for commerce are included.
They state this
again by explaining that only the places they have knowledge of are included because others of their broader community have been there.
This excludes travel accounts
from foreign sources of which much use was made in maritime histories.
The only information to be included
is commercial knowledge,
useless things are marked to be
avoided, including any discussion of the natives.
"As to
the Genius, Temper, and Behaviour of the People, that is not to our present purpose."[14]
259
Already stated that they chose not to talk about the natives, references to the natives do occur.
They are
all strictly disparaging, as they as a group are incidental or Inconsistent to English purposes.
For
example: Under the heading "A Description of the Northern Coasts of America," "Peopled it [Groenland] was indeed, by a few despicable Savages, good for nothing."[15]
"It
is true, he [Davis] found some Inhabitants almost in all Places, but they were few, wild and savage; they lived miserable, suffer'd great Extremities, fed upon the meanest Product of the earth and Sea, viz. Roots, Shrubs, and what Fish they could take, which were but very few, the Seas being generally frozen."[16]
"The settlements
are few, [in Annapolis] and so many of them have been ravag'd by the Indians, who have so often cruelly murder'd the People, that unless some speedy care be taken, 'tis fear'd most part of the Country must be abandon'd again."[17]
"By Land, as well during the war
with France as since, the Indians have broken out in open War upon them, [New England] ruin'd most of the remote Settlements, murder'd many People barbarously in cold Blood; and all the Troops sent from the South Parts have not been able to prevent it.
These Savages are a
cowardly, cruel, bloody People, but set on work by the French who supply'd them with Arms, Ammunition, and everything needful for doing mischief."[18]
Statements
260
such as these became accepted as the truth, truth when generally defined as a satisfying explanation to a person's parameters of inquiry or interest.
Statements
of alternative perspective, such as innocent primitives, is missing. The text was originally planned to be organized by theme, but the Preface indicates that location was found to be the better organizing principle.
The atlas
separates the general historical and geographical description from the description of the commerce, but they follow each other by location. But it was found more proper to annex the Commerce to the History and Geography of the several Quarters of the World respectively, as one General [heading], tho divided into Particulars. Especially since the History of Places is in many respects concern'd in the Trade, and the Trade on the same account is in many things concern'd in the History, and so they are, by a Necessity not to be avoided, frequently blended with one another; and it would have been inconvenient to separate them so far, as the carrying all forward to a General Head would have done. Thus Things would have been, as it were, forgotten in the reading: Whereas now, as soon as the Description of one Quarter of the World is finish'd, and the History of it spoken to, the Account of the Commerce follows, as a necessary Appendix to that Part, and a Consequence of the Things said before.[19] Its apparent objectivity of the commercial viewpoint of the world was emphasized by the language of Utilitarian Plain style.
Harris emphasized the
suitability of his language with regard to key concepts in the development of this prose style.
261
Next as to our Manner: It must be expected that our Style be various, according to the various Nature of the Subject. We must speak like a Geographer and Historian, when we are giving the Geographical and Historical Description of Places; we must use the Terms of Art which have obtain'd among Merchants and Tradesmen, when we are treating of Commerce; and we must speak in the Language of the Seamen, when we are giving Directions for Sailing. This being allow'd us, I have farther to add, That I have study'd Impartiality thro' the Whole; and have therefore avoided all fulsom Panegyricks, all Bluster and Rhodomontades, in the Description of any Country, how nearly soever I may stand related to it, or how highly soever I may esteem it. A Failing too common with some writers otherwise valuable, who, when they come to describe the Country or City, Coast or Sea Port, where they were born or have lived, or which they have a peculiar Honour for, cannot forbear launching out in a most extravagant manner, with the grossest Flattery as well as Falshood. The Author has indeed seen several of the Countries, Coasts, Cities, and Sea-Ports, which he has describ'd: But he values himself upon this, that he can challenge the Reader to single out any of the Places he has thus seen or been at, by his Partiality in the Description, or to judge of what Nation he is, by his romantick Praises of this or that Country...[20] The writing is argumentative in tone and resentful of complicating viewpoints.
The authors raise what was a
controversial question of the peopling of America, and then answer it arrogantly, "...The learned World have been strangely in the wrong, to perplex the Case as they have done, especially in an Affair which may be so easily solv'd, and has nothing difficult in it."
The
explanation is logical and rational; people must have migrated to America across a string of islands from Asia. One alternative is considered, that Native Americans were
262 refugees from Carthaginia after its overthrow by the Romans.
In its prejudice, the explanation confidently
denies the possibility of human survival in the Polar lands as an origin of migration. In the overseas study of geography as the history of commerce, geography itself came to mean commerce, as in this passage about America: It is certainly furnish'd for Commerce, and for the Conveniences and Delights of Life, as much as any Country in the World. Navigation would call this its Center, if it were as well peopled as other Parts of the World. The Globe does not show such a Place for Trade and Shipping, as the Bay of Chesapeake, or such Rivers for Trade, and so far navigable, and yet so immensely large, as the Rivers of Mississippi, Canada, Delaware, Oroonoque, Amazones, la Plata, and Paraguay, besides innumerable smaller Rivers, which would pass for Streams of the first Rate in Europe. In a word, fitted by Nature for Commerce, it affords the best Product for Trade, and the best Harbours for Shipping, of any other Part of the world.[21] Maritime atlases were works targeted toward the investor classes and not the working class.
"Labor may
improve, but true wealth comes from commerce."
The
intellectual content of such books were also associated with a political attitude favoring commerce and navigation.
In his preface, Harris (1744),[22] does this
when stressing the need for the loyalty of the plantations, whose proper role is to serve the motherland.
This position is taken in contrast to the
people who would have left England to labor in hopes of a more prosperous life.
263
A strong anti-French tone surfaces again and again in the Atlas Maritimus et Commercialis. unlike the texts of earlier books.
This is sometimes directed toward
Sanson's maps, but is often a general irritation with French colonies and expansion. Some of our Geographers join one of these Rivers, viz. that which flows into the Bottom of Button's Bay, with one of the great Lakes on the North of the remotest French Colonies, and from which Lake they also bring the great River Mississippi. N.B. This is taken from the French, who affect to give every thing of Note, and every strange Country, however remote, Names of their own, as if all the World belong'd to them: And on this Account they call this the River of Bourbon, whereas it was fairly discover'd and planted by the English long before they visited those Parts, and was call'd Rupert's River, ever since the time of King, Charles I.[23] The foreshadowing of war is related in this atlas: I make no question but one time or other, the British Power will find it necessary to dispossess the French of those Colonies of Canada, however strong they are making themselves there, and then these things and more will be easily put in practice. The French, in the mean time, do not fail to give a Handle for such an Undertaking, and to make the Necessity of it every Day greater to us, by fomenting War and Ravages upon the English Plantations between the Natives and us; supplying them with Arms and Ammunition, and openly abetting and encouraging them to break the Peace, especially by their Priests: by which the English have already suffer'd great Damage, and abundance of innocent People in remote Parts have been barbarously murder'd; and which War still continues, very much to the Disadvantage of our Colonies, because the Natives, as they are Bloody and desperate, so they are poor and beggarly; and nothing is to be gotten from them when beaten, towards making good the Losses, nor are they to be pursued without great hazard. But were the French remov'd, the Natives would soon be reduc'd to Peace, and a
264
quiet neighbourly Behaviour, as they always were willing to shew to the English.[24] An analysis of the separation of natural history and commerce reveals an historical account of English discovery and exploration.
A few basic facts are given,
and then notes from the journals are relayed.
A natural
history, common in atlases up to now, is lacking. The sections on English commerce in America are about a quarter of the pages compared to the sections on history and geography, unlike John Ogilby's America. Investment opportunities of colonialism are discussed far more extensively in the atlas than in the days of Robert Morden and his few comments on investment in America. The author is aware that certain social conditions are important to consider, but stop short of recognition that the English way of life will transform the native culture. For this reason it is doubtless the Interest of Great Britain to incourage as much as possible the peopling the Northern Colonies, planting and extending them as far as possible; and by civilizing the Natives, to bring them into a proper Method of Covering and Clothing; especially since by their hunting and killing the Beaver, Otter, and other wild Creatures, which is their Business and Employment, they are all made able to purchase, and furnish themselves with Clothes and Necessaries even to Plenty and Profusion. It is worth remark, that in these Northern Countries there are no poor, as among us; all the Natives are fully employ'd in hunting; and they are able to kill and take the Creatures which they hunt with so much ease, that the Skins are a sufficient Wealth to them, besides the Flesh for
265
thier Food; and what Corn or Malz they want for their Bread, the Women take care to plant it, and gather and cure it for them. This is very easy to understand, if we grant what they affirm who have lived in the Terra de Labradore, in the French Colony of Canada, or in the Limits of the Hudson's Bay Settlement; who all agree that the number of Beaver and Otter, but especially the Beaver, is so very great, that an Indian or Native will, in an ordinary day's hunting, kill fifty of them for his own share; that the women flea them and cure and dry the Skins, while the Men do nothing but attend the hunting Part. If this be true, there can be none of them poor; because the beaver, Otter, and other Skins are much better to our Merchants than Money, if the Indians had any; and they can buy whatever they want with their Furs, as well as with Money. If any are poor then, they must be either idle or impotent, that is, lame, or antient, or distemper'd. The first they are no where charg'd with; and if the two latter, it is certain the young and able provide for the old and impotent, without Parish Laws, without Hospitals or Alms houses, by a Charity and Benevolence natural to them; so that none among them perish for want. On this Account 'tis evident, that to gather those People together, to plant Colonies among them, and build Cities and Towns, must lay a Fund of Commerce; the People always wanting our Goods, and always being furnish'd with Goods to pay for them.[25] Authorship of the atlas is attributed to Daniel Defoe.[26]
A journalist by profession, he is better
known today for his realism of discovery and exploration fiction, as in his novel Robinson Crusoe.r271
Defoe's
realism, economic theories, social comment, and fiction, or the speculated aspects of reality, blended and constructed predominant social myths of his period in his writing, the period of this research. Novak writes,
Maximillian E.
266
Yet Defoe's great art lay In his ability to convey his myths as true history. Of course not everyone was convinced, but Defoe's tracts and treatises often have the same quality of vividness and conviction as his full-length fictions. And those fictions have the benefit of both realism and a powerful narrative interest. It was in these works that Defoe most fully achieved the power that he associated with true history. But if Robinson Crusoe can read as a treatise on economics, politics, theology, morality, and psychology, ...it is because Defoe was following the practices of his contemporaries in creating a systematic pattern of relationships.[26] This can be illustrated by a critical reading of Defoe's New Voyage Around the World, which is debated to be either fiction or a serious colonial plan.
Some
literary scholars of Defoe have suggested that this quality of his work, the skillful blending of the realistic and fictional, was a response in the period to dualistic qualities of John Locke's epistemology.
This
seems like a fair assessment. Locke is characterized as suggesting that a real and concrete world indeed exists, but that people can only perceive reality as their impression of it; this means that what we can know of the real world is only a reflection of our own ideas.[29] Even the most realistic of writing imitates pre-existing texts more than the natural world. Defoe felt comfortable presenting fiction as fact, and the best sources for such fictional realism was in history and geography.
These
conclusions regarding Defoe provide some context to the prose of the Atlas Marltimus et in Commercialis.
267
Atlas Minor Some years after the publication of the Atlas Maritimus et Commercialls, the first atlas made within the terms of atlas-making as we know it today was published.
This was Herman Moll's Atlas Minor
(1729).[30]
It was a set of maps bound together with
minimal prose text, only in the preliminary pages.
The
maps were all engraved to a somewhat consistent format and content.
The maps were all produced within a short
period of time by the same publisher for a single project.
This seems to have been an innovation in
English atlas-making. Thomas Templeman made the statistical tables from Moll's atlas of twenty-seven two-sheet maps (see Pigs. 17 and 18).
He considered tables without maps
must be mightily at a loss; for no Words can describe a Country perfectly without referring to the map; and the Pace and Shape of the Countries, Kingdoms, and their Frontiers, how they bear to the Compass, cannot be understood by them. For this reason Maps are absolutely necessary; and the Tables added to them, wherein the Area is given in Square Miles, by which the Extent and Magnitude of each country is known, &c. makes this work very useful, and more compleat and easy than any ever published before.[31] From this statement we can believe Templeman saw the tables as a text whose orientation to the map was that their usefulness duplicated the map scale.
Perhaps poor
base maps or projections made scale difficult for Moll to
268
17. Title page of Atlas Minor by Herman Moll, 17 29. The American Geographical Society Collection, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee.
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270
keep consistent.
In addition to areal extent, the tables
contained population numbers and coordinates of latitude and longitude. Though Defoe drew heavily from the geographical work of Moll,[32] we might ask what influence Defoe had upon Moll.
The question more specific to this research would
be how might the Atlas Minor be related to Defoe and the surrounding social context? Circumstances of Moll's life suggests that the Atlas Minor was conceived and executed within Moll's interests in empire which Defoe was a part. Some maps of the atlas reflects Moll's Involvement in colonial schemes of the period, which facilitated information brought back for him to use in London.
The
delineation of the northern coast of the Gulf of Mexico on Moll's "A Map of New France" is a compilation of D'lisle and a manuscript map made in the period of the Mississippi Company.[33]
The outline of Florida on this
manuscript map is almost identical to Moll's map in Atlas Minor.
Moll associated with Daniel Defoe in the South
Sea Bubble scheme.[34] The grid system is explained in the atlas and its uses are demonstrated; latitude determines degrees of heat and cold, length of days and night, and longitude determines the hours of time.
The earlier belief in
geographical classification by imaginary circles made mapping inherently geography, but to Moll, the more
271
urgent concern with mapping is in surface representation.
But notwithstanding this Science [Geography] is a Qualification so absolutely necessary, it has never hitherto been rightly understood; we have as yet, but a very imperfect Knowledge of the Area, or superficial Content of every Kingdom, Province, and Island, either in square Miles, or Acres, which must first be settled, before the Extent of a Country, and the just Proportion which it bears to any other, can with any Exactness or Accuracy be determin'd. The latter [geographers] indeed (in some Measure to compensate for this imperfection) have given us the Length, Breadth, and Circumference, or the Situation of Places, between such and such Degrees of Latitude and Longitude; but supposing their Admeasurement even carefully and truly taken from the best Maps, yet the irregular Form of all Countries render their Labours very incorrect, I had almost said wholly Useless. Moll's other geographical emphases are on area and population.
Total area of each Prince's scattered
kingdoms is calculated.
No explanation of Moll's method
is offered, but he mentions the use of Senex's twentyeight" globes.
He adds that commercial European towns,
forts, and settlements under other princes are distinguished by abbreviation.
This is good to know
because of recent revolutions.
(The when and how of
revolutions and other political remarks would have been added, but his ill health prevented this development.) Admittedly, he believes, the population calculations are weak, as shown in Thomas Templeman's tables of statistics, but the opinion is that London's death rate compares well with other places in Europe, such as Paris
272
or Amsterdam.
Estimates at London population are offered
and that the strength and power of a nation is not area, but population, is asserted.
Territorial extent can be
disadvantageous, for example in Russia, Moll says.
The
viewpoint described by Moll marks a significant shift from boundaries to population that world atlases chose to emphasize. Moll makes the point that though populated, France's strength failed due to waste and excess when England's strength increases.
The moral is that naval force is
kept up by trade, and trade by freedom. therefore not forsake the government.
Trade will Spain and Holland
are great maritime powers, but maintain a great expense in forts, which England has no need of.
Moll's
conclusion is that Great Britain is most superior. The loss of text diminishes the interactive quality that atlases with a strong prose text had.
The reader's
thought is no longer directed by prescribed reading; map realism combines with thought, but in a tacit way which is not made more objective by the written word.
Perhaps
colonial discourse required a map for the delineation of a greater human ambition than the more "correct" mathematical map which served as a background and context for the objectivization of ideas through the written word, the way that the atlas maps were tied to their textual context.
An atlas factice was not encumbered by
273
text, enabling a more flexible visualization of meaning on the map.
Although used somewhat metaphorically to
convey an idea, one could call these qualities the narrative component of the atlas.[35] The transference of the wordless atlas to publication suggests the time came when the colonial effort involved a more popular involvement.
The civil war of 1688
encouraged a vision away from internal troubles, and England's new military power after the Treaty of Utrecht provided the means to act it out.
Of course, atlases
without texts were being compiled long before Moll, but these were almost always unique cases of collections suited to individual tastes and meaning.
Text was a
popular component of the earliest standard sets of maps, when the demand was for knowledge, and cultural myths of overseas empire were relatively unformed.
Eventually
this knowledge conveyed in prose may have become myth. The standard acceptance of atlases without text marked the beginning of atlases for which cultural myths about foreign places was already established. Literary critics have suggested that there were consequences of the discourse of colonialism on modern cartography.
Writers have drawn attention to certain
structural features of the map which served to reinforce the position of European power. The negative descriptions of Native Americans
274
contributed to the establishment and perpetuation of racism and intolerance.
These attitudes were necessary
for the mobilization of Europeans in the conquest of America.
Native Americans were categorized by and within
English political boundaries.
For example, those under
the heading of "Maryland" were called "more ingenious and docile than industrious."
Such structuration
incorporated natives into colonial society.
The
Europeans were transferring their own concepts onto the natives when they reported that "only the Sasqua-hanocks are a Republick." Just as the colonial map assumed a style of greater intended mimesis, the atlas did too.
That style is our
contemporary atlas model, which refers to the atlas as a set of maps of somewhat contiguous coverage.
It is the
extension of mimesis beyond the borders of a single map. In Graham Huggan's analysis, mimicry produces not only the authority, but a response in the controlled to imitate the authority, though it is never accepted as quite the same.
Taking mimicry as a point of interface
between colonization and cartography, the map (as the more realistic spatial device, though invoking thought and statement when put into practice) is put in a position of power over text, which because of its nature as a reflection of our own thoughts or a mediating or theorizing influence is more easily recognized as an
275
imitative or distant spatial representation.[36] Mimicry also Invokes a wider challenge to the authority of colonial representation by redefining the desire of the colonial powers to 'fix' its own position as a form of 'fixation,' an obsession which, manifested in the fetishizatlon of the other (through the workings of stereo-typing, discriminatory classification, etc.), confirms the fear that the supposedly normative values of the colonizer will come to be challenged, and eventually displaced, by the colonized.[37] If the modern atlas developed according to colonial discourse, the tension between map and text would reflect this; the map derides the text as less than whole spatially.
And indeed this attitude is found not only in
the general neglect of the study of text in atlases, but even in a negative response to substantive text in atlases.
This derision is self-defeating in that the map
itself is undeniably a representation, and the text facilitates and promotes the practice of map use.
The
map as the prominent feature of atlas structure not only organizes it, but limits the play of the structure.
It
allows play within the structure, which creates a sort of contradictory form.
Celestial Atlases The cosmographical foundation of atlases was lost and replaced with celestial surveying in order to draft maps of overseas lands.
Celestial atlases gained popularity
as a vehicle by which other celestial knowledge now
276
considered peripheral to geographical atlases, continued to be provided in much the same conceptual way that celestial and terrestrial globes were constructed separately, but considered a pair. The nature of outer space, and consequently the spatial arrangement of the stars, underwent radical redefinition as a result of the change in outlook from geocentricism to heliocentricism.[38]
Mainly, the stars
were no longer seen to occupy a single layer equidistant from the earth, as they would be represented on a celestial globe, but instead, distantly scattered. Celestial atlases directly addressed the controversy regarding world view, beginning with The Atlas Coelestis. Containing the systems and Theoryes of the Planets and the Constellations of the Stars. And Other Phenomlna of the Heavens.
Published by John Seller, one edition was
sold by Seller himself, advertised on 19-22 April 1680,[39] and another is known to have been sold by Jeremiah Seller & Charles Price, and Phillip Lea.[40] Competing intellectual formulations are presented in this atlas through diagrams.
The contents begin with a
description and diagram of the Ptolemaic and Copernican system, along with a portrait of Copernicus.
Three
diagrams whose titles are in Latin are: body of the sun; rise and setting of the day (a diagram illustrating how the sun seems to rise and set if the earth is considered
277
to rotate about it); and "Systema Saturni."
A portrait
of Brahe and diagram of his theory is also included.
The
rest of the contents examine other heavenly entities. The diagrams and their titles include: "Phasis Lunae Naturalis and Artificialis," and two diagrams of the moon; the orbit and illuminations of the moon by the sun; tables of distances of the moon; and diagrams illustrating eclipses of the moon and sun.
Planets— "The
Systeme of Jupiter;" "The Phasis of Venus & Mars;" "Phases. Planetarum;" and "Comets and stars."
Tables of
calculations on the earth, moon, and sun follow.
The
text ends there with uses & explanations of the tables. The remaining illustrations are of Descartes, his portrait and diagram of theory, the western Hemisphere, and last, maps of the stars. taken from Kirchner.
The diagrams of the sun are
(They are used again by Price on
his world map, as are the "Phasis Lunae Naturalis and Artificialis," and the Cassini diagrams of "The Systeme of Jupiter;" "The Phasis of Venus & Mars;" and "Phases. Planetarum.") The atlas is not explicitly astrological, like an almanac, but the title page makes use of astrological signs and the tables are useful for astrology.
The
pocket size, and the Inclusion of easy diagrams and text would suggest a practical application for the book for popular use, and it probably had a great impact on the
278
acceptance of the heliocentric system, which was well underway by 1700. John Senex published Atlas Caelestrls; or. Charts of the Heavens... which was described this way: "containing, the following hemispheres: in which are carefully laid down all the stars in Mr. Flamstead's catalogue, as published by Dr. Hailey;
being above 2000 more than ever
were inserted upon any hemisphere; wherein the asterisms are so designed, as to answer the description of
the
ancients, and the letters of reference, made use of by Bayer in his tables, are inserted, viz. 1.
The Northern Hemisphere,
plane
2.
The Southern Hemisphere
ditto
3.
The Northern Hemisphere,
Plane
4.
The Southern Hemisphere,
ditto
5.
The Zodiac
6.
The Planisphere
7.
of Equator
of Ecliptic
The Print of the Moveable Horizon
8.
A Scheme of the
SolarSystem
9.
The Universal Vicissitude
of Seasons, and the
Libration of Light."[41] The atlases were a alternative innovation for the English over celestial globes.
Celestial globes were the
traditional hold-over of the Ptolemaic sphere, with the earth at the center.
With the change to a heliocentric
perspective, the imaginary paths of the sun's orbit were
279
instead transposed upon the earth as lines drawn at the most significant points of its zenith relative to the earth.
Drawing the imaginary lines and circles on the
terrestrial globes worked well, because it was easy to perceive the sun that way, but such direct sensory experience did not harmonize with this idea when attempted with celestial globes.
The traditional
construction of the celestial globe, with the earth within it represents the location of the stars relative to the earth, but one which requires the viewer to place himself at the center of the sphere.
The viewpoint of
perspective should be a naturalized one for the human observer on the ground, not one of the viewer at a point away from himself, or of looking down at the stars represented on the globe. In the Preface to his Atlas Celestium (1729), Flamsteed agrees with William Sikkard's 1655 assertion regarding this inadequacy of the celestial globe because that representation is the reverse of how stars are meant to be seen, and presents his work as an alternative to this convention. He also believes that planispheres or stereographical projections are likewise inconvenient because of distortion of degrees of measure.
(The way in which the
maps of the Atlas Celestium are projected is explained in the text of the atlas.)
The work was meant for practical
application and was not theoretical; neither astronomy
280
nor cosmology Is explained In Flamsteed. "Celestial atlas” was sometimes a title appended to an ephemerls (or as almanack).
John Seller used the same
material for some of the two, and also for an atlas or geography.
The Coelestlal Atlas; Or, A New Ephemerls For
the Year of our Lord, by Robert White was low priced (9d. stlched) and of a format suggesting temporary use, as with an almanack.
The thirty-ninth edition, 1788, was
examined, and so it can be supposed that its original publication was significantly earlier. Being the bisextile, or Leap-Year. Wherein are contained The Heliocentrick and Geocentrick Places of the Planets, the Eclipses of the luminaries, and other remarkable Phaenomena that will happen this Year. Carefully computed From the genuine Tables of Dr. Edmond Hailey, those of Professor Mayer, and other the latest and most correct Astronomical Table. Also A Compleat Almanack containing the Feast and Fasts of the Church of England; the times of the lunations; the rising and setting of the sun, moon, and planets, &c. Adapted to the Meridian and Latitude of the ancient and honourable city of London. To which are added, Several useful Tables: As, a Table of the Sun's semi-diurnal Arcs, by which the Times of the Sun's Rising and Setting may be known by Inspection, on every Day in the Year, and in any Part of Great- Britain or Ireland Tide-tables, and a very correct one of the eclipses Jupiter's first sattelles; a table of the sun's right-ascension; various exact tables of the most remarkable fixed stars, corrected from Mr. Flamstead's Catalogue; and lastly a correct table of latitudes and longitudes of the most remarkable places in the World. Celestial maps and atlases were able to be used for astrological purposes and other purposes of the astrolabe even after the end of its use in the eighteenth century.
281
They eventually absorbed the explicitly celestial element first hidden and then lost in the new meaning of the atlas.
Conclusions Though significantly different, maritime atlases began to resemble terrestrial atlases, but in a way more focused on economic colonialism.
This trend of thought
is most explicit in histories of commerce which use geography as a way to make their cultural motives more natural.
Both types of books were written and composed
in the most fully developed utilitarian style for atlases.
This conceptual construction was easily
expressed in the Atlas Maritlmus et Commerclalls, an all text atlas.
Without maps, the spatial differentiation
and uniqueness of places was removed, but the remaining representations were acknowledged as authored by English interests.
Moll's all-map atlas, whose design was
influenced by Imperial practices as well, was equally ambiguous in its uniform image of the world.
The effect
of cartographic standardization, without specific description of places, portrayed a qualitative flatness made to seem more natural by geography.
The thoughts
accompanying the image readings were unobjectified by specific verbal description. As the celestial component of all-map atlases became
282
more hidden, celestial atlases developed to accommodate explicit celestial knowledge.
283
NOTES - CHAPTER SIX 1.
This atlas is almost always only one volume, but The Newberry Library copy (Ayer 135 S5 1721) is bound in two volumes.
2.
Transcribed advertisements about the atlas from three newspapers are pasted into the British Library copy (Maps.C.44.f.7). An unknown source added to an ad that "Some previous advertisements had identified the author of the Introduction as Dr. John Harris."
3.
Senex, John. A New General Atlas containing a Geographical and Historical Account of All the Empires, Kingdoms, and other Dominions of the World: With the Natural History and Trade of each Country. London: Printed for: Daniel Browne, without Temple-bar; Thomas Taylor, over-against Serjeants-Inn, Fleet St.; John Darby, Bartholomew-close; John Senex, Salisbury-court; William Taylor, Pater-Noster-Row; Joseph Smith, Exeter-change; Andrew Johnston, Engraver, Round-Court; William Bray, next the Fountain Tavern, the Strand; Edward Symon, Cornhill. 1721. p. 238.
4.
Senex, A New General Atlas, p. 239.
5.
Senex, A New General Atlas, p. 243.
6.
Raymond Phineas Stearns, "Joseph Kellogg's Observations on Senex's Map of North America (1710)," The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXIII, no. 3 (December, 1936):345-354.
7.
See House of Commons, Petitions, Addresses et c . The Authors of the new globular projection [J. Senex, — Wilson, and — Harris] humbly desire to represent to this honourable house, etc. [Being a recommendation of the new globular projection to the notice of the new House of Commons.] [1720] BL: (S.P.R.) 357.b.3. (55.)
8.
A Catalogue of Globes, Maps &c. made by the late John Senex, F.R.S. And continue to be sold by his Widow Mary Senex, at the Globe, over-against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet-Street: where may be had, all Maps and Globes, &c. as in Mr. Senex's Life-time. Viz. The prices did not change from earlier catalogues. The Two-sheet and single sheet maps are the same from The English Atlas.
284
9.
Bagford Collection (122).
10 . John Harris, Naviqantium atcrue Itinerantium Blblloteca: or, a compleat Collection of voyages and travels, consisting of above four hundred of the most authentik Writers, 2 vols. (London, 1705). 1 1 . The intent of the introduction is described in the printing proposal for Naviqantium atque Itlnerarlum Blblloteca. Bagford Collection (124). 1 2 . Ibid.
13. Atlas Marltlmus & Commerclalls; Or, A General View of the World So far as relates to Trade and Navigation; Describing all The Coasts, Ports, Harbours, and Noted Rivers, according to the Latest Discoveries and Most Exact Observations (London: Printed for James and John Knapton, William and John Innys in St. Paul's Church-yard; John Darby in Bartholomew-Close; Arthur Bettesworth, John Osborn and Thomas Longman in Pater-noster-Row; John Senex in Fleet-street; Edward Symon in Cornhill; Andrew Johnston in Peter's Court in St. Martin's Lane; and the Executors of William Taylor deceas'd., 1728). 14. Ibid., p. 277. 15. Ibid., p. 278. 16. Ibid., p. 280. 17 . Ibid., p. 285. 18. Ibid., p. 287. 19. Ibid., p. [iii]. 2 0 . Ibid., p. [ii-iii]. 2 1 . Ibid., p. 277. 22 . Although the year 1744 is outside of the period of this study, I use this quote because it is still relevant to the earlier edition of Naviqantium atque... 23. Atlas Marltlmus et Commercialls, p. 281. 24. Ibid., p. 282-3.
285
25. Ibid., p. 328. 26. Defoe's responsibility for the authorship of the atlas is still being questioned. "His bibliographer J.R. Moore seems to think he was the compiler of large part of it, and indeed the writer too; and it is true that there are a number of passages in it taken over from Defoe's TOUR OF GREAT BRITAIN and his GENERAL HISTORY OF DISCOVERIES (see p. 265, corresponding to pp. 95-99 of the latter; and 266, corresponding to 145-6; etc.) However, the ATLAS explicitly admits that it is a "collection", i.e. a compilation from already-published sources, so this is not proof that Defoe was personally involved. The parallel between the ATLAS and CAPTAIN SINGLETON is more curious (see pp. 252-3) and is well discussed in Peter Knox-Shaw's The Explorer in English Fiction (1987)." Communicated to me in a letter from P.N. Furbank, co-author of the entry on Defoe in the forth-coming new edition of the Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature. April 14, 1993. 27. John Robert Moore, A Checklist of the Writings of Daniel Defoe, 2d ed. (Hamden Conn.: Archon Books, 1971). 28. Maximillian E. Novak, Realism, Myth, and History in Defoe's Fiction (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), pp. 15-16. 29. See Ian Watt, The Rise of the Novel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957), pp. 12-21. 30. Herman Moll, Atlas Minor: or, A Set of Sixty-two New and Correct Maps of All Parts of the World (London: Sold by H. Moll, over-against Devereux-Court, between Temple-Bar and St. Clement's Church in the Strand, 1729). 31. Thomas Templeman, A new Survey of the Globe: or, an Accurate Mensuration of all the Empires, Kingdoms, Countries, States, principal Provinces, Counties, & Islands In the World ri729l. 32. Dennis Reinhartz, "New information on Herman Moll, Geographer," Imago Mundi 40 (1988):113-114, and Dennis Reinhartz, "Herman Moll, Geographer: An Early Eighteenth Century European view of the American Southwest," in The Mapping of the American Southwest, ed. by Dennis Reinhartz and Charles C. Colley. (College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 1987), 18-36.
286 33. PRO 1993. C.0.700 Carolina no.3. See Cumming No. 157. 34. Burton, J. Fishman, "Defoe, Herman Moll, and the Geography of South America," Huntington Library Quarterly, 36 (1973):227-38; also, J.N.L. Baker, “The Geography of Daniel Defoe," Scottish Geographical Magazine 47 (1931):257-69. 35. Denis Hood makes the connection between realism, fiction, and the contemporary atlas in "The Atlas as Narrative Structure," in Atlases for Schools: Design Principles and Curriculum Perspectives, edited by R.J.B. Carswell, G.J.A. de Leeuw, and N.M. Watters. Cartographica 24, I. Monograph 36, 1987. 36. Graham Huggan, "Decolonizing the Map: PostColonialism, Post-Structuralism and the Cartographic Connection." Ariel 20 (1989): 115-131. 37. Huggan, "Decolonizing the Map," p. 117. 38. S.K. Heninger, Jr., The Cosmographlcal Glass, Renaissance Diagrams of the Universe (San Marino, California: The Huntington Library, 1977), pp. 49-50. 39. Sarah Tyacke, London Map-sellers 1660-1720. Tring, Hertfordshire: Map Collector Publications, Limited, 1978. no.93. 40. BL: Maps C.21.a.5, and RL: Q B41 .S46 Manly. The estimated dates are from 1681-1700. 41. This atlas was commercially available up to the nineteenth century. It can be found offered in Robert Sayer's catalogue, 1766, (pp.28-29) Carington Bowles' "New and Enlarged Catalogue," 1782; and was listed in 1795 Bowles and Carver (p. 173) at 1 1., 16 s. (Hodson, Skelton, and Tyacke Collection, Map Room of The British Library).
287
CHAPTER SEVEN CONCLUSIONS AND DISCUSSION
Two main goals were outlined in the first chapter of this dissertation:
the first was to offer an examination
in the rise of and principles behind the earliest English world atlases, and the second was to trace and analyze the processes which resulted in atlas and map conventionalization.
The empirical data presented in the
previous chapters examined the atlases in the context of the priorities of changing ideas of science and cultural values and identifies specific evidence of an atlas transition in the early modern period.
This chapter
summarizes some of these results by presenting them as supporting data for the conclusions derived from this research.
A brief assessment of the methodology is also
provided at the end of this chapter. The English atlases in this dissertation have been examined from various perspectives or levels of consideration.
Themes at the large scale address the
meaning of the atlas; the "map as language/map as text" movement; questions of objectivity and subjectivity in cartography; and the current dichotomy between art and science, both historically and in the contemporary view. At the intermediate scale, the maps of the atlases
288
were looked at as part of the larger work of cartography Itself, and to recognize that the texts were historically given equal significance.
How this serves as a legacy
for cartography in the modern period is one of the issues that will be discussed in this chapter. At the local level, questions were asked on how the transition of Restoration culture was manifested in the maps and texts of the atlases.
These themes relate to
the idea of celestial elements along with others as a pattern followed by the earliest English atlas projects, and new forms that followed.
Text, Map, and Atlas Style The Meaning of the Atlas The general aspect of the intellectual revolution on which representational style reflected is summarized by the historian Alexandre Koyr6 in the following two sentences: This scientific and philosophical revolution— it is indeed impossible to separate the philosophical from the purely scientific aspects of this process: they are interdependent and closely linked together— can be described roughly as bringing forth the destruction of the Cosmos, that is, the disappearance, from philosophically and scientifically valid concepts, of the conception of the world as a finite, closed, and hierarchically ordered whole (a whole in which the hierarchy of value determined the hierarchy and structure of being, rising from the dark, heavy, and imperfect earth to the higher and higher perfection of the stars and heavenly spheres), and its replacement by an indefinite and even infinite universe which is bound
289
together by the identity of its fundamental components and laws, and in which all these components are placed on the same level of being. This, in turn, implies the discarding by scientific thought of all considerations based upon value-concepts, such as perfection, harmony, meaning and aim, and finally the utter devalorization of being, the divorce of the world of value and the world of facts.[1] All of the atlases carried a celestial component expressed in both word and image.
The earth was studied
in its interaction with the heavens.
Eclipses, the
zodiac, the planets and other elements were all part of either the iconography, vocabulary, or tables.
Many
introductory sections of atlases presented two or three different systems of the universe, and rarely argued for one over the other.
This cautious restraint may have
seemed thorough, but the discussions of the earth's orbital and axial rotation indicate, in fact, that the heliocentric system was mostly assumed.
The world maps
were used to illustrate the concepts presented in the introductions. by astrology.
Celestial themes may have been reinforced Much of the contemporary cartography could
have satisfied consumers' interests in cosmography and the new scientific philosophy.
The celestial context of
the atlas gradually shifted from a cosmographical approach to celestial surveying for greater map accuracy. This is how the atlas retained its place in science.[2] In practice, this change is manifested in the determination of coordinates by instruments which were
290
taken overseas to map foreign parts of the globe on land. As the technology of surveying was directed towards mercantile uses, a new Plain style of geography was established.
The ties between general geography
(including navigation) and celestial studies are either explicit in both maps and text at first, as in the introductory sections of their prose texts, or their occurrence together in mathematical books, or implicit, as in atlases with little text, but having maps developed by astronomical means.
Although the dissertation does
not empirically establish this last point, it is strongly suggested by phrases such as "As to its respect to the Heavens" from Herman Moll's A New Description of England and Wales (1724).
The phrase has been interpreted by
William Ravenhill to refer to "the fixing of positions of places on the surface of the earth by the spherical coordinates of latitude and longitude, these being determined by observations taken of heavenly bodies."[3] Atlases drew upon astronomy, geography, and chorography, all of which are aspects of cosmography. The transition in the seventeenth century from cosmography to earth science (a change in world view) is evident in the atlases with the transition in the emphasis on text to emphasis on maps (a change in scientific values).
Texts suited cosmographies because
they conveyed history, an important part of chorography
291
and particular description.
Maps had a less evident
chronological nature, but they had an established cosmographlcal role as geography. These, together with other more minor and changing themes, constitute a consistent meaning of the atlas in England into the early 1700s.
Even if our common idea of
the atlas as a set of maps is used and applied to seventeenth-century atlases, the idea was fundamentally different in its concept of knowledge, its symbolic value, and in its empirical base and was not narrowly defined as a set of visual images.
The Transition of Atlas Style in England The earliest English work resembling a world atlas is John Speed's Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the world (1627), though this work is argued in this dissertation to have been within the genre of 'theatres.' It is an example of a book written before the rise of plain style.
Views on religion and politics are openly
stated by Speed in this work.
Metaphors and other
literary devices such as verse or fable are used to express ideas.
The introductory section of Speed's
Prospect, in which the celestial nature of geography would be discussed, is clearly in the Ptolemaic system. Given John Speed's status and reputation, it could be believed that most educated people still believed in the
292
geocentric system and the cosmographical world view. Speed's maps were very iconographical.
The detail of
the Ptolemaic system is still the only world view depicted. Some details appealed to both traditional and modern thinkers, as the eclipse portrayed on the map was important to both astrologers and astronomers (as seen in Fig. 2 in chapter 2). pictorial.
Topographical detail was more
The map of the Summer Islands predates the
more modern style in its focus on the island, but also duplicating another image of the island scaled and oriented in a broader context by being placed relative to Virginia and New England.
This style of map corresponds
with the Elizabethan prose of Speed's Prospect and typical of an early style predating a major philosophical shift. In the new atlases after Speed's, but before 1700, the cosmographical influence on style continued not only due to the reuse of continental map plates and translated texts as base material, but also because the new philosophy of science was not firmly entrenched. Representation was less Anglicized, more iconologic, humanist, and sensual. indigenous culture.
Substantial text was devoted to
Placenames on the map of Ogilby's
"Virginia," which originated in Holland, were transcriptions of indigenous names in contrast to Anglicized names on the same map in the 1676 edition of
293
Speed's Prospect. The first indications of the break of an English style atlas away from the established approach, which included an introduction to geography and a strong textual context, could be seen in the title of the English edition of Mercator's Atlas, (16 35) translated by English publishers.
However, a radical change
characterized by the appearance of Utilitarian ideals only began by about 1660.
At the same time as early,
European based atlases were being published, the Royal Society of London was advocating a plain style of prose considered to be appropriate for natural history. In the Restoration, prose style is plainer. The principles of this style were simplicity, generality, clarity, directness, and an intention to remove subjectivity from the internal thoughts of the author. Prose was very much focused on material objects.
The
established links between the Royal Society, who openly claimed these principles, and atlas publishers account in part for its influence on atlas prose. The last edition of the Prospect in 1676 already reflects these changes.
The new descriptions written
about English plantations describe the local material culture, the natural history, and the appropriate personages, rather than the more religious and overtly political tone of the 1620s.
The text portrayed diverse
294
images of native people and Anglicized most placenames. Because these principles were rooted in the contemporary philosophy, their influence is evident in the maps of the new English atlases as well.
The small
scale of Robert Morden's and John Seller's maps rendered them practically useless, but they were significant as an attempt to break away from Dutch domination.
For the
most part, this break also marked the elimination of figurative elements. Native English atlases embraced both chorography and mathematics, and also introduced significant modern modifications.
The text included information on
commodities, showed the native population from a more strongly English point of view, and included instructions for using scale to evaluate distance on the map.
These
atlases were nationalistic, but not imperialistic or very commercial. The debate between the philosophical approaches of ancients and moderns were intense by 1700. Traditional sets of Biblical maps and pictorial views were less common than atlases of Ancients and Moderns which were intended mainly as school atlases.
Although a shift from
a classical idealism to utilitarian concerns is evident, these atlases maintained their place within a larger intellectual context.
Maps aided understanding and
judgement of texts of the classics or served as exercises
295
in mathematical calculation. in contrast, serial atlases responded more to visual or descriptive appeal than to intellectual consistency. Expansive of either prose or of graphic image, both types mixed stylistic elements of science, politics, and exploration, and restructured their use of the other media.
The set of maps in the voluminous Atlas
Geoqraphus was expanded to include maps of individual islands and maps showing new concepts of regionalism on the continent as well as relative location.
The two-
sheet large scale sets of maps fragmented text into extensive and diverse annotation arranged around the graphic image.
Textual atlases, along with the books of
atlases and their abstracted maps, remained within the wider context of geography with the inclusion of chorography and topography. Although the demand for textual atlases, atlases with a stronger humanistic perspective, persisted into the 1720s, maritime atlases were growing in popularity. Maritime atlases were strictly utilitarian.
They
differed from terrestrial atlases in text and in cartography, and in the sequence of regional sections in the atlas.
The style of terrestrial coverage, mostly of
coasts, altered the graphic figure/ground relationship (though for North America, coasts were the predominant focus in terrestrial atlases, too, because that is where
296
colonial settlement occurred).
This coastal focus and
figure/ground relationship were the features distinguishing them from pilots as well.
But most
notably, historical aspects which were earlier structured as either topography or chorography were included here as the appropriation of discovery and exploration as a history of commerce.
In this way, geographies helped
"naturalize" imperialism. By 17 30, cartography was more mathematical in the practice of coordinate plotting than in the study of the influence of the greater universe on the earth. Accompanying this was the narrowing of context, a loss of diversity, and a greater emphasis on strictly rational knowledge.
Jonas Moore's book was highly evolved
mathematically, but his maps did not incorporate his calculated coordinates.
His prose description consisted
of just a few clipped sentences.
By 1729, Herman Moll
was actively plotting maps to calculated coordinates, and had eliminated prose altogether, though continuing to work with statistical tables.
Geography became the study
of areas and population, and shifted away from earlier concepts such as the influence of the sun on climates and inhabitants of the earth.
Such celestial elements were
eventually incorporated into celestial atlases.
297
General Trends Throughout the modern atlases In the period of this study, atlases adopted an editorial style usually defining a place first in terms of its name, then position by latitude and longitude, and by colonial claim.
It drew from traditional English chorographical
surveys, but was modified to overseas interests. Although the sequence of topics varied, atlas prose typically had three parts: historical, land description qualifying the map, and cultural description which was harder to relate to the land (and to the map). The historical background usually began with European occupation, but sometimes, in the cosmographical tradition, with speculations on the origins of Native Americans.
Peter Heylyn wrote in his preface "To the
Reader": Lastly, as an Historian, I have traced the affairs of each several Country, from the first Inhabitants hereof, (such as the Latins call Aborigines; and the Greeks...) till these latter t imes. which that I might be sure to do on a good Foundation, I have took more than common care, to settle all the first Adventureers (after the proud attempt at Babel) in their right Plantations; and that too in the way of an Introduction, that I might the better know where I was to find them, and to go on with their Affairs with the less disturbance.[4] English maps often have visual embellishment, such as the pictorial representation of terrain on various maps of John Speed, or the decorative cartouche on the Senex map of America and the mid-Atlantic region (1721).
298
Figurative language persisted longer on maps than in atlas prose.
Metaphors were used by Speed, Ogilby,
Seller, and Morden, but only very rarely by any later authors.
Though it persisted into the eighteenth
century, figurative visual language changed concurrently with the growing mathematical approach to cartography. For example, Moll's world map found in Jonas Moore's New Systeme of the Mathematlcks (1681) is very plain, but Moll chose to use cartouches for his world map of Atlas Minor (1721).
Symbols for the continents found on title
pages and world maps were traditionally female, but Moll's cartouche on The World Described world map has figures of the continents that are of men and weapons, providing a more dynamic representation of exploration and struggle. Cartouches on individual maps, such as Willdey's map of North America (1714), are allegorical, perhaps referring to motivational issues pertaining to America, such as the call for the spread of Christianity.
The
images referring directly to America gradually looked more recognizable, perhaps due to the lack of traditional or classical imagery, though they still functioned as symbols, perpetuating the visualization of cannibalism, European supremacy, and trade.
Map iconography was
familiar to English audiences through estate map emblems and allegorical figures from continental sources, but
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reconstructing the relationship of these signs to other contemporary iconology remains too complex and beyond the scope of this study. Map iconology adapted to growing consumerism, and served the purposes of advertising, as in the portrayal of mapping apparatuses for sale by Willdey.
Instruments
also appear in the old style of Dutch maps, and attractive decoration itself may have been a marketing strategy by the Dutch atlas publishers, but they are unaccompanied by marketing captions. Standardization of scale was a part of the conventionalization of the new modern atlas.
Prior to
this, scale varied in theatres, in atlas factice, and in some sets of maps of prominent map-makers which were not called atlases. scale.
Perspectives changed with changes in
Variable scales offered alternative viewpoints of
a place, such as the character1stical details or the interrelationships with other places,
which became lost
with scale standardization.[5] Several of the works of the early 1700s were reprinted and sold well through the century.
An
incomplete list of these would include at least the following: Moll and Stukeley's Geographia Classlea with editions of 1732, 1739, and 1755 (maybe more); Moll's Atlas Minor. 1736, 1745; World Described, 1760.
Editions
of Wells were: 1738; Gordon, 1735; and Harris, 1744,
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1764.
The Universal Geographer, by John Senex, was
advertised In sale catalogues In 1766, '82, '95; his Atlas Caelestrls is advertised in the same years.[6] Although no effort has been made to examine these works and to compare them to the original plans as supervised under the attributed name to understand their modification, we can believe that these atlases have left their mark as prototypes up to the nineteenth century. For this reason, an examination of the consequences of plain style upon the modern period in general (up to the twentieth century) can be suggested.
Implications of a Plain Style Atlas The rise of the general, relatively standard world atlas coincides with the rise of the plain style prose of utility.
A critical analysis of the shift to the general
modern style shows that utilitarian atlases had both strengths and weaknesses.
Plain style atlases were
probably believed to more easily serve a broader number of readers.
They were easier for the reader to
understand because they represented an image rather than a specific perspective or close duplication of worldly things.
The real, primary, essence of the qualities of
the relationship of people and their environment mediated by the map was made more difficult to convey. Nevertheless, the objective reality of representational
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abstraction was easily believed in the modern period, perhaps because it was believed that an objective reality could be represented. Clarity was not always achieved by the elimination of error alone, but by the simplification of context as well, which made the information less specific and defined, and introduced a general tone which could never be truly precise.
Easily understandable representation
with many material things required little detailed learning.
A reaction against this may have been the
inclusion of chorography and topography in some atlases against what was called the tedium of geography in the sense of general world description. Stylistic factors such as brevity, plainness, simplicity and correctness contributed to the image of precision in atlas maps and texts.
Thus facets of
realistic truth were Indeed presented, but in a way which was always partial and limited.
The slant or bent toward
realistic truth served particular social interests and values.
That is, the information was not scientifically
true in the sense of scientific Inquiry in which subjectivity, dissent, and issues of definition play important roles.
The information, however, was usefully
true— a copy of physical things leading to comforts in life.
In avoiding dissent, the assumption is that what
is useful and true is also clear.
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Seventeenth-century prose styles allowed more liberally the free expression of the author and was in direct competition to the rise of modern, utilitarian prose.
Classical style theorists and Christian theology
defined precision and plainness as accurate representations of a mind.
Pleasure came not from the
physical thing, but from learning.
They believed that
worldly truth could be found in the soul of an educated person, not in material reality.
That revelation
involved the process of self-examination,
in
representation, metaphors functioned directly with the soul of the man and served as useful aids. The result of Utilitarian Plain style was the portrayal of material reality exterior to oneself, versus the rationalistic explanations of the human experience of the world, as was evidenced in English atlases before 1680.
This clash of beliefs created a tension between
stylistic impersonality (and the mistrust of the impressions of individuals) and the ideal of words as records of the gradual growth of knowledge in the mind. The key to the difference in the aims of these two main directions in ideology is in the definition of knowledge not as new mental forays (or spiritual forays as in the case of Christian ideals), but as the experience of concrete reality.
This lead to distinctions in the
methods of analysis of world knowledge— the conscious
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exclusion of the writer versus the cultivation of the individual.
Denial of the humanistic world (because it
is metaphorical) was replaced by thoughts of utility, whether through prose, real characters, or mathematics. English cartography sometimes differed from the utilitarian goal by describing the whole world by standardized coordinates.
The "transformative" functions
of the maps, the functions serving intellectual visualization and which are more clearly connected to a cultural narrative, are closely connected to the individual, but not separate from the broader rise of imperialism.
For example, the atlas factice compiled by
William Blathwayt, Secretary to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, included Farrar's map of Virginia, a map more representative of a culturally derived geographical perspective than a mathematically calculated one.
It
showed a very short distance from the Atlantic coast to the Pacific.
This map was included in Blathwayt's set
compiled for his individual selection, though absent in any of the contemporary published atlases (see Fig. 19). Within the terms of these differences between aims and methods, utilitarianism tends to work against its own ends.
Self-expression was lost by trying to reach a
larger public through the generally known, simple, and easy to understand, and the ability to relate to each other was minimized.
Utility as the basis of new ideals
19. Virginia Farrar, "A mapp of Virginia discovered to ye Hills, and in its Latt. From 35.deg: & 1/2 neer Florida, to 41.deg: bounds of New England," Black, The Blathwayt Atlas, 1975.
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represented the awareness of contradictions and conflicts in the relationship of the people to the terms of the everyday environment upon which they depended.
Likewise,
the value of figurative language was relegated to rhetoric.
The manifestations of the repression of ideas
about the world persist, but their solutions and resolutions may have become more and more difficult to grasp.
Reading the Atlases: Symbology and Map/Text Interrelationships Map/text interrelationships were a strong concern in the birth and development of atlas publishing in early modern England.
In addition to ideological trends which
were traced through the preceding chapters, map use helped shape the meaning of its content. Lettering had an effect on map reading.
Although
both media were printed, engraved lettering of maps was more similar in appearance to hand-writing than the letterpress fonts of type.
Copy-books, such as the
"Copy-Books to Write by, Sold by H. Overton, at the White-Horse, without Newgate, London." were a frequent item in the map and atlas publisher's shop.[7]
Copy
books may seem quite removed from atlases, but were relevant when viewed as part of a communication practice. Consistency and style of lettering on engraved plates mediated communication between readers and writers, and
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its clear use prevented errors in the copying of placenames from which alterations were the frequent result.
Lettering, as Mercator argues, was intended for
use with various languages which had their own style of writing.[8]
Since the atlas was a book of knowledge
greater than that gained from maps alone, this meant that the proper communication of words depended on lettering style.
Knowledge of lettering was Important for the
study of textual surveying sources.
Norden's Surveyor's
Dialogue (1603 or 7) requires handwriting skills of the surveyor in order to read old records.[9] In contrast to the easily available training in handcopying, only four craftsmen were licensed to produce typecast lettering in the Restoration.
One of these was
Joseph Moxon, who cast letters in eleven styles which are indicated on his sample sheet: "Great Cannon Romain; Double Pica Romain; Great Primmer; English Romain; English Italica; Pica Romain; Pica Italica; Long Primmer Romain; Long Primmer Italica; Brevier Romain; Brevier Italica."[10] Moxon's connections with the press at Oxford resulted in the sale of at least one of his fonts which was used regularly from 1671 onward.
The Great
Cannon Romain was sold in 1668.[11] It seems to have been used on the maps in Wells' New Set of Maps.
Another
style observed (but undocumented) on Wells' work resembles the Double Pica Romain.
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Explicit interrelationships between the representation of information on maps and texts are the ways in which one medium influences the format of the other, either by being placed within usable proximity of each other or observed directly on the map. wide variety of forms.
This takes a
Text on the map includes
placenames, legends, and annotation.
Implicit map/text
interrelationships exit when other facts indicate that a correlation existed between them.
For example, maps are
often "rectified'’ by the written reports of travellers. Coordinating them creates an implicit interrelationship. Working together, maps and text created a body of information.
The resulting verbal and graphic
presentation was often the depiction of a recognizable English landscape.
The text and maps confirmed familiar
and desirable elements.
This may have been done to
impose the British ideal onto the American landscape or to help the atlas reader feel comfortable with this new part of the world. The new scientific style was believed to create an image of objectivity by an admitted ignorance and called for eliminating anything which was unconfirmed, but J.B. Harley noted the way in which this white space, or "silences," on the map created a myth of an empty frontier waiting for European fulfillment.[12]
However,
his perspective focuses on historical geography and
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glosses over the problem in the scientific approach itself.
With the lack of an alternative empirical or
conceptual framework, such as one about a landscape known, already explored and reported by the English, or a native ecology, or a classical context to America, Europeans had no choice but to carry over their own meaning formed in the tacit knowledge of European culture.
Before the new scientific approach, other
symbolic systems were available to at least occupy the unknown spaces of others, even if they were erroneous. Perhaps with time the elements would have been sorted out by trial and error, as is evident in French maps influenced by "Theoretical geography," and produced by geographical logic.[13]
This provided an alternative to
the naturalization of Anglo-centricism, which in its narrowness (for example, the eradication of ecological concepts expressed by native placenames) hurt the colonizers as well. For all the atlases examined in the dissertation, European transcriptions of Native placenames were most often found on European-based maps. became more Anglicized.
With time, toponyms
The English were aware of the
implications of this practice, and may have felt a little guilty about it: Others would have it [New England] call'd by the Name which the native Indians gave it, who first inhabited it, and call'd it Echemina: And this indeed has been the Method of our People in most
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Places, the French giving new Names to Places much more than the English did.[14] European place names were replaced or rewritten as well. Errors were both linguistic and geographic.
In the
atlases, a difference was observed in the occurrence of placenames on the continent or on islands.
Names were
often linked to the map by alphabetical or numerical keys, or lists of abbreviations. Legends occurred only very rarely and consisted of three elements at most, as in Edward Well's set of maps and a few of Moll's maps.
The lack of consistency in
legend styles is evident in two examples found on maps iv ("The Holy Land divide into the Twelve Tribes of Israel") and v ("The Land of Canaan") by Edward wells.
The first
one is labelled "Remarques," consisting of three symbols, and the second one is called "Explanation," six symbols with "are thus marked" after it.
This suggests that
there was no meaning prescribed by the cartographer for the majority of map symbols or even for a legend itself, but that there were semantic or contextual meanings which the publishers were confident of and relied upon in marketing these maps to the public. The lack of a characteristic sheet tradition, with the exception of some of Norden's maps of English counties, has been noted by Campbell (1962).
The
question arises: How were map signs learned or how were they otherwise interpreted?
It may be that the heavy use
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of explicit map and text combinations evidenced in some of the atlases studied in the dissertation made legends unnecessary.
Experience with other maps, such as
Ogilby's popular highly pictographic road strip maps sold with the world atlases, may have taught the reader map glyph interpretation or have reinforced the readers' knowledge of the way to read symbols.
Although the
intended meaning of decoration on maps may have changed, its persistence led to the assumption that modern cartographic signs stood for something.
For example, the
early style of water symbols on some maps looks like waves.
Moll uses this iconographic approach in his
depiction of trade winds which are spelled out in words and symbolized with arrows against a background of similar-looking waves formed in the direction of the arrows.
A reinforcing logical connection in this is that
waves are caused by winds. The lack of instructional statements regarding map signs stand in sharp contrast to the clear explanations of other features of maps.
The commercial atlas user was
often provided with instructions in the atlas itself for map reading and use.
Discussions of the construction of
maps themselves were often incorporated to add depth to the users' understanding.
Most frequently, instructions
were given for mathematical geography, particularly the use of scale in calculating distance.
For example, a
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half-page of Seller's Atlas Marltlmus (1675) Is devoted to "a short introduction to the Understanding and Use of the Charts In this Book, In these following Propositions."
l. A Description of the Charts; 2. To
find the Latitude of any place upon the Chart; 3. To find the Bearing or Course of one Place from another; 4. To find the Distance of one place from another.
These
heightened the value or significance of a standardized mathematical cartography rather than the uniqueness of the land which would have made legends more necessary. The determination of scale was closely related to the latitude/longitude grid.
Although scale bars were
included on most maps of areas smaller than the continental, distance was usually determined by measuring the distance between two points against the tic marks of coordinates on the edges of the map.
This approach
included an explanation of the conversion of degrees, the number of grid tic marks,into a scale ratio of distance. The general rule of thumb was to count 60 miles or 20 leagues as one degree.
Although explanations of the
concept of scale and its use are not directly attached to the map, they are often included in the running text or as a separate section in the introduction. Statements similar to our contemporary perspective that text is only supplementary and intended to augment the map are not evident in seventeenth-century
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atlases.[15] The assumption behind this attitude is that it is the image of the map which needs explaining which thus makes legends and captions conventionally necessary. Although the map is not expected to stand alone in terms of information, the reduction of text in the seventeenthcentury may have enhanced the over-all visual impact of graphics by giving them more prominence. Map and text placement relative to each other varied. Maps and texts were balanced in terms of area devoted to them on the page where the complete text was printed on the verso of the map, as it is in A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World, by John Speed.
A common
arrangement was to place the map at the beginning of the chapter, or to have a short section of text before a longer section of maps (usually arranged by continent). The maps of Geography Rectified, by Robert Morden adheres strictly to the first type; even the rest of the page after the placement of the map is filled with some text. John Seller's Atlas Terrestris had a two-page introduction to a continent before the maps.
The maps of
John Ogilby's America were not fitted into the text on the first page of a section, but inserted alone immediately after it.
Maps appeared in the middle of
chapters of text, as in A New General Atlas, by John Senex.
These were less controlled by textual
subheadings.
The difference between ancient and modern
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geography Is clarified visually by words and symbols on the same base maps facing each other.
The pair of maps
are to be read in conjunction with a treatise, published separately, but at the same time, as the set of maps. Figure 20 is a table constructed to indicate a ratio of map to text in the atlases as a whole.
The
quantification of verbal and graphic information in the atlases of this period show a gradual process leading to a polarization of maps and texts, though quantities, formats, and content vary greatly.
The stages in general
are: first, text on verso of map; second, uncoordinated map and text interrelationships; third, atlases of maps published separately and after they appeared in books with prose; fourth, mostly text atlases or mostly map atlases which were published in parts, a process called serial publication; and fifth, atlases of all maps or all text.
Added to this are Edward Wells' treatise and set
of maps published under separate cover.
Each of these
groups show signs of changing subject matter and style, which were explicitly intended to supplement other texts. John Ogilby's map "Barbadoes" in his volume of The English Atlas called America (1671), exemplifies the non rational emblematic tradition.
These motifs have no
locational association on the map, and aren't mentioned in the text.
The text to Barbadoes consists of a letter
unintended for atlas publication.
Another main
FIGURE 20 NUMBER OF MAPS AND TEXTS IN ATLASES
1676 A Prospect o f ... the World 1671 The English Atlas; America Atlas Terrestris Atlas Maritimus Atlas Minimus or A Book of G eography A New System of G eography 1681 A New Systeme of the Mathematicks, vol. 2 1680 G eography Recitified 1690 Atlas Terrestris 1700/1-26 Ancient and Present Geography 1717 Atlas Geographus 1709,13,23 Atlas Manuale The C om pleat G eographer 1723 World Described 1729,32 Atlas Minor 1728 Atlas Maritimus et Commercialis The English Atlas 1721 A New G eneral Atlas [Willdey set of maps)
M aps
Text p.
27 45 45-60 20-75 46-53 51 63 64 78 41 119 44 44 30 62
54 674 16 10 52 112 88 418 224 4159 3 288
344 30 34 13-24
404
Table of numbers of maps and texts in atlases.
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publication of this type was Moses Pitt's English Atlas (1680).
Members of the Royal Society, working with Pitt,
tried to rework the old, Dutch material into an atlas of modern science.
Both translators and engravers were
expensive with the result that new English text was written for old Dutch maps.
Both had poor map/text
coordination. Native English projects improved map/text coordination.
John Seller's tables of placenames in the
atlases of his own design were arranged on the page to match their location on the corresponding map facing the text.
A one-to-one correspondence of map facing a page
of text was established in The Atlas Minimus, by John Seller (1679, 1700)
The purpose of this sort of format
was to create a direct correspondence between the arrangements of geographical areas on the map and texts, though the text consists only of placenames. As books of geography or atlases with substantial text went through several editions, sets of their maps were eventually published separately.
It was the books
with text which were supported by subscribers; without this support the cartographer would not have been commissioned to produce the maps.
It seems that the
atlases of maps would not have been made without the book, but the separate publication of the copper-plate engravings extended the profitability of the projects.
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These sets are the first Indication of the split of map from text in the atlas, though they were dependent on each other for their existence. Published together, the maps and text correlated closely and complemented each other by their particular strengths.
Copper-plate engraving was more expensive
than letter-press printing, made so more by the payment in advance for the engraver than by the cost of the copper material.
Though the problems of combining the
two were worked out, the maps were slower to change in succeeding editions of a work than the text, which was cheaper to print and to reassemble.
Text authors of
atlas-type work were given an agreed payment for the manuscript, and were relatively powerless to negotiate further gains, thus the power to republish could more easily fall into the hands of the cartographer. There are three main examples of this type of atlas. The maps of Robert Morden's Geography Rectified (1680), were later published as Atlas Terrestris (1690).
Herman
Moll, an engraver employed by Morden apparently made a similar attempt to publish the maps he engraved for Jonas Moore's New Systeme of Mathematlcks (1681).
The
Utilitarian plain style map from Moore's book very closely resembles the maps in Morden.
Atlas Manuale
(1709), the set of maps Moll engraved for a series of books published after 1700, was more successful.
The
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style Is, again, the same. The two main types of serial atlases are those with voluminous text, such as the Atlas Geoqraphus (1711-17) which had five volumes of over 1000 pages of text each, or sets of two-sheet, large-scale maps, which had extensive notation.
Both the predominantly text or map
atlases had some of the other medium. In 1729, Herman Moll published the Atlas Minor, an atlas with no text, but sometimes bound with statistical tables.
It may have been indirectly related to an all
text atlas, the Atlas Maritimus et Commercialis (1728), reputed to have been authored by Moll's friend Daniel Defoe. schemes.
Defoe and Moll were highly enmeshed in colonial Commercial or imperial motives may have been
the predominant formative influence in the all-map atlas. In contrast are atlases published by academics, such as Edward Wells, whose set of maps comparing ancient and present geography was accompanied by a treatise, and a 1721 atlas by scientist John Senex, F.R.S., which had substantial text. Some of the elements of Moll's modern eighteenthcentury atlas exhibit a continuity with Ortelius' original Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, including the stress on map content, the loss of an objectified conceptual text, and commercial applicability. modern atlas.
It thus resembles the
Hierarchical sets of maps were a link
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between the TOT and later all-map atlases. atlases overcame
Modern
Ortelius' problem of updating through
promoting surveyed sources and rectification.
In the
manner of Mercator's atlas, they acquired a mathematically based celestial concern as well, albeit an empirical one.
The empirical formative influence for
this may have been Herman Moll, the consistently present and enduring agent in this period, and his bias for the map and against the written word.
Early English World Atlases and Contemporary Cartographic Issues Objectivity and subjectivity and the role of text In a popular book about geography and maps, Harris's Dialogue between a Gentleman and a Lady, the globe is favored over the map because it is "true."
For Herman
Moll, the way to compensate for cartographic distortion was through mathematics.
This was also closely connected
to a search for truth. The world is in nothing more scandalously imposed upon than by Maps put out by ignorant Pretenders, who most falsly and impudently assume ye titles of ye Queen's Geographers, more particularly they have publish'd two several Copies, each of twosheets, of a falsly projectd French map of South America, done at Paris in 1703. and to deceive mankind have dedicated both to Dr. Hailey, Savilian Professor of Geometry at Oxford, and they pretend in ye dedication that it is Corrected by his own Discoveries. These Copies place C. Horn in Lat. 56 and make ye Long, between C. Horn and C. St. Augustin 27 Deg. whereas ye Doctor lays c. Horn in Lat. 57.30 and makes ye Long between C. Horn & C. St. Augustin
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45 so that these false Maps differ from Dr. Hailey's and all other late Observations, In ye Lat. of C. Horn 1-1/2 and In ye Long, between ye said Capes 18 Deg. and consequently make our Sailing to ye South Sea less by about a Thousand Miles than really it is. every body may easily judge what a Dangerous consequence these maps may produce, if ever they should be us'd at Sea, and ye wrong notions they must give others at land are no less apparent. Untruth was dangerous.
Mathematical accuracy became a
question of life and death and a greater priority of the needs of modern expansion. Historians of cartography have noted the change in the style of mapping in this approximate period.[16] This style change could appear to seem like a change from art to science is usually assumed to indicate a change in the realism of the maps, not only their appearance.
This
attitude rarely directly addresses the point of cartographic representation of material objects versus principles of presentation style, although it is the main point of those assumptions.
More accurately, English
mapping (at least of America) relied upon foreign sources throughout much of the seventeenth century, and modified them to suit their own philosophical needs, especially after 1700. The English mapping of home territories was practiced to some degree of objective truth even before the stylistic shift and through the period of its transition. Real gains in accuracy were made in the map of Scotland found in Blaeu's Atlas Malor, mentioned in Chapter Two.
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Edmund Hailey's work toward the rectification of maps indicates an active English participation in the study of latitude and longitude.
Dutch or French maps practiced
scientific content in an emblematic form of map-making. Certainly they do not compare to the topographical projects of the Cassinis in France (the scope of which was also limited to its own territories) but our view of the race towards geometrical accuracy should acknowledge that England, France and the Netherlands were all in an interactive relationship toward this aim; maps, formulas, and instruments moved among them and reflected a practice of science long before a style that looked scientific. Though the maps of Cassini are more acceptable to our contemporary cartographic values or standards, they were a part of an overall process of European mapping based upon earlier accomplishments.
It is more accurate to
credit the seventeenth century for the rise of a style of a scientific appearance in mapping. A case could be made that seventeenth-century trends can be detected that may have suggested a perceived dominance of maps over text in atlases.
These include
the fact that the source material is astronomical for maps and not for texts, and that the graphic form more easily conveyed spatial concepts that facilitated the understanding of the spatial arrangement of the great issues of the day.
There was a more subtle pressure
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which produced the image of the strength of the map— technological bias toward mathematics over the written word.
Some twentieth-century histories of land surveying
put more emphasis on the development of the geometrical properties of the practice than on the verbal description which accompanied them.
The wording associated with the
cartography of early seventeenth century (exact, compleat, etc.) would point to the belief of a map as an exact representation of reality by empiricists, but in fact, mathematics was the great standardizer in cartography. A possible explanation of the eventual dominance of maps over text may be rooted in the contemporary philosophy of John Locke.
According to Locke, a real and
material world does exist, but our knowledge of it can only take the form of ideas.
The real world can be
experienced through the senses as stimulus to the nervous system, which give rise to knowledge.
Our only immediate
awareness of that knowledge is as an idea, not a real thing.
Knowledge is constructed by the mind to resemble
or copy the real thing, but there is no necessary connection between the two.
Understanding adds nothing
to knowledge except as it orders data.[17]
The
consequences for the atlases would be the acknowledgement of maps as rationally derived representations taking precedence over the subjective nature of language, which
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was considered to be thought.
Language according to
Locke was both innately flawed and vulnerable to manipulation.
Rhetoric in particular was a wholly
"dishonest" use of language for its motivation to compel readers. Twentieth-century cartographic communication theory still postulates that map-making is a product of the cartographer's cognitive process.
This debate is central
to ideas on the formation of map imagery.
Lech Ratajski
wrote in 1974: Reality is understood here as a source of chorological information. The recognition of this reality proceeds through the informative emission and is understood as a relative product of both emitting and perceiving. The source of information includes direct information perceived by an observer, in this case by the cartographer. Along the path of the informative emission of direct source, a selection of the essence of the initial information takes place. The selection depends upon both the external factors and the psychological features of the receiver. The emission consists of direct emitting that depends upon the external conditions, and of direct perceiving depending upon the intrinsic conditions of the receiver. Consequently, in this process a loss of information appears, the value of which determines the efficiency of the informative emission. Both the loss of information and efficiency of emission can be expressed by means of logicomathematical formulae...[18] Our analysis of map language, whether as a theory, analogy, or model, has been built on the assumption that the map image is constructed by the ideas of the cartographer which were derived from sensory input.
The
mediating vehicle is mathematics which makes the map less
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constrained by human manipulation.
The ideas are
dualistic; there is a real world, but human knowledge is innately subjective.
Ironically, for all its striving
for objectivity, cartographic dualism is vulnerable to the same critique as dualism in general.
That is, if no
direct connection exists between reality and images of our thoughts, an objective reality can never be known. Extremes of word or image in atlases led to a lack of the properties of the missing medium and an ambiguity in their function.
For the all-map atlas, this property has
sometimes been called the atlas narrative.
The end
result was that the philosophy of the atlas became more unconscious and hidden.
Modern philosophers such as
Michel Foucault have observed the lack of a philosophy of space (in contrast to a philosophy of time) due to the appropriation of space by politico-economic interests.[19]
The separation of atlas maps and text in
the scientific revolution may have contributed to and been a result of these formative influences. The loss of text had consequences.
Text was well
suited as a vehicle of the history of individual heros and events.
However, history is inscribed in spatial
relations of places, as well.
Text is sequential, which
suits our notion of time in contrast to the simultaneity of visual elements.
But text could spell out logical
connections, which are not visible in the maps.
Maps
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showed locational logic (this is there), and any annotation associated to a place on the map acquired that logic.
The map could potentially indicate mechanical
logic by a hierarchy of association between parts (although no examples of this were found), but other logical connections were made intuitively by the reader. This loss of logical connection between ideas is repression.
It was not censorship, in that some ideas
were unmentionable, but the lack of relationship between ideas.
Maps could show correlation or spatial
association, but were strongly dualistic and object oriented and weak on relationship and context. Post-modern writing has recognized many of the same modern cartographic practices described in this dissertation and again come to embrace aspects of the atlas which were lost in their utilitarian conventionalization.
The repressive nature of modernity
made the connection between the map and the inner character of the map reader invisible to us.
Further
research into the design process of cartography in the new technological age must not neglect a cartography that will bring the focus more closely onto the individual. The implications of a broader world-view in which such texts would be embedded is that geography can be conceived in terms of the uncertain, the unnarrow, and the truly specific.
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A Review and Assessment of the Methodology The initial approach of this dissertation was to build a digital database of historical details about the atlases.
This approach proved to be impractical because
the volume of information in the many atlases and their varying characteristics could not easily be categorized together.[20]
Neither the atlases nor their study were
strictly "external" objects and verifiable facts.
The
patterns in the atlas indicated developments which were not atomistically separable, but which manifest themselves as holistic learning processes on the part of discoverers, authors, and readers.
The more general
level of analysis adopted for this dissertation, that of examining map and text content is consistent with the long period of time over which the corpus extended. The dissertation would have acquired a better direction sooner if a history of the historiography of the period had been found and used,
ideological
considerations were never neglected, but were often undervaluated by considering aspects of atlas publishing which are usually espoused by utilitarianism.
Still, it
is evident that further research on the material context of the rise of English language world atlases is needed to establish more precisely the principles behind their formation.
Although the conventional assumptions about
326
the political economy of seventeenth-century England offered an incomplete explanation of the rise of atlases, the refocusing on the ideology of the period may prove to clarify those material constraints
which were consistent
with the transition of the modern atlas.
327
CHAPTER SEVEN - NOTES 1.
Alexander Koyre, From the closed World to the Infinite Universe. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1957. p. 2.
2.
Astronomy was significantly linked with map-making as early as 1659. Joseph Moxon's Ductor ad astronomiam of that year (translated from W. Blaeu) has a title page depicting two seated women at the top with globes, a tutor with a sextant on the left side, and another with a map on the right.
3.
William Ravenhill, "As to its Position in Respect to the Heavens," Imago Mundl 28 (1976): pp. 79-93.
4.
Peter Heylyn, Cosmoqraphie in foure Books Contavninq the Choroqraphle & Hlstorie of the Whole World and all the Prlnclpall Klnqdomes Provinces Seas and Isles Thereof. 5th ed. London: Printed for Anne Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreete, 1677. p. 4.
5.
Not scales of distance, but scales of levels of organization are discussed at several points in T.F.H. Allen and Thomas W. Hockstra, Toward a Unified Ecology. New York: Columbia University Press, 1992. Scales of levels of organization are the consequences of maps depicting geography at different scales of distance.
6.
These editions refer to entries in sales catalogues collected by R.A. Skelton in the Map Room of the British Library.
7.
From a sales catalogue in the British Library, shelf number 1899.cc.87.
8.
A.S. Osley, Mercator; A Monograph on the Lettering of Maps, etc. in the 16th Century Netherlands with a Facsimile and Translationof his Treatise on the Italic Hand and a Translation of Ghim's VITA MERCATORIS (New York: Watson-Guptlll Publications, 1969).
9.
See Book Three, "The Surveyors Dialogue Betweene the Farmer and Surveyor: wherein is shewed the manner and method of keeping a Court of Survey: with the articles to be inquired of, and the charge how to inroll Copies, Leases and Deeds, and how to take the plot of a Mannor," John Norden, Surveyor's
328
Dialogue, (London, 1603). pp.83-144. 10. Proves of Several Sorts of Letters Cast by Joseph Moxon. Westminster: Printed by Joseph Moxon. In Russel Street, at the Slgne of Atlas, 1669. 11. Herbert Davis, and Harry Carter, eds., Mechanlck Exercises on the Whole Art of Printing (1683-84), by Joseph Moxon, 2nd ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1962). 12. J.B. Harley, "Victims of a Map: New England Cartography and the Native Americans," In book of essays to be published for Maine State Humanities Committee by a New England University Press, forthcoming. Typescript, 1990, p. 23. 13. Barbara Belyea, "Images of Power: Derrida/Foucault/Harley," Cartographica 29, no. 2 (Summer 1992): 5-6. 14. Atlas Maritimus & Commercialis; Or. A General View of the World So far as relates to Trade and Navigation: Describing all The Coasts, Ports, Harbours, and Noted Rivers, according to the Latest Discoveries and Most Exact Observations (London: Printed for James and John Knapton, William and John Innys in St. Paul's Church-yard; John Darby in Bartholomew-Close; Arthur Bettesworth, John Osborn and Thomas Longman in Pater-noster-Row; John Senex in Fleet-street; Edward Symon in Cornhill; Andrew Johnston in Peter's Court in St. Martin's Lane; and the Executors of William Taylor deceas'd., 1728). p. 284. 15. Anne Knowles quotes in an unpublished paper, "The Proportions of Text and Graphics in Historical Atlases," (University of Wisconsin, 1987): "The text may be both expository and historical in content, designed to augment the reader's understanding of the map and the historical significance of the subject." (Lester J. Cappon, e d ., Atlas of Early American History: The Revolutionary Era, 1760-1790, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976, xvi) and that the text serves "primarily to elucidate the maps...its several sections vary greatly in length, depending on the complexity of the subject matter and the different degrees to which the maps speak for themselves." (Joseph E. Schwartzberg, ed., A Historical Atlas of South
329
Asia, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978, xxvii.) 16. See Norman Thrower, "When Mapping Became a Science," The Unesco Courier (June 1991): 31-34. and J.B. Harley, "The Myth of the Great Divide: Art, Science, and Text in the History of Cartography." Paper presented at the Thirteenth International Conference on the History of Cartography, June 1989, Amsterdam. 17. This is a summary of Lockeian dualism as explained in Sean Sayers, Reality and Reason, Dialectic and the Theory of Knowledge (Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd., 1985). 18. Lech Ratajski, "The Research structure of Theoretical Cartography," International Yearbook for Cartography 13 (1973): 217-227. 19. A discussion of this is published in "On Geography," Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews & Other Writings 1972-1977 by Michel Foucault, ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon Books, 1977). pp. 6377. 20. Writers on quantitative methods for text analysis questioned what real meaning could be extracted by them. Several such studies are mentioned by Robert Oakman, Computer Methods for Literary Research. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1980. p.150. Other studies in Oakman offer criticism of other interpretive techniques.
330
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Seller. A Pocket Book Containing severall Choice Collections In Arithmetlck. Astronomy. Geoqmetry. Surveying. Dialling. Navigation Astrology. Geography. Measuring. Gagelng. London. 1677.
________ .
______ . An Almanack for an Age. London., [1684]. ______ . Hydrographla universalis. [London, 1690]. . Practical Navigation: or, an Introduction to the wKole Ar t . London, 1694. Senex, John. Sacred Geography, Contained In Six Maps. London: Printed for J. Senex at the Globe In Salisbury-Court, and W. Taylor at the Ship In Pater-Noster-Row, 1716. ______ . The Universal Geographer; or. Complete Atlas. London: printed for R. Sayor, 1709-1727. Skelton, R.A. John Speed: A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World (London, 1627). Theatrum Orbls Terrarum, 3rd ser., vol. 6. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbls Terrarum, 1966. ______ . Abraham Ortellus: The Theatre of the Whole world (London, 1606). Theatrum Orbls Terrarum, 4th ser., vol. 4. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbls Terrarum, 1968. ______ . Mercator-Hondlus-Janssonius: Atlas or A Geographlcke Description of the Regions, Countries and Kingdomes of the World (Amsterdam, 1636). Theatrum Orbls Terrarum, 4th ser., vols. 2 and 3. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbls Terrarum, 1968. Speed, John. A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the world.... London: Printed by Iohn Dawson for George Humble, and are to be sold at his Shop in Popes-head Pallace, 1627. ______ . A Prospect of the most famous Parts of the World...Performed by John Speed. London: George Humble (John Dawson), 1631. ______ . A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World.... London: Printed by John Legatt, forWilliam Humble, and are to be sold at his Shop in Popes-head Palace, 1646. ______ . An Epitome of A Prospect of the Most Famous parts
337
of the world. London, 1646. ______ . A Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World. London: Printed by M. and S. Simmons, and are to be Sold by Roger Rea the Elder and Roger Rea the Younger, at the Golden Crosse on Cornhill against the Royall Exchange, 1662. ______ . A Prospect of London, 1665.
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338
may be performed by Mechanlcall Geometry. London, 1648. Wilkins, John. An Essay Towards a Real Character, and a Philosophical Language. London, 1668. [Proclamation by Charles R. for the protection of Seller's Sea-Atlas and English Pilot] n.d.
339
The Country Journal or The Craftsman September 6, 1729. November 8, 1729. November 22, 1729. November 29, 1729. December 6, 1729. December 13, 1729. December 20, 1729. The Dally Courant July 8, 1707. September 24-26, 1707. January 1, 7, 10, 1708. March 5, 13, 1708. March 25-27, 1708. May 12, 1708. May 14, 1708. May 28, 31, 1708. June 18, 1708. June 25-26, 1708. August 14, 19, 1708. July 15, 1710; repeated In The Tatler, July 20-22. September 28-29, 1710. October 3, 1710. March 24, 1711. June 25, 27, 1711. July 6, 1711. July 12, 1711. August 16, 1711. April 14, 1712. August 22-23, 1712. December 11, 1712. January 31, 1713. April 21, 1713. December 31, 1714. December 31, 1714. April 13, 1715. Daily Post January 25, 1729. Evening Post October 4-6, 1715. Fog's Weekly Journal June 28, 1729.
340
The Flying Post February 3-5, 1712. The London Evening Post January 21-23, 1729. The Post Boy May 17-19, 1698. June 21-23, 1709. May 20-22, 1712. February 17, 1715. The Post-Man September 8-10, 1709. December 27-29, 1709. October 12-14, 1710. January 30-February 1, 1711. February 20, 1711. May 10-12, 1711. May 12-15, 1711. August 23-25, 1711.
The Spectator July 30, 1711. October 1, 1711. The Tatler August 3-5, 1710.
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Myers and Michael Harris, 124-75. Cambridge: Chadwyck-Healey, 1985. Fordham, Herbert G. "Roads on English and French Maps at the end of the Seventeenth Century." Paper read in the Geographical Section at the Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, August 1926, at Oxford. ______ . Some Notable Surveyors & Map-makers of the 16th, 17th, & 18th Centuries. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1929. Foucault, Michel. The Order of Things, An Archaeology of the Human Sciences. New York: Random House. 1970. ______ . Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Translated by Allan Sheridan. New York: Pantheon Books, 1977. ______ . The Archaeology of Knowledge. Translated by A.M. Sheridan Smith. New York: Pantheon Books, 1972. Frantz, R.W. The English Traveller and the Movement of Ideas, 1660-1732. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1967. Gilmartin, Patricia P. "The Instructional Efficacy of Maps in Geographic Text." Journal of Geography 81 (1982):145-50. Glass, D.V. "Socio-Economic Status and Occupations in the City of London at the End of the Seventeenth Century." In Studies in London History, Presented to Phillip Edmund Jones, edited by A.E.J. Hollaender and W. Kellaway. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1969. p. 386. Greenblatt, Stephen. Marvelous Possessions, The Wonder of the New world. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991. Guelke, L. "Cartographic Communication and Geographic Understanding." The Canadian Cartographer 13 (1976):107-122. Hajos, Elizabeth M. "The Concept of an Engravings Collection in the year 1565: Quicchelberg, inscriptiones vel Tituli Theatri Amplissimi." Art Bulletin 40 (1958):151-56. Hall, A.R. "Newton's First Book." Archives Internationales D'Histoire des Science 13
345 (1960):39-61.
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Hawkes, Terence. Structuralism and Semiotics. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1977. Heawood, E. "Sources of Early English Paper-supply: II. The sixteenth Century." The Library, 4th ser., vol. x (1930):427-56. Helgerson, Richard. "The Land Speaks: Cartography, Chorography, and Subversion in Renaissance England." Representations, no.16 (Fall 1986):50-85. ______ . Forms of Nationhood, The Elizabethan Writing of England. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992. Heninger, Jr., S.K. The Cosmographlcal Glass, Renaissance Diagrams of the Universe. San Marino, California: The Huntington Library, 1977. Hind, Arthur M. Engraving in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, vols. 1-2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1952-55. Hoftijzer, Paul G. Engelse boekverkopers blj de beurs: de geschledenis van" de Amsterdamse boekhandels Bruyning en Swart, 1637-1724. Amsterdam & Maarssen: APA-Holland University Press, 1987. Hood, Christobel M . , ed. The Chorography of Norfolk; An Historical! and Chorographlcall Description of Norffolck. Norwich: Jarrold & Sons, Limited, 1938. Hooke, Robert. The Diary of Robert Hooke 1672-1680. Edited by H.w. Robinson G> W. Adams, W . , 1935. London: Taylor & Francis, 19 35. Howe, Ellic. A List of London Bookbinders, 1648-1815. London: The Bibliographic Society, 1950. Hudson, Alice. "The Grand Samuel Thornton Sea-Atlas: a monument to the Thames School of chartmakers." The Map Collector 65(Winter 1993): 2-6. Huggan, Graham. "Decolonizing the Map: Post-Colonialism, Post-Structuralism and the Cartographic Connection." Ariel 20 (1989):115-131. Hughes, Sarah S. Surveyors and Statesmen, Land Measuring in Colonial Virginia. Richmond, VA: The Virginia Surveyors Foundation, Ltd. and The Virginia
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Important Books In the English Language Relating to the Art and History of Engraving and Collecting of Prints. London: Ellis, 1912. Livingstone, David N. "Science, Magic and Religion: A Contextual Reassessment of Geography In the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries." History of Science XXVI (1988):269-294. ______ . "Geography, Tradition and the Scientific Revolution: An Interpretative Essay." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers N.S. 15 (1990):359-373. ______ . The Geographical Tradition, Episodes in the History of a Contested Enterprise. Blackwell: Oxford and Cambridge, 1993. Mandowsky, E. Introduction to Iconoloqia by Caesar Ripa, 1603. New York: Georg Olms Verlag, 1970. Marchant, Hilda. "A Memento Mori or Vanitas Emblem on an Estate Map of 1612," Mapllne no.44 (1986):2-4. . "Towards an Iconography of Ornamentation on Early Manuscript Estate Maps in England" Unpulished manuscript, Chicago, 1987. McGregor Library, university of Virginia. Notes To Accompany A Facsimile of John Speed's A Map of Virginia and Maryland. 1676. Charlottesville, Virginia: University of Virginia Press, 1962. McKenzie, D.F. The Cambridge university Press 1696-1712, A Bibliographic Study. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966. ______ . Bibliography and the Sociology of Texts. London: British Library, 1985. Mitchell, W.J.T. Iconoloqy: Image, Text, Ideology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986. Moule, Thomas. Blbllotheca Heraldica. London: Moule, 1822. Nelson, John S., Megill, Allan, and McCloskey, Donald N. "Rhetoric of Inquiry." In The Rhetoric of the Human Sciences: Language and Argument in Scholarship and Public Affairs, edited by John S. Nelson. Allan Megill, and Donald N. McCloskey, 3-18. Madison:
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University of Wisconsin Press, 1987. Oakman, Robert. Computer Methods for Literary Research. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1980. Olsen, M. and Harvey, L.-G. "Computers in Intellectual History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18 (1987-88):449-64. Palmer, Margaret. The Mapping of Bermuda, A Bibliography of Printed Maps and Charts 1548-1970. 3d rev, ed. Holland Press Cartographies Series Vo l . 10. London: The Holland Press Ltd., 1983. Panofsky, E. Studies in Iconology, Humanistic Themes in the Art of the Renaissance. New York: Oxford University Press, 1939. Pastoureau, M. Les Sanson. "Un siecle de cartographie francaise (1630-1730)." Thesis, Paris, 1981. Phillips, Philip Lee, comp. A List of Geographical Atlases in the Library of Congress. Vols. 1-4. Washington D.C.: The Library of Congress, 1909-14. Plomer, H.R. A Dictionary of the Printers and Booksellers...1668-1725. London: Bibliographical Society, 1922. Ratajski, Lech. "The Research Structure of Theoretical Cartography," International Yearbook for Cartography 13 (1973): 217-227. Reid, Andrew. Choroqraphla, or A Survey of Newcastle upon Tyne: 1649. Newcastle upon Tine, 1884. Reinhartz, Dennis. "The Cartographer and the Literati." Mapline (December 1982):3-4. ______ . "Herman Moll's west Indies Map of 1715." In English Maps of America. New York: Mercator Society, 1986. ______ . "Herman Moll, Geographer: An Early Eighteenth Century European View of the American Southwest." In The Mapping of the American Southwest, edited by Dennis Reinhartz, 18-36. College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 1987. ______ . "New Information on Herman Moll, Geographer." Imago Mundi 40 (1988):113-114.
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______ . "Shared Vision: Herman Moll and His Intellectual Circle and the Great South Sea." Terrae incoqnltae XIX (1988):1-10. Reiss, Timothy. The Discourse of Modernism. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982. Richeson, A.W. English Land Measuring to 1800: Instruments and Practices. Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1966. Robinson, A.H.W. Marine Cartography in Britain, A History of the Sea Chart to 1855. Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1962. Rostenberg, Leona. English Publishers in the Graphic Arts 1599-1700. New York: B. Franklin, 1963. ______ . The Library of Robert Hooke, The Scientific Book Trade of Restoration England. Santa Monica, California: Modoc Press, Inc., 1989. ______ . Literacy, Politcal, Scientific, Religious, and Legal Publishing, Printing, and Bookselling in England, 1551-1700: Twelve Studies. New York: Burt Franklin: 1965. . "Moses Pitt, Publisher and Bookseller," AB Bookman's Weekly 65 (1980) no.9. ______ . "Moses Pitt, Robert Hooke and "'The English Atlas'" The Map Collector 12 (1980):2-8. Rubasa, Jose. "Allegories of the Atlas." In Europe and its Others. 2 vols. Edited by Francis Barker e t .al., 1-16. Colchester: University of Essex, 1985. Sayers, Sean. Reality and Reason, Dialectic and the Theory of Knowledge. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd., 1985. Schama, Simon. The Embarrasment of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden Ag e . New York: Knopf,' 1987. Schuchard, Margret. "A Descriptive Bibliography of the Works of John Ogilby and William Morgan." European University Papers, Series XIV, Vol. 25. Bern: Herbert Lang, 1975. Shanks, Thomas, G., comp. U.S. Latitudes and Longitudes Time Changes and Time Zones. 4th ed. San Diego:
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APPENDIX I - LIST OF ATLASES This appendix is a list of the atlases which were examined in the course of this research. The abbreviations after each entry refer to the library where they are located. Estimated dates assigned by the cataloger are in brackets, as are brief descriptions of works without a title page. Some libraries may have more than one copy of an entry, but this will not be indicated in the following list. Each title and edition of an atlas is listed separately. A given range of dates is usually determined by the earliest and latest map with a date in the imprint (though some maps may have no date on them) or by the known date of residence at a given address on the title page. Not all variations among copies of an atlas are noted. A System of Geography: or, A New & Accurate Description of the Earth in all its Empires, Kingdoms, and States. London, 1701. (BL, BOD, CUL, JFB, LC, LL, NL) Atlas Geoqraphus; or, A Complete System of Ancient and Modern. Vol. l & 2, Europe 3, Asia (1712). Vol. 4, Africa (1714). America (1717). London, 1711-17. (AGS, JCB, LC, LL, NL, UW)
Geography, (1711). Vol. Vol. 5, BL, BOD, CUL,
Atlas Manuale: or, A New Sett of Maps of All the Parts of the Earth, as well Asia, Africa and America, As Europe. London, 1709. (BL, LC, LL, NL, RGS, RL) Atlas Manuale: or, A New Sett of Maps of All Parts of the Earth as well Asia, Africa and America, As Europe. London, 1713. (NL, RGS, WHS) Atlas Manuale: or, A New Sett of Maps of All Parts of the Earth, as well Asia, Africa, and America, As Europe. London, 1723. (JCB, LC) Defoe, Daniel. Atlas Marltlmus & Commerclalls; or, A General View of the World So far as relates to Trade and Navigation: Describing all The Coasts, Ports, Harbours! and Noted Rivers, according to the Latest Discoveries and Most Exact Observations. London, 1728. (BL, BOD, LL, NL) Flamsteed, John. Atlas Coelestrls. London, 1729. (BL)
Lea, Phillip. An Atlas Containing ye Best Maps of the Severall Parts of the World, collected by Phil Lea who selleth all sorts of Mathematical! Books and Instruments. 1690. (BL, LC) Mercator, Gerardus. Historla Mundi: or, Mercator's Atlas London: Printed for Michaell Sparke, and Samuell Cartwright, 1635. Moll, Herman, [bound set of maps from New Systems of the Mathematlcksl. London, [1700]. (BL, CUL) ______ . [bound set of maps resembling The world Described: or, A New and Correct Set of Maps.] London, 1712-15. (CUL) ______ . Forty-two New Maps of Asia, Africa, and America... All Engrav'd, According to the Latest Observations. London, 1716. (LC) ______ . A New and Compleat Atlas: or, A Set of Twenty— Seven Two-slfreet-Maps. London, 1720-30. (GH) ______ . The World Described: or, A New and Correct Sett of Maps. London: J. Bowles, 1709-1720. (LL) ______ . The world Described. London, 1726-30. NL)
(BL, CUL,
______ . The World Described: or, A New and Correct Sett of Maps. Dublin: G. Grierson, r17321. (RGS) ______ . Atlas Minor: or, A Set of Sixty-two New and Correct Maps of All Parts of the World. London, 1729 (BL, JFB, LC, RGS) ______ . Atlas Minor: or, A Set of Slxtv-two New and Correct Maps, of All the Parts of the world. 2d ed. London, 1732. (AGS, BL, BOD, CUL, LC, LL, RL, WHS) Moore, Sir Jonas. London, 1681.
A New Systeme of the Mathematlcks. (BOD, CUL, LC)
Morden, Robert. Atlas Terrestris. London, 1690. (BL, GH, JCB, LC) ______ . Geography Rectified: or, A Description of the World, In all its Kingdoms. Provinces, Countries, Islands, Cities, Towns, Seas, Rivers, Bayes, Capes, Ports; Their Antlent and Present Names, Inhabitants, Situations, Histories, Customs, Governments, &c.
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London, 1680. (BL, BOD) ______ . Geography Rectified: or, A Description of the World, in all its Kingdoms, Provinces, Countries, iFlands, Cities, Towns, Seas, Rivers. Bayes, Capes, Ports: Their Ancient and Present Names, Inhabitants, Situations, Histories, Customs, Governments, & c . 2d e d . London, 1688. (BL, CUL, JCB, RL, WHS) ______ . Geography Rectified: or, A Description Of The World..! 3d ed., enlarged. London, 1693. (AGS, BL, CUL, JCB, NL) ______ . Geography Rectified: or, A Description Of The world..! 4th ed., enlarged. London, 1700. (BL, JCB, RL) Mount, Richard, and Page, Thomas. Atlas Marltlmus Novus: or, the New Sea-Atlas Being A Book of New and Large Charts of the Sea-Coast, Capes, Headlands, Sands, Shoals, Rocks, Bays! Roads, Harbours, Rivers, Ports, and true Distance from one Place to another, in most of the known Parts of the World. London, 1708. (BL, LC) ______ . Atlas Marltlmus Novus: or. The New Sea-Atlas Being a Book of New and Large Charts of the SeaP Coast, Capes, Headlands, Sands, Shoals, Rocks, Bays, Roads. Harbours, Rivers. Ports, and true Distance from one Place to another, in most of the known Parts of the World. London, 1721. (BL) Ogilby, william. English Atlas, vol.l, Africa (1670). Vol.2, America (1671). Vol.3, Asia (1673). Vol.4 Europe (never finished). Vol. 5, Brlttanla (1675). London, 1670-75. (BL, NL) Overton, John, and Jenner, Thomas. [Set of Maps]. London, 1670. (BL) Price, C., Senex, J., and Maxwell, J. rA New Sett of Correct Maps 1. London [1708-11]. (BL, BOD, CUL) Seller, John. A Book of Geography Shewing all the Empires, Monarchies Kingdomes, Regions Dominions Principalities and Countries, in the whole World. London, 1670. (BL) ______ . A Book of Geography Shewing all the Empires, Monarchies Kingdomes, Regions Dominions Principalities and Countries, in the whole World. London, 1690. (BL)
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. A New System of Geography. Reduced to a Plain & Easy~Method For the Ready finding out any Empire, Kingdom, Principality or Government In ye whole World. 3d ed. London' 1683. (AGS) . A New System of Geography. Reduced to a Plain & Easy Method For the Ready finding out any Empire. Kingdom, Principality or Government in ye whole world. 3d ed. London, 1685. (BOD, LC) . A New System of Geography. Reduced to a Plain & Easy Method For the Ready finding out any Empire, Kingdom, Principality or Government In ye whole World. 3d ed. London. 1703. (NL. RGS) . Atlas Coelestls Containing the Systems and Theoryes of the Planets and the Constellations of the Stars and Other Phenomina of the Heavens. London, [1681]. (RL) . Atlas Marltlmus: or, A Book of Charts Descrlbeing the Sea Coasts Capes Headlands Sands Shoals Rocks and Dangers, the Bayes Roads Harbors Rivers and Ports in most of the knowne parts of the World. London f16701. (BL) . Atlas Marltlmus: or, A Book of Charts Descrlbeing the Sea Coasts Capes Headlands Sands Shoals Rocks and Dangers. the Bayes Roads Harbors Rivers and Ports in most of the knowne parts of the World. London, 1675. (BL) . Atlas Marltlmus: or, A Sea-Atlas; Being a Book of Maritime charts. Descrlbeing the Sea Coasts. Capes, Headlands, Sands, Shoals, Rocks and Dangers. The Bays, Roads, Harbvors, Rivers and PortsT in most of the known Parts of the World. By John Seller, Hydrographer to the King. London, 1675. (BL, BOD, LC) . Atlas Marltlmus: or, A Sea-Atlas: Describing The Sea-Coasts...In most of the known Parts of the world. By John Seller, Hydrographer to the Klng^ (octavo). London, 1682. (BL) ~ oi
. Atlas Marltlmus: or, the Sea-Atlas Being a Book Maritime Charts. London. 1675. (BL, BOD, LC)
. Atlas Minimus: or, A Book of Geography Shewing ~all the Empires, Monarchies Kingdomes, Regions Dominions Principalities and Countries, In the whole World. London, fl6791.~7BL. BO dT LC)
360
. Atlas Minimus; or, A Book of Geography Shewing aXl the Empires. Monarchies Kingdomes. Regions Dominions Principalities and Countries. In the whole World. London, ri700l. (BL) ______ . Atlas Terrestris: or, A Book of Mapps, of all the Empires, Monarchies, Kingdomes, Regions, Dominions, Principalities, and Countrevs in tne whole World Accomodated with a Brief Description, of the nature and Quality of each particular Countrev. London, [1676?]. (BL, JCB) ______ . Atlas Terrestris: or, A Collection, of Choice Mapps, of all the Empires, Monarchies, Kingdomes, Regions, Dominions Principalities, and Countreys In the whole World Accomodated with a Brief Description, of the nature and Quality of each particular Countrey. London, [1680-84]. (BL) ______ . Atlas Terrestris; or, A Book of Mapps, of all the Empires Monarchies, Kingdoms, Regions, Dominions, Principalities, and Countrevs in the Whole World. (octavo). London. (B L , N L ) Senex, John, and Maxwell, John. The English Atlas, Consisting of Thirty One Mapps. viz. ... London, 1714. (BL) ______ . [set of maps resembling The English Atlas 1. London, 1725. (BL, LC, RGS) Senex, John. A New General Atlas containing a Geographi cal and Historical Account of All the EmplresT Kingdoms, and other Dominions of the world: With the Natural History and Trade of each Country. London, 1721. (AGS, BL, CUL, JCB, LC, LL, NL, RGS, RL) ______ . Atlas Caelestrls: or, Charts of the Heavens... London. (B L ) ______ . Modern Geography: or, all the known Countries in the world laid down agreeable to the Observations and Discoveries communicated to the Royal Society of London and Academy of Paris, by Jo fin senex. [London, 1762]. (BL, LC, NL) Speed, John. An Epitome of Mr. John Speed's Theatre of the Empire"of Great Britain and of His Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World. London, 1676. (BL, BOD, NL)
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______ . The Theatre of the Empire of Great Brltalne, Presenting an Exact Geography of the Kingdom of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the isles adjoylnlng: As also the Shires, Hundreds, Cities and Shlre-Towns within the Kingdom of England and Principality of Wales; with a Chronology of the Clvll-wars In England. Wales and Ireland. Together with A Prospect of the most Famous Parts of the world, viz. Asia. Africa, Europe, America. London. 1676. (AGS, BL,BOD, CUL, JOB, NL, RGS) The Compleat Geographer: or. the Chorographv and Topography of all the known Parts of the Earth. 3d ed. London, 1709. (BL, CUL, JFB, N L ) The Compleat Geographer; or, the Chorographv and Topography of all the known Parts of the Earth. 4th ed. London, 1723. (AGS, BL, BOD, JFB, LL) Thesaurus Geographlcus. London, 1695. (BL, BOD) Thesaurus Geographlcus: or, The Compleat Geographer. 4th ed. Part the second: Being the Chorography, Topography and History of Asia, Africa, and America. London: 1722. (LC, RL) Thornton, John. Atlas Marltlmus: or, the Sea Atlas. London [1700]. (BL) ______ . Atlas Marltlmus: or, the Sea-Atlas. London, [1704]. (BL) ______ . Atlas Marltlmus: or, the Sea-Atlas. London, [1710], (BL) Wells, Edward. A New Sett of Maps both Antlent and Present Geography...together with a Geographical TFeatlse particularly adapted to the use and design of these maps. Oxford, 1700. (BOD, NL, RGS) ______ . A New Sett of Maps both Antlent and Present Geography...together with a Geographical Treatise particularly adapted to the use and design of these maps. Oxford. 1701. (BL, BOD, RGS) ______ . A New Sett of Maps both Antlent and Present Geography...together with a Geographical Treatise particularly adapted to the use and design of these maps. London, 1722. (AGS, LL, RGS)
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. A Treatise of Antlent and Present Geography. London, 1714. (AGS) . A Treatise of Antlent and Present Geography. London, 1717. (AGS, NL) . A Treatise of Antlent and Present Geography. London, 1726. (AGS, BL) . A Treatise of Antlent and Present Geography. London. [1720] (AGS) Wllldey, George. fMapps of the World], c. 1717-20. (BL, RGS)
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APPENDIX IX: LIST OF MAPS IN ATLASES Atlas Geoaraphus: or A Complete System of Geography. Ancient and Modern. Vol. 1 & 2, Europe (1711). Vol. 3, Asia (1712). Vol. 4, Africa (1714). Vol. 5, America (1717). London, 1711-17. 1 "A New Map of North America According to the Newest Observation by H. Moll Geographer." "A new Map of the Island of Barbadoes, Containing all ye Parishes, and Principal Plantations; together with ye Forts, Lines, Batteries, Roads, &c. by H. Moll Geographer." i
"The Island of St. Christophers by Her. Moll Geographer." "A New Map of Geographer."
the
Island
of
Jamaica
by
H.
Moll
"A Map of New France containing Canada, Louisiana &c. in Nth. America According to the Patent granted by the King of France to Monsieur Crozat, dated the 14th of Sep. 1712. N.S. and registered in the Parliament of Paris in 24th of the same Month by H. Moll Geographer." "A New Map Geographer."
of
Virginia,
and
Maryland
by
H.
Moll
"New England, New York, New Jersey, and PensiIvania &c. by H. Moll Geographer." "A New Map of Newfoundland, New Scotland, The Isles of Breton, Anticoste, St. Iohns &c. Together with the Fishing Bancks by H. Moll Geographer." Atlas Manuale: or. A New Sett of Maps of All Parts of the Earth as well Asia. Africa and America. As Europe. London, 1709, 1713, 1723. z
’Many of the maps from the Atlas Geoaraphus were printed in Oldmixon's The British Empire in America (1708) . 2The maps from Atlas Manuale were printed in A System of Geography and Compleat Geographer.
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"America: Thesaurus Geographlcus, 1695." "The Isle of California, New Mexico, Louisiane, the River Misisipi, and the Lakes of Canada." "The English Empire in America, Newfound-land, Canada, Hudsons Bay, &c. in Plano." "Terra Firma, and the Caribbe Islands &c." Moll, H . , The World Described: Or A New and Correct Sett of Maps. London, 1726-30; Dublin: G. Grierson, [1732]. "A Map of the west Indies or the Islands of America in the North Sea with the adjacent Countries; explaining what belongs to Spain, England, France Holland &c. also the Trade-Winds, and the several Tracts made by the Galleons and Flota from Place to Place.* "A New Map of the North Parts of America claimed by France under ye Names of Louisiana, Missisippi, Canada and New-France with the adjoining Territories of England and Spain. This Map is Ornamented with a Prospect of the Indian Fort Sasquesahanok." "A New and Exact Map of the Dominions of the King of Great Britain on ye Continent of North America. Containing Newfoundland, New Scotland, New England, New York, New Jersey, Pensilvania, Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina." "North America [no title cartouche given] North America According to the Newest and Most Exact Observations [taken from dedication cartouche] or North-America, with the Harbours of Boston, St. John, Port-Royal and Carthagena, &c. and Capt. James's and Capt. Hudson's Tract of Sailing from Great-Britain to this Part of the World, in search of new Discoveries; also a View of the Stage, and the Manner of fishing for, Curing, and Drying Cod at Newfoundland." Title cartouche: To the Right Honourable John Lord Sommers Baron of Evesham in ye County of Worcester President of Her Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council &c. This map of North America According to ye Newest and most Exact Observations is most Humbly Dedicated by your Lordship's most Humble Servant Herman Moll Geographer.
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Moll, H . , Atlas Minor: or, A Set of Sixty-two New and Correct Maps of All Parts of the World. London, 1729; 2d ed. London, 1732. "The Scots Settlement in America calle'd New Caledonia, A.D. 1699, Lat. 8D-30 North, According to an Original Draught by H. Moll G," in Atlas Minor. 1729. "The island of Antego," in Atlas Minor, 1729. "The Island of Barbadoes Divided into its parishes, with the Roads, Baths, &c. According to an Actual and Accurate Survey by H. Mol Geographer 1728," in Atlas Minor, 1729. "The Island of St. Christophers, alias St. Kitts by H. Moll Geographer 1729," in Atlas Minor, 1729. "The Island of Jamaica Divided into its Principal Parishes with the Roads &c. by H. Moll Geographer 1728," in Atlas Minor. 1729. "A Map of the west-lndies &c. Mexico or New Spain. Also ye Trade Winds, and ye several Tracts made by ye Galeons and Flota from Place to Place by H. Moll G. 1727," in Atlas Minor. 1729. "A Plan of Port Royal Harbour in Carolina With the Proposed Forts, Depth of Water &c. Latitude 32D.-6 North, According to an Original Draught by H. Moll," in Atlas Minor, 1729. "Carolina by H. Moll Geographer 1729," in Atlas Minor, 1729. "Virginia and Maryland by H. Moll Geographer 1729," in Atlas Minor. 1729. "New England, New York, New Jersey and Pensilvania by H. Moll Geographer 1729," in Atlas Minor, 1729. "Newfoundland St. Laurens Bay, The Fishing Banks, Acadia, and Part of New Scotland by H. Moll Geographer 1729," in Atlas Minor, 1729. "A New Map of ye North Parts of America claimed by France under Ye Names of Louisiana, Mississipi, Canada & New France with the adjeyning Territories of England 8 Spain by H. Moll Geographer 1729," in Atlas Minor, 1729.
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"America By H. Moll Geographer 1726," in Atlas Minor, 1729. "A New Map of the Whole World with the trade winds According to ye latest and most Exact Observations by H. Moll Geographer," in Atlas Minor, 17 32. "Part of Providence Island," [together on 1 sheet with The Island of Bermudos] in Atlas Minor, 1729. "The Island of Bermudos divided into its Tribes with the Castles, Forts &c. by H. Moll Geographer," [together on 1 sheet with part of Providence Island] in Atlas Minor, 1729. "A Map of the North Pole with all the Territories that lye near it, known to us &c. According to the latest Discoveries, and most Exact Observation Agreeable to Modern History by H. Moll Geographer," in Atlas Minor, 1732. "Florida Calle'd by ye French Louisiana &c. by H. Moll Geographer 1728," in Atlas Minor, 1729. Moore, Sir Jonas, A New Systeme of the Mathematicks. London, 1681. 3 "The world in Planisphere" "America" "New England" "Virginia" "Florida" [on same sheet as New Mexico] "New Mexico," [on same sheet as Florida] "Leeward Islands," [untitled, 1700].
(16 x 21 cm.)
Morden, R., Atlas Terrestris. 1690, and Geography Rectified: or, A Description of the World, In all its Kingdoms, Provinces. Countries, Islands, Cities, Towns, Seas, Rivers, Bayes, Capes, ports; Their Antlent and Present Names, Inhabitants. Situations. Histories, Customs, Governments, &c. London, 1680; 2d ed., 1688; 3d
3Two sets of maps from Moore's book were bound separately.
367
ed., 1693; 4th ed., 1700. 4 "A New Map of Virginia," in Atlas Terrestris and Geography Rectified, eds. 2,3, and 4. "A Map of the Western Islands," in Atlas Terrestris and Geography Rectified, eds. 2,3, and 4. "A Map of Florida and ye Great Lakes of Canada," in Atlas Terrestris and Geography Rectified, eds. 2,3, and 4. "A New Map of New England and New York," in Atlas Terrestris and Geography Rectified, eds. 2,3, and 4. "The Island of Barbados," in Atlas Terrestris and Geography Rectified, eds. 2,3, and 4. "A New Map of New Jarsey and Pensilvania," in Atlas Terrestris and Geography Rectified, eds. 2,3, and 4. "Insula Iamaicae," in Atlas Terrestris and Geography Rectified, 4 ed. "A New Map of Carolina," in Atlas Terrestris and Geography Rectified, eds. 2,3, and 4. "America," in Atlas Terrestris and Geography Rectified, eds. l, 2-4. "The North Weft Part of America," in Atlas Terrestris: Geography Rectified, eds. 2,3, and 4. "Aestivarum Insulae at Barmudas Lat 32D 25M 3300 miles from London 500 from Roanoak in Virginia by R. Morden," in Atlas Terrestris: Geography Rectified, eds. 2,3, and 4. Ogilby, William. English Atlas. Vol.2, America (1671). "Arx Carolina." "Insulae Americanae In Oceano Septentrionali." "Novissima et Acuratissima Barbados Descriptio per Johannem Ogiluium, Cosmographum Regium." 4Many of these maps were printed in Morden's later project with Gorden, Geography Anatomiz'd.
368
"Novissima et Accuratissima Jamaicae Descriptio per Johannem Ogiluium, Cosmographum Regium," 1671. "Virginiae partis australis et Florldae partis orlentalls, interla, centiumq., regionum Nova Descriptio." "Terrae Marie Nova et Virginiae Tabula." "Noua Terrae Mariae tabula America." "Novi Belgii Quad nunc Novi jorck vocatur, Novae Angliae & Partis Virginiae." "Novissima et Accuratissima Totlus Americae Descriptio per Johanem Ogiluium Cosmographum Regium." "Mappa Aestivarum Insularum, alias Barmudas dietarum,..."
Seller, J., Atlas Terrestris: or, A book of Mapps, of all the Empires, Monarchies, Klnqdomes, Regions, Dominions, Principalities, and Countreys in the Whole World Accomodated with a Brief Description, of the nature and Quality of each particular Countrey. [London, 1676]. "America Septentrionalis," in Atlas Terrestris, c. 1676. "Novissima et Accuratissima insulae Jamaicae, Descriptio per Johannem Sellerum, Hydrographum Regium Londini." "A Chart of the West Indies From Cape Cod to the River Oronoque by John Seller, Hydrographer to the King at the Hermitage Stairs in Wapping, London." "A Chart of the North Part of America Describing the Sea Coast of Groenland, Davies Streights, Baffins Bay, Hudsons Streights, Buttons Bay, and James Bay, by John Seller, Hydrographer to the King at the Hermitage in Wapping, London." "Virginiae partis australis, et Florldae partis orlentalls, interjacentiumqe regionum Nova Descriptio." "Novissima et Accuratissima Totlus Americae Descriptio per N. Visscher."
369
Seller, J., Atlas Minimus: or, A Book of Geography Shewing all the Empires, Monarchies Klnqdomes, Regions Dominions Principalities and Countries, In the whole World. London, 1670; 1690. "New England and New York by John Seller." "Virginia and Maryland by I. Seller." "New larsey by John Seller." "Carolina Newly Discrlbed By Iohn seller." "North America." "Pennsilvania." "Bermudas." "Barbados." "Jamaica." "Tobago."
Seller, J., A New System of Geography. Reduced to a Plain & Easy Metho
