In the course of the study were used classic ethnographic methods such as ... Christine Hine, were also used, in particular online qualitative research of narratives from ..... financial advisors, hairdressers, accountants, car mechanics, etc.
"LANGUAGE AND NATIONAL IDENTITY (BULGARIAN EMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM)"1 PUBLISHED
IN:
HRISTOV, P. (ed.). Migration and identity: Historical, Cultural and
Linguistic Dimensions of Mobility on the Balkans. Sofia, Paradigma, 2012, 312-325.
This article is dedicated to the command and use of language(s) by Bulgarian emigrants in the United Kingdom and its/their impact on building and developing the community of Bulgarian nationals living in Britain. I argue that the actual process of migrating from one country to another involves numerous changes as a result of the new situation; thus migration in itself is a prerequisite for change in the language situation. The study shows that upon settling in a foreign English-speaking environment Bulgarian emigrants, as people for whom English is not their mother tongue, are strongly influenced by such environment. It affects various aspects of their everyday life such as lifestyle, opportunities to communicate, social life, employment status and, last but not least, self-definition within the group and society. I will try to answer the question of how much proficiency/ lack of proficiency, and even the use of one or another language, contributes to both shutting out the outside world from the Bulgarian and Eastern European emigration group, and to emotional (represented by the feeling of being at home and a sense of belonging) and practical (in the first place finding suitable work) integration/marginalisation within the multicultural British society. The community of Bulgarians who have emigrated to Britain is the result of a relatively recent migration. Unlike movements to other countries (e.g. Germany, Greece and Spain) that began or increased immediately after the collapse of communist rule in Bulgaria in late 1989, emigration to Britain became common in the past five years, and – at that – only after the country was accepted as member of the European Union on 1 January 2007. The limited movement in this direction is largely due to both the lack of tradition in this respect and the strict visa regime, which at one point even involved the complete suspension of visa issuance2. Until 2007 Britain was not among the preferred destinations for Bulgarian citizens, mainly because of its climate and cultural characteristics (such as driving on the left side of the road, British food, British humour, or even practical reasons such as lack of showers in 1
The article is done in the framework of the Postdoc project “Bulgarian Emigration to the UK” (ПОСТ ДО 02.4/14.01.2010), financed by Bulgarian Science Fund (Bulgarian Ministry of Education, Youth and Science). 2 After a scandal involving bribery and criminal schemes in the British embassy in Sofia, the issuance of visas was suspended in the spring of 2004. See , published on 31 March 2004, viewed on 16 December 2007.
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the bathrooms and separate taps for hot and cold water, etc.). However, gradually this country started attracting the attention of prospective emigrants. The annual student teams became one of the incentives to migrate in this direction. Over the last five years, the role of factors, such as high standard of living, decent living conditions in Britain, positive experiences shared by other fellow countrymen and, last but not least, the growing economic crisis in Southern Europe, factors which generally acted as the strongest attraction for most Bulgarian citizens in the past 12 years, has led to a change in the attitudes of future emigrants to Britain. Even the strict employment restrictions for Bulgarian citizens, reaffirmed by the British Government in late 2011 and expected to be in force until the end of 2013, have failed to contribute to reducing the movement in this direction. According to the latest studies published in November 2011, Britain is currently the most desirable emigration destination for Bulgarian citizens (Ангелов, Ванкова, Иванова 2011) and is now home to one of the biggest Bulgarian Diasporas in Western Europe. According to British statistics, Bulgaria now ranks fifth, with the growth of emigrants having increased by 382 percent since 2004 and their number having reached 53,0003. As a comparison it can be highlighted that, according to official statistics, in 2005 around 20,000 Bulgarians (Петров 2005) were residing in the UK. The most accurate count of Bulgarians who live and work in the UK can be obtained from HM Revenue & Customs data. According to this data, 79,970 adult Bulgarian nationals received NINo between January 2002 and June 20114. Unofficial data, however, indicate that Bulgarian citizens residing (including those who have temporary residence)5 in the UK exceed 150,000 people. Chronologically, Bulgarian emigration to Britain could be divided into three major periods. The earliest one covers the time from the mid-19th century until 9 September 1944 and primarily involved student and business migration. The period of the communist regime in the country (1944-1989) is associated with the migration of political refugees, as well as visits by representatives of various foreign trade enterprises sent to the UK with the intent of spying in addition to their official business (Христов 2007). Emigration has been at its highest in the past 13 years. This new period can be further divided into four main subperiods. The first (1989-2001) was provoked by the collapse of the communist borders, the 3
http://www.manager.bg/news/balgarite-peti-po-emigratsiya-vav-velikobritaniya, published and viewed on 13.06.2011. 4 National Insurance Number Allocations to Adult Overseas Nationals Entering the UK for 2011 published on June 2011, viewed on 21 December 2011. 5 Just the number of Bulgarian seasonal workers with low qualifications accepted annually in the UK is around 20,000.
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opening-up of the country to the West after 10 November 1989, and the interest in travelling and meeting new people and cultures. On the other hand, Bulgaria’s transition from a centralised to a market economy involved high rates of inflation and unemployment, a tighter credit and fiscal policy and low levels of production, all of which affected the entire country’s population, resulting in a sharp drop in living standards and strengthening of emigration sentiment. The removal of visa restrictions for travel to most states in the EU in 2001 undoubtedly gave a push to the movement of Bulgarians. From 2001 to late 2006, for Bulgarians wishing to live and work in Britain, came the time of self-employment and business visas. The country’s accession to the EU and the ability to travel visa-free to Britain from 1 January 2007 definitely gave a boost to student and economic migration in this direction. The latest wave of migration began in mid-20106 and was stimulated by the economic crisis and stagnation of the market in Western Europe and Bulgaria. This caused the increased movement from Bulgaria and the relocation of representatives of the larger Bulgarian emigrant communities, such as those in Spain and Greece, to the UK. The study shows that in the last year there were many cases of re-emigration by people who had settled in other European countries like France, Greece or Spain, but due to political, social or economic reasons changed their destination and are now mainly heading to Britain. This article is based on an ethnographic field study of Bulgarian emigrants in Britain. In the course of the study were used classic ethnographic methods such as in-depth and semistructured interviews, participant observation and autobiographical stories of the respondents. The study was conducted in different parts of the UK over a period of 4 years (2007-2011)7: London (2007, 2010-2011), Manchester (2010), Birmingham (2007), Chatham (2007 and 2010), Rochester (2010), Tonbridge (2007), Maidstone (2010) and in Bulgaria, Sofia (2009 and 2011). In the course of the study, methods of virtual ethnography, as developed by Christine Hine, were also used, in particular online qualitative research of narratives from various emigrant forums and sites created by or for Bulgarian emigrants in Britain (Hine 2000, 2005). The number of respondents exceeds 70 people, with the study conducted primarily among the Bulgarian community (who had identified themselves as Christians and Muslims).
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According to NSI (National Statistical Institute) data, the number of people who in 2010 declared that they permanently reside abroad is 27,708 (in comparison, this number was just 2,958 people in 2007) (http://www.nsi.bg/otrasal.php?otr=19&a1=367&a2=374#cont) 7 In 2007 the study was conducted as part of the project “Emigration of Bulgarian Citizens (Bulgarians and Turks) to the United Kingdom)”, financed by British Council.
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Results from the field study show that unlike other emigrant groups in Britain who are mostly bilingual (e.g. Poles), the language situation of Bulgarian emigrants in Britain is much more complicated. In this new migration group, numerous variations on the languages used on a daily basis and officially have been observed. The field study shows that Bulgarian emigrants use several languages, including their dialect and slang forms, making them a multilingual community8. My main argument is that language, in the process of emigration, settlement and integration, (if it follows a three-stage system according to the definitions of V. Turner) (Turner 1995) creates internal, external and inter-language boundaries and relationships (according to the model of Farrar, Jones 2002: 1, Kerwill 2006: 1) that depend on numerous factors (which I will discuss later). When settling in Britain, Bulgarian emigrants do so primarily in large metropolitan and multicultural cities like London, Birmingham, Manchester, etc. According to researchers, over 300 languages are spoken just in London, which in itself makes language one of the main problems in the new environment. It is clear that if communities do not speak a common language, coexistence between them becomes if not impossible, at least difficult. Lack of opportunities to communicate with other groups raise suspicion, alienation and anonymity, and a sense that one is an outsider in society (Jones 2010: 1). Like other communities, to Bulgarian emigrants in Britain using and speaking different languages: English, Bulgarian and other Eastern European languages such as Polish, Russian or Serbian is entirely contextual and logically predetermined by the work environment and everyday life in British society.
Bulgarian emigrants and the English language
According to the study, the English language is one of the most important barriers that Bulgarians in the UK have to overcome. Coming from a non-English language environment, they have to “live in another language”, and this inevitably raises difficulties for their practical and emotional integration in the new society (Colic-Peisker 2002: 149). Like in other groups, English plays an important role both in preparing for emigration and in the periods of adapting and integrating into the new society. According to the respondents, language is one of the main reasons for choosing a country to settle in. Many 8
For bilingualism and for language as an integral part in the construction of different socio-cultural worlds, see Schrauf 2000: 387–417, Llamas, Watt 2003;
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people say that they chose to emigrate to the UK because they learned English in school (or university), or even because they listened to English music and are used to the sound of the language. English, as the language of the host society, also plays a very important role in the processes of settling and establishing oneself in the new society. When talking about their language problems, Bulgarian emigrants in Britain immediately single out the unpleasant surprise of finding out the difference between the language they often refer to as “BBC English” and what is spoken on the street or in different institutions. Thus, the respondents were often very disappointed with their language skills: “I thought I could speak English, but at first it turned that I understood nothing!” (J.J., male, 45 years old, university degree, lives in London). Many of the Bulgarian emigrants describe the negative attitude of the locals who see them as people who are unwilling or unable to learn English (cf. with Espenshade and Calhoun 1993). Often they find themselves in awkward situations and only later understand the reason for this. For example, one respondent spoke of numerous comic situations related to her knowledge of English. For instance, she once told her work colleagues how very happy she is to live with two nice girls and described them in English as “my lovely girl friends”, leading to an especially embarrassing situation. Language problems create emotional discomfort for emigrants and become a prerequisite for the difficult or even the lack of emotional integration into British society. According to many emigrants, poor knowledge of the language is one of the main reasons to feel “foreign”, “not at home” and isolated from the new society (Espenshade, Fu 1997). Moreover, the inability to speak or insufficient English language proficiency also rises to numerous practical problems of economic, social and health nature for Bulgarians. The vast majority of my respondents said that because of poor language knowledge they cannot use their professional, social and personal skills. Thus, firstly, limited language skills contribute to a lower income and, hence, a lower status in British society (cf. with McManus, Gould, and Welch 1983). Language boundaries are becoming the main obstacle that Bulgarians must overcome to achieve their practical integration into the new society, which consists in finding suitable work that matches their qualifications and, consequently, in rising through the ranks of society. Although all are aware of this, few are those who seriously undertake to resolve this issue. Since the majority of Bulgarian emigrants are low-skilled, they often do not know English at all or speak it poorly. Therefore, they find jobs and housing through other 5
Bulgarians. Thus, language often becomes a major factor in finding a job (cf. with Dustmann, Soest 2002). Many times people who have relatively good language skills help newcomers. Although there are numerous languages courses that are offered at relatively low prices and even for free (organised by the local council or even by Bulgarian emigrant organisations such as Club “Nashenci”), most of the respondents reported that they learn the language at work: “I learnt the language at work.... you listen to how people speak and gradually learn individual words. The ones that arrived earlier often translate for us. After a one-year’s stay, I was able to understand simple things, instructions and questions” (A.M., male, 43 years old, secondary education, lives in London). Mastering the language through daily interaction creates quite a lot of problems for emigrants. First, they limit their knowledge of the language to the local slang, or in the worst case, assimilate the broken English spoken by other emigrants. One of the respondents who works in a Tesco supermarket said: “I work with pakis and speak like them, I only speak in slang” (Ts. Z., 50 years old, male, secondary education, lives in Maidstone). A girl who worked as a nanny for nine months said that, even though she studied English before coming to London, she began to study the language anew in the family she was living with: “I learned English from the children (two boys, 7 and 9 years old – author’s note, M.M.) So, for instance, when I go to the bank and instead of “Thank you” I say “Cheers love”, they look at me strangely. It’s not that they don’t speak like that, but only in more informal situations” (E. T., female, 24 years old, secondary education, lives in London).
Bulgarian emigrants and the Bulgarian language The Bulgarian language, as a mother tongue, is seen as an important differentiating marker for the Bulgarian community in Britain. In order to be more accurate, I must say that this concerns the Bulgarian language in its three forms: spoken, written and read. The main reason for its role is that within the British multicultural society religious markers, such as belonging to the Christian or Muslim community, are not sufficient for an individual to define himself/herself. This is why emigrants are also trying to identify themselves through the Bulgarian language. For example, in one of the most popular websites BG Help it is forbidden to write in Latin characters. According to the administrator: “We are Bulgarians and must write in Cyrillic.” The conscious connection between the Bulgarian language and Bulgarian identity is particularly evident in the high popularity of Bulgarian schools. There are four in London: Bulgarian School at the Embassy of Bulgaria, Bulgarian School “Vasil Levski” (Barking) and 6
Bulgarian School “Rose Valley” (Rozova Dolina) (Tottenham) and “Boyan Maga” (Mayfair library) with over 800 students; also one school called St. Kliment Ohridski in Goldalming and one in Rochester with a total of 150 students. Even though initially the decision to attend Bulgarian schools is motivated by the need to have the education recognised upon a potential a return home (which currently happens very rarely), most Bulgarians insist that their children learn to read and write in Bulgarian. The Bulgarian spoken daily within the family is considered sufficient for keeping sharp the knowledge of the mother tongue, though the lack of enough books and time on the parents’ hands is a major problem with respect to improving Bulgarian reading and writing skills. Older relatives, such as grandparents, often are the main supporters of the idea of further study of the Bulgarian language, because they can only communicate with their grandchildren in it. According to one of my respondents: “My children were born here. If they do not speak Bulgarian, they will be British.” (G. A., female, 34 years old, secondary education, lives in London). According to another, who has a son from a mixed marriage with an Englishman, but insists that her child speaks Bulgarian, defines the situation in even stronger terms: “We stole his soul for the Bulgarian nation!” (Anonymous, female, around 45 years old, lives in Rochester). Maintaining the Bulgarian language is carried out at various levels. First, a major part is played by everyday communication both in the family and within the Bulgarian group. Here it is important to note that emigrants often work together, which contributes to them communicating in Bulgarian during the entire day. Bulgarian TV, which is watched almost all the time by arrivals to the UK, also plays an important part. This is how we find ourselves in the paradox where most families do not watch English TV and are less aware of what is happening in Britain than the current affairs in Bulgaria. Reading Bulgarian newspapers, mostly online, and listening to Bulgarian music play an important part in the assimilation of the Bulgarian language. The ability to communicate online on a daily basis through Skype or Facebook contributes both to the maintenance of Bulgarian language skills and the constant contact with relatives, friends and acquaintances remaining in Bulgaria. This often results in the paradox where even though they are far away from home they are constantly in a real or virtual Bulgarian language environment. Moreover, the increasing number of Bulgarians in London enables them to live not only within their own group, but to do so in the mother tongue. This, of course, also has a negative effect and contributes to both the cultural and language isolation of the Bulgarian community.
Bulgarians and other Eastern European languages 7
Bulgarians are settling in Britain on the back of an already historically established Eastern European Diaspora. After arriving at their new home, they find themselves among the large communities of emigrants from Poland and Russia, while in the last few years the number of arrivals from Slovakia and Latvia, for example, has also been increasing because of the open labour market. Thus, Bulgarians find themselves in an Eastern European area because of the specifics of their jobs and cultural characteristics. This certainly affects their language skills. They live and work among emigrants who speak different Slavic languages. Thus, an advantage from the time of communist rule in the country comes into play. For example, many representatives of the older generation are fluent in Russian, which without a doubt helps them to communicate with representatives of emigrants from different countries of the former Soviet Union. Another part of Bulgarians know Serbian, which helps them to communicate with people from former Yugoslavia, for instance. An interesting case is the emigrants who find themselves in a Polish-speaking environment. This is a common occurrence due to the huge number of Poles living in Britain. One Bulgarian who spent several years working in a slaughterhouse only with Poles said: “I did not learn English, but I started to speak Polish!” (Ts. Z., 50 years old, male, secondary education, lives in Maidstone). Thus, Russian and Serbian, in combination with the newly-learned Polish, opened the door for Bulgarians to the large Diasporas from the former Soviet Union and former Yugoslavia and now play a crucial part in the integration of Bulgarians in the UK. On the one hand, these languages help them find work and succeed beyond their own group, among communities that have traditions, lobbies and state support, but on the other – to hire workers outside their own community and strengthen their competitive advantage over other emigrants from Eastern Europe. For example, one Bulgarian, who owns a vegetable-packing factory, hires emigrants from former Soviet republics thanks to his and their excellent command of Russian. This enables him to maintain competitively low prices and prosper even in times of crisis.
Factors affecting the use and command of language Factors affecting the command and use of language can be defined as individual (personal) and social. The former include the effect of individual and family characteristics, such as education, residence, marital status, age at which they migrated, time spent in the UK, and socioeconomic and language specifics of the parents (see McManus et al. 1983). For example, middle-aged people, who have emigrated as a family and are often occupied with 8
strengthening their financial position and meeting their day-to-day needs, rarely set aside time and funds for language courses. On the other hand, Bulgarians, who have emigrated alone and are aged between 18 and 30, are more likely to invest in their language education. The age at which Bulgarians arrive in Britain appears to be particularly important to the command/mastery of the language (see Clyne 1977, de Bot, Makoni 2005, Schmid, Keijzer 2009). Emigrants who come to Britain later in their lives – for example, after the age of 50 – are less proficient (find it harder to master) in English, have more problems with language adaptation and more often find themselves in embarrassing situations in the new society. Generally, the tendency is that the older the emigrants are, the fewer of them can speak English, which is typical not only of the Bulgarian community, but also of other emigrant groups. The reasons, except being individual (greater difficulties in mastering the language at a later age), are often related to the fact that older people are reluctant to invest time and money in their language development, because they are focused on securing funds for a shorter period of time. A part is also played by the stronger attachment to their homeland and culture compared to younger people. The study also shows that there is a link between the education of emigrants and their English proficiency. For example, people who have graduated from English-only schools have better opportunities for success than others. Very often emigrants with higher education are also quicker to master the language and adapt more quickly to the new society. An important factor in mastering a language is played by the work environment and the area in which the emigrants settle. Often, if Bulgarians settle in villages where there are no other emigrants, they quickly master the English language and rarely experience problems in adapting to British society.
Results of language lack/language proficiency The results of English language proficiency/ lack of language proficiency can be defined as economic, social and individual. The economic results are clear: English proficiency leads to higher earnings in the labour market, career opportunities, greater economic and social status and overall – a better life. The individual and social results are related to the adaptation and integration of emigrants in the host society. The study shows that due to the language barrier most Bulgarians live inside their own ethnic bubble. First, this bubble is formed spatially because to a greater extent emigrants live concentrated in certain areas of the big English cities. On the other hand, their ethnic community of “Bulgarian” representatives (doctors, lawyers, 9
financial advisors, hairdressers, accountants, car mechanics, etc.), of “Bulgarian” places (shops, schools, bars, restaurants, churches, etc.) and of wider family and friends networks tends to become a familiar island that isolates them from the ocean of incomprehensible (difficult to comprehend) English. Due to the large number of Bulgarians, the community is now able to live within the limits of their “Bulgarian” language and, to a great extent, in “ethnic isolation”. At times during the field study, I personally realised that shut out from the outside world within the community I had almost no need to use English. However, all this has a strong negative effect on Bulgarian emigrants. This is how the community ends up isolating itself, because without command of English emigrants do not assimilate the culture and skills of British society. Hence the problems Bulgarians have in adapting and integrating and their gradual transformation into a marginal community. On the other hand, another trend has also been observed among Bulgarian emigrants. Because of their knowledge of Russian and Serbian, some of them are included within the Eastern European migration gropus (often these are emigrants who have settled after 2004). They integrate on the basis of the idea of “Eastern Europe” and a common communist past. People have identical memories of that time; they had the same lifestyle, same fears, dreams and restrictions. After the collapse of communist rule and the transition from totalitarianism to democracy, they experienced the same difficulties and changes. And later, in the period of emigration, they live together and feel united by the general economic situation, employment opportunities and confrontations with the locals, dreams of a safer and calmer life, but also of the idea of going home in the future (see also Markova, Black 2007). Thus, these Bulgarians again find themselves isolated from the host British society, even though they have been accepted by and have adapted to another emigrant culture. Finally, the command/ lack of command of a language also affect the emotional state of emigrants. Many Bulgarians feel embarrassed or uncomfortable that despite, or because of, their long residence in the UK they do not speak English and, respectively, the opposite – Bulgarian. Moreover, they feel that they will never attain a language level that will allow them to feel more at ease with the relevant language (cf. Jupp, 1998: 112). The study of Bulgarians emigrants in Britain shows that language/languages are central to the identification of the Bulgarian emigrant group in Britain. Bulgarians are recognised as members of their own or foreign community through language or different accents. Thus, language and accent become markers of both ethnic and social status: people not only recognise each other ‘by the ear’, but in this way are also included in the social hierarchy. Languages play an important part in differentiating the Bulgarian ethnic 10
community. They are also becoming a factor in the construction or demolition of the boundaries of the Bulgarian community in relation to other emigrant groups and British society, and therefore contribute to or hinder the integration and adaptation in the host social structure.
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