Intersectionality of Race/Ethnicity and Gender Among Women of Color ...

IDENTITY: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THEORY AND RESEARCH 2016, VOL. 16, NO. 4, 225–238 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15283488.2016.1229606

Intersectionality of Race/Ethnicity and Gender Among Women of Color and White Women Mary Joyce D. Juana, Moin Syedb, and Margarita Azmitiac a Counseling & Psychological Services, San Diego State University, San Diego, California, USA; bDepartment of Psychology, University of Minnesota, Twin Cities, Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA; cDepartment of Psychology, University of California, Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz, California, USA

ABSTRACT

Theoretical writings on intersectionality have long emphasized the unique ways women of color experience race/ethnicity and gender, particularly compared to White women; however, little empirical evidence exists in support of this claim. This mixed-methods study adds to the empirical base by comparing and contrasting these experiences among women of color and White women. In a sample of 47 women of color and 18 White women, there were significant racial/ethnic differences in terms of (a) the perceived connection of race/ethnicity and gender, (b) the social contexts in which gender becomes salient, and (c) the meaningfulness of the intersection of race/ethnicity and gender. The findings lend empirical support for intersectionality as a useful psychological framework for understanding multiple social identities.

KEYWORDS

Ethnicity; gender; intersectionality; race; women

To date, research on race/ethnicity and gender has proceeded in parallel, leading feminists of color to call attention to the lack of extant research considering the intersection of these social identities (e.g., Bowleg, 2008; Hurtado, 2003). Although feminists of color have long emphasized the uniqueness of the experiences of women of color, particularly compared to White women, little empirical evidence exists in support of this claim (Bowleg, 2008). Indeed, empirical studies concerning intersecting racial/ethnic and gender identities have only recently begun to appear within the psychological literature (e.g., Ghavami & Peplau, 2013; Thomas, Hacker, & Hoxha, 2011). Using an intersectional lens, the current study adds to the empirical base by highlighting the unique experiences of race/ ethnicity and gender of women of color and White women. Analytic approaches to studying multiple minority social identities The study of multiple minority social identities has traditionally relied on an additive model, which assumes that each identity has a separate and mutually exclusive but summative impact on the individual (Shields, 2008). This assumption is best illustrated by the concept of double jeopardy, which posits that disadvantage accumulates with every minority identity (Beal, 1970). Berdahl and Moore (2006) offered evidence for double jeopardy in their study of harassment in the workplace. Specifically, women of color reported more frequent and severe overall harassment compared to those with whom they share one minority identity (i.e., men of color and White women) and those with no minority identity (i.e., White men). This pattern of accumulating disadvantage is echoed in discrimination literature. For instance, perceived discrimination against women of color—compared to discrimination based on race/ethnicity or gender alone—was associated with higher stress and CONTACT Mary Joyce D. Juan [email protected] Counseling & Psychological Services, San Diego State University, 5500 Campanile Drive, San Diego, CA 92182-4730, USA. At the time of this research, Mary Joyce D. Juan was affiliated with University of Minnesota, Twin Cities. © 2016 Taylor & Francis

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lower self-esteem for African American women (King, 2003). Together these studies underscore that individuals with multiple minority social identities—particularly women of color—are at risk of the cumulative disadvantage associated with these identities. Theorizing within the framework of intersectionality, however, suggests that an additive model cannot completely capture life experiences defined by intertwined identities (Cole, 2009; Collins, 1990; Crenshaw, 1994; Hurtado, 1997). In contrast to the additive approach, the intersectional approach questions presumptions of homogeneity within racial/ethnic and gender groups. Identity is instead the product of the histories and experiences of oppression of the multiply marginalized individual. Moreover, each minority social group is defined by its relation to other social groups (Shields, 2008). For example, as Ghavami and Peplau (2013) highlighted, women of color are subjected to treatment by others based on both race/ethnicity and gender. They found stereotypes unique to every one of the race/ethnicity-by-gender groups in their study, including the Latina/o (e.g., “feisty”), Black (e.g., “overweight”), and Middle Eastern (e.g., “quiet,” “oppressed”) groups. To fully capture the life experiences of women of color, accounting for the intertwining of race/ethnicity and gender is critical. Bringing intersectionality to psychology Although it has recently gained popularity in the field of psychology as an analytic approach to conceptualizing social group experiences, intersectionality has a long and established presence in the fields of law and humanities (Cole, 2009; hooks, 2003). The coining of the term “intersectionality” is attributed to Kimberlé Crenshaw, a legal scholar and critical race theorist who highlighted the invisibility of women of color in advocacy. For example, Crenshaw (1994) called attention to Black women’s struggles to work within the male-dominated movement for Black rights; simultaneously, Black women and other women of color questioned how to locate their own experiences within a feminist movement defined by the needs of White women. In addition to political invisibility, racial/ethnic differences inadvertently manifested in gender-focused services for sexual violence, which left unaddressed the additional burdens faced by women of color such as poverty, unemployment, and negotiating racial/ethnic relations with police (Crenshaw, 1991). The urgency to address these gaps in services has grown in these particularly challenging economic times, during which single and single-parent women of color are living increasingly in poverty (U.S. Census Bureau, 2013). Given this history, the study of women of color in particular is necessary to illuminate the utility of an intersectional framework. By acknowledging the intertwining of race/ethnicity and gender, as well as the power differences within these groups, intersectionality offers a new theoretical psychological perspective on how social group memberships influence the individual experience. However, it must first be considered, as Syed (2010a) pointed out, that intersectionality “was not, and is not, a scientific theory used to generate predictions about human behavior or mental processes” (p. 61). That is, intersectionality was developed as an interpretive lens for understanding macro-level phenomena, such as institutional racism, legal practices, and media representations. The emphasis on structural factors fits with the theory’s origins in legal studies, feminist studies, and sociology. Applying intersectionality to psychology leads to a different focus—one that explores the individual experience of occupying multiple minority groups (e.g., Bowleg, 2008; Hurtado, 2003; Syed, 2010a). This morphing of the theory as it crosses disciplinary lines raises the need for testing basic assumptions of intersectionality as a psychological theory. Accordingly, in this study, we investigated the experiences of these identities across different social contexts, as well as the meaning derived from their intersection. Intersectionality and social context Although importing the theory of intersectionality to psychology results in an increased focus on the individual, a focus on the individual alone would not be true to the theory (see Hurtado, 1997). Rather, psychological conceptions of intersectionality must seek to understand how individuals experience their multiply marginalized identities within social contexts.

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Tajfel’s (1981) social identity theory offers a bridge between the development of individual identity and the social context in which it is created. This theory posits that social identity is derived from membership to a particular group, which includes the emotional value and importance attributed to that group. A major challenge in the development of social identity occurs when the group is systematically marginalized or devalued in society. Tajfel further maintained that because of the difficulty in resolving this particular challenge, social identities tied to marginalized social groups become most salient to the individual. Consequently, group attacks on racial/ethnic minorities and women are expected to resonate personally for women of color. In the same societal space, White women also may internalize challenges to women but may not feel affected by White stereotypes. Racial/ethnic privilege provides White women the opportunity to distance themselves from or remain blind to issues related to race/ethnicity (e.g., McIntosh, 1989). While White women and women of color are both subjected to societal gender norms, research suggests that for women of color, gender norms may be more apparent in personal contexts. In particular, personal experiences with race/ethnicity and gender occur frequently within the family sphere, as the family is the first space in which one observes the practices of race/ethnicity and gender. Mehrotra and Calasanti (2010) found that traditional gender differences in the family included men engaging in housework and physical tasks and women upholding their roles as caretakers, wives, and mothers. These gender dynamics may, in turn, create conflict for less conservative women of color who value more independent roles in their families. Through the consideration of social context, intersectionality draws attention to the personal experiences of potential internal conflicts encountered by women of color.

The meaningfulness of intersectionality Another component central to a psychological theory of intersectionality is that intersections of social identities create unique experiences that cannot be shared by those holding only one of those identities. A contribution to this sense of uniqueness is the personal meaning and importance derived from these intersectional experiences. Drawing from broader identity literature, meaning-making captures the process of finding coherence when integrating experiences. Moreover, meaning provides connection among potentially disparate parts of life, which in turn generates insight into one’s character and values (e.g., Singer, 2004). In the context of race/ethnicity and gender, meaning is particularly important for women of color when facing discrimination. These experiences may create disruption or a sense of cognitive incongruence with the current sense of self. Thus, women of color in these instances may be prompted to engage in meaningmaking, particularly when making sense of derogatory comments about race/ethnicity and gender. In turn, these moments are expected to highlight the importance of the intersection of race/ethnicity and gender, as women negotiate how to integrate these identities into their sense of self.

The current study Although the intersection of race/ethnicity and gender have been expounded upon in scholarly work (e.g., Cole, 2009; hooks, 2003), to our knowledge there currently exists no empirical evidence for the central assumptions of intersectionality. Accordingly, addressing this gap in the literature was a focus of the current study. We chose to focus on differences between women in terms of race/ethnicity, as it is at this level of analysis that majority versus minority standings within social structures become most apparent (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). The relative dearth of research in this area called for a comprehensive analytical approach. Thus, we proceeded with mixed methods, using both quantitative and qualitative approaches. The mixing of data occurred at the analysis level, which permitted both identification of broad patterns using quantitative data and examination of detail through qualitative data.

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Taken together, we hypothesized that relative to White women, women of color would be more likely to view their race/ethnicity and gender as connected. We also expected that women of color would be more likely to draw from personal contextual experiences when reflecting on gender in their racial/ethnic groups. We also hypothesized that women of color would be more likely to view the connection between race/ethnicity and gender as meaningful.

Method Participants The sample included 65 college students who self-identified as female. All participants were undergraduate seniors attending a large public university on the West Coast of the United States. The average age of participants was 21.93 years (SD = .36; range = 21–23 years). Participants indicated their racial/ ethnic backgrounds in open-ended responses. From these responses, two groups were created: 47 women of color and 18 White women. The 47 women of color included 30 women who identified as Asian American, 12 who identified as Chicana/Latina, and 5 who identified as African American. The majority of the sample (61.5%) identified their socioeconomic status as middle to upper-middle class. Recruitment This study used data collected during a longitudinal study on racial/ethnic minority students’ transitions through college (fall 2002 to winter 2006; see Azmitia, Syed, & Radmacher, 2008; Syed, 2010b). The larger study included 175 male and female students who were interviewed at five time points throughout their undergraduate career. The majority of students identified as racial/ethnic minorities (63%). Racial/ethnic minority participants were recruited from a list of all racial/ethnic minority first-year students admitted to the university provided by the office of Educational Opportunity Programs, while other students were recruited in various locations around campus, including dining halls and tabling on campus. More detailed information about the study procedure is available elsewhere (e.g., Azmitia et al., 2008; Syed, 2010b). Only the 65 individuals who identified as female were included in this study. The current study used interview data collected during the fall and winter quarters of the students’ undergraduate senior year. It was only during these senior interviews that participants were asked to reflect on intersections among race/ethnicity, gender, and social class. Given the current study’s focus on experiences with race/ethnicity and gender, we did not explore data related to social class. Although examining experiences related to social class is important to intersectionality theory, the lack of variation in this social group within the sample precluded a thorough examination of differences. Moreover, the majority of students did not provide reflections on socioeconomic status despite being prompted directly to do so. Procedure The semi-structured interview protocol contained questions on academic aspirations and motivations; relationships with family, friends, and university personnel; fit within the university; and goals/ plans for the future. In total, the length of the interviews ranged from approximately 30 minutes to 2 hours. Undergraduate students, graduate students, and faculty served as interviewers, with attempts made to match the race/ethnicity and gender of interviewers and interviewees. Interview questions The current study focused only on senior-year interviews, which contained two questions on the intersectionality of race/ethnicity, gender, and social class. First, participants were asked to choose among eight different diagrams that represented all ways in which race/ethnicity, gender, and social


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class are linked or not linked to one another (see Figure 1 for an example). Participants selected the one diagram that “most closely resembles how you feel about the relationship among your gender, ethnicity, and social class,” then provided reasons for their choice. The second question asked, “Within your own ethnic group, have you thought about what it means to be a male (insert ethnic group) as opposed to a female (insert ethnic group)?” We explored other questions in the larger interview that did not directly relate to race/ethnicity or gender in order to capture responses that may relate to our research hypotheses, but we found that they did not reveal any additional relevant content.

Coding of data Participants’ interview responses were coded following thematic analysis (for detailed steps, see Braun & Clarke, 2006). Thematic analysis allows for the identification and analysis of patterns or themes within data and is not situated within a specific theoretical or epistemological framework. The analysis was conducted within a theoretically driven inductive approach. That is, in accordance with intersectionality as a psychological theory, we identified our concepts of interest prior to beginning the analysis (e.g., social context and meaningfulness). Within these concepts, however, we followed an inductive procedure to identify the forms of social context and meaningfulness that were present in the data. Each interview was assigned one code per thematic category as outlined below. After the first author coded all 65 interviews, the second author read and coded a reliability sample of interviews (20%) to determine interrater reliability, following procedures outlined by Syed and Nelson (2015). Any discrepancies were resolved through discussion between the coders. Thematic categories were as follows. Connection of race/ethnicity and gender Participants selected one of eight diagrams that “most closely resembles how you feel about the relationship among your gender, ethnicity, and social class” (see Figure 1 for an example). Only the link between race/ethnicity and gender was examined for this study. We coded the eight diagrams into two categories: (1) race/ethnicity and gender as separate = not linked, and (2) race/ethnicity and gender as overlapping = linked. There was perfect interrater reliability in this category (κ = 1.00). Context of experiences with gender within racial/ethnic group This thematic category captured the social contexts or spaces in which participants learned about or observed gender role expectations in their racial/ethnic groups. We analyzed responses to the question, “Within your own ethnic group, have you thought about what it means to be a male Race/Ethnicity & Gender Not Linked

Gender

Ethnicity

Social Class

Ethnicity and gender are linked to social class but not to each other

Race/Ethnicity & Gender Linked

Social Class

Gender

Ethnicity

Gender and social class are linked to ethnicity but not to each other

Figure 1. Examples of configurations depicting linking of race/ethnicity and gender. Shading emphasizes gender linkage to ethnicity.

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(insert ethnic group) as opposed to a female (insert ethnic group)?” Drawing from intersectionality, experiences of gender within racial/ethnic groups were expected to vary between personal and nonpersonal social contexts. Although our final analyses primarily focused on the personal versus nonpersonal dichotomy, we also generated microthemes to represent the specific social contexts discussed by participants, including familial or cultural (racial/ethnic group) spaces (see Table 1). Overall, the thematic category of context of experiences demonstrated high interrater reliability (κ = .91). Personal. Women who drew from direct, firsthand experiences when reflecting on gender roles within their racial/ethnic group were noted as offering personal experiences. This code included reflections on gender dynamics and gendered treatment within their own families or racial/ethnic groups. This code also included women who shared their own internalized or realized thoughts and feelings about womanhood. Nonpersonal. In contrast, nonpersonal experiences consisted of general views and observations of gender roles without explicitly identifying a personal connection to those views. Examples included general observations of gender role pressures in society (e.g., “Women are expected to . . .”) or in racial/ethnic groups without discussion of the personal impact of those observations. In other words, these participants did not discuss their personal relation to these perceived pressures. No Experiences. Interviews that did not contain any mention of experiences related to gender roles (e.g., participant stated that she did not “really think about anything”) were assigned a code of “no experiences.” Meaningfulness of the connection between race/ethnicity and gender Each interview was assigned one code for the perceived importance of and meaning derived from the intersection of race/ethnicity and gender. This thematic category demonstrated high interrater reliability (κ = .89). Meaningful. This code first required the indication that the participant perceived race/ethnicity and gender as connected and, second, that she viewed this connection as important. For example, importance was reflected in the statement that race/ethnicity and gender “all play a role” in life. We noted that there was variability in the degree of insight on meaningfulness, which produced two microthemes (see Table 1). That is, some participants acknowledged that the connection between race/ethnicity and gender was meaningful but did not elaborate further. For example, although one Table 1. Coding themes for interviews. Coding Category Connection of race/ethnicity and gender Context of experiences with gender within racial/ethnic group

Macrotheme Linked Not linked Personal Nonpersonal

Meaningfulness of the connection between race/ethnicity and gender

No experiences Meaningful Not meaningful

Microtheme

Individual Familial Societal Familial Societal Acknowledgment (without insight) Elaboration (with insight) Gender has greater importance Race/ethnicity has greater importance Neither gender nor race/ethnicity has importance


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woman stated that race/ethnicity and gender “all play a role,” she did not offer further insight. In contrast, other participants offered a more elaborate and multidimensional response of how or why the connection was meaningful to them. Not Meaningful. These interviews lacked evidence of an important perceived connection between race/ethnicity and gender. Specifically, interviews in this category either did not substantially discuss the importance of the connection (e.g., “That’s just the impression I have”) or they did not discuss the connection at all. Regarding the latter, such responses included comments about race/ethnicity and gender as not connected or emphasized one social identity over the other. For instance, one participant shared, “[I spend] more time thinking about gender . . . I just think maybe the others [race/ethnicity] don’t affect me as much.” In this example, the participant implied that gender alone was most important to her. Other microthemes for this code are listed in Table 1. Data analysis Using the coding system, the qualitative interview data were transformed or “quantitized” into quantitative data for the purpose of analysis (Sandelowski, Voils, & Knafl, 2009). To determine the nature of the variations across the thematic categories, we consulted the adjusted standardized residuals (ASR). For each code, the ASR represents the number of standard deviations the observed count is relative to the expected count. Compared to the chi-square statistic which indicates overall difference, ASR indicates which specific cells deviate. The ASR can be interpreted like a z-score, with ±1.96 (i.e., 5% due to chance) typically used as a marker of significant difference from chance. A positive ASR value indicates that the observed count occurs more often than expected, whereas a negative ASR value indicates that it occurs less often than expected. An ASR value near zero indicates no difference between the observed and the expected cell counts. In the results below, all interviewee names were changed to preserve anonymity.

Results and discussion The distribution of the sample by thematic categories and codes is presented in Table 2. Connection of race/ethnicity and gender As anticipated by our first hypothesis, women of color were more likely to perceive their race/ ethnicity and gender as linked (ASR = 2.1), whereas White women were more likely to perceive them as not linked (ASR = −2.1), χ2 (1, N = 65) = 4.31, p < .05; Φ = −.26. This finding provides initial support for intersectionality as a theory and echoes research demonstrating that women of color perceive race/ethnicity and gender as connected in nature (Thomas et al., 2011). Table 2. Frequencies for coding categories (n = 65). Thematic Category and Codes Connection of race/ethnicity and gender Linked Not linked Context of experiences with gender within racial/ethnic group Personal Nonpersonal No experiences Meaningfulness of the connection between race/ethnicity and gender Meaningful Not meaningful

Women of Color (n = 47)

White Women (n = 18)

38 (80.9%) 9 (19.1%)

10 (55.6%) 8 (44.4%)

33 (70.2%) 9 (19.1%) 5 (10.6%)

5 (27.8%) 6 (33.3%) 7 (38.9%)

36 (76.6%) 11 (23.4%)

9 (50.0%) 9 (50.0%)

Notes. Percentages per thematic category may not total to 100% due to rounding.

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Context of experiences with gender within racial/ethnic groups Consistent with the second hypothesis, the context of experiences with gender within racial/ethnic groups varied significantly by minority status, χ2(2, N = 65) = 10.77, p < .01, ν = .41. Women of color were more likely to draw from personal experiences to illustrate gender role expectations (ASR = 3.1). In contrast, not only were White women less likely to discuss personal experiences (ASR = −3.1), but they also were more likely to not comment on such experiences at all (ASR = 2.6). Anna, a 22-year-old White woman, explained, “So many of [my experiences] haven’t been really gender-related.” Anna’s sentiment suggested that her gender is not salient in her life experiences and presumably, not a significant component of her sense of self. Exploration of the microthemes highlighted that experiences of gender within racial/ethnic groups occurred in specific social contexts, particularly among those describing personal experiences. For instance, 17 of 65 women drew from personal experiences within the family to illustrate gender within their racial/ethnic groups, with the majority of these experiences (n = 15 of 17) being from women of color. Ellen, a 20-year-old Asian American woman reflected: Just, I don’t know if my parents do it intentionally, but I’m always just like, “Man, being a Chinese girl really, really sucks.” Because my brothers will get cars, whereas I’ll get a bicycle. Or my brother will get, like, tuition money, and I’ll just get another job. I don’t know. It’s not fair. It’s not equal.

Many women echoed the experience of differential treatment in the family, including Eva, age 22. In her Chicano/Latino family, Eva was conscious of a set of gender roles that governed her family life: . . . in my family, there’s roles you have to play. If you’re a girl, you either know how to cook, clean, do all the domestic work, you know. If you’re a guy, then you are supposed to work, and when you’re home, you watch TV; it sucks like that . . . I’m not home for, like, nine months of the year, but when you go home, you know exactly what you have to do . . . I don’t really like that part, but I’m a woman; that’s how you have to be.

Comments from Ellen and Eva also embodied the shared experiences of women from immigrant families. Although issues with race/ethnicity and gender were observed in nonimmigrant families, our study found that women from immigrant families were more likely to present these experiences. Indeed, it is not uncommon for notions of a traditionally gendered family life to follow families who immigrate (e.g., Dion & Dion, 2001; Mehrotra & Calasanti, 2010; Xiong, Detzner, & Cleveland, 2004–2005). In Hmong American families, for example, parents centrally focus on preparing their daughters to be wives who cook, clean, and manage the households; in contrast, sons are not subjected to these roles (Moua & Lamborn, 2010). In Latino and other immigrant families, parents tend to more closely monitor daughters’ social and romantic involvements compared to sons’ activities (Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004). Across these groups, holding onto traditionally gendered family dynamics is also, in essence, preservation of racial/ethnic customs. At the same time, living according to such expectations may feel restricting for women of color and, moreover, may elicit feelings of injustice, disagreement, and sadness, as demonstrated by Ellen and Eva. Adding further complication, a daughter’s individual refusal to adhere to gender role expectations can bring shame to the family (Pyke & Johnson, 2003). These intersectional experiences of race/ethnicity and gender present unique challenges for women of color with repercussions on their sense of belonging to the family. Although we highlighted examples of gender occurring distinctly in the family, it is important to note that women discussed gender in more than one social context. For example, Linh, a 22-year-old Asian American woman, tied her own personal experiences of gender to not only her family but also her racial/ethnic community: “There are just certain rules that [my racial/ethnic group] expect[s] from a male and female. And it’s pretty obvious from my family because my brother is treated really differently from all three of us, the daughters.” Cristina, a 22-year-old Chicana/Latina woman, shared similar experiences:


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And in our own ethnicity, gender is viewed as being very important. Guys are more highly praised, whereas girls aren’t. . . . We’re seen as not being as great. Not as great, but as . . . not as important, like, not as helpful for the family. We don’t carry the family name, we don’t do this. So, I mean, that’s how I do view myself . . .

Comments from Linh and Cristina demonstrate awareness of the individual’s relationship to the various social contexts in which she lives. Furthermore, experiences within one social context can reverberate to larger social groups and systems. Similar to the intersectional nature of race/ethnicity and gender, the social spaces in which gendered experiences occur may be intertwined and inseparable. Capturing the presence of multiple contexts provides a more nuanced picture of the circumstances under which women of color must make sense of their identity as “women of color.”

Meaningfulness of the connection between race/ethnicity and gender Differences by race/ethnicity also were found in the meaningfulness of the connection of race/ ethnicity and gender, χ2(1, N = 65) = 4.32, p < .05; Φ = −.26. As expected by our third hypothesis, women of color were more likely to view the connection between race/ethnicity and gender as meaningful (ASR = 2.1). In contrast, White women were less likely to view the connection as meaningful (ASR = −2.1). Sarah, a 22-year-old White woman exemplified this relative lack of meaningfulness. When explaining how a diagram depicting race/ethnicity and gender as unconnected represented her, Sarah explained, “My gender and my ethnicity I don’t feel are out of the norm, so I don’t think that it really plays that much of a role in my life.” Sarah denied that either social identity was of any great importance to her. As a member of the racial/ethnic majority, Sarah’s White identity has not been regularly challenged and therefore she may not perceive it as “out of the norm.” Rather, she received messages from society that her race/ethnicity is “normal.” Indeed, Stacy, another 22-year-old White woman, corroborated this sense of normalcy, acknowledging that race/ethnicity did not “play as big a part in my life as it does for other people . . . I haven’t grown up with people treating me badly because of my ethnicity.” Although Sarah’s identity as a woman is still largely considered a minority social identity, she described her gender as not “out of the norm.” Her comment presented her gender as akin to a majority social group, which is a perception shared increasingly among women endorsing postfeminist beliefs. Postfeminism asserts that issues related to gender equality no longer require public concern. Stacy echoed this sentiment, stating, “I think things are becoming, like, for me in my life, I’m feeling a little bit more equal to other gender, males, or whoever.” With popular depictions of young women as headstrong, independent, career-minded beings, postfeminism declares that the struggles of women in the 1970s and 1980s are in the past (McRobbie, 2004). As womanhood is celebrated as part of the societal norm, its salience weakens for the individual. Although promising in its encouragement of women, these postfeminist inclinations likely obscure the subtle ways differential treatment by gender persists (Swim, Mallett, & Stangor, 2004). A woman could then attribute unfair treatment not to group-level discrimination but rather to a fault of the self, which in turn can have negative repercussions for her broader sense of self (Crocker & Major, 1989; Ruggiero & Major, 1998). For women of color, the more meaningful connection between race/ethnicity and gender may be partly attributed to their unique identity as “women of color.” That is, salience of this connection may be a product of being a minority within a minority. Thus, the intersection of race/ethnicity and gender held meaning because it more accurately captured their complex experiences of being women of color, which race/ethnicity or gender alone cannot. Indeed, as Tina, a 22-year-old Asian American, reflected, “I think my ethnicity and gender are definitely a huge part of who I am. . . . So, I can’t separate those two because I’m not a woman that’s separate from a person of color. Like, I’m a woman of color and that’s who I am.”

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Women of color in this study also found meaning in the connection between their race/ethnicity and gender because phenomenologically, experiences with each social identity looked and felt closely related or, as intersectional theorists argue, were one and the same. Josephine, a 22-year-old Asian American woman, identified the connection as meaningful, drawing parallels between being a person of color and being a woman: And I feel again, that I need to work harder, that I have to prove myself a little bit more because I am of color . . . and I may also have to work harder because I am female. It goes with the same thing. It’s kind of like, in a way, it’s like two aspects that could potentially like make or break the kind of an idea.

For participants like Josephine, meaning in the connection between race/ethnicity and gender was derived from experiences of differential treatment by these social identities. Nia, a 22-year-old African American woman, located these same experiences in a broader social context, discussing intersections of the social systems of race/ethnicity and gender. Reflecting on the meanings of the connection between these two spheres, Nia shared: Like, it’s racism, sexism . . . like, all linked together to provide a special kind of oppression just for you, you know what I mean? Like, specially made, and it would be, obviously my experience would be different if I was like a rich woman of color, or a White woman, a poor White woman, or something like that, you know. Like all these things plays different into your experience and shape the way that we’re going to react to you and how you’re going to react to them.

Josephine’s and Nia’s comments revealed the varied and complex ways that women of color drew meaning from the connection between race/ethnicity and gender. Nia’s reference to the “special kind of oppression” faced by women of color embodied intersectionality. Collins (1990) argued that this collective consciousness is a unique product of the intersections of racial/ethnic and gender inequalities. For Black women and, by extension, women of color, meaning is therefore generated not only from the common experience of present-day oppression but also in carrying the “legacy of struggle” of both racism and sexism (Collins, 1990). Offering a slightly different perspective, Josephine alluded to the accumulation of struggles associated with holding two marginalized identities. In turn, she suggested some independence of race/ethnicity from gender and vice versa—that there were struggles specific to race/ethnicity and specific to gender. Although intersectionality scholars dismiss an additive approach to multiple minority identities due to its oversimplification of the experiences of women of color, comments from women like Josephine suggest that such a conceptualization may actually enhance an intersectional framework. Intersectional and additive approaches can be used in concert to more comprehensively and accurately capture the experiences of racial/ethnic identity, gender identity, and their intersection. Although reflections from Josephine and Nia showcased the depth of insight into the meaningfulness of the connection between race/ethnicity and gender, we found that the majority of meaningful responses did not expand beyond a simple acknowledgment of the importance of that connection (n = 24 of 36). For instance, Kara, a 21-year-old African American woman remarked, “I don’t think that those entities [race/ethnicity and gender] sit outside of each other . . . like those things play a part in many things . . .” Variation in the meaningfulness of the connection may be expected given that articulating the intersections of identities is a developmentally challenging task (Azmitia et al., 2008). In addition, it is important to note that there were negative cases. That is, there were some women of color in our sample who identified the connection as not meaningful. For example, one 21-year-old Asian American woman explained: “I think [race/ethnicity and gender are] just like really separate in my life, it’s just separate, like one doesn’t translate, affect the other.” In addition, there were White women who deemed the connection as meaningful. One 22-year-old stated that the connection was important to her because “I think each one of them has effects on every other part of me, so I think they all like kind of link together.” The presence of these cases suggested that there may be factors underlying racial/ethnic differences in meaningfulness. For instance, the salience of race/ethnicity or gender may depend on the degree of belongingness or connection one feels with these social groups. That is, although a woman of color may be objectively


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a woman belonging to a minority racial/ethnic group, she may not feel that being a member of either group is central to her sense of self. Conversely, a White woman may feel that her identity as a White person may be crucial to how she views herself. Therefore, experiences tied to these social groups likely resonate based on more subjective experiences of race/ethnicity and gender.

Conclusions Foundational to a theory of intersectionality is that women of color have experiences with race/ ethnicity and gender that cannot be completely shared with White women. In other words, being minorities in terms of race/ethnicity and gender creates a unique intersectional experience. To our knowledge, the current study is one of the first to provide empirical support for this central assumption of intersectionality. Furthermore, this study identified social contexts in which intersectionality may be the most salient. In particular, our findings put forth the family and the racial/ethnic group as the most salient social contexts in which women construct their definitions of womanhood. Therefore, for women of color, their most proximal social systems may be the most influential in gaining understanding about gender dynamics within their racial/ethnic groups. These personal spaces also can present unique challenges for women of color. For example, on one hand, women of color may feel the pressure to uphold family and racial/ethnic group values about womanhood and to conform to the group’s traditional expectations. On the other hand, women of color are not only family or racial/ethnic group members but also individuals who may view womanhood as assertive and independent—and incongruent with their group’s beliefs. The negotiation of the push and pull between race/ethnicity and gender is a uniquely challenging life task for women of color with less-than-ideal resolutions. Rejection or compartmentalization of social identities may have negative implications for psychosocial functioning, as found in related research by Dehlin, Galliher, Bradsaw, and Crowell (2015). With respect to race/ethnicity and gender, Pyke and Johnson (2003) highlighted that women choosing to abide by traditional gender role expectations in their family or racial/ethnic group often experienced self-loathing. However, those choosing to assert themselves against hierarchical gender roles may also experience conflict due to having a major part of the self—their identity as a woman—devalued by their family or racial/ethnic group. Given consequences of either decision, women of color face uncertainty in reconciling their conflicting racial/ethnic and gender identities, which in turn, can have negative repercussions on their broader sense of self and general mental health (Schwartz, Zamboanga, Weisskirch, & Rodriguez, 2009; Settles, Jellison, & Pratt-Hyatt, 2009). Using intersectionality as a framework for studying these experiences can provide a structure for understanding personality or self-change within women of color. Limitations and future directions In terms of limitations to the study, the variability of race/ethnicity within women of color in our sample may be of concern. Although cultural researchers have argued for the importance of race/ethnicity-specific differences (vs. majority-minority status), the current study sought to shed light on the unique social location occupied by a doubly marginalized group; marginalization, in this sense, transcended specific racial/ethnic group categories. Also of note, although our findings revealed racial/ethnic differences across our coding categories, there also were negative cases. It is possible that working exclusively with racial/ethnic and gender labels partly explains the presence of such cases. These social group labels are likely to take on different meanings for individuals, calling to mind Hurtado’s (1997) point that social identities are not given but rather chosen. Rather than relying on “objective” labels of a specific race/ ethnicity and gender, future research on intersectionality may benefit from inclusion of the subjective experience of being in these social groups, including feelings, commitment, belongingness, and centrality/significance associated with social group memberships (e.g., Phinney,

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1990; Saunders & Kashubeck-West, 2006). Women are likely to vary in the degree to which they feel positively toward their racial/ethnic group or how central their gender is to their sense of self. These variations, in turn, may influence how women respond to different social group contexts. In addition, given our development of the coding system, there was the possibility of researcher bias. We attempted to address potential biases by reliance on theory-driven coding categories and reliability checks on coding. We also acknowledged that the coding system was not exhaustive in identifying all important elements of women’s experiences with racial/ethnicity and gender. Future research might consider developing a more refined (vs. broad) qualitative data coding system, which may be helpful in capturing implications for traditional familial expectations of gender. Also, in line with intersectionality, investigating views on social class would likely provide a more accurate picture of women’s experiences. Despite these limitations, our study offered strong evidence for intersectionality as a useful psychological theory. Intersectionality was originally developed to understand the impact of social systems based in race/ethnicity, gender, and social class. However, intersectionality can be useful in understanding the individual and personal experiences of living within and belonging to these systems, particularly as a multiply marginalized individual. Our results provided initial insight into these experiences, highlighting the oft-competing pressures of the traditional racial/ethnic expectations of gender. How do women of color resolve these pressures? Moreover, what are the repercussions of their resolutions? From a psychological perspective, examining mental health and psychosocial outcomes is a clear next step for this research. Our study also highlighted implications for how to continue the study of intersectional identities. In accordance with intersectionality, we found that women of color reported unique, meaningful, and personal experiences with race/ethnicity and gender relative to White women. Notably, some women attributed the meaning in their intersectional identity to a perceived additive disadvantage associated with being both a woman and a racial/ethnic minority. Thus, the assumed mutual exclusivity of the additive versus intersectional approaches must be revisited as there may be aspects of the additive model that are still compatible with an intersectional framework and vice versa. Indeed, Cuadraz and Uttal (1999), proponents of the intersectional model, conceded that in order to understand the impact of intersectional identities, one must first grasp the additive potential of each identity. In the spirit of increased inclusion of the complex life experiences of women of color, future research might consider comparing and contrasting the additive and intersectional models to determine how they may be best used together. On a broader level, the current study reiterates the need for interdisciplinary research to move forward the field of psychology to examine not only the individual experience but also the social context and social systems within which one exists. A psychological theory of intersectionality helps psychologists identify and navigate the complex connections between the individual and larger social systems. Furthermore, intersectionality addresses gaps in extant psychological research, moving the discipline toward more inclusion and representation of women of color and other uniquely diverse groups.

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