Language, Culture, and Education

Language, Culture, and Education

Language, Culture, and Education

Dr. Milton A. George is a Research Fellow at KU Leuven University, Belgium, and Head of the General Foundation Program at the University of AlBuraimi, Sultanate of Oman. Dr. Sergio Saleem Scatolini is the Post-Foundation Coordintor as well as the English Language Center's Research Unit Coordinator at the Al Musanna College of Technology, Sultanate of Oman. Euro-Khaleeji Research and Publishing House, Oman

Milton A. George & Sergio Saleem Scatolini

5 800109 360891

Milton A. George Sergio Saleem Scatolini Editors

2015 Euro-Khaleeji Research and Publishing House. All rights reserved.

Any websites referred to in this publication are in the public domain, and their addresses are providde for information only. The publishers and editors disclaim any responsibility for the content.

Language, Culture, and Education A Collection of Papers in Applied Linguistics, Cultural Anthropology, and Educational Studies

Milton A. George & Sergio Saleem Scatolini Editors

Table of Contents

FOREWORD 4—7 Ali Al-Hassnawi,1 Milton A. George,2 & Sergio Saleem Scatolini3 1 University

2 KU

of Buraimi, Oman Leuven, Leuven & University of Buraimi, Oman 3 Al Musanna College of Technology, Oman

UNESCO: EDUCATION, DREAMS, AND REALITIES 8—14 Stijn Dhert Leuven-Limburg University College, Belgium

THE CURSE OF BABEL 15—20 Joris De Roy Leuven-Limburg University College, Belgium

SUPERDIVERSITY AS THE RECOGNITION OF THE ORDINARY MISCHIEVOUS SACRED 21—28 Francio Guadeloupe University of St. Martin, Sint Maarten

SAINT PETERSBURG IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE 29—40 Liesbeth Spanjers Leuven-Limburg University College, Belgium

THE PRODUCTION OF HISTORY 41—45 Dima Bou Mosleh KU Leuven, Belgium

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EDUCATIONAL MODERNIZATION IN IRAN AND THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 45—70 Mitra Madani KU Leuven, Belgium

EDUCATION AND LANGUAGE IN SINT MAARTEN 71—99 Milton George KU Leuven, Belgium University of Buraimi, Oman

MISSION-COLONIAL COLLABORATION TOWARDS THE EDUCATION ENTERPRISE IN UGANDA 1925-1962 99—126 Lucia Wanjiku KU Leuven, Belgium

CHALLENGES OF TEACHING AND TRAINING HEALTHCARE INTERPRETERS IN UAE 127—165 Yasmin Hannouna University of Buraimi, Oman

EFFECTS OF EXPERIMENTAL LEARNING AND KOLB LEARNING STYLE INVENTORY THEORIES ON LEARNING 166—181 Mehmet Ozcan Afyon-Kocatepe University, Turkey

BEYOND THE CULTURAL CAPITAL THEORY: SOME UNEXPLORED DIMENSIONS OF WORKING CLASS LEARNING 182—204 Akhtar Hassan Malik & Hyder Kamran University of Toronto, Canada University of Buraimi, Oman

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ENGLISH LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AT ENGINEERING COLLEGES IN ANDHRA PRADESH, INDIA 205—220 Afsha Jamal Al Musannah College of Technology, Oman

THE IMPACT OF EDUCATION FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT ON LIFESTYLE: A CASE STUDY OF STUDENTS IN BELGIUM 221—232 Michael Ugochukwu JOE KU Leuven, Belgium

ENTREPRENEURSHIP EDUCATION IN OMAN: DEFINITIONS AND STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS 233—252 Sergio Saleem Scatolini Al Musanna College of Technology, Oman

E-LEARNING FOR EFFECTIVE LEARNING 253—258 Davis Daniel University of Buraimi, Oman

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FOREWORD Ali Al-Hassnawi,1 Milton A. George,2 & Sergio Saleem Scatolini3 1 University

2 KU

of Buraimi, Oman Leuven, Leuven & University of Buraimi, Oman 3 Al Musanna College of Technology, Oman

Recently, we have occasionally dwelt on the issues of culture, language, and education as deeply interrelated dimensions of our own lives, not only because we are language teachers, but because we are human beings. We were born as biological human beings, but we can live as existential humans thanks to factors such as culture, language, and education. Without them, there would be no truly human communities. They mark our kind’s passage from biology to spirituality (as encompassing both religious and non-religious aspirations and value systems). This book brings together papers that focus on aspects of these three dimensions, namely anthropological and literary issues; the history, principles, and practices of education; Arabic-English translation; engineering education; Education for Sustainable Development (ESD); and Entrepreneurship Education (EE). Another feature of this book is that it functions as a meeting point for writers from different cultures. This enriches the rationale of this compilation which casts a realistic, yet also hopeful, look at culture, language, and education. Cultures constitute comprehensive language games encompassing rules, strategies for self-expression, ideas, rituals, texts, hypertexts, products, etc. Cultures are self-imposing domains. Through them, people learn to describe, familiarize themselves with, interiorize, interact with, and rearrange reality or, better still, concrete, imaginary, virtual, personal and shared realities. Spanjers’ article about three examples from the Russian literature about Saint Petersburg shows that cities can be inhumane and crash their citizens. In other words, although cultures humanize and [4]

domesticate nature, this does not mean that all regions of the inhabited world are ‘homely’ to all. Within these language games, languages play a key role. We mean not only languages such as English, Arabic, Mandarin, and the like, but also sign languages, as well, and other systems which are not usually thought of as languages, like programming languages in IT, logic, mathematics, and chemistry. A key feature of all of these languages is being means of communication. Without them, human beings would remain islands, and thought would be practically impossible. Moreover, without them, no truly human communities would exist. The notion of the inseparability of language and culture, and the ‘co-existence theory’ justify why these articles have been bundled together in one publication. Nonetheless, the authors are aware that the ability to communicate does not always lead to the creation of grand communities capable of embracing differences. Oftentimes, languages signal and cause miscommunication and misunderstandings. As De Roy argues, languages at times work as cultural dividers. They classify us simultaneously as peers to some, and aliens to others; for example, as native speakers and foreign speakers; tribal members and aliens. History is plagued with instances of discrimination based on language. In fact, as De Roy explains, this is such a typically human phenomenon that it made its way into the Bible as the legendary ‘curse of Babel’. A look at present-day Babylon, or Iraq, will probably make us wonder whether we are doomed to continually regard speakers of another language, including other cultural and religious languages, as ‘barbarians’ whom people who claim to be more civilized may combat, even do away with. Are we ever going to be able to break the curse of Babel? Hannouna argues that we must. The need to enhance the bridging dimension of languages is deeply felt and acutely urgent in hospitals with multi-lingual patients, where misunderstandings can potentially lead to death. Furthermore, as Jamal shows, this also applies to other sectors, such as engineering students in India. Fortunately, Guadeloupe underlines that [5]

there are real everyday instances of genuine inter-human recognition in situations where mental borders are crossed. At those culturally mischievous moments, people surmount the socio-cultural realities that turn them into aliens as they attempt together to deal with complex realities. As for education and all things educational, they are the means whereby people invent, reinvent, and reinforce their identities as cultural communities, and articulate their own identities as individual humans within some groups and over against other groups. In other words, education teaches men and women to identify with some people and, at the same time, to distance themselves from others. This way, education perpetuates US and THEM co-relational, co-creative and, occasionally codestructive binary oppositions. This dynamic was visibly at work in colonial settings, such as the ones described by Wanjiku and George, especially as the desire for freedom gained force and had to reassert its self-worth in the presence of the colonial masters. Be it the Biblical story of the curse of Babel, Russian literature, or our official narrations of history, we must realize, as Bou Mosleh suggests, that histories do more than merely describe past facts. Cultures, languages, and education systems imagine the world, even alternative worlds, in light of social institutions with their own rules and judges (often economic, political, academic or religious ‘elites’). However, on a hope-giving note, Dhert argues that education —and we might add culture and language— exists thanks to the tension between dreams, including nightmares, and reality. In addition, Madani gives examples from Iran and the Ottoman Caliphate, where the governments realized that military reforms could only be effective if the entire administrative system was reconstructed and modern schools were established. Their ‘defensive modernization’ was an instance of culture, language, and education channeling dreams into realities. Joe and Scatolini, too, provide contemporary examples of the potentials of education for positive change from the fields of Education for Sustainable Development and Entrepreneurship Education, respectively. [6]

To conclude, as Ozcan suggests, the perception is growing that organizations and societies are learning systems, and that the process whereby they are managed is a learning process. These learning systems and processes are hubs on which culture, language, and education converge. Furthermore, as Akhtar and Haydar plead, this process should not be restricted to the official and formal framework of culture, language, and education. Cultural capital is context specific, and its value varies across the fields where the struggle for power and legitimization exists. Moreover, as Davis shows, the Internet and other modern technologies offer numerous opportunities to reshape the education process and to create possibilities for continuous, collaborative, and selfmanaged learning. In short, although the authors are aware that culture, language, and education have often been used to alienate people and to render them powerless, these very dimensions of human social and individual life have also at times become the tools for empowering people from different groups to create shared ‘non-dominant cultural capital’. This mischievous bypassing of the borders established by the powers-that-be helps human beings and human communities to become more humane.

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UNESCO: EDUCATION, DREAMS, AND REALITIES Stijn Dhert University College Leuven-Limburg, Belgium

In memoriam Jaak Trips To Jaak, wherever we meet again… “I occasionally experience myself as a cluster of flowing currents. I prefer this to the idea of a solid self, the identity to which so many attach such significance. These currents, like the themes of one’s life, flow along during the waking hours, and at their best, they require no reconciling, no harmonizing…. A form of freedom, I’d like to think, even if I am far from being totally convinced that it is.” Edward Said (1999). Out of place: A memoir. New York: Knopf.

PART 1: PILLARS AND PARADOXES Learning: The Treasure Within –the 1996 Report to UNESCO of the International Commission on Education for the Twenty-first Century, chaired by Jacques Delors, proposed an integrated ambitious vision of education. The report is widely considered to be a key reference for the conceptualization of education and learning worldwide. Education: Its Four Pillars

The Four Pillars of Education (learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together, and learning to be) form the basis for Learning: The Treasure Within. They cannot be defined separately. They form an integrated whole, complementing and strengthening each other. This is logical, as education is a total experience and, as teaching means more than [8]

inculcating particular skills, education means teaching students to be disposed to think and act creatively and critically in appropriate contexts. The four pillars of education can thus be seen as four central and intertwined ‘goals’ for education all over the world. They focus on the development of the person as a whole since the end of education is to discover and open the talents hidden like a treasure within each human being. Setting out these four pillars, the commission, makes clear that “[…] formal education can no longer emphasize simply and solely the acquisition of knowledge, neglecting other types of learning. It is vital to conceive education in a more encompassing fashion. Such a vision should inform and guide future educational reforms and policy, in relation both to contents and to methods.” In other words: education should be re-reconceived in terms of ‘educating’, referring to the ‘development of the whole person’. Education: The Necessary Utopia

In the Introduction to the Learning: The Treasure Within, Jacques Delors calls education ‘The Necessary Utopia’. In the introduction, the writer enunciates the existence of seven tensions that re-emerge throughout the report. They include the tension between: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

the global and the local the universal and the individual tradition and modernity long-term and short-term considerations the need for competition and the concern for equality of opportunity 6. the expansion of knowledge and human beings’ capacity to assimilate it 7. the material and the spiritual The latter one refers to an underlying tension among the four pillars themselves. Learning to do and learning to know, on the one hand, stress the technological, scientific, economic and instrumental dimensions of education; all of which are encompassed by the idea of globalization. Learning to be and learning to live together, on the other hand, [9]

emphasize values, civic responsibility, interdependence, and esthetics. Their focus is on the moral, cultural, social and spiritual dimensions. I agree with Teasdale, who stated in his 1999 seminar “Implications of the Delors Report for Schooling in South Australia” that these tensions must not be seen as ‘oppositions’ or ‘conflicts’. They do not represent tensions between opposing parties where only one can win. “There is,” in fact, “a second kind of tension that is creative and functional. It is the tension in a harp string, producing beautiful music. It is the tension in the great cables that hold the impressive new Glebe Island Bridge in place. Without the tension in the cables the whole structure would collapse. It is a necessary tension, a functional tension. It is a tension that produces balance and harmony.” It is not easy to get the tension right – to strike a functional balance – and to keep it that way, so Teasdale says. It may even be a ‘utopia’ to think that a harmonious and general balance can be found. Nevertheless, I believe that tools must be given to education professionals to reflect upon these tensions and paradoxes and to philosophize about the harmony and unison of these tensions and paradoxes. In fact, it is a paradox in itself. In conclusion, there’s one more tension that I would briefly like to mention. It is the tension between dreams and reality. I believe that education cannot exist but through this tension. It is through the act of dreaming of and hoping for a better future that the teacher, as well as the learner, can truly become engaged in the educational reality. Education is about making dreams come true.

PART 2: SUPER HEROES AND YOU (AND ME) “Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defenses of peace must be constructed.” UNESCO UNESCO’s countless actions spearheaded and sustained by so many professionals and volunteers on so many different domains in all regions [10]

of the world serve one goal: to build peace through education. Each of UNESCO’s major fields of work (i.e. Education, Natural Sciences, Social and Human Sciences, Communication and Information and Culture) is the space where UNESCO-minded people share one aspiration: to make this world better and therefore also safer and more peaceful. To actively and effectively build peace in the minds of men and women all over the world, UNESCO summons all people and all peoples to join forces. It asks dreamers and visionaries to step up and envision better futures. It calls upon planners, architects, landscapers, designers etc. to translate dreams and visions into workable, doable projects. Subsequently, UNESCO invites contractors to gather the professionals and equipment needed to translate its projects into action. It also gathers construction workers (bricklayers, plumbers, carpenters, electricians, painters, decorators, roofers, tillers, welders etc.) to give form and content to the dreams and projects which were developed by visionaries and planners. Without a concrete social form —a body and face—, they would remain elusive figments of the imagination. Last but not least, UNESCO also needs people willing to live in this world. People who are willing to live together, willing to overcome conflicts, willing to look at diversity as an asset for a more exciting life (not as a hazard for possible fights). Indeed, peace-making educators and educationalists are people willing to help with dreaming dreams of better futures and to contribute to the realization of those dreams day in and day out. The people that UNESCO seeks do not need to be super heroes. They do not need to be saints. They do not have to radically change everything they have done before in their lives. ‘Every little bit counts.’ For the greatest acts of peace can be found in the smallest human gestures.    

Every water pump that is installed where water is needed can be a tool for peace. Every toilet that enhances hygiene can be a tool for peace. Every project that increases people’s individual capacities can be a tool for peace. Every independent research on climate change, on wealth and poverty, on equal opportunities, on intercultural dialogue and so on, can be a tool for peace. [11]

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           

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Every exchange of knowledge and expertise between professionals, companies, institutes, regions, countries, can be a tool for peace. Every man and woman who has learned to read and write and to think and act independently, creatively and critically can be a tool for peace. Every journalist that can do his or her job independently and without fear of punishment or revenge can be a tool for peace. Every newspaper that informs the public objectively of the actions of politicians and decision makers can be a tool for peace. Every school that is built can be a tool for peace. Every lesson that is taught in these schools can be a tool for peace. Every educational professional that is being educated and trained can be a tool for peace. Every piece of music can be a tool for peace. Every play can be a tool for peace. Every art exhibition can be a tool for peace. Every act of friendship can be a tool for peace. Every act of care can be a tool for peace. Every thought about compassion can be a tool for peace. Every warmhearted, tenderhearted, softhearted initiative for encounter, for respect, and for understanding can be a tool for peace. Every conversation in which people are truly interested in one another’s thoughts, aspirations and hopes can be a tool for peace…

Building peace in the minds of men and women is thus a global challenge that calls for joint efforts that can only be realized through simple, daily, individual, local actions. It needs belief and commitment. And it needs you and me. By believing in making this world a better place, we make a commitment, and we say that we are willing to make a change, to contribute actively [12]

to world peace, and to be dreamers, planners, peace construction workers. We make clear that we believe that we can make vital contributions to making this world a better place for each and every one of us, as well as for the generations to come. As Nina Simone reminded us: What've you got? Why are you alive anyway? Yeah, what've you got? Nobody can take away. You got your hair. You got your head. You got your brains. You got your ears. You got your eyes. You got your nose. You got your mouth. You got your smile. You got your tongue. You got your chin. You got your neck. You got your boobs. You got your heart. You got your soul. You got your back. You got your sex. You got your arms. You got your hands. You got your fingers, got your legs. You got your feet. You got your toes. You got your liver. You got your blood. You got your life. You got your freedom. You got the life. (Free interpretation of “Ain't Got No...I've Got Life”)

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We have our hands and our feet, our dreams and our ideals, our ambitions and our passions, our brains, our heart and our soul as our working tools. Still, the road is long. With many a winding turn…And we don’t know for sure where it will lead us -- you and me. But together, we have high hopes. As tools of peace…

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THE CURSE OF BABEL Joris De Roy University College Leuven-Limburg, Belgium

In memoriam Jaak Trips

God’s in His heaven— All’s right with the world! (Robert Browning, Pippa Passes)

By far the most interesting story in the Bible – at least in my opinion – is that which recounts the history of the Tower of Babel. Even though the tower is never actually named as such in the Bible, it has nevertheless become one of those archetypal images that many people grow up with, whether they are religious or not. Not only has this story inspired artists, such as Pieter Breughel the Elder and Lucas van Valckenborgh, it has also been a central image and a touchstone for countless linguists (see for instance George Steiner in After Babel) who see it as a metaphor to explain (the origin of) linguistic diversity in our world. I myself use the image as well as a popularised version of the myth in my course Language: Code & Culture, as a way of opening my students’ mental eye to what diversity could mean and to how we can begin to overcome global misunderstanding. The story, as recounted in Genesis 11:4-9, is rather elliptical and at some instances even cryptic, to say the least. It is only through many retellings, and partly thanks to Hollywood interpretations of biblical stories, that the story becomes clear. The main message that it delivers, [15]

however, is that before Babel humankind was united by one common language, and as long as they spoke the same language, there was nothing they could not achieve. Twinned with this first message is that of a most jealous god who, anxious that mankind’s budding ambitions and potential might make his own omnipotence look rather lame in comparison, decides to thwart their plans to build a tower that reaches up into the sky and – in religious imagery – infringes on his divine territory. The rest is history. The god of the Old Testament sows confusion by making all people speak a different language, effectively separating them into tribes. Goodbye to communication; goodbye as well to cooperation; goodbye to peace on earth. If one now wishes to be smart and pursue dolloping religious images, one could argue that this historical event coincides with the creation of Hell. Life was pretty perfect until Babel, when god, out of sheer spite, felt the need to interfere and spoil it for everybody, no quarter given. In contrast to the image of Heaven as put forward by the church, i.e. a place that is clearly distinct from earth, and that one can only reach by leading an exemplary life, an image of heaven seen through a linguist’s eyes would probably be the opposite. Linguistic heaven would very much be based on earth and it would of needs be a human construct. It would not be reached through exemplary behavior (whatever that may mean), but would be actively created through unfailing attempts at restoring mutual understanding, just as it was before Babel. Hence the Curse of Babel. But the curse of Babel does not stop just there; neither does the influence of the story, which makes it so interesting. The very word babel seems to have become part of the vocabulary of a number of languages, mostly in ways where a strict etymological relationship may be difficult to prove, but still so teasingly close that it makes a closer examination of the assumed connection worthwhile. English has the verb to babble, to indicate talking quickly in a way that is difficult to understand. The noun babble, meaning talking that is confused or silly, and therefore difficult to understand, but also the sound of many people [16]

speaking at the same time1, is nearly identical to one of the meanings of Dutch gebabbel and babbelen. Even more telling could be the link of babel to the (classical) Greek βάρβαρος, which is a later form of the Mycenean pa-pa-ro. (Note that the second bilabial was then not yet preceded by the later Greek rho.) The website Palaeolexicon calls the etymology of this word ‘uncertain’2, but establishing a link with babel becomes extremely tempting, especially when one takes into consideration the meaning of both βάρβαρος and pa-pa-ro. It is exactly the meaning – the original one and its later evolution – of the word βάρβαρος and the various adaptations of the Greek original (such as English barbarian) that I would now like to pursue. What few people today seem to realise is that the original meaning of the Greek ‘barbarian’ did not necessarily imply something negative (at least not in a way it obviously does today). When asked to describe a barbarian, my students invariably come up with ideas and concepts such as caveman, uncivilised, wild, warrior, unmannered, amoral, etc. Going back to the initial meaning of the word, however, one soon discovers that the term was used as an antonym to πολίτης (a citizen), i.e. to indicate someone who did not belong to the speaker’s tribe or, in the later context of the Greek world, to the speaker’s ethno-political unit. The most obvious trait that betrays whether one either belongs or does not belong to a given community is, in most cases, one’s language3, both one’s pronunciation and one’s choice of words. For the Greeks it was an easy decision: either one spoke the same mother tongue as the other members of the tribe, or one babbled, i.e. one produced a stream of garbled speech that was unintelligible to the tribe. This precisely takes us back to our original biblical story. Was it not god’s express purpose to 1

Meanings based on Hornby et al. Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, 8th edition.

2

http://www.palaeolexicon.com/ShowWord.aspx?Id=16902

3

Note another interesting passage in the Bible (Judges 12), from which the term shibboleth is taken, used to indicate a linguistic nugget used to distinguish between people from different groups or tribes. See for example the use of Derry or Londonderry to find out about a person’s political and religious leanings.

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drive the united tribes apart by confusing their language and thus make them less united? Turn them into each other’s competitors? Turn them mutually unintelligible? Language evidently works as a cultural divider. Purely on the basis of the language a person speaks, one either belongs or does not belong to a certain group. As long as this division into groups limits itself to linguistic matters and does not turn into discrimination, one could rejoice at so much variety and diversion. However, history is rife with examples of discrimination and suppression based solely on language, so much so that I can refrain from giving examples. Instead, let us revisit the Greek term barbarian and investigate its later (and now current) meaning. Once tribes have acquired a cultural identity (partly based on a shared language, but equally on customs and traditions), they will compete with other tribes at a cultural level as well, next to engaging in plain warfare. Their own culture becomes a totem which is regarded as obviously more developed, more civilised, more refined and more rewarding than and superior to the cultures of surrounding tribes. Since language is by far the most important transmitter of culture, it is self-evident that someone who does not speak a certain language cannot possibly partake of the culture behind that language. Consequently, a barbarian – as the speaker of unintelligible speech – is forever excluded from the perceived superior culture of one’s own tribe and therefore has become a barbarian in the new sense of being less civilised than members of that culture. Are we therefore doomed to regard speakers of another language as less civilised? Is this the ultimate curse of Babel? By and large this article is about mutual understanding – or rather, about the lack of it. This lack of understanding is attributable foremost to the lack of a common language. By saying this I in no way wish to imply or even give the impression that we should strive to create and start using a unifying language. What we should aim for, is doing away with the babble. [18]

It would be pretty naïve, of course, to attribute all worries of the world, all friction and misunderstanding, war and strife, to the destruction of the Tower of Babel and the concomitant scattering of the world’s tribes. But just as the Tower has served as a metaphor for linguistic diversity, another tower, yet to be built, may serve as a metaphor for mutual understanding regained. If the god of the Bible found it necessary to divide and scatter us all over the planet, maybe now is the time for mankind to take the initiative in their own hands and work towards a common project – a new tower. In a number of ways this project is what we are trying to achieve with the International Education Classes (IEC) at UC Leuven-Limburg. Just like music and the visual arts, education is a manifestation of culture, and possibly the most vital manifestation for any society to allow it to continue to exist. Unlike the former two examples, however, education is a manifestation that cannot exist outside language, and how does one tackle global education across borders in a linguistically diverse world? By bringing together students from different cultures and guiding them through a post-graduate programme covering a plethora of aspects and facets of education in an international dimension, we have willy-nilly committed ourselves to exploring the possibilities of finding that common language to discuss values we all share4. However, not happy with limiting our efforts towards mutual understanding in an educational environment to a select group of (mainly) post-graduate students, we at UC Leuven-Limburg have set ourselves some further and wider-reaching goals. Realising that thinking and language mutually influence each other and that cultures may experience things differently depending on their governing language, we now want to make foreign languages the medium through which knowledge is acquired and thinking is stimulated. That is why we have decided to start a new post-graduate programme in Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) as of September 2015. This programme would induce secondary school teachers into the didactics of CLIL-based education and hopefully implement it in their daily practice 4

For more information on the IEC, please consult www.groept.be/www/voortgezette_opleidingen/piec/

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with 12 to 18-year-olds. In this way we hope to contribute to renewed global understanding in generations to come. It is now time to conclude by revisiting the quote at the beginning of this article. Without knowing which one the author intended, I sincerely believe Browning’s quote can have two rather contradictory readings. I do realise that the most obvious reading implies that everything is as it should be with the world as long as God is at the helm. Yet, I wish to propose a different reading, partly based on the possessive adjective ‘his’ preceding heaven, and partly inspired by the story of the Curse of Babel. Could Browning have meant that all will be well with the world as long as God is in his heaven - and remains there, far removed from the world? Maybe he also realised it was time for us, human beings, to take the initiative in our own hands and start building a better world? This article is dedicated to the fond memory of my dearly missed colleague, Jacques Trips, who passed away in December 2014, much too soon.

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SUPERDIVERSITY AS THE RECOGNITION OF THE ORDINARY MISCHIEVOUS SACRED Francio Guadeloupe University of Saint Martin, Sint Maarten University of the Amsterdam, the Netherlands

Are not all attempts at achieving genuine inter-human recognition answers to questions of how to live in a world in which we can never be almighty gods or goddesses? In other words, in a world in which others continuously upset our mental creations of the way things were, the way things are, and the way things will be. One could call this the inevitable interruption of the self-divinizing dream of seeking to make the ‘ought’ of our dream worlds, the ‘is’ of our actual Living! Only when two or more individuals genuinely meet inter-subjectively due to a life-changing experience, can an understanding of that which is of ultimate concern or, said otherwise, that which will be deemed Sacred, emerge. I will address this question of inter-human recognition by focusing on what the anthropologist Steven Vertovec has termed ‘superdiversity’ and combining this analytical concept with an idiosyncratic rendition of the Sacred (but then again are not all renditions of the Sacred idiosyncratic!). Superdiversity is a concept that signals the bewildering multiplicity of diversities that cannot be captured in the simplified schemata of first came the postcolonial migrants from Indonesia, Papua, Suriname, and the Dutch Antilles, with which the Netherlands had colonial ties and then came the guest workers from Turkey, Morocco, and central and southern Europe—the latter being post-WO II replenishments of older flows of worker migrants from countries outside of Europe such as the Chinese—both of whom stayed. What this schema obfuscates is that there has always been movement of peoples, cultural expressions, and objects from within and without Europe. These crosspollinations haunt any assertion of Dutch national homogeneity. Moreover, even those seemingly emancipating ideologies, such as the feminist movement or [21]

the workers movement, and national projects of an imagined homogeneity cognizant of existent heterogeneities, have always been informed by border crossings. There is no construction of the so-called soul of a nation or ethnicity prior to the simultaneous construction of intimate and faraway outsiders. Coming to terms with superdiversity entails shifting the Dutch (and wider European) discussion away from multiculturalism and the politicoethical question of dealing with racism, as well as from the primarily secular xenophobia towards Islam that it implicitly engendered. If the multicultural question is the question of how to deal with ethno-racial and ethno-religious difference, the super diverse question in my radical reading of it is how to stimulate the popular experiments of everyday ethical-political senses of Sameness and the fidelities to these that continuously render ethno-racialized and ethno-religious understandings of difference inconsequential. Although these questions resemble each other—the multicultural one and the super diverse one—and although many of us who dare still claim to be radical social democrats may feel an affinity for both, they are not the same. Multiculturalism thinks the multiple becoming of individuals (who are then conceived as belonging to particular ethnic or religious groups, which are regarded as being equally multiple) in terms of difference. Multiples are implicitly imagined as a collection of Ones founded on a metaphysics of difference. Ethnoracial and ethno-religious difference is envisaged either as being an indestructible presence and a great good—the leitmotif of identity politics—or as an absent-presence—the politics of the eternal differentiation within ethnic and religious Ones encountering each other. With multiculturalism any talk of human Sameness is suspected of being simply a device of one of the collection of Ones, or the dominant One. In the Netherlands, the dominant Ones go by the name of ‘the autochthons,’ who wish to turn the other Ones into carbon copies of themselves (while retaining power). I would like to invite you to appreciate that with superdiversity, senses of Sameness are not colonial moves but the outcome of fidelity’s to ultimate concerns, to renditions of the Sacred, born of soul transforming experiences. This is so because in the case of superdiversity, there is an [22]

acknowledgement of the multiplicity of diversities within an individual or groups without having recourse to difference. It is, in the spirit of the philosopher Alain Badiou, an inconsistent multiplicity, an understanding of a diverse reality without unifying these multiples in a collection of Ones (founded on a metaphysics of difference that inevitably differentiates within). Let me furnish an illustration of a super diverse outlook: I can see people of Dutch Antillean extraction as inconsistent multiples having something in common without thinking of them as having a Dutch Antillean essence that differentiates them from others in the Netherlands or, in other words, without thinking of them as a One. I can do so by acknowledging the permanent inconsistency of each individual that renders any group boundary or homogenous narrative of Self a guiding fiction. From this follows that everyday political senses of Sameness can emerge with superdiversity because there are no collections Ones that pre-exist or are indestructibly grounded on difference. Sameness is simply the outcome of an event that encourages the emergence of a new inconsistent multiplicity around a Sacred that renders older ones obsolete. It is the fidelity of individuals making a life together and being struck by unforeseen circumstances together that ruptures the accepted grounds of so called collections of Ones struggling for power. If we translate the super diversity question into the multicultural question without any loss, we will have missed the opportunity to redescribe our contemporary living in a way that ushers in a new reality. We will have missed the opportunity to see attempts at achieving genuine inter-human recognition. Now the super diversity question awakens us to what I, following the cues of the theologian Erik Borgman and the anthropologist Richard Pelton, would like to call the workings of Ordinary Mischievous Sacred in the Netherlands. The super diversity question can lead us to recognize how the Ordinary —call it the profane— and the Sacred —call it the holy— are bound together by the Mischievous —call it the ambiguity element. Allow me to invite you to appreciate this point by furnishing an illustration of what I consider a universalizing tendency in the super [23]

diverse urbanities in the Netherlands: women’s conversations about man troubles in relation to the occult. The infidelity of men and the belief in each other’s spirits and occult traditions as an explanation for this behavior are the unforeseen threads used to weave provisional seams of Sameness among women of different ilk. A new inconsistent multiplicity is born rendering older ones less important. I want to invite you to recognize with me that these provisional seams of Sameness are answers to the super diversity question. It is these forever unfinished experiments of everyday ethicalpolitical Sameness that ought to be occupying us as academics, public intellectuals, artists, policy makers, social workers, and activists struggling to exorcize racism and other modes of xenophobia out of existence. These unfinished experiments are expressions of the Ordinary Mischievous Sacred at work. I came to this understanding of super diversity by witnessing how provisional seams of Sameness are spun in the home of Ingrid, a 41 year old homemaker, who was born in the Netherlands and lives in the low income neighborhood of the Eeuwsels in the city of Helmond. She works in the field of home care nursing for the elderly and lives together with Wensely, who began his life on the island of Curaçao. Wensely works as a mechanic at the DAF factory in Eindhoven. I followed Ingrid and Wensely for two years as part of my anthropological research on the politics of belonging in the Netherlands. An important method was doing what my interlocutors did. A way of narrowing the gap between the way people live their life and the way they explain it to temporary outsiders such as me. Many afternoons Ingrid and I watched Oprah Winfrey together. She was a big fan and according to her Oprah had taught her more than all the schoolteachers she had had after leaving a school of domestic science. Oprah had also taught her to be honest, loving, and accepting of people regardless of their ethno-racial or ethno-religious differences. She told me she used to be a straatmeid/a ghetto chick, but now she was a lady. Thanks to Oprah.

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Try as I may, at first I could not detect how Oprah had rubbed off on her. Oprah is a debonair, well-spoken jet set. Ingrid was loud-mouthed and had no qualms uttering the crudest of profanities to anyone who rubbed her the wrong way. Oprah and Ingrid had nothing in common. Then I saw it! The connection was the Ordinary Mischievous Sacred. Let me elaborate. One Friday afternoon Ingrid had invited her friends Diana and Husne over to drink cheap wine and talk about the troubles she had been having with her man Wensely. She simply could not understand why he was not having sex with her anymore, and why he was threatening to leave her for another. It made no sense. She was after all, in her own estimation, all Wensely needed. She was perfect. She habitually goes under the tanning machine he bought her to keep that bronze color that turns him on and reminds him of the Curaçao sun. She takes good care of their daughter and cooks the Dutch Caribbean dishes he likes so much. Wenseley’s mother and the rest of the family love her. She has been to the island several times to meet them. She was perfect! Wensely was a konio, a sinvergüenza/an asshole, a good for nothing. In her self-scrutiny, Ingrid felt she had no faults, except that she loves to smoke shags (which Wensley detests) and is an expert in profanities (which Wensley also detests). Yes, Wensely and she have terrible fights, and, yes, he has more than once caught her flirting with another man and, yes, she has threatened several times to leave him, but that did not give him any right to leave her for what she termed some Dutch Antillean bitch that surely was less of a woman than she is. Wensely said he needed time and that he wanted someone of his own culture. Culture my ass! She knew Wensely and Dutch Antillean men: they do not discriminate when it comes to kut/cunt. There had to be more behind this, since the girl Wensely was leaving her for was not as beautiful as she is. Wensely occasionally had affairs, but he had always come back home; especially when she threatened to do the same. She knew there had to be more to this situation since Wensely was not sleeping with her anymore, and that was not like him. Wensely never refused her, not even when he was tired and she knew he had been out fooling around. There had to be more. Ingrid was heartbroken. [25]

Her friends Diana and Husne, of Surinamese and Turkish extraction, asked her to consider the supernatural. They recalled personal experiences and those of family and acquaintances. All these anecdotes and stories were combined into a meta-story: men’s infidelity was increasingly being caused by unscrupulous women using spiritual means. As they spoke and exchanged views, I was witness to the weaving of senses Sameness beyond ethnic boundaries by way of the esoteric. Bakroes, Djins, Jumbies and Klop Geesten (extra-human creatures for respectively Surinamese, Islamic, Caribbean, and native Dutch extraction) began to be likened and linked to one another. Ingrid, Diana, and Husne spoke about how hair, finger nails, Wensely’s underwear, a photograph on Facebook, and even an audio recording of his voice could be used to bewitch him. How his mistress may have put something in his food. How she may have rubbed a special lotion on her —let us call it her money maker— to hook Wensely to her. It was decided that she had to ask God to help her and that she should see a bonuman/a specialist in Afro-Caribbean Obeah. However, before that, Husne would contact her family in Turkey because there lived an Imam that was specialized in these kinds of love matters. He would reverse the spell and if she was willing to pay extra, he could send a spell to the bitch that would make her never think again about taking someone else’s man in that way. The first thing was to go to Rotterdam to one of those special tokos to buy a special lotion for Ingrid, which she then had to give to Wensely like she had done the first time. She smiled and recalled that he had unthinkingly said, ‘Ik wist niet dat Nederlanders konden neuken zoals Antillianen/I did not know that native Dutch could fuck like Antilleans.’ Ingrid got up from her chair and gyrated like the women in a video clip of the Jamaican dancehall artist Beenie Man. Yes, she was taking back her man, and Husne and Diana vowed to help. The new Sacred was for women to unite beyond cultural and religious boundaries to fight off this threat. The supernatural had to be fought with the supernatural. By any means necessary. The future belonged to good women. Sadness gave way to laughter as the wine worked its wonders and the topic of other men arose. If Wensely could fool around, so could Ingrid, too. Husne asked Ingrid about a particular guy whom she had met at one [26]

of the Salsa parties and she had frequent telephone contact with. Perhaps, now was the time to plan a secret date. Ingrid gave Husne the eye that such could not be spoken about in my presence. At least not today! Today, she was a good woman who was losing her man. Such was the script. I pretended not to notice the mischievous… But I did. Here was a clear example of the Ordinary Mischievous Sacred. And… as the women laughed, I became aware of the fact that there were five of us in the room. Oprah was key. Oprah is not solely Oprah. Only a mind open to seduction, unfriendly to exclusivist secular realism —epitomized in dominant renditions of the human sciences— recognizes his/her/its presence in our Dutch metropolises where such esoteric expressions of super diversity have become plain; habitual; ordinary. So Ordinary, in fact, that few discern his/her/its Sacred eminence radiating and doing his/her/its Mischievous dance within and around us. Who was he/she/it? It was none other than Bugs Bunny. Bugs Bunny, el conejo de la suerte, the rabbit who every child knows stole Lady Fortuna’s heart. Bugs Bunny, the slick, sly, and slim, good-bad rabbit that made the mighty hunter Elmo armed with his rifle and all the modern creature comforts seem like a dunce. Yes, Bugs Bunny, one of the secret weapons of North American Cultural Imperialism, the converter of children in Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, Asia, and Europe into wannabe Yankee doodles. Today, Bugs Bunny was showing me a side of himself/herself/itself that I did not know. As we were speaking, s/he was doing his/her stuff on the cartoon network TV channel. Suddenly, my mind saw in him/her Compa Nanzi, and from Nanzi s/he morphed into Legba, into Exu, into La Fontaine’s fox, and finally into Oprah Winfrey. Yes, today Bugs Bunny was playing Oprah. Oprah, the champion of ordinary women the world over. Oprah, the ordinary woman’s friend. Oprah, the one who understands the everyday plight of working class women despite her jets and limousines and cribs, the urban lingo for mansions. Oprah she is just like us! [27]

Oprah who never forgot to remind us to show reverence to the power of the unseen that touches us. Oprah, who, deep down, we know is goodbad, but we still like. Was Bugs Bunny’s impersonation not a revelation that Oprah was one of his/her imitators! Was she not One of those tricksters who danced the Ordinary Mischievous Sacred dance of life reminding us that those ethno-racial and ethno-religious differences which we are so hooked on should not make a hell of a difference? And were not Ingrid, Diana, Husne, and myself enactors and producers of the Ordinary Mischievous Sacred? Fallible creatures. Good-bad, and, therefore, simply ordinary. Perhaps, you, the reader of this piece, care to join this ethical-political dance beyond Manichean renditions of ethics and politics, which hopefully may, one day, lead to genuine inter-human recognition.

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SAINT PETERSBURG IN RUSSIAN LITERATURE Liesbeth Spanjers University College Leuven-Limburg, Belgium

In memoriam Jaak Trips In remembrance of Jaak, an appreciated and appreciating colleague, who passionately collected the world literature, extended his house for his expanding collection, enjoyed reading in his library, and loved to talk about the books which he read. Jaak and I discussed a few Russian novels, and we agreed to discuss some more. Unfortunately, that did not take place. That is why I would like to share my thoughts on the topic of “SaintPetersburg in Russian literature” posthumously.

Saint Petersburg, the city founded in 1703 by Peter the Great as a window towards the West, is known for its planned construction, its Western look, and the beauty of its palaces. It is a popular destination for tourists who like to visit the Hermitage, the Peter and Paul Fortress, the Palace Square, the canals, the parks, and many more. The Russian capital since Peter the Great’s reign until communism was built in unfavorable conditions. First of all, it is a swampy, misty, humid place full of mosquitoes. The air is damp, the winters are very cold. So many laborers, forced to work on the construction sites, died. Russians often say that the city is built on the laborer’s bones. The idea of the beautiful, powerful, but inhumane city of SaintPetersburg can also be found in Russian literature. This dualism will be illustrated in Pushkin’s “Eugene Onegin” and “The Bronze Horseman”, Gogol’s “The Portrait”, and Dostoevsky’s “Crime and punishment”. The plots of all these stories are staged in SaintPetersburg.

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Alexander SergeyevichPushkin(1799-1837), considered to be the founder of Russian literature and modern language, poet and prosaic, wrote the novel in verse “Eugene Onegin”, which takes place partly in SaintPetersburg and which has been musicalized by Tchaikovsky. In this work, the dualism (beauty – inhumanity) cannot be found yet. In “The Bronze Horseman”, a narrative poem, pity for the little man (again an Eugene) is opposed to the power of the beautiful city.

EUGENE ONEGIN Eugene Onegin, born in an impoverished noble family, leads a life full of intrigues and pleasure in SaintPetersburg. This life makes him somber, depressed. He moves to the province, where he meets Lensky, aneighbour. Lensky is in love with Olga. Her thoughtful sister Tatyana falls in love with Eugene, but he turns her down.During a birthday party, Eugene wants to make Lensky jealous, and he tries to get Olga’s attention. After the deadly duel with Lensky, Eugene leaves the province. Three years later, he meets Tatyana again, who is then married to a general and living in Moscow. This time, he falls in love with her, and she rejects him because she belongs to her husband. The novel ends with Eugene in despair. In the first chapter, verses 35, 37-38, the main character, Eugene, is introduced. He is a snob, and nothing really impresses him. SaintPetersburg is depicted as the center of the country where it all happens.It is the city of the balls, the parties, the drinks, food and women. But all that is boring in the eyes of Eugene. XXXV

His malady, whose cause I ween It now to investigate is time, Was nothing but the British spleen Transported to our Russian clime. It gradually possessed his mind; Though, God be praised! he ne'er designed To slay himself with blade or ball, [30]

Indifferent he became to all, And like Childe Harold gloomily He to the festival repairs, Nor boston nor the world's affairs Nor tender glance nor amorous sigh Impressed him in the least degree,— Callous to all he seemed to be. … XXXVII

And you, my youthful damsels fair, Whom latterly one often meets Urging your droshkies swift as air Along Saint Petersburg's paved streets, From you too Eugene took to flight, Abandoning insane delight, And isolated from all men, Yawning betook him to a pen. He thought to write, but labour long Inspired him with disgust and so Nought from his pen did ever flow, And thus he never fell among That vicious set whom I don't blame— Because a member I became. XXXVIII

Once more to idleness consigned, He felt the laudable desire From mere vacuity of mind The wit of others to acquire. A case of books he doth obtain— [31]

He reads at random, reads in vain. This nonsense, that dishonest seems, This wicked, that absurd he deems, All are constrained and fetters bear, Antiquity no pleasure gave, The moderns of the ancients rave— Books he abandoned like the fair, His book-shelf instantly doth drape With taffety instead of crape. (Pushkin, 2007)

THE BRONZE HORSEMAN In the narrative poem titled “The Bronze Horesemen”, Eugene is a poor resident of SaintPetersburg. He lives a very ordinary life. He is in love with Parasha, a widow’s daughter. Parasha and her mother are living close to the water. When the 1824 floods demolish their house, they drown. Eugene goes crazy. One night as he is walking along the bronze horseman, which is the statue of Peter the Great (on Senatskaia Square), he threatens the statue because he blames Peter the Great guilty for his misery; after all, it was Peter who built the city too close to the sea. Afterwards, it seems to Eugene that the bronze horseman is angry with him and chases after him on his horse. Is it true or is it just a hallucination of a tormented person? A few months later Eugene also dies. In the introduction, Pushkin describes SaintPetersburg in all its glory, beauty, and power. The last six lines of the introduction form the transition towards the story of Eugene’s pitiful fate. The fate of the little man Eugene symbolizes the inhumanity of the city. He loses his beloved one and goes crazy because he is at the mercy of the city and the water. Dis the statue of Peter the Great really chase after Eugene? Or was it all a mere hallucination? In SaintPetersburg, nothing is what it seems. INTRODUCTION

… [32]

I love thee, city of Peter's making; I love thy harmonies austere, And Neva's sovran waters breaking Along her banks of granite sheer; Thy traceried iron gates; thy sparkling, Yet moouless, meditative gloom And thy transparent twilight darkling; And when I write within my room Or lampless, read--then, sunk in slumber, The empty thoroughfares, past number, Are piled, stand clear upon the night; The Admiralty spire is bright; Nor may the darkness mount, to smother The golden cloudland of the light, For soon one dawn succeeds another With barely half-an-hour of night. I love thy ruthless winter, lowering With bitter frost and windless air; The sledges along Neva scouring; Girls' cheeks--no rose so bright and fair! The flash and noise of balls, the chatter; The bachelor's hour of feasting, too; The cups that foam and hiss and spatter, The punch that in the bowl burns blue. I love the warlike animation On playing-fields of Mars; to see The troops of foot and horse in station, And their superb monotony; Their ordered, undulating muster; Flags, tattered on the glorious day; [33]

Those brazen helmets in their luster Shot through and riddled in the fray. I love thee, city of soldiers, blowing Smoke from thy forts; thy booming gun; -- Northern empress is bestowing Upon the royal house a son! Or when, another battle won, Proud Russia holds her celebration; Or when the Neva breaking free Her dark-blue ice bears out to sea And scents the spring, in exultation. Now, city of Peter, stand thou fast, Foursquare, like Russia; vaunt thy splendor! The very element shall surrender And make her peace with thee at last. Their ancient bondage and their rancors The Finnish waves shall bury deep Nor vex with idle spite that cankers Our Peter's everlasting sleep! There was a dreadful time, we keep Still freshly on our memories painted; And you, my friends, shall be acquainted By me, with all that history: A grievous record it will be.

PART ONE

… And Neva with her boisterous billow Splashed on her shapely bounding-wall [34]

And tossed in restless rise and fall Like a sick man upon his pillow. 'Twas late, and dark had fallen; the rain Beat fiercely on the windowpane; A wind that howled and wailed was blowing. 'Twas then that young Yevgeny came Home from a party--I am going To call our hero by that name, For it sounds pleasing, and moreover My pen once liked it--why discover The needless surname?--True, it may Have been illustrious in past ages, --Rung, through tradition, in the pages Of Karamzin; and yet, today That name is never recollected, By Rumor and the World rejected. Our hero--somewhere--served the State; He shunned the presence of the great; Lived in Kolomna; for the fate Cared not of forbears dead and rotten, Or antique matters long forgotten. So, home Yevgeny came, and tossed His cloak aside; undressed; and sinking Sleepless upon his bed, was lost In sundry meditations--thinking Of what?--How poor he was; how pain And toil might some day hope to gain An honored, free, assured position; How God, it might be, in addition Would grant him better brains and pay. [35]

Such idle folk there were, and they, Lucky and lazy, not too brightly Gifted, lived easily and lightly; And he--was only in his second Year at the desk. He further reckoned That still the ugly weather held; That still the river swelled and swelled; That almost now from Neva's eddy The bridges had been moved already; That from Parasha he must be Parted for some two days, or three. And all that night, he lay, so dreaming, And wishing sadly that the gale Would bate its melancholy screaming And that the rain would not assail The glass so fiercely.... But sleep closes His eyes at last, and he reposes. But see, the mists of that rough night Thin out, and the pale day grows bright; That dreadful day!--For Neva, leaping Seaward all night against the blast Was beaten in the strife at last, Against the frantic tempest sweeping; And on her banks at break of day. (Lednicki, 1955)

THE PORTRAIT Nikolai Vasilievich Gogol (1809-1852) is considered to be the first important Russian / Ukrainian prosaic of the 19th century. He was born in

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the Ukraine but knew Saint Petersburg well as he was a professor of medieval history at the local university. “The portrait” is the story of a poor, young artist, Andrey PetrovichChartkov. He discovers a very realistic portrait in an art shop and feels that he must buy it. The painting looks magical to him. It presents him with a dilemma. Will he either struggle to find his own path in life based on his talents or will he accept the help of the magical painting to conquer wealth and fame? He chooses the last option, but when he sees another portrait of a different artist, he understands that he has made the wrong choice. He then dies from a fever. In the story “The Portrait”, Gogol brings civil servants and poor people on the stage, which was unseen until then in Russian literature, and he describes them and their ordinary lives with humor. “The Portrait” is staged in Saint Petersburg. In Gogol’s stories,the city is the place where strange encounters and enigmatic adventures happen to its citizens. It is there that citizens perish. Like in “The Bronze Horseman”, the city overpowers the little man. However, Gogol, unlike Pushkin in “The Bronze Horseman”, shows the city’s vulgarity and banality rather than its beauty. In part two, Chartkov starts telling a story to the audience during an auction. He describes Kolomna, a disctrict in SaintPetersburg. "You know that portion of the city which is called Kolomna," he began. "There everything is unlike anything else in St. Petersburg. Retired officials remove thither to live; widows; people not very well off, who have acquaintances in the senate, and therefore condemn themselves to this for nearly the whole of their lives; and, in short, that whole list of people who can be described by the words ash-coloured--people whose garments, faces, hair, eyes, have a sort of ashy surface, like a day when there is in the sky neither cloud nor sun. Among them may be retired actors, retired titular councillors, retired sons of Mars, with ruined eyes and swollen lips.

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"Life in Kolomna is terribly dull: rarely does a carriage appear, except, perhaps, one containing an actor, which disturbs the universal stillness by its rumble, noise, and jingling. You can get lodgings for five rubles a month, coffee in the morning included. Widows with pensions are the most aristocratic families there; they conduct themselves well, sweep their rooms often, chatter with their friends about the dearness of beef and cabbage, and frequently have a young daughter, a taciturn, quiet, sometimes pretty creature; an ugly dog, and wall-clocks which strike in a melancholy fashion. Then come the actors whose salaries do not permit them to desert Kolomna, an independent folk, living, like all artists, for pleasure. They sit in their dressing-gowns, cleaning their pistols, gluing together all sorts of things out of cardboard, playing draughts and cards with any friend who chances to drop in, and so pass away the morning, doing pretty nearly the same in the evening, with the addition of punch now and then. After these great people and aristocracy of Kolomna, come the rank and file. It is as difficult to put a name to them as to remember the multitude of insects which breed in stale vinegar. There are old women who get drunk, who make a living by incomprehensible means, like ants, dragging old clothes and rags from the Kalinkin Bridge to the old clothes-mart, in order to sell them for fifteen kopeks--in short, the very dregs of mankind, whose conditions no beneficent, political economist has devised any means of ameliorating.(Gogol, 2011)

CRIME AND PUNISHMENT Fyodor Mikhailovich Dostoyevsky (1821-1881), author of “Crime and Punishment, is a Russian novelist, author of short stories, essayist, journalist and philosopher. [38]

In “Crime and Punishment”, Dostoyevsky starts off with the idea of the existence of a kind of Übermensch. Raskolnikov, the main character, suggests that some people are so good that laws made by average people do not apply to them. In this novel, Dostoyevski shows the city of the poor as a gloomy place where hope vanishes. SaintPetersburg despises ordinary people. It is a city of bureaucracy and banality. In the first chapter of the first part, the main character, Raskolnikov, is introduced. The weather conditions of the city have an influence on the behavior of Raskolnikov. Again and throughout the novel, SaintPetersburg has power over its citizens. The heat in the street was terrible: and the airlessness, the bustle and the plaster, scaffolding, bricks, and dust all about him, and that special Petersburg stench, so familiar to all who are unable to get out of town in summer—all worked painfully upon the young man’s already overwrought nerves. The insufferable stench from the pothouses, which are particularly numerous in that part of the town, and the drunken men whom he met continually, although it was a working day, completed the revolting misery of the picture. An expression of the profoundest disgust gleamed for a moment in the young man’s refined face. (Dostoevsky, 2006) Concluding observation

The three examples dealt with in this contribution show that the theme of the inhumane city that crashes its citizens is typical for Russian literature about Saint Petersburg. Furthermore, Saint Petersburg’s role in Russian literature continued during the Soviet period. Most remarkable is Anna Akhmatova’s“Poem Without a Hero” about the fate of the individual in the 20th century.

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Bibliography Dostoevsky, F. M. (2006, March 28). Retrieved from Crime and Punishment: http://www.gutenberg.org/files/2554/2554-h/2554-h.htm Gogol, N. V. (2011). Retrieved from The Portrait: http://www.readbookonline.net/readOnLine/1045/ Lednicki, W. (1955). Pushkin's Bronze Horseman. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pushkin, A. S. (2007, December 27). Retrieved from Eugene Onegin: http://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/23997/pg23997.html

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THE PRODUCTION OF HISTORY Dima Bou Mosleh University College Leuven-Limburg, Belgium

The production of history is a long standing art. Many historians, like artists, paint their way through the past and into the future. What comes on the way and how the events are being translated and represented depends on the historians’ talent. They “explore the past in order to find out what men did and thought in the past” (Becker, 1955), thus establishing the facts of history. According to the American historian Carl Becker, historians need only to deal with records and establish some facts. But, at the same time, historians need to acknowledge that the meaning and significance of a “historical fact” is difficult to agree upon “because the series of events in which it has a place cannot be enacted again and again, in order to see what effect the variations would have” (Becker, 1955, p. 336). This implies that historians need to repeatedly use their judgment in studying the significance of a set of events that took place once at a certain moment and will never be repeated. Since the records are incomplete and inadequate, this history will not be completely known or confirmed (Becker, 1955, p. 336). Thus, “into the imagined facts and their meaning there enters the personal equation” (Becker, 1955, p. 336). The history of any happening is perceived differently by different individuals and generations; every generation writes about the same history in a different way and puts upon it a different production (Becker, 1955). Each production of history represent somewhat altered or fundamentally divergent attempts at restating the past. According to Becker (1955), the reason for the differences in how different generations imagine the same event are determined by two things: (1) by the actual event itself insofar as we can know something about it; and (2) by our own current purposes, needs, presuppositions, [41]

and biases —all of which enter into the process of knowing it (Becker, 1955, p.336),i.e. knowing a given past event. Therefore, it is not only the event that contributes to our imagined frame, but the mind capturing this imagined frame does too (Becker, 1955, p. 337). This way, the present influences our idea of the past, and, inversely, our idea of the past influences the present. So we may say that “the present is the product of all the past” (Becker, 1955, p. 337). However, what is history writing? Is it objective and do historians show what actually happened? According to Leopold von Ranke, the historian has been “assigned the office of judging the past, of instructing the present for the benefit of future ages” (Evans, 2001). Thus, the task of historians would be to show what has happened; the German phrase that Ranke used – Wieeseigentlichgewesen - was translated in Evans writing as ‘how it essentially was’. However, this was a misunderstanding; for Ranke, it meant understanding the inner being of the past and not merely collecting facts (Evan, 2001, p.9). Ranke’s confidence in historical facts would at times be challenged by the realization that even though history may be stuffed with facts, history writing is more than just mute and dead events. Writing implies narrating, which brings the discussion into the area of rhetoric. The rhetoric of history focuses on the tropes, arguments, and other means of language used to write history and to persuade audiences. Some of the literature “identifies rhetoric too closely with the pleasing and seductive arts of fiction – with tropes, with narrative, with the multiple meanings of poetry” (Nelson, Megill, McCloskey, 1987, p.221). Moreover, rhetoric is not restricted to tropes and narratives: it is the art of persuasion to attain things with words. Neither is it restricted to individual illumination in the archives (Nelson, Megill, McCloskey, 1987, p.221). Hence, the writing of history entails making use of language and logic to sustain an argument. Nevertheless, not many historians acknowledge the fact that their writing is rhetorical, and this has to do with the decline of classical civilization. To many, “rhetoric comes from the mouths of bad politicians (heated rhetoric) or from our enemies (mere rhetoric)” (Nelson, Megill, McCloskey, 1987, p.222), not from the mouth of historians! This way, by assuming that history writing is an [42]

objective enterprise, people often lose sight of the fact that history writing is built on argumentation and persuasion. They prefer to think that history is written like scientists write their lab reports (Nelson, Megill, McCloskey, 1987). In their opinion, the information which historians use is found in archives, and their job is merely to cast it into reports. Hence, they presume that history writing is more solid than philosophy, which makes use of argumentation and persuasion. From this perspective, a comparison can be made between the solid scientific knowledge and the solid objective historiography found in archivism; “by this we mean the tendency of the historian to think that the most important relation is not with the readers, the times, or the questions, but with the archives – with what the historian misleadingly calls the sources of history” (Nelson, Megill, McCloskey, 1987, p.222-223). However important archives may be to history writing, Megill and McCloskey have given several examples showing that the sources of historians’ work are found everywhere and are not limited to the archives. It is the present problems that give material to historians for their writings. Such issues are related to the work of historians, and many others like the women’s movement which created a totally new field (Nelson, Megill, McCloskey, 1987, p.221). Therefore, it is important to explore the rhetorical and narrative dimensions of history writing. This I shall do by highlighting some thoughts from the works of Paul Veyne, Hayden White, and Michel de Certeau. Paul Veyne affirms that history “remains fundamentally an account, and what is called explanation is nothing but the way in which the account is arranged in a comprehensible plot” (Veyne, 1984; White, 1973; De Certeau, 1988). He contends that there is no scientific meaning in historical explanations; they are pure unfoldings of a certain plot to make it understandable. Veyne believes, therefore, that the historical explanation is “entirely sublunary and not scientific at all” (Veyne, 1984, p. 88). Hence, he prefers to describe it as ‘comprehension’ instead. In addition, the intentions of the actors need not be forgotten since history writing includes ‘deliberation’. Consequently, the world of history is accompanied by “liberty, chance, causes, and ends, as opposed to the world of science, which knows only laws” (Veyne, 1984, p. 89). [43]

Hayden White highlights the rhetorical and narrative dimensions of history by identifying the deep structural forms of the historical imagination including the four figures of classical rhetoric: metaphor, metonymy, synecdoche, and irony (1973, p. ix). White addresses the issue through the historical mindfulness of nineteenth-century Europe. He focuses on the problem of historical knowledge by presenting an explanation of the growth of historical thinking during a specific period of its development and a general theory of the structure of historical thinking (1973, p. 1). Several questions were debated throughout the nineteenth century about the meaning of thinking historically and the method of historical inquiry. However, in the twentieth century, there was doubt about the possibility of finding answers to these questions. White used continental European thinkers such as Heidegger and Foucault, who had “cast serious doubts on the value of a specifically historical consciousness, stressed the fictive character of historical reconstructions, and challenged history’s claims to a place among the sciences” (1973, p. 1-2). He also referred to Anglo-American philosophers who had written several works on the epistemological status and cultural function of historical thinking. When such literature is taken as a whole, it “justifies serious doubts about history’s status as either a rigorous science or a genuine art” (1973, p.2). It was, therefore, conceivable to interpret historical consciousness as a “specifically Western prejudice by which the presumed superiority of modern, industrial society can be retroactively substantiated” (White, 1973, p. 2). Michel de Certeau believes that the “historical discourse claims to provide a true content but in the form of a narration” (1988, p. 93). De Certeau states that when we think of history as an operation, we understand its relation to a place (institution), analytical procedures (discipline), and the construction of a text (a literature) (1988, 57). In other words, writing history is a function of an institution, which naturally demands both the obeisance to rules and the interrogation of those very rules (De Certeau, 1988, p. 57). Thus, history writing is “ruled by constraints, bound to privileges, and rooted in a particular situation” (De Certeau, 1988, p. 58). The scientific process should not be alienated from the social body. Consequently, as also Jürgen Habermas has [44]

argued, there is a real need to repoliticalize the discourse in history. In other words, the discourse should never be analyzed as being separate from its discipline (De Certeau, 1988). A historical text is always a product of a discipline and “expresses an operation which is situated within a totality of practices” (De Certeau, 1988, p. 64). In conclusion, the realization has been growing among historians and philosophers of history that history writers do more than merely ‘find’ historical facts. In fact, they also ‘imagine’ a history (or several alternative histories) in light of a historiographical institution with its own rules and judges. This new awareness has led to a crisis in the discipline that (re-)writes history and has also had an impact on other disciplines for which the past is an important factor (e.g. theology and religious law). References Becker, C. L. (1955). What are historical facts? In The Western Political Quarterly, 8(3), 327340. De Certeau, M. (1988). The writing of history. (translated by T. Conley.). New York: Columbia University Press. (Original work published 1975). Evans, R. J. (2001). In defence of history. History extension stage 6: Source book of readings. Sydney: Board of Studies NSW. Retrieved from Board of Studies website: http://www.board ofstudies.nsw.edu.au (Accessed on 10 February 2014). Nelson, J. S., Megill, A., & McCloskey, D. N. (Eds.). (1987). The rhetoric of the human sciences: Language and argument in scholarship and public affairs. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 221. Veyne, P. (1984; 1971). Writing history: essay on epistemology. (M. Moore-Rinvolucri, Trans.). Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press. White, H. (1973). Metahistory: the historical imagination in nineteenth-century Europe. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.

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EDUCATIONAL MODERNIZATION IN IRAN AND THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE Mitra Madani KU Leuven, Belgium

“The foundation of every state is the education of its youth” - Diogenes

ABSTRACT

This paper is a comparative analysis of educational modernization in Iran and the Ottoman Empire from mid19th century to the first decade of 20th century as this period is historically significant for both countries. The focus will be more on the primary level education, but the indirect role of institutions of higher learning in promoting public elementary education will be discussed when needed. The objective is to partially fill the gap in scholarship of educational reform in this part of the world and also to contribute to the histories of education by addressing the functionalistic changes of institutions of knowledge in both countries. A brief literature review and document analysis will allow us to see the simultaneity of the educational experiences in two Muslim countries across a large geographic area that contained such a multitude of ethnic groups and religious minorities. Keywords: Education, Iran, historical, curriculum, reform

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INTRODUCTION The industrial revolution in Europe in late 18th century brought about rapid progress in all fields of science, newer and faster methods of communication, expansion of commerce and modernization of military that in turn necessitated not only a fundamental overhaul and modernization of the existing infrastructures in the army, government and in turn the education system but also affected the aims of education and states’ involvement in many countries. In early 19th century, both the Ottoman Empire and Iran were financially bankrupt due to constant warfare. This was mostly due to European expansionism and in part to internal conflicts in the countries.Both countries became embroiled in wars with the Russian Empire and lost vast parts of their territories. The Ottomans had to abandon their claim to the territories north of the Danube River and Crimea in favor of Russia in 1774. Iran too became a crucial site for the “Anglo-Russian rivalry” (Balaghi, n.d.) due to its geopolitical importance. The Russo-Persian wars of 1813 and 1826 had disastrous results. According to the treaties of Gulistan in 1813 and Turkemanchay in 1828, Iran lost its Caucasian territories (Tavakoli-Targhi, 2001). These significant losses made both states realize that to safeguard their territorial integrity, modern technologies, and military reform were of utmost importance. To develop the same circumstances that had enabled Europeans to become so powerful in a relatively short period of time, the states needed to modernize the instruments of central administration and the military.To realize this goal, a new educational system was needed to replace the traditional one with its traditional emphasis on religious content. Thus, in 19th century both countries beheld a great reform movement that was to give rise to a modern society in all aspects of life.

EDUCATIONAL REFORMS The aim of the educational reform in both countries was to supply a class of educated officers for the army and a cadre of civil servants for the [47]

government as a means of administrative centralization. However, it soon became apparent that modernizing the army necessitated much more comprehensive changes in the government apparatuses. Both states realized that educational reform and the establishment of European style schools were essential for success in this regard. The first step in this process was sending more students to Europe and hiring foreign advisors to supervise the reforms at home. These students and others who were later sent to France played a significant role in introducing modern sciences and European political thought in Iran which contributed to the success of the constitutional revolution of 1906. First, we will look at the traditional education system in Iran at the primary level before the reforms. Qajar period

The rapid urbanization of Iran in this period resulted in socio-economic changes that led to a shift in the culture of education from a traditional system that focused on religious and legal issues to a localized version of an essentialist mode of education that not only provided spiritual and religious education, but would also increase human capital by furnishing the country with the trained artisans, teachers, administrators and engineers that it needed. Thus, traditional schools that heretofore were the domain of the clergy were gradually transformed from a sphere of religious teaching to a more functionalist type of education. Four types of school existed during this period: 1. Maktabs, or traditional elementary schools, usually funded by waqf, or endowment 2. State funded schools established during the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah (1848– 1896) for the training of civil servants or military personnel 3. Modern schools (Madares novin) whose pupils came from all strata of society 4. Missionary and religious minority schools (Khaleghi Moghadam, 2010). [48]

Maktabs in the Qajar Era

During the Qajar era (1785-1925), Iran’s educational system was based on the same traditional method that had been the norm in previous centuries. Classes took place in maktabs, usually in a room in the corner of or adjacent to a mosques, which remained as hosts of the primary school throughout the Qajar period. During this time, elementary schools did not exist as an independent entity (Sultanzadah, 1985). Literally, maktab means a place to read books or where writing is taught under the tutelage of a mullah (clerical teacher) or a mu‘alim (teacher). Until reforms were introduced in the late 19th and 20th century, the maktab system was the only educational center for literacy open to the public. Maktabs spread throughout the country in three types. One type was the Akhundbaji’s Maktabs, which were presided over by semi-literate women in their houses. The two other types were the Public and the Private Maktabs (Noroozi, n.d.). They were essentially the same in terms of administration: 1. There was no admission procedure or specific entrance requirements that would prevent the students from enrollment. 2. There was no specific cut-off date for registration, and students could join the maktab anytime. 3. Girls and boys studied together from the age of five to ten. The girls whose parents permitted them to continue their education were sent to separate girls’ maktabs. However, the education of most girls ended at this point. 4. Similar to Akhundbajis’ Maktabs, there were no restrictions and requirements for opening a Maktabkhaneh, and neither was there a special license for it. In addition, there was no organization regulating the maktabs. The jurisdiction or lack of it was dependent on an individual’s character, knowledge, and literacy, and there was no authority to evaluate the owner’s knowledge (Eghbal Ghasemi, 1998). 5. All three types of maktab were privately funded, the first two by waqf and, in the case of private maktabs, by affluent members of [49]

society, who hired a teacher to teach their children at home. Often, children from other families would attend these maktabs,in which case the expenses were still borne by the family that had established the maktab. The children were later on sent to madrassahs, or higher education institutions, to pursue their education. Like the other two kinds of maktabs, there was no regulation, specific curriculum or state supervision. (Khaleghi Moghadam, 2010). Curriculum and teaching method

The main educational activity in maktabs was to introduce children to short verses and suras of the Quran, ethics, Sharia law, and the alphabet so they could read the Quran. The curriculum of these maktabs did not incorporate teaching and mathematics or other kinds of empirical sciences. Learning was achieved by rote learning and verbatim memorization of textbooks. The method of instruction in these centers entailed the students gathering around the teacher and memorizing verses and the alphabet in a domestic setting. ‘There was not a high level of instruction and teachers were not monitored. No guidelines or directions were established and anyone could open a Maktabkhaneh’ (Ringer, 2001). The purpose of education in themaktabs was to teach the fundamentals of Islam with an emphasis on societal values, all of which both derived from and contributed to a traditional philosophy of education.

EVALUATION AND DISCIPLINE There was not a standardized graded level system. Therefore, each pupil regardless of academic ability started school at the same level on a different date. Nor was there a periodic test administered to evaluate the students’ scholastic progress. Starting a new topic, homework or level was dependent on having learned the previous one. Though no age for graduation has been indicated in the resources consulted, it was assumed that every pupil had read the Qur'an from cover to cover at least once in order to graduate. [50]

Students learned and memorized the holy text by repeating it loudly after the teacher, and showed their knowledge by repeating the subject matter verbatim while kneeling in front of the teacher.The success or failure of the student was dependent on his ability to recite the lesson without error. If he failed, he would be punished by the teacher.

TRADITIONAL EDUCATION IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE Until the 19th century and the Reform Period known as “Tanzimat”, there were four types of school for formal education in the empire: 1. At the primary level, the counterparts of themaktabswere called Sibyan schools. 2. Then, there were the madrasahs, which were institutions of higher learning, and the Enderun schools, which were established and controlled by the court to educate administrators and civil servants. 3. In addition to the madrasahs, military colleges such as The Turkish Military Academy (established in 1834) and The Ottoman Military College were established to educate officers for the army. 4. Religious Minority (or Millet) schools. Both Enderun schools and the academies were funded by the government, whereas the Sibyan schools and madrasahs were funded by Waqf. The Millet schools were established and maintained by their own communities (Sonmez, 2013).

PRIMARY EDUCATION IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE The Ottoman Empire inherited the primary school system (Sybian Mektebi) from the Seljuks. They were very similar to Iran’s maktabs in nature. Their educational scope, administration and physical space mirrored the maktabs throughout the Middle East. These were generally a large one-room construct usually located or adjacent to a mosque and funded either by philanthropist members of the society through waqf or by the Sultan. Because establishing such schools did not require a lot of investment, they could be found in every corner of the empire: in cities, towns and villages. [51]

Teachers in these schools were called “Hodja “or “Mu‘allim” for male teachers or Mu‘allimah for females. In larger Sibyan schools, there were often two teachers assisted by one of the more senior students (Caliph). There was no professional standard or licensure required for becoming a teacher. Nor was there an organization to oversee the teachers prior to the reform era, who were usually graduates of a madrasah.

CURRICULUM AND TEACHING METHOD In the Seljuk era, besides literacy and religious matters, sciences were taught, too, but over time they were replaced by religious content and Quran recitation, which was compulsory during The Ottomans’ long reign. The Ottomans had religion as the centre of gravity and maintained a façade of Islamic orthodoxy. Customarily boys and girls studied together unless otherwise specified in the waqf charters. During this time, education was based on rote memorization without giving much notice to the students’ comprehension of the content. Memorization was achieved by repeating after the teacher or the caliph in chorus or by reading from a paper. Besides ethics and Sharia, children were also taught how to pray, which Suras and verses of Quran to recite during prayer and the alphabet so they could read the Quran (Celnek, 2009).

EVALUATION AND DISCIPLINE Quite similar to Iran’s maktabs, in the Ottoman Caliphate, the process of evaluation involved verbatim testing and corporal punishment. The new learners would go to the teachers and sit down on their knees. The teacher would ask them about the sections which they had been studying, and the child would ‘deliver’ the lesson verbatim. A child’s success was dependent on his or her being able to repeat the lesson word by word. If there was a mistake in his or her responses, the teacher would punish the student.

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STATE FUNDED SCHOOLS IN IRAN In 1851, with the active support of Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir, Dar alFunun, the first modern school in Iran, was established in Tehran. Dar alFunun, a school fashioned after the French St. Cyr and the Ottoman Mekteb-iUlum-iHarbiye, was established as a military college with a modern curriculum designed to train staff for all the army corps. The curriculum included subjects like military sciences, engineering, mathematics, drafting, mining, physics, pharmacology, and medicine. There were very few qualified native teachers or suitable textbooks, so most of the teachers were recruited from Europe and taught in French. Subsequently a department of languages was added to the faculties in order to teach French, Russian, German and English to the students and also to translate the textbooks for future pupils. As a result, a cadre of army personneltrained in all aspects of modern military science and civil service was produced to serve in governmental organizations. According to the historian MurtizaRavandi, in a period of forty years, 1,100 students graduated from Dar al-Funun (Arasteh, 1962). A large percentage of distinguished names in the country, from prime ministers to writers and scientists, were graduates of this college. Dar al-Funun was followed by the Military College of Tehran (madreseh nezamieh) in 1885 and the College of Political Sciences (madreseh oloomeh siasi) in 1899 ("Higher Education in Iran," n.d.). With the establishment of Daral-Funun and other colleges, it soon became apparent that the students graduating from maktabs were not academically equipped to deal with new subjects. They not only needed a better foundation in mathematics and sciences, which were not included in the maktabs’ curriculum, but also a change in instructional methods from rote learning to a more analytical and critical approach preparing students to apply what they had learned. This reinforced the need for a more modern way of primary education in the country and paved the way for the reforms that followed (Tavakoli Targhi, n.d.). The establishment of Dar al-Funun in the educational reform period in Iran was significant because for the first time in centuries, the production of knowledge and culture shifted away from maktabs and madrassahsunder the control of the Shia clerics. The students were [53]

instructed in new sciences and crafts that were more secular in nature, whereas the clerics concentrated solely on teaching religious subjects and social norms, thus preserving the status quo.

STATE FUNDED SCHOOLS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE Military Colleges

The first state-sponsored schools were primarily military colleges whose mission was to educate staff officers of the Ottoman army in modern military strategies and warfare. The oldest one was the Naval Mathematical College" (1776) later on renamed as the "Imperial Naval Engineering School", which provided training in navigation and cartography for officers of the deck and naval architecture and shipbuilding for naval engineers ("Naval Academy Turkey," n.d.). The second one was the Imperial College of Military Engineering established in 1790.Its curriculum included arithmetic, geometry, trigonometry, algebra, mechanics, natural sciences, and civil engineering (Irzık & Güzeldere, 2005). Enderun Schools

The Enderun School was a palace school for the Christian Millet, which primarily recruited students via a system for the the Islamization of Christian children to serve in bureaucratic, managerial, and military positions within the Ottoman Caliphate. The curriculum included Islamic sciences, mathematics, geography, history, law, music, art and languages, including Arabic, Turkish and Persian. At the end of the Enderun school system, the graduates would be able to speak, read, and write at least three languages and to understand the latest developments in science. They would also be proficient in at least a craft or art and excel in army command as well as in close combat skills (Corlu, Burlbaw, Capraro, Corlu, & Sunyoung, 2010).

MODERN SCHOOLS (MADARESNOVIN) IN IRAN Unlike their predecessors that were open only to the nobles and the royal princes, modern schools were open to all strata of society. These [54]

were schools established to meet the needs of the newly expanding middle class, who wanted to have their children educated. The educational goals of such schools were to educate and train the children of merchants and artisans so they could prosper and succeed in the rapidly changing society. They were established by some of the more forward-thinking clergy, affluent merchants, and well-educated elite who believed that public education was necessary to modernize the country. The operating expenses of these schools fell under the responsibility of the founder and the small tuition fees which some of the pupils’ parents paid. Beside the elite, members of society who established modern schools, such as Sardar Afkham (governor of Rasht) and Ala al-Dowleh (governor of Tehran), the first name that comes to mind is Mirza Hassan Tabrizi, famously known as Mirza Hassan Roshdieh. He is widely known as the founder of modern education in Iran. He was a Shia cleric at first, but after reading an article in the Akhtar newspaper about the difficulties of learning the Persian and Turkish alphabet (both were based on the Arabic script), the course of his life changed. He went to Lebanon and studied at the teachers College for two years and then traveled extensively through Egypt and Turkey to study their education systems. He is acknowledged as the first person to have introduced some modern teaching methods in Iran, especially in teaching the alphabet using sounds (phonic alphabet) instead of characters. His method is still used throughout Iran to some degree. He also established the first modern schools that used blackboards, instruction books and maps in Tabriz (1887) and Tehran (1898), which later served as model schools ("Ali Akbar Dehkhoda A Biographical Account," 2010). Despite all these efforts, only a handful of elementary schools existed in Tehran and even fewer in the provinces. Not even the establishment of the Ministry of Science (later on renamed as Ministry of Culture) in 1855 led to the proliferation of modern schools. The maktabs continued to provide basic education to the masses. What changed this situation was the promulgation of compulsory education in the Constitution of 1906. Article 33 of the Fundamental Law for the Advancement of Education stipulated that these schools would be free of charge and provide [55]

compulsory schooling for children between the ages of 7 and 13. Although this law was not fully implemented till many decades later, the very factthat provisions had been made for primary education in the constitution gave it legitimacy in the eyes of the citizens. This law was the first step towards the centralization of education,whereby the Ministry of Culture would gradually take over the administration of educational institutions from the Ulama (Arasteh, 1962). Roshdieh Schools

In his first schools, before he had the budget to buy desks and chairs, Roshdieh had his students sit in the traditional cross-legged manner. However, he had also designed small tables which they could easily put in front of them to write on comfortably. He taught them in a simple direct way to read and write the alphabet. In addition to the school in Tehran (1898), he established another schoolwith the help of Amin-al-Dowleh, the Prime Minister. At this new school, there were 40 orphan children who were sponsored by the government. Subsequently, he opened a boarding school for orphans whose budget was provided by prominent government officials and private citizens. These initiatives were followed by three more schools in rapid succession, all of them for educating the underprivileged and downtrodden members of society. Mirza Hassan trained new teachers for the new schools and added history, geography and arithmetic to the religious subjects that were traditionally taught. In addition, with the help of Sheikh HadiNajmabadi, a prominent and progressive cleric, he also incorporated vocational training in the form of carpet weaving, shoe making and paper making into the new curriculum. The Prime Minister was so impressed with Mirza’s efforts that he allocated funds from the government budget specifically to help these schools. It should be noted that through all these years, both in Tabriz and Tehran, conservative clerics, resenting his success, renounced these schools as centers for leading children astray from the true path of Islam, thus exciting the public’s wrath against modern schools. Mirza had to contend with his schools being destroyed by mobs, students injured, [56]

assassination attempts on his life and later on a Fatwa against his schools; nevertheless, he never gave up. He either rebuildt the schools or opened new ones in other locations; sometimes, he did both (Arasteh, 1962).

MODERN SCHOOLS IN OTTOMAN EMPIRE During Sultan Mahmûd II’s reign, it had become apparent that the graduates of Sibyan schools were not academically capable enough to pursue higher education in the few colleges that existed in the country at the time. Thus, the modernization of Sibyan schools that had continued to follow the traditional Ottoman educational philosophy gained importance. To rectify the situation, the Sultan issued an edict outlining primary education and how it should be governed in 1824.This edict was the foundation of the educational system’s reform during Tanzimat, or reorganization era, in the Ottoman Empire.In the next 45 years, various edicts and directives pertaining to the modernization of the educational system were issued by successive Sultans. The important points of these directives were: 1.

Nationalization of education

2. Primary cycle set at 4 years 3. Mandatory attendance 4. Hiring qualified subjects of the empire as teachers 5. Prescribed curriculum 6. At least one primary school per neighbourhood or village All these edicts had two things in common: A. The budget for these schools was to be provided through endowment (waqf), the Ramadan tax (fitra) or the poor tax (zakat). B. Due to the influence that the madrasas had over the primary schools, the administration of such schools was left to the office of the Shaykh al-Islam. Therefore, not much was done in terms of including more secular subjects or teaching methodology.

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Despite the establishment of a Council of Public Instruction (1845) and the Ministry of Education (1847), the reforms were not fully implemented till 1869 and the Public Education Regulations. The Sibyan schools continued to provide traditional education to a large extent and functioned in parallel with modern schools whose curriculum and teaching style were more secular and based on modern methodologies. The first reorganized schools called “ibtidâ’î” (elementary in Arabic) based on the Regulations of 1869 opened in 1870. As part of these reforms, age and level appropriate textbooks were prepared and published for the pupils, and the administration of these schools were gradually turned over to local organizations. In 1876, the question of primary education became a part of the constitution. An article in the Constitution made primary education mandatory: "All Ottoman youth shall be required to complete the first stage of the educational system, and the steps and details with regard to this shall be spelled out in special regulations”. In 1882, the Minister of Education tried to do away with this dichotomous system by placing his weight behind the elementary (ibtidâ’î) schools, and eventually the Sibyan schools were transformed into elementary schools. By 1909, most of the primary schools had adopted the new style curriculum (Ihsanoglu, n.d.).

MISSIONARY AND RELIGIOUS MINORITY SCHOOLS IN IRAN The first Catholic missionaries arrived in Iran during 13th and 14th century when Dominicans and Franciscans established the very first Christian missions in the Persian Empire. But it was not until the early 17th century that Shah Abbas Safavid, who eagerly sought European support in his efforts to counter Ottoman expansionism, welcomed official representatives of Christian religious orders. They were allowed to establish missionary centers all through the land and to minister to the Christians of the Realm. However, after his death, during Shah Sultan Hussein’s and Nadir Shah’s reigns, persecutions broke out, and the missionaries were forced to flee.

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Catholics were not the only missionaries interested in working in Iran. Protestants also started their missionary work in 1834, when the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions established a mission in Urmiah amongst the Nestorians. From 1834 to 1871, some fiftytwo missionaries with several physicians were sent into Iran by this organization. By 1895, the American missionaries managed to establish 117 schools in northwestern Iran alone, enrolling 2410 students. By late 1890s, they operated 147 schools throughout Iran for both sexes with a total of 1000 girls enrolled (Rostam-Kolayi, 2002). Religious Minorities’ Schools

Nowadays, educating their youth is not a major issue for religious minorities, but this was of great importance to their communities in previous centuries, especially during Muzaffar al-Din Shah’s reign. In this period, major changes and developments took place in their system of education. These changes occurred at the same time as the reforms during the Qajar reign, which led to the emergence of modern schools in the country with the help of people like Roshdieh and the prime minister, Amin al-Dowleh. It is important to note that despite all the persecutions and restriction imposed on religious minorities by the society, they were still ahead of their Muslim counterparts in terms of education. A case in point is the Armenian schools that were established in 1836, 17 years before Dar alFunun. Armenian Schools in Tehran, Isfahan, and Azerbaijan

The history of Armenian education in Iran can be traced back to Shah Abbas Safavi’s reign, who brought them to Isfahan from Nakhichevan, Ganja and Jolfa in 1605. The Armenians built a small church and schools for their children’s education after settling down. In fact, a room in the church was set aside as a classroom and the priests taught the children. The first somewhat modern school was established in 1834. Nasser al-Din Shah issued a decree to the governor of Isfahan and the government to pay a yearly stipend of 100 Tomans to the school and the Armenian Church in 1879. [59]

In 1899, with the help of Armenians from Jolfa, India and Java, a school for girls was established in Isfahan. In 1907, another school was established by Mrs. Varehkanian in memory of her husband who was the principal of Lazarian College in Moscow. The furniture, educational aids, maps, and blackboards were imported from Russia. The next school to be established in Isfahan was a vocational school for boys in 1908. The first professions to be taught in this school were carpentry, shoemaking, and metal working. The required tools and machinery were imported from abroad. The Armenian school in Tehran was established in 1870 along with the Armenian Church in the same year, in competition with the Protestant missionary schools in the capital. Zoroastrian Schools

Although Zoroastrianism was once the majority religion in Iran, Zoroastrians are at present only in the ten thousands. They are the oldest religious community of the nation, with a long history continuing to the present day. Under Islamic rule, religious minorities were subject to heavy minority taxes, or jizya, which greatly curtailed their economic growth and assimilation into the society. One major change for the minorities with far-reaching results was revoking the jizya in 1882, years before the constitutional revolution ("Jizya," 2007). This period was a turning point for the minorities, especially the Zoroastrians and the Jews, because for the first time in centuries they were able to connect with the outside world and seek help in settling their problems with the government. Since education is highly valued by Zoroastrians, they have always been very diligent in educating their children. Even though they had to endure persecutions and harassments from the state and society, they managed to establish schools when there was none anywhere in the country. For example, they founded schools, libraries and healthcare centers in Kerman and Yazd . Before the reform period, there were a handful of maktabs in each city to educate the youth. In such traditional maktabs, reading and writing of [60]

Persian, penmanship and verses from Avesta (the primary Zoroastrian Sacred Texts) were taught by a master. Like the traditional maktabs, it was a one-room space where the children sat on a sheepskin or a small mat. The master wrote simple verses from Shahnameh, a long Persian epic poem, on a piece of paper for each child and gave it to them to study. The Zoroastrians accepted the new system of education with wholehearted support from Parsis of India. This trend had started towards the end of Nasser al-Din Shah’s rule and continued during Mozafar al-Din Shah’s reign. Another form of their educational institutions was one that taught literacy to adults (for a period of six months) and/or accounting for one year. There were quite a few of these schools in Yazd and Kerman.During the reform period, many schools for both girls and boys were established in Iran. Among them were Rostami Abad Elementary in Taft in 1900, which was the first school of any denomination in that city, Goodarzi Elementary in Yazd in 1902, and Hormazd Elementary for boys in Tehran (Akhjasteh & Advay, 2011). Jewish schools

The education of Iranian Jews was conducted in traditional maktabs like their Muslim counterparts. Students sat in several semicircles on the floor of the synagogue before a mullah (Jewish cleric) and in chorus recited back whatever he recited to them. In these maktbas, Hebrew verses from the Torah, prayer books and sermons were taught. There was no restriction for enrollment and students of different ages and abilities studied together. The older students were expected to help the younger ones. The salary of the mullah was paid by the families of the students and depended on their economic ability. This mode of education continued till 1865 when the Jews of Hamadan and Tehran made contact with Alliance headquarters in Paris. But the Alliance’s efforts to establish schools in Iran in the following years were not successful till 1873, when members of the central committee of the Alliance met Naseral-Din Shah in Paris during one of his visits. The Shah was persuaded to lend patronage for establishing Alliance schools in Iran [61]

and signed an agreement with the committee. Due to financial and budgetary reasons, it took 25 years for this agreement to bear fruit. During the reign of Mozaffaral-Din Shah, the Alliance informed the king of the past agreement and obtained his consent to establish schools. In 1898, the first Alliance school opened in Tehran. The Shah indicated his approval by awarding it two hundred Tomans through the minister of foreign affairs. In the 1898-99 academic year, the number of students enrolled in the elementary classes was 350 (421 by the end of the year), out of a Jewish community of 6,000 in Tehran. The following year, an Alliance school for girls opened, and evening classes were established for adults. Yearly tuition at the school was 1,200 francs (approximately 240 Tomans at that time). Two-thirds of the student body was exempted from monthly payments, and approximately sixty poor and orphan students were given free meals (Yarshater, 1985). The students were divided into 9 classes and sat at desks, and the teachers supervised the hygiene of the students and the school. The language of instruction was French from the beginning, and the textbooks were based on French models. As a result, Jewish youths gained little knowledge of the Persian or Hebrew languages and cultures. Some Iranian Jews constantly fought against this method of education. It was finally changed after 1921, with more emphasis being given to Persian and, to a lesser extent, Hebrew. With the founding of the Alliance schools in Iran, the traditional method of education was gradually replaced by a European method unique in Iran (Akhjasteh & Advay, 2011).

RELIGIOUS MINORITIES’ EDUCATION IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE The Ottoman Empire was a multinational, multilingual, multi-ethnical and multi-faith society. The Turks of the empire were Muslims based on Islamic Sharia, but they recognized the other two major faiths (Christians and Jews) as people of the book (ahl al-Kitab) and acknowledged them as separate communities referred to as “Millet”. Millets were led by religious chiefs, who served both as secular and as religious leaders.This term was used in the Ottoman Empire for legally protected religious minority groups, similar to the way other countries use the word nation. [62]

All millets of the Empire had the right to open and run their own schools and seminaries, teaching in their own languages.The minority schools in the Ottoman Empire can be grouped into three: Greek Schools, Armenian Schools, and Jewish Schools (Gokce & Oguz, 2011). Greek Schools

The Greeks had established their first school in the Byzantine period in Istanbul by the name of PhanarGreek School. It was controlled and sponsored by the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Another important school was the Heybeliada School of Parsons. It was opened in the 9th century as a shrine under the name of “Ayatiriyada Monastery;” a school was added to it after the conquest of Istanbul. The Greek, being by far the most ethnocentric millet under Ottoman rule, continued to establish schools all over the empire during the following centuries to keep their culture alive. The education in these schools, like in most minority schools in Turkey, had a secular bent, and subjects such as Greek Language and Literature, Geometry, and Mathematics were taught in them. By 1897, the largest number of elementary schools in the empire was Greek Orthodox and consisted of 4390 schools out of a total of 5982 non-Muslim schools in 1897 (Gamm, 2013). Armenian Schools

In the period between the conquest of Istanbul and the end of the 18th century, there were no Armenian schools in the empire (Gokce & Oguz, 2011). The Millet system in the empire enabled the Armenians to establish the first school in 1790. Other religious community schools were founded in all Armenian neighbourhoods of Istanbul and other parts of the empire like Anatolia, where the Armenian population was dense. On Patriarch Karabet’s instructions in 1824, schools were established almost everywhere in the country. Establishing higher education institutions was the next logical step, so the Cemeran School in Uskudar was built in order to provide higher education to Armenian communities. According to the Patriarchate’s data, there were 469 Armenian schools in Anatolia in 1834. [63]

Jewish Schools

There was a small Jewish minority of 150,000 in the 19th century in the Ottoman Empire. The Jewish communities were mostly urban, and generally lived in their own overcrowded neighborhoods (Ginio, n.d.). For this reason, the Ottoman Jews were behind other millets in benefitting from privileges granted to them by the state as they lived as a somewhat closed society. However, with the establishment of Alliance Israelite in 1860 in France, new horizons opened up for them in terms of educational opportunities. They were encouraged by the Alliance to assimilate the French culture by learning and speaking French. They opened a school in Istanbul and educated the community without using Turkish in any way. Theirdifference from other minority schools is that they focused not only on good manners and language teaching, but also on vocational training. Missionary schools

Although both Catholic and Protestant missionaries had been present in the empire from the 16th century, with the Second Great Awakening a more organized and systematic endeavor in this regard was undertaken by the Protestants, specifically the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM), based in Boston, and the Church Missionary Society, based in London. The empire, with its large Christian minority consisting of Armenians, Maronite, Greeks, Bulgarians, Jacobites, Nestorians, Chaldeans and Copts, attracted their attention for two reasons. Like their Catholic counterparts , the Protestants with their firm belief in individual salvation, not only wanted to bring Christianity to the Empire but also to revitalize Eastern Christianity, which, they felt, was in dire need of spiritual conversion through evangelization. This was to be achieved by emphasizing Bible reading and Christian education. In addition, the missionaries were attracted to the Holy Land (Agoston & Masters, n.d.). In general, missionaries of all denominations, especially Americans, believed that only through education and intellectual enlightenment people would be receptive to their religious mission, so education became an indirect tool for evangelization. The first requirement [64]

towards achieving this goal was literacy. They established primary schools for boys and girls all over the empire to introduce the populace to modern education. In addition, they established printing presses to publish schoolbooks, copies of the Bible, and other religious tracts. American missionaries were of the opinion that it was better to communicate and proselytize in the native language of the people they administered to, so the published material and even the language of instruction were in the predominant language of the millet.The ABCFM founded its first school in Beirut in 1824. In the following decades, they established an extensive network of schools at all levels in the Empire, particularly in Anatolia. Besides teaching literacy, they included empirical sciences and humanities in their syllabuses. In addition, most of the missionaries whether male or female, were graduates of teaching colleges of their native countries and were better equipped as trained teachers in using modern methodologies of teaching in their schools. Better trained teachers and a more practical curriculum resulted in a higher quality of education than the Sibyan schools or most of the millet schools could provide. Therefore, they attracted more and more students from the ranks of Armenians, Jews, and even Muslims. In addition to opening kindergartens and primary and secondary schools in almost every city in the Empire, several colleges were founded to provide higher education for the graduates of missionary schools, such as the Robert College in Istanbul in 1863 and the Syrian Protestant College in Beirut in 1866.The annual reports of the ABCFM and Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions in 1914 stated that the American missionaries in the Ottoman Empire directed 473 elementary, 54 secondary, and 4 theological schools, as well as 11 colleges, teaching a total of 32,252 students (Agoston & Masters, n.d.).

CONCLUSION By the early nineteenth century, it had become clear to both Iran and the Ottoman Empire that military reforms could not happen in isolation. The entire administrative system needed to be reconstructed, and modern schools had to be established to accommodate these reforms. As a [65]

result, both countries started what is widely referred to as “defensive modernization ” or “defensive reforms”. The educational reforms started with establishing higher education institutions in the form of military colleges to produce trained personnel for the administrative bodies and officers for the army. However, the graduates of traditional educational institutions did not possess the academic background to study in these colleges, so the next step was to modernize the existing primary education. For the first few decades after the start of the reforms, this desired outcome was not achieved in either country because of the influence and opposition of the ulama who were traditionally the providers and administrators of public education. Added to this opposition was the proliferation of missionary and religious minority schools which had their own educational style and curriculum. This situation resulted in a dichotomous educational system at best. On the one hand, there were the traditional maktabs with their emphasis on religious subjects with almost a complete disregard for empirical sciences and, on the other hand, were the missionary, minority, and modern schools with modern curricula and teaching methodology. The primary level education in Iran and the Ottoman Empire in mid-19th century had many similarities, such as: 1.

With the exception of a few, no state-funded schools existed before the reforms

2. Primary education was under the ulama’s administration 3. No modern curriculum or teaching method was implemented into the maktabs’ system 4. The writing classes taught in the maktabs were based on the Arabic script 5. Traditional schools operated parallel to newly established modern schools 6. Missionary schools provided modern curriculum and teaching methodology and were a source of free education for the public. 7. Iranian and Ottoman authorities established a secular, statefunded education system as a counterbalance to the missionary schools (and to the millet schools in the case of the Ottomans) [66]

Despite these similarities, there were major differences between the two countries’ primary education systems too. To name a few: 1.

The first modern school in the Ottoman Empire was established in 1839 to train a body of civil servants for the new administrative structure (Somel, 2001), whereas the first modern school in Iran was established in 1851.

2. Direct state involvement started much sooner in the Ottoman Empire with the Regulation of Education in 1869. 3. A Ministry of Education was established in 1847 in Ottoman Turkey, while there would not be one in Iran till 1855. 4. The inclusion of compulsory education in the constitution happened in 1876 in Ottoman Turkey,whereas in Iran, compulsory education was promulgated into the constitution only in 1907. 5. Millet schools were much more numerous and provided a higher level of education in the Ottoman Empire than their counterparts in Iran. 6. Maktabs in Ottoman Turkey were all funded by enwoment (waqf) or other forms of charitable donation, and students did not pay tuition fees; however, in Iran although some of the maktabs were funded by charitable endowments, the students were expected to pay tuition in the privately owned maktabs. To elucidate the reasons for these differences a more comprehensive look at the socioeconomic and political system of the two countries is needed, which is out of the scope of this article. However, the most important reason —i.e. the size and composition of the middle class— can be briefly examined here. One of the main differences between the two countries was that although the reforms started from the top, in the Ottoman Empire, they were supported by the middle class. A large proportion of this class was comprised of minorities, especially Christians. The merchants were mainly Greek Orthodox or Armenian, so they were more involved in the economy of the country and more active in the society. They had their [67]

own schools and sent their children to Europe for higher education, so the limited number of educated manpower in the Empire was mostly Christian and wholeheartedly supported the reforms. This disparity indirectly encouraged the authorities to hasten their efforts in establishing a nationalized and secular education system. Iran was still transforming from a feudalistic and tribal society into a more modern and urban one; so there was no large middle class in the country at the time. The middle class, comprised of merchants and artisans, was traditionally Muslim with a very conservative worldview because of its ties with the ulama and religious organizations. As a result, with the exception of a few open-minded individuals, their stance was that the traditional schools had served the society well for centuries and viewed the educational reforms not only as a burden on the society, but also as a threat to the Islamic culture of the country with their emphasis on empirical sciences and a secular approach to education. In addition, minorities in Iran constituted a smaller percentage of the population than in the Ottoman Empire. Besides, they are not as integrated into the society as their counterparts in Ottoman Turkey. They were mostly autonomous in their civil affairs and education like their neighbours, but did not have a robust presence in the economic sphere like the millets in the Ottoman Empire. Hence, minorities in Irancould not exert a strong influence on the society and the reforms undertaken by the state. In sum, rapid changes in technology and the sciences in Europe, combined with the dismal economic and political situation of both Iran and the Ottoman Empire led them to initiate reforms in order to keep their borders secure and stop the western countries from increasing encroachment into their affairs. The starting point was reconstructing the army. That soon necessitated fundamental transformations in the administrative and educational bodies. Not only was the educational system revamped, but also the function and philosophy of education. There was a movement from the traditional philosophy with its emphasis on inculcating religious values among the population to a secular and functionalistic view of the same, where producing trained manpower while maintaining society’s cultural integrity took centre stage. [68]

Institutions of higher education were established, and primary education, which had thus far been viewed as not having direct effects on the reforms, was justifiably recognized as a necessity for the public and put at the top of both governments’ agenda. References Agoston, G., & Masters, B. (n.d.). Missionary schools in the Ottoman Empire. In Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire (pp. 385-386). Akhjasteh, J., &Advay, M. (2011). A Study of Minorities’ Education DuringMuzaffar al-Din Shah’s Reign. PayamehBaharestan. Ali Akbar Dehkhoda A Biographical Account. (2010, May 26). Http://www.iran-daily.com/. Retrieved from http://old.irandaily.com/1389/3/5/MainPaper/3689/Page/6/MainPaper_3689_6.pdf Arasteh, A. R. (1962). Education and social awakening in Iran. Leiden: E.J. Brill. Balaghi, S. (n.d.). Colonialism and Constitutionalism: Iran at the Turn of the Century. Retrieved from https://www.nyu.edu/greyart/exhibits/iran/briefhistory/body_index.html Celnek, S. (2009). Secularization Process in the History of Turkish Education. Social Science Journal,19(2), 101-108. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http://www.krepublishers.com/02Journals/JSS/JSS-19-0-000-09-Web/JSS-19-2-000-09-Abst-PDF/JSS-19-2-101-2009-774Celenk-S/JSS-19-2-101-2009-774-Celenk-S-Tt.pdf Corlu, S. M., Burlbaw, L. M., Capraro, R. M., Corlu, M. A., &Sunyoung, H. (2010). The Ottoman Palace School Enderun and the Man with Multiple Talents, MatrakçıNasuh. Journal of the Korea Society of Mathematical Education,14(1), d, 19-31. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http://aggiestem.tamu.edu/sites/aggiestem.tamu.edu/files/drrobertmcapraro/The%20Ottoman %20Palace%20School.pdf EghbalGhasemi,1998) . ). The new schools in Qajarieh ; their founders and pioneers. Tehran: MarkazNashrDaneshgahi. Gamm, N. (2013, October 12). Istanbul’s schools under the Ottomans. Hürriyet Daily News. Ginio, E. (n.d.). Jews in the Ottoman Empire. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http://www.jbooks.com/secularculture/Ginio.htm Gokce, F., &Oguz, N. (2011). Minority and foreign schools on the Ottoman education system [Abstract]. E-International Journal of Educational Research,1(1), 42-57. Retrieved from http://www.e-ijer.com/ Higher education in Iran. (n.d.). Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Higher_education_in_Iran Ihsanoglu, E. (n.d.). Primary Schools under the Ottomans. Retrieved from http://muslimheritage.com/article/primary-schools-under-ottomans

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Irzık, G., & Güzeldere, G. (2005). Late Ottoman and Early Republican Science. In Turkish studies in the history and philosophy of science (pp. 287-288). Dordrecht: Springer. Jizya. (2007, May 29). Retrieved from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jizya#Nineteenth_and_twentieth_centuries KhaleghiMoghadam, M. (2010, October). Taghiir- foncionalisti- madares- doreh-Qajar [Web log post]. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http://drmkhm.blogfa.com/post-184.aspx Nasiri, M. (n.d.). Mirza Hassan Roshdieh. Retrieved from http%3A%2F%2Fanjom.ir%2Fbozorgdashtha%2F19-roshdye.html Naval Academy Turkey. (n.d.). Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Naval_Academy_(Turkey)#History Noroozi, N. (2010). Evolving philosophies of modern education in Iran examining the role of wonder (Unpublished master's thesis). [Preface]. (2001). In M. M. Ringer (Author), Education, religion, and the discourse of cultural reform in Qajar Iran (pp. 8-9). Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda. Rostam-Kolayi, J. (2002). Foreign education,the women's pres. In N. R. Keddie & R. P. Matthee (Authors), Iran and the surrounding world: Interactions in culture and cultural politics (pp. 186-187). Seattle: University of Washington Press. Somel, S. A. (2001). The emergence of government primary education. In The modernization of public education in the Ottoman Empire, 1839-1908: Islamization, autocracy, and discipline (pp. 15-16). Leiden: Brill. Sonmez, S. (2013). Primary Education System in Ottoman Empire. International Journal of Humanities & Social Science,3(5), 163. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/87976999/primary-education-system-ottomanempire Sultanzadah, H. (1985). Tārīkh-imadāris-iĪrān, azʻahd-ibāstāntātaʾsīs-iDār al-Funūn (1st ed., Vol. 1, pp. 54-55). Tehran: Agah. TavakoliTarghi, M. (n.d.). The Constitutionalist Language and Imaginary. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http%3A%2F%2Firanianstudies.ca%2FConst_Revolution%2Fbackground.html TavakoliTarghi, M. (n.d.). The Constitutionalist Language and Imaginary. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http%3A%2F%2Firanianstudies.ca%2FConst_Revolution%2Fbackground.html Tavakoli-Targhi, M. (2001). 7,Patriotic and Matriotic Nationalism. In Refashioning Iran Orientalism, Occidentalisln and Historiography (pp. 114-115). New York: Palgrave. Yarshater, E. (1985). Alliance Israelite Universelle, In EncyclopaediaIranica (pp. 893-895). ,Boston, MA: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Retrieved January 31, 2015, from http://www.iranicaonline.org

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EDUCATION AND LANGUAGE IN SINT MAARTEN Milton George KU Leuven, Belgium University of Buraimi, Oman

ABSTRACT

One of the variables that are symptomatic of the international impact on the Island of Sint Maarten is language and, more particularly, the language of instruction. That is why in this article, we shall turn our attention to the language question in educational discussions and practices. However, before we lay out the chronological development of educational practice in St. Maarten in relation to the language of instruction, we must first speak of its context. The first element that must be borne in mind is that between 1954 and 2000, the Island of St. Maarten (NL)/ Saint Martin (FR) found itself in a sea of political ambivalence and unequal relations. It was a postcolonial construct that had been engineered to redress the colonial past, but which could not be rectified overnight or by royal decree. Keywords: Sint Maarten, Education, Historical, Caribbean, Language

INTRODUCTION St. Maarten is a 37 square miles island, divided into two different political entities. The Southern part is Dutch, called St. Maarten; the Northern part is French, called Saint Martin. The capital of Dutch St. Maarten is Philipsburg.Although English is spoken everywhere, Dutch is the official language of St. Maarten, and [71]

French of Saint Martin. There are 80 different nationalities, who reside on the island. This shows the importance of migration for the island. The island’s past helps one to better understand the many influences that have shaped the local community. Being that St. Maarten is a ‘Caribbean’ island, this implies several things. For example, we are talking about an essentially mixed and cross-cultural environment. People have come and gone from the region throughout the centuries. While some came in search of a better future, others merely wished to colonize it and exploit its resources. Nowadays, most visitors simply want ‘to sunbathe and chill’. Even though all these people have not influenced the Island in the same way, when we look at the longue durée (Braudel, 1972), we can see patterns of influence. In 1954, St. Maarten was part of a federal, insular country (the Netherlands Antilles) within a composite constitutional structure called ‘the Kingdom of the Netherlands’ (made up of the Netherlands, Suriname, the Netherlands Antilles and, later on, Aruba). All these variables gave rise to a complex constitutional situation and a multitiered political hierarchy which, when combined with the demographics of the Caribbean, help to explain why the efforts to draw up a consistent and long-term language policy for St. Maarten was a challenge in itself.

COMPLEX LINGUISTIC REALITY Although newcomers on the Island brought along their own languages, they did not all shape the linguistic landscape in the same way. Language use in education implies that there are sufficiently large groups of speakers with which one can reckon. Language policies presuppose a certain amount of power, both social and political, that allows a particular language to cross the domestic threshold into the political arena. In this respect, Martha Dijkhoff pointed out that ‘there is a geographical limitation to the languages spoken at home by most of its population: English on the Windward Islands and Papiamentu on the Leeward Islands (Declercq, E., &D’hulst, L. 2010). The languages spoken at home have a different status and are granted a different amount of social recognition in society. Dutch is the language of instruction in most [72]

schools, an important language of communication for government, and for written and business communication, whereas it is also the language of communication within the kingdom’ (Dijkhoff, 2004:31-43). The language issue on St. Maarten has always been a puzzling one. Will Johnson words it admirably when he says: ‘What divides us most and makes us a strange peculiarity in the history of the Dutch Kingdom is the fact that we have always been and still are an English speaking people. Throughout the centuries Dutch historians, administrators and religious leaders have all lamented the fact that they could not get us to abandon the English language and to become proper Dutch speaking law abiding citizens. On the contrary well established Dutch families such as the Heyligers, Zeegers, VanRomondts all within a generation became Anglicized. No one could defend our status as an English speaking entity in the Dutch Kingdom, better and with more passion, than the van Romondt’s or the Heyligers’ (Johnson, 1995: 1) Even though English is often taken to be the local language of St. Maarten, the current language landscape of the Island is far more complex (CBS 2001). This linguistic complexity did not happen overnight. When the European colonial powers forcefully engineered Caribbean societies —among other things, by introducing enslaved and indentured workers, they created mixed, multi-lingual realities (créolité) which were a reflection of the composite and syncretistic identity of the inhabitants of the region. In this sense, the Caribbean was a forerunner of what would be called ‘the global village’. English is the predominant and universal language in St. Maarten, but by no means the only one. Haitian residents speak Creole and French. Colombians, ‘Dominicanos’ and other Latin American residents speak Spanish. Papiamento is spoken among the Antilleans from Curaçao, Bonaire and Aruba. The Surinamese speak Dutch and SrananTongo. Some Chinese dialects are also commonplace in the Chinese community. Urdu and Hindi are spoken among the Pakistani and Indian population, especially those working in the diamond sector. Beside these linguistic

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groups, there are also smaller ones, such as Arab speaking and Italian group. The position of Dutch in St. Maarten’s life is not the same as that of Arabic in North Africa after the arrival of Islam, French in West Africa colonies, English in East Africa, or even Dutch in Surinam. On the Island, between 1954 and 2000, Dutch was considered the official language (used in the government and in some schools), but it has never been the language of daily life -- with the exception of groups such as the European Dutch and Surinamese expats. Dutch has remained a foreign language (probably even among St. Maarteners educated in the Netherlands). Despite what official documents state, most people on the Island have communicated and still do in English. Still, we must underline that ‘English’ can refer to different types of ‘World Englishes’ (a term that has now become commonplace in English linguistics; Kachru, 1992). There is St. Maarten English, other types of Caribbean English (e.g. Jamaican or Guyanese), Received Standard English (spoken mainly by those,who have followed formal education and expats, especially Americans, Brits and Canadians). This means that the language question is still not solved by saying that St. Maarten’s real, functional language is English. A. Fleming-Rogers warned that even though English is purported to be the ‘national language’, it is not the mother tongue of the people of the Windward Islands. Their mother tongue is a variant of English (Fleming-Rogers, 1990). P1 expressed this idea during our interview: “Our mother tongue is not Dutch, but it’s not English [either]. How will I look at the Dominican child and say: ‘Hey Juán, tumadertong is ínglis’? No, that’s not right. We don’t have a mother tongue. You see, people here and at an international level want to put that jacket to fit on St. Maarten. We have too much diversity to focus on a mother tongue. What we have is our ‘commercial language’ because that’s the language we do business in. Both on the Dutch and French side, people understand English. We have an official language and that is Dutch ”. In everyday life, St. Maarteners speak a language that is neither Revised Standard English nor Dutch. [74]

THE LANGUAGE PENDULUM IN EDUCATION The legal framework

The language of instruction in St. Maarten education can be described as a pendulum that sometimes sways towards Dutch and then towards English. The shift between these two languages has been (and still is) a debated topic, even at the language colloquium of all Dutch speaking parts of the world, namely, The Netherlands, Flanders (Belgium), Suriname, The Dutch Antilles and Aruba. Our research suggests that we can map out this debate on the Island in a number of chronological phases. Between 1907 and 1935, many rules were made. The discussion concerning the language of instruction and the position of foreign languages in education became an important issue. According to Stanley Lamp, there was a dispute between the Colonial Council and the School Committee. ‘The former argued in favor of a position for the mother tongue, while the latter was of the opinion that: “In every part of the colony the knowledge of Dutch comes in the first place. To be able to spread this knowledge everything can be used and anything that is in its disadvantage must be eliminated”. Speaking of Papiamentu the School Committee stated: “The existence of the language (Papiamentu) is regrettable, because it impedes the learning of the mother tongue (Dutch) ….that is needed to increase the development and the prosperity of the people” (Lamp, 2004: 9). With the implementation of the educational law of 1935, Dutch was adopted as the language of instruction throughout the Netherlands Antilles. This caused a problem, because neither the teachers nor the students could reallyspeak the language. Therefore, the law was modified so that children could be educated in English and learn Dutch as a Second Language (Fleming-Rogers, 1990). However, in the late nineteen-fifties, there were reasons to modify the law again. Due to their insufficient knowledge of Dutch, students of the Windward Islands were not able to successfully continue their education [75]

in the Leeward Islands where Dutch was the language of instruction (Wattman, 1974). Although the stress was laid on Dutch as the language of instruction, once again, the actual school practice did not live up to the ideals in both parts. The next shift in the language debate took place in the seventies. At that time, attempts were made to introduce Papiamentu in the Leeward Islands and English in the Windward Islands as the languages of instruction (Fleming-Rogers, 1990). In other words, people sought to reflect the daily linguistic reality of the islandsin the classroom. It took quite a long time for this discussion to get underway, but once it did, it led to the adoption of a transitional bilingual system. It is worth mentioning that during a conference held in the Windward Islands in the 70s, information was presented on the opinion of the people concerning their preference regarding the language of instruction. The majority of the parents did not favor English (FlemingRogers, 1990). One of the main influences in the transitional bilingual system was a pilot project in the Windward Islands that had been implemented in 1973/74. In this project, English would become the language of instruction for Kindergarten and the first grades of the elementary schools. We also cannot underestimate the influence of David MacKay (from the UK) in St. Maarten who brought his method Breakthrough to Literacy to the Island. Due to the importance of his project, we shall deal with it in more detail below (Fleming-Rogers, 1990). In 1979, a Federal Decree ratified that the implementation of the transitional bilingual system should only take place once the necessary preparations had been made. In 1986, the arrival of a new Minister of Education —Richardson— brought along changes. She believed in mother-tongue education, especially at the elementary level. A protocol of Cooperation was signed to ensure that English would be implemented as the language of instruction in schools. This protocol was declared official policy in 1987. [76]

Our interviews seem to indicate that the average resident on St. Maarten had practical and emotional motives to not be completely behind this decision. At the practical level, parents were concerned with their children’s further education. Seventh - day Adventist children, who ‘can go from Kindergarten to PhD. and study all the way through in English and in [North-American] Adventists institutions,’ went for English-medium schools (P2). For other children, who could not (and still cannot) afford education in the USA or Canada nor would have the chance to do so (e.g. by means of a scholarship), Dutch remained the preferred option. The Dutch language was seen as a ticket to affordable tertiary education either in Curaçao or the Netherlands. A similar scenario was observed in Curaçao, where some feared that turning their back on Dutch would put their children in a disadvantageous position if they decided to continue their studies in The Netherlands, for which Dutch was essential (Lamp, 2004). At the emotional level, others felt that since they were (and still are) Dutch nationals, they had some responsibility towards the Dutch language. The language of instruction continued to be a debated issue on two accounts: (1) it called for much effort on the part of schools, teachers and students and (2) the results were poor. On the one hand, it was difficult to find Dutch-speaking teachers and teaching materialsthatwere relevant to the Island. Furthermore, the lack of real-life situations for using Dutch at an advanced level on the Island did little to motivate the students to attempt to master the language. On the other hand, people were aware that although most of those educated in St. Maarten had undergone language education for many years, they could still not function adequately in either language (English or Dutch) in contexts where formal register, accuracy and correctness were required (Dijkhoff, 2004). The people mentioned above were disadvantaged both in the labor market and in higher education: neither their English nor their Dutch was on a par with that of students educated in the USA or the Netherlands [77]

respectively. In fact, their Dutch was often not much better than that of foreigners who had never been in contact with the language before their arrival in the Netherlands. P3, too, underlined that students taught in Dutch in St. Maarten would end up ‘translating the language all the time, because they do not hear Dutch all the time. It is a foreign language. They end up not being proficient in English and also not in Dutch. And when they go to study in Holland, both types of children have the same problems anyway. They don’t know the slang, the accents …, and are stuck’ (P3).

DAVID MACKAY AND BREAKTHROUGH TO LITERACY (1972-1974) The arrival of David MacKay during the 1970s left an indelible mark on the people working in education at the time. He had developed a method called Breakthrough to Literacy, which represented a holistic approach to literacy and acknowledged the essential connection between reading and writing. Breakthrough to Literacy enabled children to compose their own texts using word tiles from a basic vocabulary and on a magnetic board where the sentences were formed. This active learning provided stimuli for using language in listening, speaking, reading and writing (.Coles, M., Mackay, D. & Hall, C., 1970). The Christian Hillside School and, in particular, Asha, played a key role in the application of these new ideas. P4 explained during our interview that English was used as the language of instruction in Kindergarten (i.e. two years) and the two following years in elementary school, meaning four years in total. David Mackay was invited to the Island to give workshops. His stay and work were funded by the Bernard Van Leer Foundation.Breakthrough to Literacy was the answer to teach children how to read. The strength of the method was that it departed from the idea that the sum is greater than the parts. Children were helped to construct their own book based on their own ideas. Apart from the Christian Hillside School, the Methodist AgogicCenter (MAC) also favored the MacKay project as it ‘focused on instructing the students in their mother tongue in their early years,’ as P5. [78]

MacKay’s method was well received in St. Maarten. For P6, the introduction of Breakthrough to Literacy marked the introduction of a child-centered approach to education. In other words, the idea of ‘Education for All’, with English as the language of instruction fromKindergarten through primary school was finally applied. Children were taught in English and exposed to Dutch. The English years were a transitional period to Dutch, given that in Grade Three the instruction switched from English to Dutch. This was based on MacKay’s belief that a child best learned another language when he was 8 or 9 years old. P5 found the experience both positive and influential, but he also saw its flaws. Without undermining the virtues of the method, it was felt that the teachers were not well prepared to apply it and the classes were too chaotic. Indeed, the problem with the MacKay’s project seems to have been the lack of structural, contextual and reflective planning. Implementing innovative methods implies change but, as P7 argued in hindsight during our interview, ‘the changes had a lot to do with the person, who was in charge, even in the area of the language of instruction’. He went on to suggest, as did others, that the innovative intentions were subject to individual initiatives since there was no structural plan and that “bled them to death”. He did not blame the Kingdom for the failed attempts, since St. Maarten fell under federal Antillean jurisdiction. For P5, there were also other flaws related to the implementation of the project: ‘the measuring of projects like this was never really carried out. There were rather assumptions about what the true results were instead of looking at the students’ outcomes and say: “Hey, we can see that it has had some impacts, but real measuring was lacking.’ The lack of structural planning and implementation became manifest when MacKay was about to go into the third phase of the project. At that moment, teachers protested that they had not been properly coached to make the transition from Dutch to English. However, the situation was not working in Dutch, because even thoughthe teachers went into their classrooms with the intention to teach Dutch, they ended [79]

up using English, since the children could not speak Dutch! Despite the legal framework, Dutch was no longer as stressed as it had once been. Thus, when MacKay left in 1974, the predictable outcome happened: the project collapsed. Once the hub that held together the initiative was no longer in St. Maarten, the lack of structural planning increased and, according to P6 ‘the project started to be watered down. Schools started diverging and doing different things. Sometimes there were parallel Dutch and English classes’. The situation in primary education in 1977 was as follows: Grades One and Two were English-medium; Grade Three was a transition year from English to Dutch; and from Grade Four onwards, pupils used Dutch as the language of instruction. Personally, P8 was in favor of English throughout and Dutch as a Second or Foreign language. For him, and others like him, what was defective was not the language being used at school, but the way in which it was taught. The language policy and school practice ‘had to be systematic, with a strong Dutch component so that secondary students could choose whether to study in the Netherlands or elsewhere’. He pleaded for a realistic approach to Dutch as a Second/Foreign language on the grounds that ‘speaking is less important than reading and comprehension’. In the case of English, Breakthrough to Literacy revised the philosophy behind the teaching of English reading, but the same was not done with Dutch. P9 elaborated further on the critique of how languages were taught, rather than on the languages themselves: ‘it is not a language-related failure. We must find out what the real causes are. Even though a Spanish child is born here and brought up here, they can speak Spanish. They learn it though the media, like TV. The same applies to Chinese and Indian students, even though they have never been to China or Hong Kong. We should look at that success models since they succeed in English and Chinese. Those parents teach their children. That is where we are failing: in the teaching. St. Maarten is in a unique situation and has the real good ingredients. You can make a nice rum cake, but you can

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also ruin it.’ And she drew conclusions not only about the past, but also the present. ‘The policy makers are failing,’ she concluded. Even though the MacKay initiative did not bear the expected fruit, and finally waned, we were told that, indirectly, it had a positive impact on the mentality of educators on the Island. In the words of P6, ‘the positive side of the MacKay project was that it helped people to appreciate their own language. MacKay set the basis for any innovation. Learning in your own language makes things easier. Translating from a foreign language to yours and then the other way around, as is done in schools that do not use the first language of the students for instruction, complicates things’.

THE LIVED EXPERIENCE While discussing the issue of the language of instruction, we must not forget the opinion of the people involved in the implementation of the legal framework. In 1890, when the Missionary Sisters of Voorschotenstarted their mission on St. Maarten, the language of instruction in the schools was English. At that time, only two sisters knew English, but after a while, the others succeeded in learning the language so that they could teach. In 1933, the situation was radically altered: Dutch lessons were introduced in all the school years. In Grade Four, Dutch would grow until it took over. In Grades 5 and 6, all lessons were to be taught in Dutch. However, for subsidized, special primary schools, the ordinance for education demanded that education be in the Dutch-medium ‘as much as possible’. Higher education was in Dutch (Hart, 1992). P5 remarked, for instance, that ‘Priests, nuns, governors, doctors: they were all Dutch. There were only a few Dutch in St. Maarten (unlike Curaçao). At school, they celebrated Sinterklaas, which was not common on the island.’ Milton Peters (later Commissioner) decided that children should learn Dutch from the start.’

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P10 remembered, during our interview that in 1953, in Grades One, Two and Three, they taught arithmetic in English and Dutch. The language of instruction was basically English, although the textbooks were in Dutch. Since most teachers were local (either from St. Maarten or the Englishspeaking Caribbean), the explanations were in English. The level of discomfort that the language gap occasioned was that ‘all the teachers spoke to the children in Dutch. It was difficult in the beginning, but they got used to it. It encouraged them to listen well and sharpen your listening skills’. In 1963, everything changed to English (George, 2010). Nonetheless, there was no indication that the language issue had been settled. The pros and cons of bilingual schools were numerous. But for many people on the Island, it was clear: outside schools, and even within schools, bilingualism was a fact, albeit not officially. Nothing was done as if Dutch was going to stay as language of instruction for good. It was known that English would eventually prevail. St. Maarteners were conscious that Dutch was not their ‘mother tongue,’ but neither was Standard English. Given that Standard English also felt ‘foreign’, the status given to Dutch managed to create the impression that the language of the old colonizers could not be done away with too swiftly. From the above, it appears that the pro-English camp failed to conduct an effective and convincing PR campaign in favor of English as the mandatory, universal language of instruction. Almost every interview showed that the pragmatic concerns to keep Dutch were perceived to be more important in the eyes of many parents than nationalistic sentiments or their attachment to English (for which they would still have to wait about two decades). Although not directly related to this research, the experience or shall we say difficult experience of bi-lingual education in St. Maarten could be a rich source for understanding the pros and cons of bi-lingual education in general. In Europe and Asia, there is a growing trend to implement so[82]

called bi-lingual education in both primary and second schools. The experience of St. Maarten raises questions of its effectiveness and its sustainability (i.e. the need of qualified teachers, student and parental motivation, but also funds). Furthermore, there continues to be an upward trend in the proliferation of private English language education: both American and British schools. In some schools, over 60% of the student population is native, i.e. non-native speakers. The reason being that parents believe that being able to speak English well will give their children certain advantages later and provide them access to universities in the United Kingdom or the USA. The St. Maarten experience shows that although it is a good theory in practice, sometimes the results are not what the parents except or desire. This research is also a rich resource for those looking into those questions as well as students of linguistics. St. Maarten’s society was not ready yet to evolve from being a survival economy (typical of colonial territories, which are not self-ruled and still lack both a local intellectual echelon as well as an influential, local commercial class) to being a (partially, though meaningfully) selfregulated economy. People were satisfied with being able to find a job and educate their children, but they lacked the political will to claim the reigns of their destiny. Nor did they seem yet to have a financial vision for St. Maarten. The 1970s was a time of change. English schools came into existence and the student population attending English-medium schools grew and eventually outnumbered those attending Dutch-medium schools. The problem during the periodof language instruction transition was that, according to the Sisters, the interest of the students for Dutch had deteriorated because the lessons given in English in Grade One and Two were repeated in Dutch in Grade Three. This awkward and meaningless situation led some schools to opt for English as the only language of instruction and other schools for Dutch. Students who preferred English went to the St. Maarten Academy, where Dutch was only a subject.

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Apart from this reason, at the time, the increase of students going for English-medium education was also influenced by the enormous amount of immigrants to St. Maarten from the English speaking Caribbean in search of employment. Thus, even though Dutch remained the official language, Caribbean English became reinforced as the real everyday language in St. Maarten. During this transition period, the lack of clear direction on the part of the federal government gave schools room to experiment with language. P8, who was an inspector at the time, revealed that ‘On the one hand, he had to implement Federal policy. On the other hand, he tolerated developments towards English as language of instruction (e.g. at MAC).’ Once thing was clear, namely that ‘the transition was not clear.’ Some schools started using Dutch at the beginning of Grade 3, while others preferred to do it half way through, and others at the end.’ Dutch was experienced as a passive language, since a real-life context for its teaching was missing. P11 noticed when teaching that ‘students were forced to learn in a language that was not reinforced in their daily lives. P12 confirmed this, saying that ‘you did not really speak a lot’ of Dutch at school. In her case, she mostly ‘learned Dutch among the Dutch and Surinamese in St. Maarten’. For P3, it was logical that students could not master Dutch, ‘unless you are being bombarded all day with Dutch, it is very difficult for you to express yourself sufficiently in Dutch. Children do watch Dutch television. Their key figures –their play figures— (Batman and so on) are not Dutch.’ In 1986, the then minister of education signed a protocol that each island territory could determine the language of instruction in elementary education. At that time, Saba decided to go completely for English as the language of instruction. In St. Maarten, where the MAC had already started with English education, increasingly more schools switched to English as the language of instruction. Towards2000, P11 indicated that the reasons in favor of Dutch were (and continue to be) practical rather than ideological. ‘When you look at the reasons why people want Dutch to be the language of instruction, you [84]

will see that it is because parents do not have the means to send their children to college or university in the USA. If their children speak Dutch well enough, they can flow into the Dutch system where they are eligible for the Dutch study financing.’ P4, too, spoke of the added-value of Dutch as the language of instruction. When students want to continue their education, ‘higher education in Holland is one third of what it costs in the USA. Holland also has an obligation to make room for the children we send. For instance, my daughter, she did medicine there. Holland ensures them a place. After that, our students have to prove themselves in their studies.’ For many it was summed up as: ‘The language issue, is not consider an issue anymore. It has been discussed so often. If you want your child to study, Holland is far cheaper.’ In Europe, we may not think much of the parents’ practical considerations to adopt a foreign language as language of instruction, however, people, who are aware of the limitations living on a small island brings, do not take pragmatic reasons lightly. P7 voiced this very clearly: ‘I’ve always believed that we are born Dutch. There are also many children, who cannot follow the Dutch stream. I think people should be given a choice. You will always have kids who are not good in something. No matter what you do, you don’t want to lose that Dutch passport. With that passport you can go anywhere in the world without hassle. You can jump in a plane and go to USA. We are aware of the problems Jamaicans and Dominicanos have. No matter what they tell you—yes, you want to have a lot of freedom—but when you become a little island, you are nothing. The world is growing together. The problem is that the government has chosen English, but they have not changed the system.’ As P11 pointed out, however, recognizing the parental right to language as a criterion for choosing their children’s school does bring the debate on the language of instruction to a close. Hence, asks: ‘Is there a need to have so many schools with Dutch as language of instruction?’

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use not she the

P4 suggested that a compromise could be found. For him, education should be in English, but as long as St. Maarten is ‘part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, people should be able to speak Dutch, but not some archaic language. It should be at a level that is practical and functional. In Holland, there are so many good Dutch courses and nice programs for non-Dutch speakers. There are so many ways we can get book quality for those who want to learn Dutch.’ P3 also thinks along the same lines: ‘I have the example of my own children. They went to English language schools and are in Holland doing courses. They need functional Dutch for everyday’. The language debate is, therefore, not yet closed. As P3 put it, there are some people on the Island who say, ‘I’ve made it in the Dutch system,’ whereas others reply that ‘In Holland, everybody wants to learn English, because they understand that it is the global way of communication. It’s the language of business and commerce. Besides, a person who is unable to express him or herself in the language that is closest to his or her heart is a person that is curtailed by the language. Language is something very emotional. If you cut your finger, your first reaction will be in your first language. The other day, I remarked that my husband, who is from Curaçao and whose mother tongue is Papiamento, that once or twice he’s passed out, and the language that he speaks when he comes back is Papiamento. That is the language that is in his psyche’.

ANALYSIS OF LANGUAGE IN EDUCATION IN ST. MAARTEN As suggested by Dijkhoff, a language of instruction policy in St. Maarten ought to be worked out and justified from different angles (Dijkhoff, 2004). We shall now zoom into some of the elements implicit in the overview discussed above and our interviews, namely: Policy, focus on the language user in school, language teaching itself, the relationship between the language of instruction and identity, vision for the future. Policy

Language policies, planning, implementation and evaluation between 1954 and 2000 had Island, federal and kingdom dimensions. Even though [86]

all these domains had their own jurisdictions, a certain degree of collaboration was needed between them. As Dijkhoff put it, “any language policy in St. Martin ‘needs to formulate the St. Martin’s perspective on these levels and the necessary regulations, tasks and procedures that need to be in place. This is because they influence each other in rather complex ways by either creating problems or being obstructive or by being aligned and creating opportunities for synchronized actions” (Dijkhoff, 2004: p. 37). Looking at the figures on how many people can actually use Dutch in their daily life, we could conclude that the Kingdom of the Netherlands has never had a strong language policy in the Netherlands Antilles. Fleming-Rogers already argued in her dissertation that the Dutch language was only used by 4.5% of the Antillean population between the ages of 0 and 24 years (Fleming-Rogers, 1990). Since she focused on another aspect of language policy, she concluded that the Antillean school system was an elitist one, since: ‘Only a minority of the children for whom Dutch is the mother tongue is able to benefit from having Dutch as the language of instruction in the school system’ (FlemingRogers, 1990: p. 2). It is worth noting at this juncture that despite the Kingdom’s apparent absence of interest in St. Maarten and the lack of real-life situations in which Dutch was actually needed, Dutch was still given a major role in education. We suspect that this was due to arguments coming from the Netherlands Antilles rather than from the Kingdom. St. Maarteners, together with the people of Saba and St. Eustatius, belonged to the English-speaking minority within the Netherlands Antilles. The majority of Dutch Antilleans spoke Papiamento, and both the Kingdom and the Federal Government used Dutch as the language for administration and legislation. Focus on the language user in school

In education, the main user of the language is the pupil or student. Between 1954 and 2000, English was undoubtedly the lingua franca on both sides of the Island (Dutch and French). However, as noted, [87]

everyday English in St. Martin is not really Standard English but ‘a Caribbean version of English’ (Dijkhoff, 2004: p. 36). This was also pointed out in a study by Linda Richardson (Richardson, 1983). The students’ knowledge of Caribbean English influenced their results at school. A study of the Ministry of Education on this particular issue recognized that ‘students often enter the first grade with a limited vocabulary in English, which is attributed to the many Caribbean-English variants spoken at home. Their limited vocabulary has implications for their understanding of English in school’ (Minow, 2002: p. 12). When we take immigrationinto account, which since the 1970s has gained importance in the social and political discourse on the Island, we are led to the conclusion that for many students, both Standard English and Dutch are foreign languages. When we compare this linguistic fact with the data provided by our interviews and the literature, it appears that language policies between 1954 and 2000 did not pay enough attention to the direct language user at school. They were based rather on political than pragmatic motives (Charles, 1995). Language teaching

Apart from the political lack of decisiveness in choosing the language of instruction, there were also other gaps that were essentially related to language teaching and learning. For example,we repeatedly heard that the fact that students used both English and Dutch in education hindered them fromachieving fluency in either language. For P9, the reason why language teaching failed was not political, but educational. Students were never really taught to use the language fluently and with accuracy. ‘Everything was schriftelijk [written]. We hardly had debates. Some of us can write perfect papers, but we were not taught to speak. Believe you me, we weren’t trained structurally’. Furthermore, for her the end of the colonial period did not change the situation in the field: ‘Show me which school has a language lab? When I went to Maria Immaculata, they had a language lab and all students

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could use it for different languages. Have you ever seen a language lab at MPC [Milton Peter’s College]?’ P4 mentioned another educational variable why language learning was not as successful as it could have been: ‘Most books were from Holland, transplanted here. All the texts and pictures were from and about Holland. And the teaching was in Dutch. So from the beginning in the First Grade, English was a subject, but the teaching was in Dutch. In the end, we had a rather good result in Dutch, but bad ones in their own language, whose negative consequences I can see now. Trying to adapt the material to the island called for a lot of extra work on the part of the teachers.’ The European Dutch influence was not the only one. The Antillean federal system, centered around Curaçao as it was, did not help St. Maarten education. P8 compared St. Maarten and Curaçao students and concluded that ‘it was clear that a St. Maarten 2nd grade class was better than their Curaçao counterparts precisely because in St. Maarten, they studied in English (mother tongue) and in Curaçao in Dutch (NT2)’. P11 reinforced this idea, saying that she ‘became convinced in 1995 that Dutch was not the right choice. It was not a language that was reinforced: there were no newspapers, no TV, etc. It was a language spoken at school and in some well-educated families. Furthermore, Dutch was taught as if it was their mother tongue and English was taught as if it was a foreign language’. Furthermore, Standard ‘English might not have been the same as St. Maarten English, but it should not have been taught as a foreign language. The English exams came from Curaçao, which is Papiamentu based, and were therefore far too easy for St. Maarten students. So besides the question which should be the language of instruction, they also needed to look how a language should be taught: as a first language, a second language or a foreign language. In the 1980s, nobody was talking about that, except in the MAC school’s elementary educational program, where they had decided to use English’.

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For P12, some of the gaps that existed in education before the 1980s had to do with the fact that the majority of the Sisters were not from the Island, not even from the region. Their lifestyle meant that they belonged to a different class within society. Furthermore, most Dutch teachers, who came to teach on St. Maarten, did not integrate in the local community, sometimes because they returned to the Netherlands before they could really find their niche on the Island. This situation entailed that ‘they were transferring knowledge. They could not look into the minds of the local persons. They could not say this is what local persons are going to need at the end of the 20th Century and at the beginning of the 21st Century. They could never say that because that is what they knew. I think that it would be unfair to judge them, because they did not know.’ Nonetheless, at another level, Buncamper still finds that ‘if you had to look back now, I would say Yes, because they should have done it. They should have had that knowledge. If they didn’t do it, it is dependent on a number of factors. That’s the bottom line.’ From our interviews, some conclusions are self-evident. The Netherlands, as a country, did not influence St. Maarten’s education directly. The Dutch Sisters and teachers did. The fact that some teachers went to pursue their teacher education in the Netherlands also played an indirect role. Curaçao, the seat of the Dutch Antillean federal government, exerted both a structural and practical influence on St. Maarten’s education: firstly, because the inspectorate was federal; secondly, because textbooks used in Curaçao were also used in St. Maarten; thirdly, because some of the teachers did their secondary and/or teacher education in Curaçao. Some of the teachers were born and/or educated in Aruba or Curaçao, which also influenced their linguistic background (whether their first language was St. Maarten English or Papiamento, and whether they had been seriously acquainted with Dutch).

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The language privileged in school was reflected in the configuration of the teaching staff. Dutch teachers came mostly from the Netherlands or Suriname, and English teachers came from other Caribbean islands.

RELATION TO IDENTITY: ‘MOTHER TONGUE’ IN ST. MAARTEN The multi-dimensional nature of the territory of St. Maarten, its inhabitants and others, who claim the Island as a part of their selfdefinition (e.g. the St. Maarten diaspora), also manifested itself in the discourse about the language of instruction. Up until the 1970s, the main poles of discussion were between English or Dutch instruction. From the 1970s onwards, the presence of a large number of foreigners and ‘new’ St. Maarteners, who had been born and raised on the Island, broadened the debate. On the one hand, the defenders of St. Maarten English pleaded for more visibility of the local version of English in education. For P7, it would be very unwise to speak of Standard and St. Maarten English in either-or terms. ‘St. Maarten is a small island. Stick with your Standard English and you can move around the world. In your conversations, you can use your St. Maarten English.’ P9 did not see why the local variation of English should not be given some degree of visibility in the curriculum; for her, both ‘Englishes’ can exist side-by-side. According to her, ‘you have to show people more sides of the coin. It is good. That is our native language in SXM. You have to know where you come from and where you are going to. I don’t feel that we should crush that movement. We should encourage it to grow.’ On the other hand, others pose the more radical question whether it is still accurate to speak of one mother tongue in the context of pupils and students. P11 thinks, for instance, that the language situation has changed noticeably; ‘English is no longer the language of all students. We should switch to Spanish or Creole, probably.’

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VISION FOR THE FUTURE Looking back, we might feel inclined to say that language has been a cause of much debate among educators. Our interviews have shown that there were clear advocates of English and of Dutch, respectively. The pro-English position was representedby P3, originally from another English-speaking island. She recognized that many parents have always opted for Dutch out of pragmatic considerations, but she played down the significance of the parents’ argument. ‘Many persons from the different islands want their children to learn Dutch, because they think that it is a way to advance socially, but they can’t help them with it. Not realizing that in Europe, people who have Dutch as their first language still want to learn English. Even in Amsterdam people speak English, but people don’t understand this until their child gets stuck in the Third or Fourth Grade here. At St. Maarten Academy, they study in English and the children can think in English; they can express themselves. But the children in Dutch schools can’t, no matter how hard they try.’ The pro-Dutch stance was voiced, for instance, by P13, who justified his option saying: ‘Administration is in Dutch, education in The Netherlands is cheaper than in USA and “because I have a Dutch passport” (say the new, naturalized Caribbean Dutch citizens).’ Without knowing what P13 would say during our interview, P3 questioned the argument for Dutchmedium education in Catholic schools. She wondered whether their proDutch policy was a reaction to the fact that ‘outsiders coming in —like Haitians, those from Santo Domingo, the Indians and the Chinese—, for whatever reason, choose for Dutch-speaking schools. The St. Maarteners, however, are English-speaking at home and will more easily choose for schools with English as the language of instruction. In the future, you could have that people with Indian, Chinese and Anglophone Caribbean backgrounds will have better access to posts in government where Dutch is usedthan the St. Maarten population will have. So I wonder whether that is the fear that Mr. P13 is endorsing with Dutch still being a language of instruction on St. Maarten. Is it only the needto have your children continue their education in the Netherlands, or is it to [92]

secure jobs for a segment of the population as civil servants, because they know Dutch?’ P14 indicated in her study that even though some people in the Ministry of Education think that by making English the universal language of instruction in St. Maarten, the students’ school results would bebetter, this idea has never been backed by the majority of parents, teachers, principals or school board members. A lot of people were and are still not convinced that changing the language of instruction alone would have that big an impact on the academic achievement of the students. Although the majority of the teachers speak English, they are not qualified to teach in English. Moreover, the public and private schools do not have the same level of support from the Island Government in this matter. P9 also challenged current critical standpoints and asked to not reduce the whole matter of school results to the language of instruction. According to her, ‘the policy makers don’t do enough research into why they are going to discontinue a system. Why discontinue a system that works? If you have 23 children and, let’s say, 5 of them made it to HAVO, 15 made it to MAVO, and 3 made it to LTS, then, you have a perfect percentage that you’d like to build on. It is a myth that Dutch cannot be taught to children that speak another language at home. It is not based on research. They cannot prove that the main factor of failure in SXM is language. When you can have a significant amount of Haitian and Dominican children succeeding, then, language is not the main factor. We should be the language Mecca of the Caribbean. People envy us. When I go to conferences, I can understand French, Spanish, English and Dutch and, in addition to that, Papiamento. We have such a good thing going that we should cash in on that. We should increase the children’s exposure to languages, not diminish it. The children themselves want to communicate with each other in their different languages. They want to greet the Jamaican boy in English and chat with the Dominican girl in Spanish. What is wrong with teaching us French? We can use it when we go to the French side. We have a unique opportunity here.’

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Between the above positions, there has also been a middle stance, which was defended, for instance, by P5. He pleaded for a compromise on the issue of the language of instruction in St. Maarten. He would like to see both languages being used, albeit in unequal degrees. ‘I personally think that it should be English with a strong composition of Dutch. I don’t think that Dutch should be eliminated at all. Our ties with the Dutch tradition (the Kingdom, the government), a lot of our official documents are still in the Dutch language. I think that if you want to really have that needed power, it would be beneficial to first master the English language and Dutch at a level where you can also actually bargain with it. I am not sure whether we have come to that stage yet of accepting that that is possible. Unlike the rest of the Caribbean, we seem to be struggling with what our language of instruction should be and whether we should be bi-lingual or multi-lingual or pluri-lingual as is mentioned as well. Most of the rest of the Caribbean and even the USA would wish that they would have the opportunities that we do in the Netherlands Antilles to be able to communicate in more than one language. But I think that it is something that we should not forget. We should try and capitalize on it, use it to our advantage. I see that St. Maarten can almost become a sort of, I don’t want to use the word “trading post”, but more of a center in the Caribbean for language development, where people can come and actually learn how we are able to instruct students to the extent that they are able to survive or manage in more than one language. But I think that it calls for some refinement of what we are able to do at the moment.’ However, given the considerable influx of immigrants since the beginning of the 1970s, this resulted in having other first languages next to St. Maarten English. The question is now whether schools should embrace multilingual education. This comes at a time when the importance of multilingual education is being corroborated by studies conducted in the business world. ‘English is used in written and oral communication as well as for internal and external contacts. Spanish is used in oral communication with colleagues and clients. The use of Dutch is highly limited to certain areas such as oral contacts with clients and the reading of instructions in Dutch. English, Spanish and Dutch are [94]

furthermore important languages for general information and telephone conversations. For internet, e-mail, meetings, scientific knowledge and business correspondence, knowledge of English is eminent and for information in reports Dutch is still important next to English. The general trend is that the role of English and Spanish as a language of communication is growing in all Antillean communities’ (Dijkhoff, 2004: p. 34). Of all our interviewees, P9 was not only completely critical about the past, but also showed a keen interest in the future. She was adamantly against monolingual education, saying: ‘To streamline and say we are going to use English as the language of instruction, to me, is wrong. The parents should be given choice.’ A similar idea was put forward by P4: ‘If Chinese and Indian children can survive and do quite well here (and we don’t speak their language), then, so can our children. For parents who can afford it, we have schools that do that, like the CIA. Parents who can afford it can offer it to their children. The government should make sure that the model is affordable to all children, regardless their social group.’ In her opinion ‘people are making it difficult. We have a unique setting in education that has the right ingredients for success. The groups that are failing are of a lesser intelligence and must probably be guided in a different way. That ‘traject’ is what we need. Instead of giving them too many cognitive things, they should be given what they need. If you narrow all to English, later on, SXM will suffer. We are a touristic island. We should open it all up so that children can learn more languages.’ There is a need to open up the debate beyond ‘post-colonial traumas about the past’ or nationalistic agendas. There is a real danger that, as P9 indicated, ‘they are narrowing down this language issue too much. The Dominican and Haitian children speak Patois or Spanish at home and English or Dutch at school. I have seen the old version of the Ruby Labega. We were forced into a situation where some of our teachers were from the English-speaking Caribbean and others from Suriname (a former Dutch colony). So we developed two streams: one English and another Dutch. If you had been trained in the English system, you were the teacher designated to give the primary subjects in English. However, [95]

every day, there would be a switching between the languages. The Dutch-speaking teachers taught Dutch to the children in the English stream and vice-versa. Their level would be a bit lager in Dutch, but definitely the Dutch stream was geared towards placement for the MPC and the English was geared for the entrance exam at the Academy. Wherever they came, their (second) language was better than the average.’ One of the variables that is often forgotten is that the students hardly ever came across situations where they were required to use either formal English or correct Dutch. It was not only a question of Dutch being absent from the lived experience; the entire formal and academic dimension of social life, in which many would have failed because of language deficiency, was partially or completely absent. St. Maarten constituted no exception. What observers have witnessed elsewhere in the world also happened in St. Maarten: children from families with better educational backgrounds (be it in English or Dutch or both) were at an advantage in relation to the rest. This observation was confirmed during our formal interviews and informal conversations. This would somewhat change with the arrival of cable and satellite TV. The waves of American and Canadian tourists would also bring St. Maarteners face-toface with other non-Caribbean English’s, not only different, but also more formal in their vocabulary and syntax. Furthermore (and oddly enough), when Haddock compared the MacKay initiative and the current changes in favor of Foundation-Based Education (FBE), he suggested that the educational system in St. Maarten changed precisely because people are following the Netherlands now. The current link with the Netherlands (even though the sense of ‘the Kingdom’ is no longer present) has become an innovative force. This may show that, as in regard to the relationship between the Netherlands Antilles and the Kingdom, the Netherlands cannot be blamed for having been too involved in the life of the Islands, but, on the contrary, for not having been involved enough.

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At the level of post-colonial critique, we have observed that St. Maarten children were not taught to speak Dutch as well as their Surinamese peers, nor were they taught Standard English as well as their other English-speaking Caribbean counterparts. This would seem to reinforce the hypothesis that the Netherlands did not enforce a clear colonial, cultural policy in the Dutch Antilles. Furthermore, it is not clear whether the Kingdom even had such a policy. On the other hand, our observation may also show that there has never been a consensus among St. Maarten politicians, educators and people at large as to what language should have been used in schools. When non-Catholic schools were founded, they opted for English as the language of instruction. A first look may suggest that this indicated a clear turn towards English and away from Dutch. However, this may have been due more to chance than to vision. Unlike Surinamese nonCatholic Christians, Protestant and Evangelical St. Maarteners did not have strong links with their European Dutch co-religionists, which would have reinforced Dutch as the language. Instead, they had connections with other English-speaking Caribbean and, especially, American congregations. In a similar way that (mostly) Catholic schools wanted to prepare their students to go on for further studies in the Netherlands, which required Dutch as the language of instruction, Protestant and Evangelical schools functioned as bridges to an education in the USA, which required English.

CONCLUSION Our presentation of the legal and linguistic complexities of St. Maarten indicates that the issue of the language of instruction in St. Maarten could be seen as a hub on which different elements converge: policy, vision of education, teaching practice, identity and the questions raised by the future. The Kingdom of the Netherlands could be described as negligent in relation to the Dutch Antilles and, especially, with respect to the three ‘English-speaking’ islands (Saba, St. Maarten andStatia). Furthermore, the federal Dutch Antillean government did not seem to be more [97]

interested in St. Maarten’s identity and culture than their European Dutch partners. Educators were not on the same line as to what had to happen in relation to the language of instruction. In fact, they still disagree on this point. It is interesting to see that some of our interviewees are starting to envisage the issue no longer in light of the past but of the future. To reduce the question to either English or Dutch would not respond sufficiently to the present needs of St. Maarten or to its current demographic and linguistic configuration. References Charles, H. (1995), Report on a UNDP/Unesco Mission to St. Maarten. Coles, M., Mackay, D. & Hall, C. (1970), Breakthrough to Literacy. UK, Longman Schools Division. Declercq, E., &D’hulst, L., (2010), The fate of a migrant language in Northern France (18801914). International Journal of Multiculturalism, 7 (3), pp. 255-268. Dijkhoff, M., (2004), A Language Policy for St. Martin, in The Education Summit 2004: An Education Summit for the 21st Century, pp. 31-43. Fleming-Rogers, A. K., (1990), The future of English as medium of instruction in the public schools on St. Maarten. Boston: U.M.I. George, M., (2010), Catholic Education in the Dutch Caribbean: The work of the Dominican Sisters of Voorschoten in Sint Maarten, Netherlands Antilles. Saarbrücken : Lambert Academic Publishing. Hart, J., (1992), 150 jaar Rooms Katholiek Onderwijs op de Nederlandse Antillen: Een gedenkboek ter herinnering aan de komst der Zusters 150 jaar geleden op de Nederlandse Antillen. Scherpenheuvel: DrukkerijImprenta. Johnson, W., (1995), The history of the Windward Islands, in Stichting ABC Advies. Berlicum, pp. 1-9. Lamp, S., (2004), The structure and evolution of the education system of the Netherlands Antilles in The Education Summit 2004: An Education Summit for the 21st Century. Sint Maarten, pp. 6-31. Ministry of Education (2002), Over taal gesproken. Schooltaalbeleid in het voorgezet onderwijs. Watson-Richardson, J., (1996), Language in decision: What language policy offers the majority of children the best chances of success on St. Maarten.Puerto Rico: Caribbean Studies Association, pp. 1-23.

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Wattman, F., (1974), Language and education in the Leeward Netherlands Antilles, in Caribbean Studies (13: 3), pp. 111-117.

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MISSION-COLONIAL COLLABORATION TOWARDS THE EDUCATION ENTERPRISE IN UGANDA 1925-1962 Lucia Wanjiku KU Leuven, Belgium

Abstract

This study examines the co-operation between the missionaries and the Colonial Government in Ugandan education. In the 19th Century, education was regarded as a means to achieve mission-colonial goals primarily with a social, economic and political agenda. This study observes that the relationship between the mission and the colonial overlords was always on perfect terms when it came to common interests. Conversely, there were also conflicts, especially when the missionaries realized that their interests were being blocked. Nonetheless, the two parties agreed that the native conversion to the Western ideal was advantageous if they were destined to achieve their objectives. The study further notes that although missionaries were critical for promoting education, this type of education did not develop the Ugandan child’s mind to conceptualize, think critically, and create alternative world views. This educational offer did not go down well with the Ugandans. Consequently, with the advent of Independence, the mission education was ousted and the new African leadership took on the educational responsibilities. Keywords: missionary, colonial education and indigenous education

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INTRODUCTION The formal education in Uganda began with the Christian Missionaries, who soon after their arrival established schools. Up until 1925, the missionaries received no or little help from the Colonial Government.5 The mission schools enhanced literacy and numeracy in the country. The missionaries considered literacy as an important tool for the success of their objective in evangelization. The first need they saw was to teach the people how to read and write. Fafunwa, A.B of Nigeria, observed that being able to read and write, the missionaries foresaw that the converts would be able to read the Bible and understand the word of God.6 In view of this, the ability to communicate orally and in writing was considered essential for being a good Christian. Such ability enhanced accessibility to the available religious material. On the other hand, Ado noted that children were not only taught reading and writing, but were also taught that Ugandan customs and traditions were wrong and unacceptable to the ‘new God.’7 It is worth noting that before the arrival of the missionaries there was a traditional educational system. Uganda was comprised of various ethnic communities each with specific social and cultural educational features, which were passed on to future generations. This was a process of education that went on throughout life and was not limited to a particular time or place.8 In this regard, Coleman pointed out that the missionary was regarded as a revolutionary because to preach and plant Christianity meant to make a frontal attack on the beliefs, the customs and, particularly, the social structures of the primitive society.9 The

5

Ssekamwa, J.C. (1997). History and development of education in Uganda. Kampala: Fountain Press, pp. 36-37.

6

Fafunwa, A.B. (1974). A history of education in Nigeria. London, Boston & Sydney: George Allen & Unwin, p. 81

7

Ado, K. T. (1998). Missionary teachers as agent of colonialism in Uganda. Kampala: Fountain publisher, p. 35.

8

Ocitt, J.P. (1975). An introduction to indigenous education in East Africa, Nairobi, East African Publisher, 1975, p. 45.

9

Coleman, J. (1958). Nigerian background to nationalism. California: University of California Press, p.97.

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missionaries saw Ugandan traditional education and culture as essentially backward, unenlightened and, therefore, in need of complete transformation. This implied that the missionary enterprise had a tendency to disregard other people’s culture. However, some scholars, such as Stanley Brian, observed that the Christian model of civilization followed the pattern set by the post-enlightenment age.10 This meant that consciously or unconsciously the missionaries cherished the spirit of the cultural superiority complex. Therefore, the main contentious issue in this paper is that the concept of racial superiority was the dominant influence at work in the formation and formulation of colonial education policies. There is no attempt to play down the importance of other influences, but these will be seen as the major paradigm shift. Furthermore, linked to this, was introduction of an inferior education system regarded as adaptation, which reflected that Africans could not cope with the European capabilities. However, behind this, an attempt will also be made to show that adaptation was linked to the political fortunes of the West. There was no doubt that such common interest created a bond between the Colonial Government and the missionaries. It is, therefore, to the interest of this article to explain in detail how far this relationship helped mission - Colonial Government to contribute towards the educational enterprise in Uganda. The paper is divided into three sections: (i) The first part gives a brief explanation of the penetration of missionaries and the Colonial Government into Uganda and their close relations. (ii) The second aspect discusses how the mission-Colonial Government parties worked towards educational development. (iii) The third part deals with how the two of them conflicted and reacted; it also discusses briefly the Ugandan response to the new education being offered. Each section elaborates on a specific aspect of educational development and how far it benefited the people in the region.

10

Brian, S. (1990). The Bible and flag: Protestant Missions &British imperialism in Nineteenth & Twentieth Centuries. Journal of Religion in Africa, 22(3), 269-271.

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MISSIONARY AND COLONIAL GOVERNMENTAL PENETRATION AND THEIR RELATIONSHIP

Uganda came under colonial control after a successful exploration by the British explorers of the source of the River Nile and its surrounding territories in 1882. This paved the way for the formal introduction of colonial, commercial and religious activities in the area. It was through this that the British Colonial power was able to establish its rule in Uganda. As a political entity, Uganda is therefore a creation of British socio-political ambitions. Uganda was officially made a British Protectorate in 1894 after the amalgamation of all the vassal states within the Kingdom of Buganda. All these small states were brought under one administrative unit, which became known as today’s Uganda.11 Britain like other Western countries, such as France, German, Portugal, Belgium and Holland who had all began to explore various parts of the African continent, and by the 19th Century they had colonized several territories in Africa.12 It is worth noting that this period of colonization facilitated the work of the missionaries. This was reflected in the Berlin conference of 1884-1885, Article 6, which clearly stated that: “The governing power is to accord equal treatment to all recognized creeds without regard to their country of origin.”13 This implied that the missionaries were given protection and support by the colonial power to operate under their jurisdiction. However, this protection was viewed in the spirit of a win-win situation by the Western Governments. A similar support for missionaries in Uganda was expressed by the architect of British colonialism, Frederick Lugard, in 1893, who stated: “We have a prescriptive right to East Africa and its Lakes. They were all discovered by a British explorer…Our missionaries first penetrated Uganda in the

11

Semakula, M.S K. (1977). A history of Buganda: From the foundation of the Kingdom to 1900.London: Longman, p.155.

12

Madeira, I.A (2005). Portuguese, French and British discourse on colonial education: Church State relations, school expansion and missionary competition in Africa, 1890-1930. Paedagogica Historica, 41 (1), pp.31-60. London: Routledge

13

Robinson, R., & Gallagher, J. (eds.). (1983). African and Victorians: the official mind of the imperialism. London: Macmillan Press, p.47.

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footsteps of our explorers.”14 This makes it clear that the colonization of Uganda was based on British imperialism. The arrival of the first Christian Missionaries to Uganda was triggered by an advertisement published by Henry Stanley in London’s Daily Telegraphon 15 November 1875 in which he appealed to missionaries to go to Uganda. By the 19th Century, several Christian Missionaries had come to Buganda at the request of Mutesa 1, who was the King of the Buganda Kingdom. In 1877, Protestant teachers of the Church Missionary Society arrived from Britain, and in 1879 the French Catholic Missionary Society, also known as White Fathers, were welcomed into the Kingdom. They were much later joined by the Verona Missionaries from Italy.15 These missions had come to Uganda to evangelize, but in this venture they did not always work separately from the State. Mackenzie observed that the missionaries from time to time they relied on the State with its resources such as funding, protection, and law and order to achieve their evangelization objectives.16 This implied that the two organs were destined to work together. The missionary education in Uganda meant the spread of Christianity since education was part of their pastoral activity. However, Ado has argued that the spread of Christianity may have also meant the spread of colonialism. He noted that wherever the missionaries went, they prepared the way for colonial rule.17 Similar sentiments were raised in other colonial territories. For example, in Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah had noted: On the colonial scene, the stage opened with the appearance of the missionaries, the traders and the colonial administrators. While the missionaries implored the colonial 14

P.G. Okoth, the creation of dependent culture, in J.A Mangan (ed.), imperial curriculum: racial images and education in the British colonial experience, London, Routledge, 1993, pp.134 -145.

15

Ssekamwa, J.C. (1997). History and development of education, p.25.

16

Brian, S. (1990). The Bible and flag: Protestant Missions &British imperialism in Nineteenth & Twentieth Centuries. Journal of Religion in Africa, 22(3) 269-271. Also, Mackenzie, C. G. (1993). Demythologising the missionaries: A reassessment of functions & relationship of Christian missionary education under colonialism. Comparative Education, 29 (1) 145-166.

17

Ado K. T. (1998). Missionary teachers as agents of colonialism, p.34.

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subjects to lay up their treasure in Heaven, where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, the traders and administrators acquired his minerals and land.18 Further historical evidence by Mungazi D, cited Bishop Ralph Dodge, a missionary to Africa from 1936 to 1972, discussed the negative impact of the Victorian missionaries on the colonization of Africa when he wrote: The participation of the Church in the slave trade and its unwillingness at critical times to identify itself with the indigenous people, made it often considered a European colonial institution. This situation was accentuated by the close identification of the Church with European Colonial Government.19 This suggested that the Colonial Government and the missions were inseparable bodies, and it was hard to believe that they were two different organs as far as the colonization of Africa was concerned. This does not mean, however, that the missionaries always had a good relation with the colonial power. In most cases, the missionaries resisted when their system was hampered. This will be discussed further in the subsequent section. Having said that, the next discussion will also examine how the mission-colonial power contributed to educational progress.

THE CO-OPERATION BETWEEN THE MISSION AND THE COLONIAL GOVERNMENT IN EDUCATION

As far as education was concerned, the Christian missionary together with the colonial power promoted the colonial policies and practices that were used to implement their schemes. McCulloch & Lowe noted that the missionaries and the colonial power worked closely to pursue their interests among the colonized territories. They used the concept of center and periphery, whereby the center referred to colonial power, whilst the periphery referred to colonized subjects. The concept of 18

Kwame, N. (1963). Africans must unite, p. 22.

19

Mungazi, D. (1999). Colonial education for Africans: George Stark’s policy in Zimbabwe. New York: Praeger, p.98.

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center was viewed as powerful because it had all the potential to exercise political, social, economic and cultural power over the colonized. A case in point was reflected in the sector of Western education, whereby the center could decide to design, effect, and direct colonial education practice on its colonized subject; such impositions were in most cases directed towards the colonizers’ own benefits.20 Looking at it in a wider context, a similar strategy was initiated in other territories, like in the French-African colonies. Education was believed to be a means through which alien territories could be assimilated into the expanding empire and the indigenous population into the Black French. In Portuguese Mozambique, the colonizing doctrine considered all indigenous peoples as Portuguese citizens. Education was to promote the assimilation process by teaching in Portuguese and binding Africans to their motherland’s history and customs.21 This implied that formal schools were the best tools used to perfect colonial motives in Africa. It was no wonder that Cohen remarked that at the helm of the entire colonizing ventures, there has always been the colonial agenda set to foster the colonial interests and to accomplish their aims. Such colonial agenda included the initiatives to establish colonial formal schools.22 However, scholars like Boyle provide a different version of this alliance between the church and the government in colonial Africa. He asserted that conflicts were inevitable, he cited on how the Belgian Congo and its colonial interests were in conflict with the mission interests.23 Similarly, in Nigeria, the Colonial Government could for a time not see eye to eye with the missions in matters of education. Also, in the French Sudan, there was open opposition to mission schools.24

20

McCulloch, G. & Lowe, R. (2003). Networks, space & geography in the history of education. History of Education, 32 (5), 457-594.

21

Madeira, A.I. (2005). Portuguese, French and British discourses on colonial education: Church – State relations, school expansion and missionary competition in Africa, 1890- 1930. Paedagogical Historica, 41 (1&2), pp.31-60..

22

Cohen, C. (1993).The Natives must first become good workmen: formal educational provision in German South West &East Africa Compared. Journal of Southern Africa studies 19 (1), pp. 115134.

23

Boyle, P.M. (1995). School wars: Church, State & death of Congo. Journal of Modern African Studies, 33 (3), 451-468. .

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The League of Nations highlighted the responsibility of the European powers to act as ‘trustees’ and tutors for their colonial subjects until they could take responsibility for their own self-governance. A mandate was given to Great Britain to take on a moral responsibility to prepare and lead each territory towards gaining its independence and to be internationally accountable for all their colonies and the former German colonies.25 In short, this meant that they were fully involved with the moral, social, political and economic development of these colonies. The involvement of the British Colonial Government necessitated a full participation in the educational enterprise and in the formulation of the education policies. In keeping with the principle of ‘trusteeship,’ the Colonial Office in London encouraged some expert Commissions to go to East Africa and to make a wider study of the problems of native education. This mission was helped by an American Philanthropic known as the Phelps-Stoke Commission of 1922 to 1924. Its specific term was to discover how much educational work was being done for Africans. It also wanted to ascertain to what extent their needs were being met.26 The Commission discovered that the inspection of schools was inadequate. It was observed that the missionary inspectors were only concerned with finding out whether the pupils were ready for baptism and confirmation. The Commission attributed this weakness to a lack of Government involvement in the education system in Uganda.27 It immediately beseeched the Colonial Government not to leave the educational administration entirely to the missionaries. However, much as these findings were lauded in the House of Commons in London, on the other hand, it was heart-breaking for the missionary body, who foresaw that the Colonial Government would assume a greater role in education. To create some balance, in 1923, the Education Committee of the

24

Shorter, A. (2006). Cross and flag in Africa: The White Fathers during the colonial scrumble (18921914). New York: Orbis, p. 208.

25

Mowat, C.L. (1968). (ed). The new Cambridge modern history: The shifting balance of world forces 1898-1945. Cambridge: University Press, pp. 242-244.

26

Lewis, L.J. (1962). Phelps-Stokes, reports on education in Africa.London: Oxford University Press, p.56.

27

Jones, J.T. (1924). Education in East Africa, p. 164.

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Conference of the Missionary Societies of Britain and Ireland requested the Colonial Office to set up a permanent Education Advisory Committee to explore possible avenues of closer co-operation between the government and mission societies.28This impetus was further reinforced by the events that had taken place in India. Seppo observed that the bitter experiences in India in the 1890s where the educated class from among the indigenous had become conscious of the contradictions and exploitation by missionary and colonial authorities. The educated graduates gradually formed organizations for fostering political awareness, such as the Surendranath Banerjee’s Indian Association and the Indian National Congress, which was a threat to British. What the Colonial Government experienced was not only a warning to them, but also to the status of the missions working in Africa and elsewhere.29Cons equently, this implied that the missions had to engage the colonial officials both in London and in individual colonies in forging for missiongovernment cooperation. It should also be noted that it was against such background that the method of obstructing the expansion of academic horizons of indigenous people in Uganda and entire Africa became the order of the day in most parts of the British Empire. Schilling observed that indeed by attempting to avoid the earlier mistakes made in India, including the control of Western academic schooling, there was an overtly political objective behind this Commission.30 This implied that Ugandan educational policy was to be designed in line with the colonial interests. The Secretary for the State and Colonies responded to the above challenge by setting up a Committee in 1923, known as the Advisory Committee on education in tropical Africa, which was later changed to the Advisory Committee on education for Colonies. The main aim of this Committee was to advise the Secretary of State on any matters relating 28

Watson, K. (1985). Colonialism and education development. In Watson, K. (ed), education in the third World. pp. 1-37. Groome Helm: London & Sydney.

29

Seppo, S. (1995). White –Collar or hoe handle? African education under British colonial policy 1920-1945. Helsinki: Suomen Historillnen Seura;p.45.

30

Shilling, D.G. (1972). British Policy for African education in Kenya 1895-1939. A Phd Thesis University of Wisconsin. United States of America.

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to native education in the British Colonies and Protectorate in Africa.31 It was after a careful examination of educational activities in all the British Colonies and Protectorate in East, West Africa and Central Africa, that this Advisory Committee of 1923 came up with varied findings, which became the basis of a published memorandum of 1925 on the educational policy for the British Colonies in Africa, known as White paper.32It should however, be noted in passing that the overall British policies, like those of any other colonial power globally, were for the purpose of expanding their colonial interests. In 1925 the British Colonial administration, took up an active role in education. They formed a partnership with the missionaries and adopted the policy of running schools through the missions. In the same year, the Department of Education was established in order to coordinate and provide financial support for the churches’ educational activities whilst increasing state control over education. They further supported the missionaries’ work whilst seeking to change the focus of education: primary schools were to emphasize technical training over literacy education in order to serve economic interests.33 In the same year, the British developed a document education policy in British tropical Africa. Its aim was to adapt education to the local environment to strengthen the feeling of responsibility among tribal communities and to raise moral standards.34This view originated in 1847 during the British Privy Council’s Committee on education regarding colored people, which stated the need for “securing better conditions of life and development of the African as a peasant on the land and to make local schools as a means of improving conditions of peasantry…to give them practical training in cultivation of cottage garden, as well as those common handcrafts by which labour can improve his domestic comfort.”35In general terms, this 31

Colonial Office. (1925). Education Policy in British Tropical Africa: Memorandum submitted to Secretary of State for Colonies by Advisory Committee on Native Education in British Africa dependencies. London: His Majesty’s Stationary Office. (HMSO) Cmd 2374.

32

Ibid, p.11.

33

Ssekamwa, (1997). History and development of education, p. 27.

34

Colonial Office, (1925). Education policy in British tropical Africa: memorandum submitted to Secretary of State for Colonies by Advisory Committee on Native Education in British Africa dependencies, London, His Majesty’s Stationary Office. (HMSO), Cmd 2374.

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meant manual work. This does not imply that the training to be given was not regarded as education in itself, but this new knowledge was narrowly confined to practical skills. The concept of ‘adapted education’ was not only visible in the philosophy of British education for the colored, but was also in the curriculum, textbooks, content and methods of teaching in all the subjects, especially history, geography and agriculture.36 In this way, by focusing on agricultural and manual training, adapted education resulted in preventing Ugandans from pursuing life outside their rural environment. This makes it clear that with the emergence of the colonial administration in the field of education, the Ugandan graduates were not suitably trained to address Ugandan challenges to the development and improvement of their citizens’ welfare. In addition to creating the ideals for a perfect government, the Colonial Government was committed to offering grants in aid for voluntary agencies to improve the standards of training for the native teachers. It is however, worth noting that although, these aims were expressed with optimism, the British did lay interest on a small class of literate Ugandans to fill the administrative posts, and educational policy was that they did not seek to go beyond this rank. For example they supported the education of the sons of kings and chiefs, who were groomed for leadership positions in their areas.37 Bishop Streicher’s, a White fathers’ educational report of 30th June, 1910, indicated that Lubaga School was founded for the sons of chiefs and other promising Catholic boys to prepare candidates for chieftainship and clerical work within the administration.38 Kumar observed that such a school system mirrored 35

Brief practical suggestion on the mode of organising &conducting day schools of industry, model farm schools, & normal schools, as part of the system of education for the coloured races of the British colonies. Foreign and Commonwealth Office Collection (1887), University of Manchester, The John Rylands University Library. http://www.jstor.org/stable/60232102, accessed on 20. Dec 2014.

36

Madeira, A.I. (2005). Portuguese, French and British discourses on colonial education: Church – State relations, school expansion and missionary competition in Africa 1890-1930.Paedagogical Historica, 41 (1&2), pp.31-60.

37

Lugumba, S.M.E. & Ssekamwa, J.C. (2002).A history of education in East Africa, Kampala, Fountain Publishers, p.25.

38

Henri Streicher, educational report, 30th June, 1910.WFA, C.13 (White Fathers’ Archives), Rome

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the British schools based on the 18th Century English political ideas, which consisted of Bourgeois individuality, equality and security of property.39 The implication was that by controlling the educational system the traditional ruling class had been able to preserve its power. This similar view was reflected in other colonial colonies, in French Africa in North-Senegal, Upper Volta and the Ivory Coast; schools were geared towards the recruitment of the sons of chiefs. Also the pupils were chosen with great care.40 This selective nature of education was not only discriminative, but it also hampered and disorganized the local indigenous system in communities. Oginga Odinga of Kenya observed that such a Western education created tensions in creating classes, and for undermining the power of the local leadership he categorically stated: The church created other rifts within the African society. The schools were originally built mainly for the sons of the chiefs, and to train new generation of chiefs and headmen. This meant that much of the flexibility that the Luo society provided in the selection of the leadership by prowess and the consensus of the tribal opinion was destroyed by a system that monopolized leadership for the educated chief clan, usurped the function of the clan elders, and made chiefs prone to bribery and other pressures.41 This indicated that education was minimal in the sense that the number of those who attended was small and selected. In fact, opening the world of knowledge to Africans was highly suspect to many Europeans. This was demonstrated in early correspondent of Rhodesia Herald who wrote: “I do not consider it right that we should educate the native in any way that will make him unfit for the service. He is and should always be “a hewer of wood and a drawer of water for his master.”42 This remark manifested that deep in the psychology of the colonial officials 39

Krishna,K. (2005).Political agenda of education a study of colonialists and nationalist ideas, New Delhi, Sage Publication, p.23.

40

Madeira, A.I (2005). Portuguese, Britain and French discourse, p.31-60.

41

Odinga, O. (1967). Not yet Uhuru: Nairobi: Heinemann, p.64

Parker, F. (1957). Development and education in Southern Rhodesia. The University of Texas, Kappa Delta Publication, p.72. 42

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their primary purpose for the colonization of Uganda, like any other African territories, was to secure raw materials to meet demands for their industrial revolution. For this purpose, they needed to give a form of training, which could resonate with the demands of the colonial interest. As such, one of the objectives of colonial education in Uganda may have been to divide and weaken the subjects, by making them subordinate to their rulers. Indeed Widel noted that the British Colonial Government did not want to impart too much literary education to the natives, which would reap a rebellious class of youth who would easily be dissatisfied with its colonial rule.43 Based on such an education, John K.M concluded that the educational adaptation was an educational paradigm designed by colonialists and their collaborator to keep the Africans in subservient position culturally, politically and economically.44 This mode of education was not exercised in Uganda alone, but was widespread in other British colonies in Africa. Berman E.H noted that institutions such as Jeans schools in Kenya, the Bo Government School in Sierra-Leone, Malangali in Tanzania, Fort Hare in South Africa and Achimota in Ghana were all built around the concept of educational adaptation.45 A new program for the provision of grants in aid re-emerged through the educational ordinance of 1926/27 and the 1942 Ordinance respectively. This new regulation determined the new criteria for financial grants to all the voluntary agencies in Uganda. This support was not only confined to finance, but also in kind for example, land was donated to missions, taxes were exempted, higher institutions established. All these policies were fully initiated after 1925.46 However, Aaron argued that by virtue of the missionaries’ acceptance of government aid, it meant a marked end of the missions’ policies on the schools and self-reliance.47 This further 43

Widel, A. (2008). British colonial education in Africa: policy and practice in the era of trusteeship. History Compass, 7(1), 1-21.

44

Karefah, J.M. (1987). Educational adaptation & Pan-Africanism: Developmental trends in Africa. Journal of Black Studies 17(4), 460-481.

45

Berman, E.H. (1972). Tuskegee-in-Africa. Journal of Negro Education, 41(2), pp.99-112. Published by Journal of Negro Education.

46

Ssekamwa, J.C. (1997). History and development of education, p.49.

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suggested that the grants in aid was provided to the mission schools in return for the assurance that school lessons would focus on fitting Ugandans with technical knowledge needed to work as artisans for the settlers. The missionaries and the Colonial Government therefore, worked hand in hand to promote this ideal. The Thomas Education Committee of 1940 reviewed Uganda’s educational system and made recommendations, which eventually led to the adoption of policies that increased local control over education. The system of a Board of Governors was established in order to promote local involvement in school administration. Local governments were given the responsibility for the financing of primary education.48 It is however important to note that this support for the enhancement of ethnic identity runs parallel with the colonial regime’s other policies that increased hostilities among the different ethnic groups of Uganda. It is therefore, clear that the colonial regime implemented educational policies to show that the local people were involved, but in actual fact the irony was that these was to prevent the Ugandans from identifying and collaborating with each other to oust the colonizers. The climax of the mission-government alliance was reflected in the 1926 conference that was held at Le- Zoute in Belgium, where the missionary societies rectified the outlook of the Phelps-Stock Commission and that of the Colonial Office Advisory Committee to ensure the development of African education with the help of Southern States of U.S.A.49 This meant that in further pursuance of the adapted education, the Negro education from America had a much great influence in the evolution of the education policy of British Africa. It was jointly agreed that everything that was good in African heritage was to be conserved, enriched and ennobled by contact with the spirit of Christ. This was motivated by the reasoning that the Africans would revive social institution that had long since lost their importance to the people. 47

Beck, A. (1966). Colonial Policy and Education in East Africa 1900-1950. Journal of British Studies, 5 (.2),pp.115-138.

48

Education report of the year ended 31st Dec 1940.WFA, C.13, (White Fathers Archives), Rome

49

King, J.K. (1969). Africa and Southern State of U.S.A: Notes on J.H Oldham and American Negro Education for Africans, pp. 659-677.

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Similar resolutions were carried to Jerusalem in 1928 and Madras in 1938.50 On the other hand, Norman Ley was opposed to this point of view he observed that those who embraced the doctrine of adaptation avoided the real issues at stake in the relationship between the European empire and African life, which for him had more to do with the unequal distribution of land and wealth than with the lamentable loss of traditional culture forms such, as tribal songs and dances that the newly trained teachers were incorporating in the village schools lesson.51 Despite this opposition, the idea of fundamentally religious education adapted to African needs, was rigorously provided through missiongovernment co-operation. Although, the missionaries have been critical for promoting education, on the other side they were not interested in the intellectual growth of the Ugandans. Their education was not broader enough and in the long run this system created further problems. In the following section the study will discuss why conflicts were inevitable among the two parties. Missions–government conflicts and reactions After the creation of the Department of Education, Eric Hussey who had worked in Sudan was appointed as the first Director of education. By this time, the colonial government had shifted its attitude completely towards the direct control of all schools. There was need to implement the 1925 policies. Ssekamwa and Lumumba revealed that the enactment of the 1926/27 Ordinance was necessitated by the need to control the growth of the schools and institutions operated by the mission. There was need to check the degree of quality and professionalism in education; it was meant to empower the Director of Education to register and classify all the institutions, and to create order within the educational system. The other reasons were geared towards lessening the inter-denominational conflict between Protestants and Catholics. The guiding principles were gradually applied and the classifications of the schools with adaptable syllabuses were put in place throughout the country.52 The introduction of this Education Ordinance became a 50

Widel, A. (2008). British colonial education in Africa: policy and practice in the era of trusteeship. History Compass, 7(1), 1-21.

51

Norman, L. (1931). A last chance in Kenya.London: Hogarth Press, p.45.

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landmark in the history of education in Uganda, since it gave the official recognition to various participants in the field of education whose schools met with the required conditions. However, Ssekamwa asserted that the missionary viewed this undertaking as a threat to jeopardize their religious outlook, which they wanted to maintain in their schools. They hence, opposed the government, which allocated itself too much power in the control of schools. Moreover, it became more stressful for missionaries when Eric Hussey, the first Director of Education in Uganda proposed to consolidate some mission schools into the Government system. He had noted that: there were 300 mission schools of an elementary type, whose standards in secular instruction were very low. He decided that, fifty of these schools would be selected, twenty five from each denomination, and would eventually be brought to the standard prescribed for a vernacular school. The remainder of these schools would be classified as sub-grade, and would not be recognized officially. Thus, the sub-grade schools were not under the control of Director of Education.53 On the other hand, Ssekamwa also observed that the Colonial Office in London through the de la Warr Commission of 1937-38 on higher education was very uneasy with giving the missionaries all the freedom in handling educational matters and governmental policies. This Commission openly recommended that the government should take a serious stand not to allow the missionaries to interfere with governmental administrative policies, and that the government should ensure that the work of the mission was regulated and carefully controlled.54 In considering its move, the Colonial Government acknowledged that the missionaries were interested in stabilizing the faith of the converts, and in the development of a Christian character. On the other hand, the Colonial Government needed cheap labor more than anything else from the Africans.55 52

Ssekamwa, J.C & Lugumba, S.M.E. (2002). History of education in East Africa, p.48.

53

Hussey Eric, Minutes of meeting held on 10, Feb.1924, on future educational policy for Uganda Protectorate, Rubaga Archives, Kampala. also see minutes of 23rd Feb, from Hussey’s report of educational findings

54

Ssekamwa, J.C.(1997). History and development of education, p.125

55

Ado, T.K. (1998). Missionary as agents of colonialism, p. 47.

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The missions did not want the British Government to dominate the educational sector nor to employ Ugandans/Africans.56 The missionaries saw these as overstepped in their interests. Consequently, the differences between the missions and the Colonial Government were inevitable. To some extent these conflicts blindfolded their ability to see what was best for the natives. The immediate confusion erupted when the missionaries did not applaud the new changes made by Eric Hussey. The missionaries reacted by calling a meeting on native education in 1929 of all the heads of the Catholic Missions in Uganda. The aim of this conference was to have a single united policy and action with regard to matters pertaining to the Church in the Protectorate. They sought for the re-amendment of the 1927 Ordinance and demanded a Catholic representation on various educational bodies. In the meeting they agreed that while they would be willing to accept the co-operation between mission and the government, they would not however, sacrifice their own rights as missionaries and the religious character of their school system.57 The missionaries decided that while they respected the views on inspection of schools, they equally requested for the official control of their schools under care of their own education secretary, who were synonymous to government school inspectors. They requested that all the elementary vernacular schools, which fulfilled the condition of the Ordinance, should receive an equal salary scale for the teachers irrespective of the in which school they taught.58 This paper discovered that the mission-government conflicts were not only in Uganda, but that a similar experience manifested itself in other colonial territories for example In French-West Africa the Catholic Missionaries differed with the French Government over language policies. The Catholics were fully convinced that evangelization could only prosper through vernacular catechetical schools, while the French government was seriously advocating for an assimilation system.59 56

Ssekamwa, J.C. (1997). History and development of education, p.123

57

Minutes of meeting held on 22.Jan.1929 by Catholic Missions. Rubaga Archives, Kampala.

58

Minutes of meeting held on 22.Jan.1929 by Catholic Missions. Rubaga Archives, Kampala.

59

Madeira, A.I. (2005). Portuguese, French and British discourses on colonial education: Church – State relations, school expansion and missionary competition in Africa 1890-1930. Paedagogical

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Extensive research has shown that these misunderstandings were not only confined to mission and government agents in Uganda, but that they were also found among the missionaries themselves, and that this was reflected in the establishment of schools and in the social life of Ugandans. for example, the 1902 education report obtained from Rubaga archives revealed that Bishop Henri Stretcher, a White Father missionary emphasized that Catholics should not allow their children to attend Protestant schools and vice versa. The Protestants on the other hand, blocked Catholics from evangelizing in certain areas like Buddu.60 David low in his book Political Parties in Uganda has commented on the Catholic–Protestant relationship stating: “If born of the Protestant Church, an aspirant was educated in the Protestant school, and therefore, automatically found himself in the Protestant party.”61 From the close observation of this study what Professor Low said of Protestants equally applied to Catholics. It also suggested that the introduction of Western education and Christianity developed within a situation of rife with conflicts. It therefore goes without saying that although, education was the source of positive move in the direction of progress, it was also a source of conflict and division. John Mugambi noted that “In Uganda, perhaps more clearly than in other countries in Eastern Africa, the Churches have suffered from the tradition of hostility and bitterness imported by Anglicans and Catholics.”62 This implied that the conflicts that were experienced during the reformation were imported to Uganda. However, Luyimbazi Zake of Uganda had a different opinion on these conflicts. He asserted that these wars were not strictly religious wars, but that they were also political and economic wars designed to determine which religious faction was going to influence the political and economic destiny of Uganda.63 However, a Historica, 41 (1&2), pp.31-60. 60

Henri to missionaries working at Villa Maria. Rubaga Archives, Kampala-Uganda.

61

Low, D. (1962). Political Parties in Uganda 1949-1962. London: Heinemann, p.11

62

Mugambi, J. (1982). Ecumenical Initiatives in Eastern Africa, AACC and AMCEA. Nairobi: Pauline Press, p. 17.

63

Luyimbazi, Z.J. (1969). The Uganda teachers’ Association. In Musoke, D. (ed.),nationalism through education. Kampala: Milton Obote Foundation Centre, p.14.

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critical reflection on this missionary attitude towards one another leads one to question their intentions. Considering that the Christian teachings, which were supposed to promote love among the people were used to promote mutual enmity between one another, and the fact that the missionaries shifted sides by co-operating with the colonial power in promoting this form of education, was a clear indication that the missionaries had compromised their Christian message and therefore, needed to re-consider their Christian stance. Neill observed that despite the conflicts between the mission and government, both parties realized that native conversion to Western ideal was advantageous, if they were destined to achieve their objectives of establishing Western education.64 It was also noted that the 1926/27 Ordinance had little impact since it did not cover all the requirements of the schools and the educational objectives of the local population. Despite this shortcoming, the missionaries and the Colonial Government had to work together for the enhancement of their interests. So while in most cases the missionaries in Uganda dominated the elementary education and teacher training education, the government pursued the technical education of the Ugandans. This was because the colonial officials needed surveyors, lower and middle level medical personnel to fill the position in the Government posts. In Europe, such practical subjects as carpentry, blacksmithing and farming were separated from academic subjects, Aristotle the famous Greek philosopher thought that technical and intellectual training were incompatible and that was why his philosophy on the system of education regarded the practical arts as means fit for low classes. However, in politics he stated that: Men ought not to labour at the same time with their minds and with their bodies, for the two kinds of labour are opposed to one another- the labour of the body impedes the mind, and labour of the mind, the body.65

64

Neill, S. (1986). A history of Christian mission. Penguin Books. Penguin, p. 45.

65

Negri, P & Berseth, J. (eds) (2000). Aristotle politics, VIII. 4.1339a9. Dover publication Inc, p.306

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This implied that education such as technical schools were not seen as intellectual pursuit, because civilization was associated with writing and reading and other academic subjects. Thus we can understand why the Colonial Government put much emphasis on the technical and vocational education. Several technical schools were established and it was hoped that more of such technical school would be opened in every province, but due to lack of funds, only one was opened in the Eastern Province, at Elgon School offering courses for carpenters, builders and mechanics all lasting for four years, and that of tailoring lasting for three years. By 1935 about fifty men qualified from the government schools.66 On the part of the missionary, technical schools were influenced more by the internal needs of individual missions for buildings and technical work and the difficulty in finding the trained personnel necessary to serve these needs. By 1923, the White Fathers were running two technical establishments in Uganda; one side by side with St. Mary’s Kisubi and the other near their seminary at Bukalasa. These establishments were comprised of departments for blacksmithing, woodworking, shoemaking, roof molding, the manufacture of floor tiles, brick-making, bookbinding and drawing.67 However, critics like Ann Julia Cooper, whose advocacy held the broader notion of education argued that elementary students should not be relegated/limited to a prescribed and narrow curriculum that focused on a utilitarian motive with an overemphasis on technical efficiency, and specialized functions.68 This suggested that this education did nothing to improve the status of the African society; instead it held the attitude of submissiveness. Throughout this period, the Education Department was still persistent in its attempt to make agricultural education effective. Consequently, in 1929 Eric Staple was appointed as the Agricultural Superintendent. Also the archival material from Rubaga indicated that the conference of Directors of Education held in 1929, observed that the collaboration of 66

Felice, C. (1969). Education in Uganda 1894-1945. Kampala: Makerere University Press, p.241.

67

Fr. C. Robillard, report on the historical account of the development of education up to 1925, on White Fathers’ Mission, File 22, Rubaga Archives, Kampala-Uganda

68

Derrick P. A. (2007). Victorianism civilization and progressivism. educational ideas of Ann Julia and W.E.B Dubois, 1892-1940. History of Education Quarterly, 47, pp. 430-446. .

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the agricultural department was essential for the purpose of Teacher Training. Thus, it was considered highly desirable that the training of teachers should include agricultural instruction, not only during their course in the training schools, but also during the period spent at the end of their professional training.69 Similar courses were provided and introduced at the government agricultural schools at Bukalasa in the Central Province, and in Serere in the Eastern Province in 1931, in the great hope that this would reinforce the improvement of the elementary schools in agricultural activities.70 Although both the missionaries and the government accepted the theories of the Ugandan education, Ugandans themselves were not convinced by the Phelps-Stokes view. They opposed this view and made it difficult for the government to make agricultural and technical education the basis of all the elementary and secondary education. There grew a demand from all the levels of Ugandan society for the greater and better education for all. People agitated for improved facilities and urged that more money should be made available for the better provision of education. Ssekamwa asserted that the students themselves were the main force against the policy of adaptation of education. For the most of the students who went to school, learning of English was important for them because they were able to get into clerical jobs.71 In 1939, a missionary head teacher in Uganda was challenged by chiefs, who stated: We sent children to Mbarara High School not to enable them become better labourers. We want them to become chiefs to lead their people. They can learn digging and wood cutting at homes because we have hoes and axes. We pay you to teach them new knowledge, which you and other Europeans have brought here. That is why we sent them to you.72 69

Minutes of Conference of Educationists held in Mar, 1929 at Dar-es-Salaam. Rubaga Archives, Kampala- Uganda.

70

Ssekamwa, J.C. (1997). History and development of education, p.8.

71

Ibid, p. 61.

72

Chiefs to Headmaster, a letter dated 7th Feb. 1939, MbararaHigh School, Rubaga Archives, Kampala-Uganda

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Similar view was observed by historian Mazrui Ali of Kenya who remarked that the cultural discontinuity explained the linkage of education in the rural-urban divide he remarked that: “Western education in the African condition was a process of psychological deruralization. The educated African became…misfit in his own village….when he graduated…his parents did not expect him to continue living with them, tending the cattle or cultivating the land.”73 This implied that the Africans were supposed to have acquired better skills than remaining in the village to till. However, labor was given a very unfortunate label by the colonial powers. It was associated with slavery and even low pay. This implies that the attitude towards work as slavery has deep- seated roots, which perhaps need attention and examination. It was clear that the schools that were set up to boost the technical education never helped the students and the parents to respect the practical education. This was mainly because of the approach given by the colonial officers towards this educational system, which reflected that these schools were meant for the most average students who could not attain a higher level of education. The failure of the initiative to impart literary education was blamed on the Africans inability and their low mental power. Gordon, H.L in his study of the mental capacity of Africans observed that the African natives have been found to be inferior to their European counterparts, not only in brain capacity, but also in reaction to mental tests used by inquiry.74 Marah K.J argued that although, mental tests were no longer an inclination, the Europeans had long held attitude that they had a superior culture, language, religion and that they were highly intellectual. This standpoint can therefore, not be wiped out overnight.75 Indeed Depaepe noted that the old idea and opinion of Africans as primitive, which went from the outset, together with European superiority complex in regard to Western culture, gave 73

Ali, M. (1978): Political values and the educated class in Africa. Berkeley: University of California, p. 16.

74

Gordon, H.L.(1887). The mental capacity of African: A paper presented Before the African Cycle. Journal of Royal African Society, 33(132), pp.226-242.

75

Marah, K.J (1987). Educational Adaptation and Pan-Africanism Trends in Africa, pp.460-481.

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way to further scientific discourse on the psychology of some African communities.76 This entire attitude towards subordination reflected that the natives were not as mentally capable as the European settlers. It was such an attitude, which drew resistance and criticism in Uganda. Also this education failed because the Ugandans had no say, or were allowed to make decisions themselves. As R.J Masona a contemporary observer put it: “I think…. A successful adaptation can be made only by Africans themselves; an alien people, and a ruling one, however, well intentioned they may be, can only take people so far along the road. Thereafter, they must find their own way, seeking such guidance as they themselves feel the need.”77 The same view was expressed by H.M Grace a missionary, educator and the principle of King’s College Budo in Uganda, who critically on failure of the advisory boards to give the tribal leaders a chance to express themselves on educational problems. He felt that without the native’s participation on the boards, the, selfsacrificing effort of the educational officers was incomplete.78 From the above discussion one can conclude that, education was literally meant to reduce the financial burden, it was also meant to forestall political movements that would threaten the colonial order. From 1945 -1962 there was a change in attitude and tone as far as the missions and colonial education was concerned. This was echoed in the opening remark of Binns’s Commission in 1952 as stating: “We are persuaded that Uganda is ripe for the bold advance in education and in that belief we have not hesitated to state what we feel to be the present needs.”79 It was noted that the education had still proved insufficient to meet the post-war demands. This implied that the recent expansion and growth of education and the manner in which education had developed meant that both regional and denominational differences were still a loophole. Ssekamwa and Lugumba observed that to reinforce the 76

Depaepe, M. (2008) Belgian Images of the Psycho- Pedagogical Potential of the Congolese during the Colonial Era (1908-1960). pp. 1-18.

77

Madson, R.J. (1959). British education in Africa. London: Rou, p.72.

78

Grace, H.M to Edinburgh written in 1930, Namirembe Archives, Kampala-Uganda.

79

De Bunsen, B. (1953). African education in Uganda the report of the Committee. Entebbe: Government Printer archives

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educational policies and close gaps, the British Government continued to establish educational laws, Commissions and Committees, which were set up from time to time to oversee the validity of education in Uganda. These laws were meant to regulate the education system, ensure order and standardise the education system in terms of infrastructure, curriculum, and professionalism.80 This desire prompted the Colonial Office in London, to call the Conference of 1952 at King’s College Cambridge.81Allan noted that the aim of this meeting was to discuss and to carefully review the educational affairs in Africa and to reconsider whether African education was on the right path.82 The question, which comes to mind, is why did the British suddenly change their tone? Was this new outlook on education going to be different from other colonial programs? One thing which is clear from this study is that British Government policies on Ugandan education could not possibly have been designed to go against colonial interests. They were formulated in the interest of the British Colonial office by colonialists without involving one single Ugandan. Pearce noted that the statement of July 1943, made by Oliver Stanley, Colonial Secretary of the State, when he pledged ‘Britain to guide colonial peoples along the road to selfgovernment within the framework of the British Empire', had a note of insincerity and unreality in his declaration: it was very much designed for international consumption, to appease American critics of British imperialism, and Oliver himself doubted that the majority of the colonies would ever be capable of full self-governance.83It is therefore, evident that the policies which governed the development of education in Uganda between 1925 and 1961 were not intended to promote the interests of Ugandans. The motive behind the re-considering whether education was on the right path was to ensure and safeguard the domestic policy along lines supportive of colonial government’s 80

Ssekamwa J.C & Lugumba, S.M.E. (2002). A history of education in East Africa, p.67.

81

Ssekamwa J.C & Lugumba, S.M.E. (2002). A history of education in East Africa, p.67.

82

Allan, P. (1965). Educational reform in colonial Africa. African Affairs, 64 (256), pp. 210-216. Oxford University Press.

83

Pearce, R. (1984). The colonial office and the planned decolonization in Africa. African Affairs, 83, (330), 1984, pp. 77-93.

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dominant, social and economic interest.84 This suggested that the reforms in the Ugandan educational system were conceived and implemented within the framework of this relationship. Although, there was a lot of enthusiasm on the part of the Ugandan public, there were nevertheless, strings attached to this educational program. It is also, important to note that behind this renewed colonial attitude was the fear of rising nationalistic movements, which were widespread everywhere, an indication that African Independence was inevitable. Arthur Creech observed that such speedy independence of Uganda was not the dream of the white man.85 Unfortunately, forces continued to work against the missionary hold on schools. Some of the Christians formed a lay opposition demanding the missionaries to quit educational administration. Ssekamwa noted one of the colonial representatives who rebuffed the Ugandan members on the missionary hold on all educational matters clearly stated: “The missionaries have got an honesty and self-denial and devote more time in education than lay people could have done. The churches poured into education directly or indirectly an amount of money which I am incapable of estimating, and therefore an attack on the missionaries from any quarter is difficult to support by the government.”86 The Colonial Government backed up the missions to the end, but this support was not to endure. The 1961 Conference for African States held in Addis-Ababa on African education came up with a different approach towards the African education. Charged with limited resources, limited finance, a limited style of selection of students, which created scarcity of manpower and prevailing high illiteracy, the responsibility of education fell into the hands of the new African leadership. As independence was nearing, the Churches were forced to re-consider their position.87 This resulted in the 84

Berman, E. (1984). Foundations, philanthropy and neo-colonialism, in Gail, P.A & Gail, P.K (eds.), Education and colonial experience, New Brunswick & London, transaction books, p.253-256.

85

Creech, A. J. (1951). British Policy with particular reference to Africa. Journal of Royal Institute of International affairs; 27, (2), pp.176-183. Wiley & Sons.

86

Ssekamwa, J.C. (1997). History of education, p.127.

87

Beck, A. (1966). Colonial policy and education in East Africa 1900-1950. Journal of British Studies, 5 (.2), pp.115-138.

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integration of missionary schools, the missions lost influence over the evolution and central direction of their schools. A new education act was passed, and all the grant aided schools, which belonged to religious groups were nationalized by the state. The voluntary agencies lost their powers in the recruitment and posting of teachers and even in the admission of pupils and eventually the mission had to abandon their concept of cooperation. When Uganda got independence from the British on 9th October 1962, this ushered in great jubilation and high expectations, but it also occasioned challenges in the field of education. All in all, the efforts made by the colonial administration and the missions in promoting Western education in Uganda encountered some mixed reactions at some points. However, whether the Ugandans resisted or collaborated what is clear is that Christian missionaries pioneered the development of education in Uganda, on which their entire educational system is built upon.

CONCLUSION This study revealed that the planning of the Ugandan education, and its aims were in close connection to the background event in the colonial politics of the time. The rise of Indian Independence and other threatening factors in international politics forced the British government to set their educational policy straight and, in turn, to support their political agenda in Africa. However, this study also revealed that these threats were not only a warning to the Colonial Government of the time, but also to the missions working in Africa. The study unveiled that aids were granted to the mission schools in return for the assurance that school lessons would focus on fitting Ugandans with technical knowledge needed to work as artisans for the settlers. It, therefore, goes without saying that though missionaries have been critical for promoting “education”, with full support of the Colonial Government regarding policy framework, this type of education did not develop the Ugandan child’s mind to conceptualize, think critically and create alternative worldviews. Instead, the agricultural bias imposed on Ugandans was continued in an attempt to force on them inferior forms of education, which many Ugandans resisted. [125]

More so, further manifestation indicated that the lack of Ugandan participation in educational decision making drew the attention of Ugandan leaders and reinforced their conviction that education in both mission-colonial education and mission schools was set to perpetuate colonial supremacy. This new nationalistic mood and attitude widened the horizon for the greater re-assessment of the goals of education. As a result, the new leaders would present their goals for truly Ugandan education. Nevertheless, it would be unjust to judge the missionaries and Colonial Government using anachronistic criteria and expect that they should adjust to our post-colonial values. Their own circumstances and cultural background conditioned their decisions.

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CHALLENGES OF TEACHING AND TRAINING HEALTHCARE INTERPRETERS IN UAE Yasmin Hannouna University of Buraimi, Oman

Abstract The number of expatriates residing in Al-Ain in United Arab Emirates (UAE) has recently increased creating a multilingual community. This has lead to a great need for professional interpreters in various public service settings. In order to ensure high quality medical services, healthcare (HC) interpreters must be well-trained and professionalized. It should be the responsibility of the universities and the HC institutions to contribute significantly in preparing courses and training programmes for students and interpreters working in hospitals. The present paper, therefore, reviews and evaluates the teaching of Community interpreting and the training programmes in the UAE University. It also focuses on the analysis and discussion of the students’ HC interpreting problems. The results show that the students have various kinds of linguistic and interpreting problems. In addition, there is a severe luck of educational and training programmes necessary to prepare welltrained HC interpreters for UAE hospitals. Consequently, awareness rising among the involved parties and sample curriculums has been suggested to improve the quality of HC interpreting services offered. Keywords: Multicultural societies; healthcare settings; teaching HC interpreting; training interpreters; evaluation; curriculum design.

INTRODUCTION The need for HC interpreters (HCIs) has sharply risen in recent years in many countries with multicultural communities and expanding foreign[127]

based workforce. It is also expected that the demand for accurate and professional interpreters will continue to grow. Therefore, many universities and HC institutions have understood the vital need for having professionally-trained interpreters in the medical field and have designed courses to train interpreters to fill the gap of language services in the labor market. The UAE has continuously enlarged free movement of workers around the Emirates more specifically in the capital Abu Dhabi (where Al-Ain city belongs) and Dubai. As it has increasingly become a multicultural community, properly trained interpreters working in public services especially in medical settings is a basic need. It has been observed that the professional and legal status of interpreters working in the HC sector is rather vague and no endeavours have taken place to professionalize it. Increasing levels of Emiratis and expatriates who are in need of medical services combined with a shortage of trained interpreters have led to many problems in HC settings (Hannouna, 2012). So, with regard to the constantly increasing demand of professional HCIs, interpreting courses and relevant training programmes have become urgent to fulfil the needs of this society. Therefore, new materials for an undergraduate community interpreting course have been suggested. In addition, an MA programme has been proposed to help in developing and improving the current state of HC interpreting in the UAE. These programmes could be of use to any academic institution around the world too.

EDUCATION AND TRAINING OF HEALTHCARE INTERPRETERS: OVERVIEW Medical language services should be provided by well-trained interpreters to guarantee high quality HC services to patients who usually do not speak the language of the HC providers. Angelelli (2004) explores the role of HCIs indicating that they help to make communication possible between HC providers and patients who do not speak the same language. According to NCICH (2012), a well-trained interpreter is one who has been assessed for professional skills, demonstrates a high level of proficiency in at least two languages and has the appropriate training and experience to interpret with accuracy [128]

and skill while adhering to the code of ethics and standards of practice. A bilingual employee may provide direct services in both languages, but is not qualified to serve as an interpreter without additional training. This review focuses on the HCIs and student interpreters’ education and training. It presents medical errors and some limitations of utilizing family and friends and even HC providers who are untrained in interpreting. On the other hand, it shows the effect of good practices and training of interpreters on the quality of the services provided by the HC institutions. In addition, it reports the issues and challenges facing a HCI and sheds light on the content and requirements of HC interpreting curricula and training programmes and the ideas behind them. Although training is often regarded as the key to the provision of adequate interpreting services (Kalina, 2002), it is still lacking or not fullydeveloped in many countries except in a few "pioneering" countries (e.g., Australia, Canada, America and Sweden) where community interpreting (CI ) has advanced to the state of a fully-fledged profession (Ozolins, 1995 ; Ozolins, 2000). As Gile (2009) points out, formal training can perform at least two functions. The first is to help professional interpreters or translators enhance their performance to the full realization of their potential, while the second is to help them develop their skills more rapidly than through field experience and selfinstruction. The scientific evidence suggests that providing patients with trained, professional interpreters leads to optimal communication, the best outcomes, the fewest errors with clinical consequence occur and the highest satisfaction (Flores, 2005; Interpreter Services Working Group, 2010).Unfortunately, the literature does not use a common standard for “trained” or “professional”. However, it is clear that using trained interpreters generally produces higher quality results than using ad hoc ones. Errors made by untrained bilingual staff or family serving as interpreters include: (a) adding material, (b) omitting material, (c) false fluency, (d) substitution, giving opinions and (e) changing messages (Schapira, et al., 2008). Moreover, Hoen, Nielsen & Sasso (2006) identify the issues that inhibit the development of the field of HC interpreting. These include: (a) lack of HC interpreting employment opportunities, (b) [129]

absence of a professional body, (c) lack of standards, (d) limited available training and (e) low student enrolment. In addition, the lack of CI training programmes can be linked to the lack of skilled trainers. This is why “train-the-trainer” courses are being called for by a number of researchers (Englund-Dimitrova, 2002 ; Corsellis, 2008). The problem of finding adequate instructors as Murray (2004) maintains, refers to the fact that many training courses are relatively new and that many practitioners may have never undergone adequate interpreting training themselves. Other problems that need to be addressed when it comes to developing CI training measures concern lack of awareness of the importance of using skilled interpreters (Pöchhacker, 2007) and lack of efficient ways of using interpreters and organizing interpreting services (Ozolins, 2000). Further, Hale (2007) outlines four broad areas of problematic issues relevant to training:

1. Lack of recognition for the need for training ; 2. Absence of a compulsory pre-service training requirement for practicing interpreters;

3. Shortage of adequate training programmes; and 4. Quality and effectiveness of the training. Training in some very few countries is a prerequisite official system of accreditation for interpreters (Bell, 1997; Lascar, 1997). In this respect, Ozolins (2010) points out to a comprehensive approach that is best exemplified by Australia and Sweden that involves not only widespread provision of language services, but also a certification system, a training regime, and a degree of policy planning and evaluation. He states that accreditation can be gained through one-off tests or passing an approved course, but the lack of compulsory training to gain accreditation is a weakness. Joe (2007) confirms that accreditation or certification systems are critical to establish a profession and to give confidence to users in working with interpreters, but even after several decades of their implementation there are significant gaps in the reach of certification programmes. This is brought about largely by the increased language diversity and the still weak link between the requirement for accreditation and the ability to practice, or a missing link between accreditation and training. Most practitioners, on the other [130]

hand, have undergone training and are able to practice without the formal accreditation. Ozolins (2000) states while CI training programmes in the pioneering countries are fully institutionalized full-scale training, in many other countries they take place in non-academic settings as CI has not yet achieved the status of a profession that merits full-scale academic training. Moreover, undergraduate or postgraduate university training programmes are largely underrepresented in the range of existing CI training options (e.g. Ozolins, 1995; Roat &Okahara, 1998; Ozolins, 2000; Kalina, 2002). In addition, Roberts (2002) indicates that most training is offered at postgraduate level or as part of continuing education programmes. Besides, most of these university-based training programmes do not lead to an official and internationally accepted degree (e.g. BA, MA). Instead, they are often limited in scope, highly diverse as regards their content and often lead to participants receiving only a certificate at best. Unskilled Concerning the design of a training programme, a review of the relevant literature shows that there exists a large array of highly divergent training concepts whether at university level or outside academic institutions (Phelan, 2001). According to Hale (2007) and Ertl & Pöllabauer (2010), they differ with respect to content (e.g. language-specific, languageindependent, theory-based, combination of theory-based and practical training, different views on interpreter roles and 'cultural mediation'), duration (e.g. short-term training to full-scale academic programmes), teaching methods (e.g. 'traditional' vs. 'new' teaching methods), language combinations (e.g. 'Western' languages vs. 'rare' languages) qualification certificates or 'degrees' (e.g. proof of attendance, 'certificates,' internationally recognized academic degrees), selection/admission criteria, testing procedures (e.g. no testing to full-scale final exams leading to accreditation), etc. Hala (2007) emphasizes that training providers have to decide which stance will be taken on their particular course. This needs to be communicated adequately to students, trainers and users. Gentile, Ozolins & Vasilakakos (1996) confirm that “it will be difficult for the state of CI to advance in the absence of compulsory formal training” (p. 69). Indeed, without appropriate support, continuing education and [131]

Comment [M]: ??

quality assurance, even professional interpreters can make a significant number of clinically important errors (Kohen, Stubblefield-Tave & Seifert, 2004; Moore & Swabey, 2007). Therefore, bilingual staff should ideally receive training in interpreting, as bilingualism is insufficient to ensure adequate interpreting skills. Erasmus (2000) and Explore Health Careers (2011) maintain that the use of untrained, unprofessional and ad hoc interpreters creates more problems than it solves. Moreover, Niska (2005) believes that a pre-service compulsory university training and acquiring a university degree is so important. A major catalyst of professional socialization is a course of training that qualifies graduates for entry into the profession. Schapira et al. (2008) & Office of Minority Health (2012) maintain that the content of a HC training programme should focus on the role of the medical interpreter, interpreting skills, ethics of interpreting, cross-cultural communication, awareness of biomedical culture, standards of professionalism, and medical terminology. Regarding the length of the training programmes, some experts in the field feel that 40 hours may represent a reasonable minimum length of initial training. On the other hand, training could be an introductory training programme (e.g. of 15 hours) or a comprehensive training programme (e.g. of 54 hours). Universities regularly offer long programmes designed for ordinary students and beginning interpreters over several months or 2-4 years. These are not suitable to the needs of professionals. In-service professionals often attend short courses and workshops held in the form of evening classes and offered by the medical institutions, local government agencies or interpreting services. The content and approach of courses, standards and certification mainly focus on strengthening practicing professionals' skills and expertise. For instance, individual courses and workshops for professionals may concentrate on note-taking in consecutive or professional code of ethics for interpreters, etc. (Gile, 2009). In the education of HCIs, Angelelli (2008) supports a “dialogue" between researchers and practitioners to be able to simulate interpreting scenarios in training which are close to real-life situations. In addition, focus should be on the training of HCI in specific skills such as memory enhancement and terminology. She emphasizes training of [132]

interpreters should be triggered by pragmatic need to ensure that communication between HC providers and patients is plausible. Further, she (ibid.) indicates that students need to learn how to analyse meaning and they could benefit from courses that deal with the different issues that arise from the HC settings in which they practice. She also points out that students could benefit from courses that deal specifically with the different issues that arise from the HC settings in which they practice (e.g., hospital culture, ethics, protocol, etc) and believes that each of these educational opportunities would better–equip the student interpreter for a career as a visible, powerful, culturally-sensitive professional. Roy (2000) emphasizes that student interpreters should learn how to use their interpersonal skills effectively and the responsibilities and duties that arise from their tasks. According to Gile (2009), although interpreting and translation exercises always make the core of the curriculum, theoretical courses are a necessary part of academic programmes leading to BA or higher degree. They can help future interpreters and translators advance better and faster toward mastery of their professional skills and maintain appropriate strategies. Angelelli (2008) believes that many of the curricular decisions are made on the basis of “trial “ and “error” and confirms that institutions of higher education need to take a lead in promoting interaction between a researcher and a practitioner as a perfect solution. The teaching of HC interpreting should focus mostly on cognitive skills, ethics and terminology. Valero–Garcés (2008) states that great emphasis should be put on issues of register, terminology and specific vocabulary. The ethics of confidentiality and impartiality are important in the training of students in the classroom and when acting as interpreters in the workplace as part of their internship. In discussing the results of the studies he conducted on trainees in class and in the hospitals where they had their internship, Valero–Garcés (ibid.) indicates that students need to incorporate some training of dealing with traumatic situations and those with heavy emotional load and how to overcome them (e.g., heart surgery, traffic accidents, breaking sad news about AIDS infection or cancer, etc).

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In the above review, basic issues of HCIs education and training have been identified and discussed. The next sections present an overview of the current teaching and training reality of HC interpreting in the UAE.

REQUIREMENTS OF HC INTERPRETERS As the present paper focuses on HC interpreting, it is worth emphasizing that qualified professional HC interpreters need institutional support including continuing education and quality assurance to perform their work. Hospitals, health centres and other providers must assure quality interpretation services to assure quality patient care. Most HC institutions prefer their HC interpreters to have a certificate of successful completion from a recognized educational institution or training programme (whether through a private institution, a two-year college or a four-year college). A certificate attesting to language proficiency in all of the interpreter's working languages, skills testing in HC interpreting and proof of mastery of medical terminology in all working languages are the most essential academic qualifications. The only other typical prerequisites are general education and experience (Explore Health Careers, 2015). In a previous study, Hannouna (2012) confirmed that most of the interviewees (i.e., university teachers, HC providers and patients) believed that the universities are the primary responsible institutions to graduate qualified HC interpreters. Their programmes should include effective interpreting courses and sufficient training for this purpose. In addition, there should be a kind of cooperation and coordination between the university and the HC institutions to continuously provide training courses, seminars and workshop to improve the quality of HCI of the fresh graduates and the staff of medical interpreters in these institutions. Many theorist and researchers have pointed out to the numerous competencies and background knowledge that are commonly deemed necessary for community interpreters. These include: knowledge of professional issues, advanced language competencies, mastery of different registers in both languages, a wide mastery of general and specialized terminology, adequate pronunciation in both languages, [134]

excellent listening and comprehension skills, excellent memory skills, adequate public speaking skills, adequate note-taking skills, advanced interpreting skills, good management skills (i.e., the ability to coordinate and control the interpreted situation), a knowledge of the context and subject matter, an understanding of the goals of the institutions where the interpreting is taking place and knowledge of the theories that underpin the practice (Hale, 2007; Utilization of Interpreters, 2012). These areas of knowledge and skills are indeed crucial elements in any CI course. Valero-Garces (2003) maintains if someone speaks two languages, it is still widely believed that he / she must be able to translate and interpret. This misconception is often adopted by service providers who do not understand the complexity of interpreting and rely on bilinguals to interpret for them and expect accurate renditions. Hale (2007) refers to the practicing interpreters who oppose training either because they feel that there is nothing further for them to learn or because of the poor remuneration and working conditions that do not warrant the investment of money , time and efforts on their part to improve their skills, knowledge and performance. In a survey carried out by Hale and Luzardo in 1997, they discovered that more than 78 % of the respondents admitted interpreters should be university trained. However, the other respondents maintained that ad hoc volunteers can adequately perform the tasks assigned to them even if most believe a professional would do a better job. Another issue is that public-sector institutions are often unable or unwilling to pay for professionally trained interpreters as they are not perceived to be necessary (ibid.). Thus, education is needed for interpreters and for those who speak through them to achieve optimum results. Interpreters need preparation before working in HC setting. Preparation involves both formal training and education, and knowledge needed for a specific medical encounter.

CHALLENGES OF TEACHING COMMUNITY INTERPRETING COURSES According to Hale (2007), CI courses vary significantly. They could be general including translation or specialized in either court or HC [135]

interpreting. Others may combine as many specialisations as the course time will permit. Some courses are short orientation ( approximately 20 hours) run by hospitals or other employers while others are longer , more structured and permanent offered by tertiary institutions (approximately 60 hours) as part of their syllabus of regular courses. Single elective subjects could also be undertaken at university as nonaward courses (approximately 60 hours). In addition, full-degree courses at both undergraduate and post graduate levels (1-4 years) could be offered by universities too. The shortest courses tend to be nonlanguage specific, while the longer ones are more practical and include language-specific classes. In addition, university courses include theory and practice. Professional community interpreters either graduate with formal university degree courses combining theory with practice or obtain external accreditation or certification. However, the majority of CI courses are unfortunately short and superficial. Moreover, the training time is not enough for theoretical materials and practical skills to be dealt with adequately. Benmaman (1999) maintains that more permanent and comprehensive courses are needed than short and informal ones which may be “counterproductive, creating a sense of complacency in governments that such courses are sufficient to ensure quality in interpreting services" (p.112). One of the major challenges is to find highly qualified staff with the relevant academic and research background to teach CI courses. In addition, students with adequate bilingual and bicultural competence and skills may not be attracted to the profession because of low payment, limited work opportunities and unfavourable working conditions. Further, the absence of research makes it difficult to course designers to prioritise what to include in these courses (Hale 2007). In short, the trained community interpreter should not only be proficient in the target language(s), but universities and educational institutions should educate students and untrained interpreters about their role and the constraints of that role.

HC INTERPRETING IN UAE: BACKGROUND No previous studies (except the one carried out by Hannouna (2012) have investigated the state of HC interpreting in UAE hospitals. It is found that in UAE there are no professional HCIs in HC settings to help in communicating with clients who are not fluent in English (the language [136]

spoken by most of the HC providers in hospitals). Interlinguistic communication is carried out by ad hoc interpreters who do not have any training. In addition, HC interpreting is not given its due significance, although there is a growing need for this kind of interpreting in this country. Further, neither the universities nor any existing professional organization fully satisfy the needs of the interpreting market (Hannouna, 2012). On the other hand, throughout the UAE, no college offers HC interpreting teaching and training programmes that cover such topics as ethics, cultural sensitivity and standards of practice. In the UAE University (UAEU) in Al-Ain, interpreting is introduced in one course entitled Translation in the community. It is the only interpreting course in the plan of the Department of Translation Studies. It is a four months' programme. The current course, however, with the lack of any other interpreting courses or interpreting training programmes is not valid for preparing qualified HCIs for the labour market. The university as an educational institution engaged in translation training in the UAE has to rise to the challenge to fulfil the needs of the society. It has really become important to prepare and train professional HCIs in the medical institutions in the UAE for the risky consequences of unprofessional conduct of those engaged in the job.

TEACHING INTERPRETING IN UAEU Teaching interpreting is introduced in the course of Translation in the Community in the UAEU. This course is not a Department Requirement Course. Rather, it is one among twelve courses that are classified as Elective Courses. Students of the Department of Translation Studies can only select three courses (each of 3 credit hours) among these for their graduation. The list of Elective Courses includes only three from the Department of Translation Studies and the other nine belong to Arabic, Linguistic and Mass Communication Departments. So, many translation students graduate without taking this course. It is the only interpreting course in the current plan of the Department of Translation Studies. It is short in duration (a four months' course of approximately 48 hours), so that the training time is not enough to allow [137]

students to acquire the proper linguistic and interpreting skills and even for building solid theoretical underpinnings in the field. It is a general course emphasizing translating in various communities, commercial, and public contexts such as offices, hospitals, courts and in situations of political negotiations and press interviews. It is meant to prepare students for these interpreting situations by developing their ability to understand and analyze a message in the source language (SL) and convey it in the target language (TL) quickly, clearly, and correctly. Taibi and Martin (2006) indicate that in short and superficial CI courses, the training time is not enough to deal adequately with theoretical issues and practical skills. The author of the present research taught the course of Translation in the Community (Department of Translation Studies / UAEU) in three different semesters (i.e., Spring 2009, Spring 2010 and Fall 2012) and faced this challenge indeed. The main problem was in deciding the amount of theory and practice the students should take including: the appropriate course material to cover, the interpreting techniques and methodology to be used and the amount of training the students needed within such a short duration. Moreover, the standard course syllabus of the department was not concerned with a particular community interpreting area. Thus, time constraints, the many course requirements and the students’ limited bilingual and bicultural competencies were the main obstacles that impinged the effectiveness of the course. Teaching community interpreting in UAEU: A classroom methodology

In teaching the course of CI, the researcher focused only on two areas of CI, i.e., court interpreting and HC interpreting. These genres are necessary for students to learn based on the needs of the job market in the UAE (Hannouna, 2012). First, the aim was to awaken the students’ awareness of the role of an interpreter within the community services. This involves acting as a link between those citizens who either do not know the language of the community in which they live and the public or private services they wish to access, or who do not understand the language of the HC providers working in the local hospitals. In the UAE, this is due to the varieties of nationalities in this society. Therefore, a [138]

great number of citizens require linguistic support in order to have access to basic services and communicate with institutions. The second aim was to help in developing the professional skills of the students who wish to act as linguistic mediators between the English-speaking foreign community in the public institutions (i.e., the majority of HC providers in UAE hospitals) and the clients (i.e., Emirate or other patients who only speak Arabic or Urdu especially old women and men or children (for more information see, Hannouna, 2012) who have no or very limited knowledge of English. The course is primarily expected to develop and improve the native Arabic students’ interpreting skills from and into English in a number of specialized fields in styles appropriate to the source text content and function. The author (i.e., the teacher of the course) spent the first two weeks of the course in introducing the students (who had no previous background in the field of interpreting, in general, and CI, in particular) to the general features of translation and interpreting, the role of an interpreter, how to interpret, tips for accurate and adequate interpreting, types and essential modes of interpreting, interpreting ethics and requirements and interpreting skills development. The remaining weeks were equally divided between court and police station interpreting and HC interpreting. With each area very few theoretical materials were given as much time was needed for students’ actual practice. Yet, the 18-20 hours to practice each genre were not sufficient at all to prepare well-trained professional interpreters. Therefore, considering the time limitations and the students' background knowledge in the field, it was just taken as an introductory course to make the students aware of the context in which they were going to do their internship and to help them apply the theories and skills they had learnt. Due to the lack of adequate textbooks as this is a new field, the author prepared her own handouts and teaching material according to the time she devoted for theory and practice. Special links to have access to online special-domain dictionaries and Internet material were made available to the students. Some of the teacher's own electronic dictionaries were provided to the students which they installed on their personal laptops. In addition, one of the methodologies used was to put [139]

the very complex terminologies extracted from various resources on power point (PPT) slides along with the texts in which they occurred to facilitate interpreting and save much of the classroom time. Lists of terminologies, definitions and glossaries were constantly provided to the students. As for the texts that were given to the students to interpret, the focus was on real-life situations and dialogues like, courtroom proceedings, crime scenes scenarios, police interviews, medical patient’s reports, medical tests’ reports, description of diseases and symptoms, patient-doctor / provider dialogues that the teacher downloaded from special web sites or took from different books on these fields. The classroom was equipped with a projector, a computer and speakers with an amplifying system in addition to a Smart board. However, no interpreting lab with booths, headphones and microphones was available. These tools are necessary in the classroom for practicing various interpreting modes and techniques and for recording the students' performance for feedback. It had Internet connection and the students brought their laptops / IPods, electronic dictionaries, mobile phones and hardcover dictionaries to class. The teacher brought her own recorder to the class for recording the students’ interpreting in order to analyze their interpretation and give them the necessary feedback. It was also used in measuring the time the students spent in interpreting a text. Students were shown videos on court and medical interpreting. Many other videos concerning the training of interpreting students , scenarios of real-life experiences showing ethical dilemmas and solutions, the difference between professional and a bilingual interpreters (i.e., ad hoc and non-professional interpreters) , how tests in various community interpreting settings are given and how to practice different interpreting modes. All the students were given the chance to comment on certain relevant issues in an open and active class discussion. Group-work was encouraged and all the students were asked to participate in various class activities and assignments. The class was separated into small groups and students were asked to discuss how best to interpret the texts presented into the target language. Group interpretations were compared and students' errors were identified and [140]

discussed. Students were given the chance to provide feedback for their colleagues under the monitoring and guidance of the teacher. Two modes of interpreting were emphasized in that class of Translation in the Community, i.e., consecutive interpreting and sight translation. One of the teaching techniques and methodologies used was to put crime scene scenarios, part of a court proceeding, a medical or patient report or a patient-doctor / provider dialogue on PPT slides that were displayed on the board using a projector and the students were given the time the teacher felt sufficient for sight translating the text (only in English). After minimizing the text (by using the computer in order not to make the text appear on the Smart board), each student was asked to give the TL interpretation (in Arabic) of the text even if it was a repetition of other students' interpretation. Further, by the students' repetition of segments in the same language and by asking them to paraphrase and give the gist or summary of the original English texts, the teacher helped them to develop their memory, comprehension, fluency and other linguistic competencies. In addition, the other methodology concerned consecutive interpreting practice. The text (e.g., a court proceeding and hearing or a medical dialogue) was either displayed on the board or distributed among students as printed handouts. Then, two students in a role-playing technique were asked to directly read the original text aloud, while a third student was asked to take notes and reproduce in the TL short or long spoken forms playing the role of a linguistic mediator between the two speakers after each pause. During the interpreting process, the instructor and the other students in class were asked to write down the mistakes for feedback on many linguistic, discoursal, pragmatic, stylistic and cultural issues. All the students were given the chance to practice these techniques, although they found them challenging and very difficult especially at the beginning. This made them frustrated and disappointed. However, they enjoyed facing challenging situations, realized the stress and the complexity of this interpreting specialty, understood the requirements of the profession and learnt a lot of linguistic and interpreting skills. This is what they indicated in the course evaluation conducted at the end of the semester [141]

Unfortunately, there was not enough time for practice and development of the students’ abilities and skills in such a short course especially it was the only interpreting course in their academic programme. It was just when they began to be familiar with some skills and mastered others, the semester finished. The course, in fact, does not qualify them to be community interpreters in medical or other fields especially they do not have any previous interpreting background.

METHODS AND DATA Based on the CI classroom observations of the students' interpretations and the analyses of the audio-recordings of these interpretations, various problems have been identified, classified and discussed. The researcher transcribed the audio recorded interpretations of her own students in the course of CI (Spring, 2012). The transcriptions represented the students' classroom practical interpretations and the renditions of tests. The analyses of the students' interpretations of various HC settings aim at evaluating their performance based on the identification and description of their problems. As the present work is more concerned with HC interpreting, the students' interpretations of crime scenes scenarios and court proceedings were excluded from the data. Therefore, a total of 44 transcriptions of students' interpretations of various doctor–patient or nurse-doctor dialogues and other medical texts (e.g., description of patient's disease symptoms, telephone conversations between patient and doctor's secretary or patient and doctor) formed the data of the study. Only some of these transcripts were chosen for the purpose of analysis and investigation. There were only nine students in the class who interpreted the texts without any prior preparation or interpreting training. Their practical experience in interpreting was only based on the videos they had watched and the teacher's examples of practical renditions. They basically used consecutive / dialogue interpretation when one student read the English ST while the other took notes and then interpreted the text into Arabic as a TL. They also sight translated the texts from English into Arabic and occasionally from Arabic to [142]

English. The students' renditions were transliterated in the examples of the next section. Analysis and discussion of problematic issues

Analyses of the data showed that CI students in UAEU had various problems in interpreting medical texts between English to Arabic. These problems, however, are interrelated. Some of these problems are cognitive like, lack of the ability to understand and comprehend the English SL text. This badly affected the accuracy and fidelity of their interpretations. They also had problems in memory. They could not, for example, produce a good interpretation in Arabic (TL) that was faithful and accurate as they forgot many important details of the ST (usually English). They also deleted certain parts of the ST (i.e. omit material), added material, repeated certain parts of the text, gave their opinion or changed the message. For instance, the following text could not be interpreted by most of the students although the teacher supplied the Arabic equivalents of the words and terminologies that appear in bold. As most of these terms are Greek-Latin expressions, the teacher understood that they would be problematic for the student to render. Nevertheless, the teacher expected the student to be able to interpret the text if terms were known. (1) Nurse:

Doctor, can you look at Mr. Sickly? I’m worried about his oxygenation. Doctor: Sure. What is his respiratory rate? Is he on supplemental oxygen? Nurse: His respirations are 20 a minute. He is on nasal cannula oxygen, but he appears to be having trouble with his inspiration and expirations and he appears to be breathing from his diaphragm Doctor: OK. His chest x-ray shows pulmonary oedema, worse in the lower lobes. He may be developing pleural effusions as well from his cardiopulmonary failure. Before we run into problems with deoxygenation and carbon dioxide retentio, I think we should intubate him with an endotracheal tube. [143]

Nurse: Doctor:

Nurse:

OK. I’ll send a blood gas to make sure there isn’t metabolic acidosis. Good idea. After the intubation, we’ll give him some diureticto improve the ventilation in the alveoli, and we’ll be able to suction the mucus from his bronchi and bronchioles. Hopefully that will help as well. Thanks.

In the second example, the student's lack of recognition of the idiomatic expression 'under the weather' and its exact meaning led to inaccurate interpretation, as seen below: (2) Doctor: Patient:

Are you having any other problems like weakness, fatigue or headaches? Well I've certainly felt under the weather.

Instead of providing a functional rendering of the idiomatic expression as 'Laqad Shaa'rtu bi ani mareedhan', the student interpreted it literally as ' Asha'ru fia'lan bi ani taht al jaw', i.e., 'I feel I am under the atmosphere'. The result showed odd meaning that was out of the medical context. The literal rendering of the idiomatic expression did not at all made any sense. In the third example, the student did not render important parts in the ST. Some parts of the ST were intentionally deleted as the student might have thought they were not important to render or the student might have forgotten to render them. As a result, the interpretation of the text was unfaithful, as seen below: (2) Doctor: How strong is the pain exactly? On a scale of one to ten, how would you describe the intensity of the pain? (3) Patient: Well, I'd say the pain is about a two on a scale of one to ten. Like I say, it's not really bad. It just keeps coming back... The student's interpretation is given below: [144]

Al tabeeb: Al Mareedh:

Ma Shidat Al Alam a'ndak bil dhabt? Kama Qultu laka al alam yathhab wa yaa'wood.

In this interpretation, the student did not render one of the most important parts of the ST concerning the intensity of the pain on a scale of one to ten. Such information was so important for the doctor to exactly diagnose the patient's physical status. The deletions in the student's interpretation of this example show inaccurate and unfaithful rendition of the ST message. When the students were asked first to restate the English text to test their comprehension of the ST, they made many linguistic mistakes in grammar, word choice and meaning. Inability to find the right Arabic equivalent to the English medical terminology in addition to difficulties in pronouncing the medical terminologies (especially the Latin and the very long ones) were other problems. Even when they understand the message in English SL, they were unable to convert it into the Arabic TL adequately. As a result of low linguistic competence, the students' TL (whether English or Arabic) texts were poorly interpreted and reflected problems in the clarity and coherence of the message. The result of reading comprehension given by one of the students of the following text (after minimizing the text displayed on Smart board) illustrates these problems: (4)

Doctor: Damien, I have put the plaster on to keep your bone in the right position. It’s very important that you do not get the plaster wet, because then it will become soft and the bone may move. I would also like you to come back to hospital straight away if your fingertips feel tingly or numb or if your fingers go pale or blue. This would suggest that the plaster is too tight and we would need to split it to relieve the pressure. In order to avoid swelling within the plaster, I recommend that you keep your hand elevated so that the swelling can drain away. You’ll need to be in the plaster for six weeks altogether, but we’ll need some X-rays done before then, to make sure the bones haven’t moved. [145]

The student stated this text as: Doctor:

He put the plaster …plaster keep … bone … good position…in plaster ... It’s very important [4 seconds pause]…that in plaster... that....it is important [another 3 seconds pause] … do not keep the bone wet, ….[5 seconds pause] bone…bones these bones…that... move [9 seconds pause]... I, He also like you [3 seconds pause]… go to hospital ….. if your fingers[ 8 seconds pause].. if your fingers that…blue fingers ... That is ... [5 seconds pause] plaster tight ….because it of pressure. He become… to keep the plaster for [the student paused and asked the teacher about the time period] …six weeks, …yes … six weeks… you sure … X-rays …

It is apparent how the student's memory problems and limited linguistic abilities led to misinterpretation of the text. In the student's rendering, in addition to the many grammatical problems (e.g., using the third person pronoun, using the wrong tense, using two different subjects for the same verb and producing incomplete sentences), there are other problems that affected the clarity and cohesion of the text like, omission of important words and parts of the text, unnecessary repetition, changing the message based on personal opinion and long pauses. Another example below shows similar problems in the Arabic TL text and demonstrates how the literal rendering of the English ST gives an inadequate interpretation in Arabic: (5) Doctor: We've been slightly behind schedule, but as soon as the operating theatre is ready, we'll take you through. The current operation is finishing soon. Before you go in for your operation, the nurse will prepare you. Is there anything else you would like to ask at this stage about your appendices operation? (6) Patient: Yes, you told me last week it would be keyhole surgery, you are sure I won't be left with a big scar. [146]

(7) Doctor: Don't worry Ms Brightly, unless there are complications you will just have 2 tiny marks. The student's rendering of the ST into Arabic is transliterated below: Tabbeb:

Mareedh: Tabeeb:

Anti khalf al jadwal, Wa A'ndama yajhaz masrah al amaliyaat, sawfa najri laki al a'maliyah. Wa stujahzuki al mumaridhah wa ….wa [7 seconds pause] wa a'ndama tajhazi sawfa tujahizuki al mumaridha li masrah al amaliyaat [5 secons pause]… baa'dah thalik a'nadaki sua'aal? Naa'm [3 seconds pause] …Hal statruk al amaliyah ndbah? [8 seconds pause] Sawfa la tatruk al Amaliyak nudab.

The back translation of the student's Arabic rendition where many linguistic and discourse problems could be recognized is given below: Doctor:

Patient: Doctor:

You are behind the schedule, and when the operating theatre is ready, we'll do the operation for you. The nurse will prepare you…and…and [7 seconds pause] and when you are ready, the nurse will prepare you for the operation theatre [5 seconds pause] …after that do you have a question? Yes, 3 seconds pause]….Will the operation leave scars? [8 seconds pause]… The operation won't leave scars.

In the student's rendition above, there is misuse of lexical items. The noun phrase 'operation theatre' was rendered literally into 'masrah alamaliyaat' which is not used in Arabic in this context. In other words, the two nouns do not collocate in Arabic as they are in English. The sound /p/ in the word ‘operation’ was also pronounced as /b/. Most students had this problem as the phoneme /p/ does not exist in Arabic. In addition, there are examples of misinterpretation of the right tense (e.g. ’You have been slightly behind the schedule’ was rendered into ‘You are behind the schedule’). There were also examples of omission of [147]

important words and parts of sentences that were not rendered into Arabic and which affected the accuracy, fidelity and clarity of the Arabic text (e.g., keyhole surgery, your appendices operation and complications). Further, the repetition of certain words or expressions and the many pauses during the interpretation process pointed out to the student's linguistic and cognitive problems. Another problem concerns inability to form passive constructions. In the reading comprehension test and after the following text was minimized (i.e., did not appear on the smart board), (6) Patient: Yes, he was taken to the special care unit because he was very small and he was getting cold and needed to be given oxygen. The student restated the text as: Patient: He taken to the special care unit because he …very small and … getting cold and … The student did not produce correct passive constructions. It was noticeable that students did not include verb ‘to be’ when forming the passive constructions and the present or past continuous tenses in most cases. They also had problems in using the correct forms of irregular verbs and they shifted from the past to the present and had problems in subject-verb agreement when they interpret sentences. In addition, they inappropriately chose contextual meanings of words. They rendered sentences literally following the word order of the SL text. The listening/ reading comprehension tests were so important indeed to identify the students’ problems in English as they needed to interpret from Arabic to English too. Students were also very slow in interpretation. They were unable to deconstruct and reconstruct the message quickly. For instance, when the instructor displayed a text that should normally be rendered in 2-3 minutes for sight translation on the Smart board, they took 11-15 minutes [148]

to look at the text before rendering it even when they were supplied with the Arabic equivalents of the English terminology. Moreover, most of the students paused during the interpreting process .The length of pauses varied (i.e., between 2 seconds to16 continuous seconds or even more of the interpreting time) depending on the level of complexity of the text and the student's limited cognitive (i.e., memory) and linguistic abilities. In most cases, the students did not remember the details and important parts of the texts and they were unable to find the suitable word or expression when rendering the text. The teacher (author of this article) needed to give them much practice in listening and reading comprehension in the SL (English in most cases) to develop their memory and comprehension abilities. By doing so, the students showed some improvement in the ability to understand the English ST before they were asked to sight translate it or interpret it into the TL (Arabic in most cases). In short, their interpreting education and practice was widely affected by their low linguistic competence and their instructor could not use many interpreting techniques and classroom methodologies accordingly. Some pragmatic problems (e.g., inappropriate transfer of speech acts to serve the same language functions of the original English text in Arabic) were identified in the students' renditions. In the following example extracted from a doctor-patient conversation: (7) D: What seems to be the problem at the moment? P: Well, I’ve been feeling so poorly recently. D: I see. Feeling poorly. What do you mean by that? P: I’ve been getting very short of breath. The student interpreted 'feeling so poorly' as 'Asha'ru bi dhua'uf shadeed' in Arabic which means 'I feel very weak' in English; whereas in the original English text the patient meant by this expression ' got very short of breath'. Thus, the student's interpretation did not serve the same language function of the original expression. This problem is attributed to lack of awareness of how native speakers of English use their language to serve certain functions in different contexts. [149]

Another pragmatic problem concerns register. Students used the local Emirate dialect and colloquial and informal expressions when interpreting into Arabic and were unaware of the need to preserve the same level of formality of the original English text in the TL text. For instance, the students rendered the texts below in a consecutive interpreting test using local colloquial and informal language (see, the words and expressions in bold) (8) Patient: I vomit in the morning starting on and off since September. I have been tested for pregnancy. I am nauseous most of the day. I am bipolar and have anxiety and have a few other medical problems, i.e. gastritis and haemorrhoids. as: Al Mareedh: Ana auraja' kul sabaah fee September. Wa akhtubirtu lil hamil wa ana mareedha wa musadaa'a kul yaum…[7seconds pause]…wa asha'uru bi …[4 seconds pause and the student asked the teacher about the meaning of 'bipolar'] qalaq wa aua'ni min mashakil aukhra …[2 seconds pause] .. wa batni youa'wirni wa aua'ni mi al bwaseer. And the following text was rendered (9) Nurse: Good morning, Mr. Adams. How are you doing today? Patient: Horrible! I can't eat anything! I just feel sick to my stomach. Take the tray away. as: Al Mareedh: Sabaah Al-Khayr. Shhaalak sayeed Adam al youm? Al Mareedh: Fadheea'! Batni youa'wirni. Another example given below

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(10)Doctor: Mrs. White, could we talk about your child’s weight? What are your thoughts about his weight right now? I’m really concerned about your child’s weight because I think it is starting to cause health problems for her. What do you think about your child’s weight?” was rendered as: Al Tabeeb: Sayidah White, naqdar natakalam a’n wazin tiflik? Mahiya afkaarik a’n wazin tiflik alheen? A’na qaliq haqan a’n wazin tiflik li a’nani a’atakid anahu saar yusabib mashakil sihiya lahu. Madha taa’taqideen hawla wazin tiflik? Regardless of the other linguistic problems like wrong choice of lexical items and meanings and the grammatical problems in the students' renditions of these texts, the Arabic equivalents to the English words and expressions (appeared in bold in both texts) were all given in the local Emirate dialect. This is an indication of informal usage of language. It also affected the accuracy and fidelity of the TL texts for not preserving the same level of formality of the SL texts when rendering them into Arabic. Other students’ problems are attributed to lose of self-confidence, frustration, hesitation, shyness, low voice, poor communication skills and communication apprehension. These problems prevented them from participating in class interpreting exercises and inadequately affected the quality of their interpretations. With the help and encouragement of their instructor, they showed some improvement in overcoming these problems by the end of the semester. This required the teacher's constant encouragement, a lot of classroom practice, group work and participation in discussions. The teacher also noticed that the students needed a course to familiarize them with many of the cultural aspects of the languages involved in HC settings. For instance, differences between patients’ and doctors’ cultural beliefs and values may hinder the establishment of the cooperative partnership. Finally, the students, in general, lack world knowledge and are reticent to make judgments about the world around them. They need to expand their background knowledge especially in fields relevant to their specialization. [151]

The teacher faced a situation that required her to teach the students many basic language skills at the expense of using the class time in learning and practicing many new interpreting skills. The students' attention was drawn to those problems and how to overcome them by writing them on the Smart board while they were interpreting. Further, the students were advised to do a lot of external reading, to watch movies and listen to the news to improve their linguistic competence in both languages Arabic and English. The students really found translating and interpreting medical texts between Arabic and English as a big challenge and they realized the importance of taking intensive linguistic courses .Further, students need to acquire many basic language skills before they register in this course and even before they enrol in the major of Translation Studies. Overall, more long, comprehensive and formal university courses are needed to prepare the students in the UAEU to the professional requirements of HC interpreting in the labour market.

IMPLICATIONS FOR TEACHING AND TRAINING MEDICAL INTERPRETING IN UAE As there are no sufficient and effective interpreting courses in the programme of the Department of Translation Studies in the UAEU, the researcher has suggested introducing interpreting courses to the undergraduate and the post-graduate programmes (students-oriented programmes). It is definitely worrisome to see the relatively limited training opportunities for interpreters of the university-based programmes. Clearly, there needs to be improvement in both the quantity and the quality of the training available to students and interpreters. The goal of these courses should be to bring new interpreters to a level of skill that would allow them to interpret adequately in various medical settings. The nature of the undergraduate community interpreting course

Two interpreting courses (i.e., Interpreting 1 and Interpreting 2) in addition to Translation in the Community should now be included in the plan of the Department of Translation Studies in the UAEU. [152]

In general interpreting courses, students could be exposed to the basic issues and requirements of interpreting, the types and modes of interpreting (e.g., sight translation), ethics of the profession (e.g., understand the concept of confidentiality and impartiality), respectful and tactful conduct, positive relationship to people, and good judgment, the different interpreting techniques, note-taking skills, comprehension and memory exercises, in addition to other aspects of the field. The tuition should mainly be devoted to practical exercises in interpreting and translation. Gile (2009) indicates that while interpreting and translation exercises make up the core of the curriculum, other subjectmatters and activities, enhancement and thematic courses in economics, political sciences, technical subjects, etc., skills around translation/interpreting, public speaking, documentary and terminology work, writing courses, linguistic courses and theories of interpreting and translation should be found in an increasing number of syllabi. On the other hand, he (ibid) maintains that in academic programmes as opposed to professional translation skills, theory is obviously central. Moreover, the theoretical components should ideally be: directly relevant to the students' needs, easy to grasp, taught after sensitization and recalled repeatedly during comments on hands-on translation work. Focusing on HC interpreting teaching and training, Dower (2003) indicates that typical courses should include role and ethics, basic interpreting techniques, controlling the flow of the session, medical terminology, professional development and the impact of culture in medical interpreting. Longer programmes, on the other hand, include more practice interpreting and more analysis of the conversation process. Therefore, I suggest that a well-run CI course provided by the UAEU should consist of the following units that mainly concentrate on HC and court interpreting: 1. Overview of CI, modes of interpreting and definitions of terms. 2. The role of a community interpreter and the skills (e.g., memory, turns-taking, interpersonal, rhetorical, etc.) required to carry out that work. [153]

3. The linguistic, cultural, situational, and professional tasks of CI. 4. Professional code of ethics. 5. How the students can interpret confidently and accurately in a straightforward interpreting situation (e.g. patient-doctor conversation) and how they can select and apply appropriate interpreting techniques in an interpreting situation (e.g. consecutive, sight translation, first person, visualization, etc.), identify a range of jargon commonly used by service providers in public services (e.g., health service). 6. Interpreting processes: asking for clarification, public speaking), note-taking, efficient delivery (e.g., speed, emphasis, etc.). 7. Overview of interpreting in medical and legal settings. 8. Introduction to medical / legal language, abbreviations and terminology. 9. Managing and practicing interpreting in various real medical and / or court settings under the guidance of the instructor. 10. Professional development. Taking the above-mentioned items into consideration, this course should provide undergraduate students with the necessary background knowledge and practice that will prepare them to work as community interpreters and to the more specialized post-graduate programmes in HC or court interpreting too. Practicum in medical interpreting

Two types of medical interpreting training programmes could be established and designed: 1.) academic training at the UAEU or better in collaboration with the HC institutions where students usually have their practicum (both on the undergraduate and post –graduate level), and 2.) vocational training (especially for newly appointed and beginning interpreters) at the Educational Unit and Continuing Education Centre in the HC institutions or at the specialized professional associations. In addition, the content of the programmes could be evolved as a result of the interaction between the university and the HC institutions or the state authorities concerned. [154]

In the UAEU, students in their last academic year should have a four months practicum in any local public or private sector institution or organization. More than 50% of the students at the Department of Translation Studies have their internship in hospitals in Al-Ain or in other Emirates. Without having any background and practice in interpreting in general and in medical interpreting in particular, many of them are assigned various interpreting tasks (e.g., telephone interpreting, doctorpatient conversation, sight translation of medical reports, etc.) during this period which are great challenges for most of them. Therefore, the university should have the overriding responsibility for organising with the medical institutions special training programmes that provide the interns with the knowledge and practice necessary for improving and developing their interpreting qualifications in this field. These programmes should be given by well-trained professional interpreters specialized in this type of interpreting and must be supervised by both the university and the HC institution involved. The basic training can then be supplemented with special courses and further training in, for instance, dental care, psychology, women's diseases and interpreting for special categories of clients, e.g. children and disabled. The objectives of the training programmes at this stage could be: 1. 2.

3.

4. 5.

to develop the trainees’ language proficiency and knowledge of technical terminology and special phrases in the field, to practice the various theories , interpreting techniques , interpreting modes and learn the code of ethics of the profession, to understand many cultural issues between the languages involved and to learn how to maintain social relations and develop their interpersonal and communication skills, to obtain knowledge of the relevant field and expand the knowledge of the other fields, to develop the trainees’ practical knowledge and interpreting abilities in various medical settings.

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According to Ertl and Pöllabauer (2010), it is advisable to confront students with their future working environment by involving them in real-life situations where they will have to interpret dialogues that actually take place in HC settings. This gives them the opportunity to apply the skills and techniques they have acquired in practice and carry out professional duties under appropriate supervision and guidance. It also helps them to bridge the gap between theory and practice. Their field supervisors will give them in-depth feedback on their performance. Thus, fieldwork and classroom debriefing meetings are required to complete the course. The internship represents an excellent opportunity to enable both interpreting students and HC professionals to learn more about each other and their respective professions It is worth noticing that the trainees should have completed introductory courses in interpreting and CI before they take their practicum , so that a mutual benefit could be achieved on the level of the trainee and the medical organization where he/ she has his training. In addition, the university–based training programmes developed in collaboration with the medical organizations involved should lend themselves well to be adapted to different contexts and implemented within non-academic settings (e.g., training fresh graduates and beginning interpreters in various HC settings). A Post –graduate curriculum in HC interpreting

In many countries, where CI has become a well-recognized discipline and there is a need for well-trained professional community interpreters in the labour market, undergraduate and postgraduate university-based training programmes and courses in CI are offered. Other adult and continuing education institutes, academic institutes and interpreting agencies also offer CI training and services in these countries (Ertl and Pöllabauer, 2010). Ideally, students who join the HC interpreting M.A programme should have completed a BA degree in translation and interpreting studies first and have excellent bilingual and bicultural competence and a wide general knowledge (Hale, 2007). This will provide them with the [156]

necessary theoretical background in linguistics and in interpreting to peruse their post-graduate studies in a more specialized field. As a basic requirement for the M.A students in HC interpreting, they need to be exposed to medical discourse to see the connections between settings, expectations and actual performance. Metzger (1999) indicates that one way to prepare students for their future career would be a team effort between an interpreter education programme and a medical education programme that pairs interpreting students with medical students. Thus, HC interpreting students could be introduced to :basic medical knowledge ( e.g. , body parts and organs, diseases and symptoms , emergency cases and conditions, laboratory tests and diagnostic procedures, medical treatment procedures, medications , medical equipment and supplies, etc.) , terminology and idiomatic expressions , doctor-patient interactions and dialogues , and a variety of HC settings. Angelelli (2006) recommends that students might benefit from HC communication courses offered in medical schools. She suggests the following courses for interpreting students: introduction to medical interpreting, language enhancement for medical interpreting, strategies for medical interpreting, the role of the medical interpreter, and a practicum in medical interpreting. These are indispensable courses for these students. Practicing special techniques of HC interpreters (e.g., transmitting, intervening, mediating and representing, see, NV AHEC, 2011) is also one of the essential requirements. In UAE and most of the Arab countries, no or hardly any CI training is offered. In addition there is a clear lack of experts and skilled trainers who are specialized in CI especially in the medical sector both on the academic and vocational level. This has negative consequences on the training programmes and the development of CI as a profession too. Here, I suggest a two year M.A academic and training programme (see, Appendix A) to prepare professionally certified well-trained HC interpreters who are able to produce adequate language services in HC institutions for Al-Ain / UAE labour market. The programme encompasses eight courses given in the first two semesters; each lasts for four months (i.e., the programme covers minimally 384 contact hours, i.e., classroom meetings and corresponds to 24 credit hours i.e., 3 [157]

for each course). The contact hours in the practicum course range from 288 to 480 (corresponding to 3 credit hours) depending on the training institution’s requirements, i.e., whether the student’s training is 3 or 5 days a week (for 6 hours per day) in four months. The third semester in the programme is devoted to this training. It comprises contextual knowledge about the settings and techniques for interpreting and mediation in the medical field. The main objective of the course is to prepare qualified HCIs who can develop the quality of language services offered in the HC institutions and improve the quality of the training situation as well. Finally, the students have to submit an M.A thesis (e.g., case study) corresponding to 3 credit hours at the end of the last semester (i.e., the fourth semester in a period of four months). The suggested HC Interpreting M.A programme should enable medical interpreters to act confidently and flexibly in different settings. Students should be offered courses specific to the medical setting. These include: Human Anatomy and Physiology, General Psychology, Lifespan Development and Medical Terminology. Other courses should replace these in the curriculum depending on the course objectives and the general course requirements. In addition to language and interpreting skills courses typical of most programmes, courses like: Introduction to HC Interpreter Settings, Introduction to Intercultural Communication and Introduction to Professional Ethics are essential too. The course of Introduction to Medical Interpreting should include real-life situational dialogues relevant to various HC settings with the necessary vocabulary and role-plays related to the topic. Further, modules dealing with mental diseases and problems should consist of topics as: therapy, domestic violence, and chemical dependency. The last course in the M.A programme is the Practicum and interpreting training which should focus on training and practical tasks, tours and observations of medical interpreters and should help students to improve their interpersonal communication skills and understand the HC system. It should be designed, organized and supervised in a kind of collaboration between the university and the HC institution administrators to provide an opportunity for students to gain hands-on experience while they continue to learn about the HC system. Students should complete at [158]

least 288 practicum hours with a working medical interpreter who must familiarize them with the legal background of medical interpreting and the responsibilities and rights of an interpreter. Trainees should also be exposed to job stress, and learn about medication and safety issues. A successful completion of this programme awards students with the vocational qualification of M.A in HC interpreting which enables them to work as certified professional HC interpreters in various medical settings in the HC institutions and organizations around the country.

CONCLUSION Overall, this research discusses that the global movement of populations and the resulting increase in the number of multicultural societies has set in motion a process of CI professionalization that is being reflected in the emergence of educational programmes, interpreters’ associations and accreditation systems. Interpreting in the medical setting is a complex, challenging and crucial task, and one that requires intensive preparation and education. Trained interpreters need institutional support including continuing education and quality assurance to perform their work. Health centres and hospitals must assure quality interpretation services to assure quality patient care. CI has not been given its due significance in the UAE. The Ministry of Health has no interpreting policy and HCIs receive no training and are not tested. Medical interpreting is performed, in most cases, by ad hoc interpreters whose competence is unknown, and who have had no exposure to the ethical issues inherent in this type of interpreting. In addition, they are not members of any relevant professional associations. As a result, this has badly affected the quality of language services provided to clients in hospitals. Thus, in the UAE there is a need to raise the awareness of health professionals on the advantages of having access to trained interpreters. In conclusion, the authorities , decision –makers and HC providers in UAE should understand and must reach a consensus about the significant role and function of community interpreters in general and HC interpreters in [159]

particular. Formal compulsory training programmes should be instituted, which means that competent interpreter trainers must be identified and cultivated. As these training programmes become established, professional associations should emerge to represent the interests of the interpreters, preserve their rights and enforce the code of ethics. In addition, as these associations grow stronger, they should strive to educate the public and potential clients about the role of the community interpreter and the importance of hiring a trained professional. In the HC sector, a credible certification programme should be established to encourage practitioners to obtain proper training and to instil public trust in the profession. More long, comprehensive and formal interpreting university courses are also needed to prepare the students in the UAEU for the professional requirements of interpreting in the labour market. Consequently, it is hoped that much improvement and progress will be achieved on the level of HC interpreting in the country and it will be a more respected profession with a recognized body of knowledge and credentialing process. It was found that the UAEU students' interpretations reflect various problems. Therefore, the new programmes suggested in this paper can support the development of HC interpreters' education and training in this institution and across the Emirates. The purpose is both to serve as a resource for those seeking training and to provide an analysis of recent trends in interpreter training. Finally, I hope that the suggested teaching and training programmes and the findings of this research will be useful for the syllabus designers, trainers, CI students, interns, the interpreters and the HC providers in the training programmes, courses and workshops they organize for future professional interpreters. References Angelelli, C.V. (2004).Revising the Interpreter's Role. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

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Hale, S. B. & Luzardo, C. (1997). What am I expected to do? The Interpreter's ethical dilemma. A Study of Arabic, Spanish and Vietnamese speaker's perceptions and expectations of interpreters. Antipodean: The Australian Translation Journal, 1, 1016. Hannouna, Y. (2012). The Need of Adequate Community Interpreting Services in Healthcare Multilingual Settings: A Case Study in Al-Ain –UAE. Translation and Interpreting Studies,7, (1), 72-95. Hoen, B., Nielsen, K. & Sasso,A. (2006). Health Care Interpreter Services: Strengthening Access to Primary Health Care National Report. Retrieved January 6, 2013, fromhttp://www.accessalliance.ca/media/SAPHCNationalReport.pdf Interpreter Services Working Group. Medical Interpreter Services in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. (2010). Standards Certification, and Financing. Retrieved January 14, 2015,fromhttp://www.mass.gov/portal/ Joe, Y. K. (2007). Labour Market Research for Translating & Interpreting Professionals in Sweden. January 12, 2013, fromhttp://www.ling.mq.edu.au/translation/lmtip_sweden.htm Kalina, S.(2002). Interpreters as Professionals. Across Languages and Cultures,3, 169187. Kohn, N.,Stubblefield-Tave, B. & Seifert, R. (2004).Assessing Language Interpretation Capacity Among New Hampshire Health Care Providers. Retrieved October 9, 2013, from http://www.accessproject.org/downloads/Interpreter%20Capacity%20Report.pdf Lascar,E.(1997).Accreditation in Australia: An Alternative Means. In S. A. Carr, E. Roberts, P. Roda,A.Dufour, &D. Steyn (Eds.). The Critical Link 1: Interpreters in the Community. Papers from the 1st International Conference on Interpreting in Legal, Health, and Social Service Settings, Geneva Park, Canada, June 1-4, 1995 (pp.119-130). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Metzger,M.(1999). Sign Language Interpreting: Deconstructing the Myth of Neutrality. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press. Moore, J. & Swabey,L.(2007).Medical Interpreting: A Review of the Literature– DRAFT 2007CATIE, College of St. Catherine /NCIEC. Retrieved February 3, 2011, fromhttp://www.medicalinterpreting.org/PDF/DRAFTLitReview.pdf Murray, A. (2004). Training the trainers: a post-graduate certificate in Public Service Interpreter training. Examinations Newsletter. Retrieved February 22, 2012, fromhttp://www.iol.org.uk/qualifications/IoL-Exams-Newsletter-2004.pdf NCIHC [National Council for Interpreting in Health Care]. (2011). National Standards for Healthcare Interpreter Training. Retrieved March 16, 2013 fromhttp://data.memberclicks.com/site/ncihc/National_Standards_5-09-11.pdf.

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Niska, H. (2005). Training Interpreters: Programs, Curricula, Practices .In M .Tennet (Ed.). Training for the New Millennium (pp.34-64). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. NV AHEC. (2011).Interpretation Translation Simplified. Retrieved September 23, 2011, fromhttp://www.nvahec.org/ Office of Minority Health, Massachusetts Department of Public Health. (2012). Best Practice Recommendations for Hospital-Based Interpreter Services. Retrieved January 11, 2015, fromhttp://www.hablamosjuntos.org/pdf_files/Best_Practice_Recommendations_Fe b2004.pdf Ozolins, U. (1995). Liaison interpreting: theoretical challenges and practical problems around the world. Perspectives: Studies in Translatology, 2, 153-60. -------------. (2000). Communication needs and interpreting in multilingual settings. In Roberts, R. P.,E. Carr, D. Abraham & A. Dufour (Eds.).The Critical Link 2: Interpreters in the Community. Selected papers from the Second International Conference on Interpreting in legal, health and social service settings, Vancouver, BC, Canada, 19–23 May 1998 (pp. 21-33). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. ---------------. (2010).Factors that determine the provision of Public Service Interpreting: Comparative perspectives on government motivation and language service implementation. Journal of Specialised Translation, 14, Online. Retrieved January 15, 2015, fromhttp://www.jostrans.org/issue14/art_ozolins.php Phelan, M. (2001).The Interpreter's Resource. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Retrieved January 28, 2015, fromhttp://books.google.com.om/books?hl=en&lr=&id=WbVgDEk_U0C&oi=fnd&pg=PR11&dq=Phelan,+M.+(2001).+Community+Interpreting+in+Ir eland.+In+Interpreting+in+the+Community:+the&ots=ECpxqsKKy_&sig=YcYDqRjY M57Rp604hNzXHKN_Gug&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false Pöchhacker, F.(1997). Is There Anybody Out There? Community Interpreting in Austria. In S. A. Carr, E. Roberts, P. Roda, A. Dufour, & D. Steyn (Eds.).The Critical Link 1: Interpreters in the Community. Papers from the 1st International Conference on Interpreting in Legal, Health, and Social Service Settings, Geneva Park, Canada, June 1-4, 1995 (pp. 215-225).Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Roat,C. E. & Okahara, L. (1998). Survey of Twenty-Three Medical Interpreter Training Programs in the United States and Canada. Seattle, WA: Cross Cultural Health Care Program, and Oakland, CA: Asian Health Services. Roberts, Roda P. (2002). Community interpreting: a profession in search of its identity. In E. Hung, (Ed.). Teaching Translation and Interpreting 4: Building bridges (pp.157175). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

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Roy, C. (Ed.). (2000). Training Interpreters- past, present and future. In C. Roy (Ed.), Innovative Practices for Teaching Sign Language Interpreters (pp.1-14). Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press. Schapira, L., Vargas, E., Hidalgo, R., Brier, M., Sanchez, L., Hobrecker, K., Lynch, T. & Chabner, B. (2008). Lost in translation: integrating medical interpreters into the multidisciplinary team. Oncologist ,13, 586-92. Taibi, M. and Martin, A.(2006). Training Public Service Translators and Interpreters: Difficulties in an Uncharted Field. In J. Kearns (Ed.). Translation Ireland. Special Issue: New Vistas in Translator and Interpreter Training, Dublin: Irish Translators’ and Interpreters’ Association, 17, 193-107. Utilization of Interpreters. Retrieved January 20, 2015, fromhttp://doa.alaska.gov/vccb/pdf/interpreters.pdf Valero Garces, C. (2003). Responding to communication needs: Current issues and Challenges in Community Interpreting and Translation in Spain. In L. Brunette, G. Bastin, I. Hemlin & H. (Eds.). The Critical Link 3 (pp.175-92). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. ----------------------.(2008). Hospital Interpreting Practice in the Classroom and the Workplace. Inc. Valero – Garcés and A. Martin (Eds.), Crossing Boarders in Community Interpreting:Definitions and Dilemmas (pp.165-85).Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

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APPENDIX (A) A New Suggested curriculum for an M.A Programme in Healthcare Interpreting

Semester

Contact Hours

Credit Hours

Interpreting (including :the role of a medical interpreter) Terminology and language enhancement(language spoken by the healthcare providers in hospitals) for medical interpreting

48

3

48

3

3. Strategies for medical interpreting 4. Professional ethics (including: the

48

3

48

3

48

3

48

3

48

3

48

3

Course Unit Name

1. Introduction to Medical 2.

First

legal rights of the medical interpreter & Background to the Healthcare system)

5. Human Anatomy and Physiology 6. Introduction to interpersonal and 7. Second

Third

Fourth

8.

intercultural communication skills Introduction to HC Interpreter Settings Interpreting of mental diseases and problems (e.g., including : therapy, sexual abuse and domestic violence, and chemical dependency)

Practicum in medical interpreting (including : Interpreting training / practical training )

288-480

4 months

Master Thesis

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3

3

EFFECTS OF EXPERIMENTAL LEARNING AND KOLB LEARNING STYLE INVENTORY THEORIES ON LEARNING Mehmet Ozcan Afyon-Kocatepe University, Turkey

Abstract

The following study examines the role of culture in education and learning differences. In order to thoroughly assess learning differences, Experimental Learning and Kolb Learning Style Inventory were the theories applied in this study. The present research looks at regional clusters and individual differences, such as variations in birthplace, childhood upbringing, and style of education. Using the Global Leadership and Organizational Effectiveness (GLOBE) framework categorizing cultural differences, cultures are observed in terms of regional culture clusters and individual cultural dimensions. The first theory applied, Experimental Learning, describes the learning process. Later, the second theory, the Kolb Learning Style Inventory, assesses the differences in learning styles. Researchers have applied the Experimental Learning Theory in order to examine the learning process in cross-cultural adaptation as well as the Kolb Learning Style Inventory to examine cultural patterns. Key words: Experimental Learning, Kolb Learning Style Inventory, GLOBE

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INTRODUCTION The fields of organizational behavior and management have for many years focused on performance as the primary validation touchstone for their theories and concepts. In the twenty-first century, however, people have begun to see a shift in focus away from measures of organizational and managerial performance, which are often limited and subject to short term manipulation at the expense of long term sustainability. In the new perspective, organizations are seen as learning systems, and the management process is viewed as a process of learning. Learning lies at the core of the management process when learning is defined holistically as the basic process of human adaptation. This broad definition subsumes more specialized managerial processes, such as entrepreneurial learning (Corbett, 2005, 2007; Poltis, 2005), strategy formulation (Ramnarayan & Reddy, 1989; Van Der Heijden, 1996; Kolb, Lublin, Spoth, & Baker, 1986), creativity (Brennan & Dooley, 2005; Boyle, Geiger & Pinto, 1991;Ogot & Okudan, 2006; Potgieter, 1999), problem solving and decision making (Donoghue, 1994; Jervis, 1983; Kolb, 1983; Selby et. al., 2004) and leadership (Robinson, 2005; Kayes, Kayes & Kolb, 2005). For over thirty-five years research based on experiential learning theory (Kolb 1984; Kolb and Kolb 2007a & b) has been an advocate for and contributor to this shift in perspective. The Experiential Learning Theory draws on the work of prominent 20th century scholars who gave experience a central role in their theories of human learning and development —notably John Dewey, Kurt Lewin, Jean Piaget, William James, Carl Jung, Paulo Freire, Carl Rogers and others— to develop a dynamic, holistic model of the process of learning from experience and a multi-linear model of adult development. As for ELT, it is a dynamic view of learning based on a learning cycle driven by the resolution of thedual dialectics of action/reflection and experience/abstraction. It is a holistic theory that defines learning as the major process of human adaptation involving the whole person. As such, ELT is applicable not only in the formal education classroom, but also in other areas of life. The process of learning from experience is ubiquitous, present in human activity everywhere all the time. The holistic nature of [167]

the learning process means that it operates at all levels of human society from the individual, to the group, to organizations, and to society as a whole. Research based on ELT has been conducted all around the world supporting the cross-cultural applicability of the model. Research on experiential learning in management has used ELT to describe the management process as a process of learning by managers, teams, and organizations for problem solving and decision making, entrepreneurial opportunity seeking and strategy formulation. It has also had a major influence on the design and conduct of educational programs in management training and development and formal management education. After a review of the basic concepts of experiential learning theory, the cycle of experiential learning, learning style and learning space will be viewed as a learning process. Research on the use of ELT to study managerial behavior, teams, and organizations is also reviewed. Next applications to training and development and formal management education are described. The final section includes a summary, evaluation of the theory, and future directions for research and application of ELT.

CULTURAL DIFFERENCES In the twenty-first century (Friedman, 2006), educators are finding their classrooms filled with students with different cultural backgrounds. Many observe that these cultural differences among students have a significant impact on the learning process. It is believed that individuals from high uncertainty avoidance cultures can appear cautious and systematic in their approach to problems while those from low uncertainty avoidance cultures seem more comfortable with risk and trial and error problem solving. Are these perceived cultural influences on the learning/problem solving process empirically verifiable or are these perceptions just cultural stereotypes? In the unit these questions are addressed by examining how individuals born and currently living in different cultures vary in their approaches to learning. Using the framework for categorizing cultural differences from the Global Leadership and Organizational Effectiveness (GLOBE) study (House et al., 2004), cultures are examined by regional culture clusters, [168]

and individual cultural dimensions. The Experiential Learning Theory (Kolb, 1984) is used to describe the learning process, and the Kolb Learning Style Inventory (Kolb, 2005, Kolb & Kolb, 2005) is used to assess differences in how individuals learn. ELT has been used by many researchers to examine the learning process in cross-cultural adaptation (Van Vianen, 2004; Yamazaki, 2003, 2004; Yamazaki & Kayes, 2004), and the Kolb Learning Inventory has been used in many studies to examine cultural patterns. Research on culture spans many disciplines such as Anthropology (Benedict, 1946; Kluckhohn 1962; Hall, 1976), Psychology (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Triandis, 1995) and Management (Hofstede, 1980; House et al., 2004). Irrespective of the discipline, the scholars have come to more or less a common ground with respect to defining culture. Culture can be conceptualized as ‘shared motives, values, beliefs, identities, and interpretations or meanings of significant events that result from common experiences of members of collectives that are transmitted across generations’ (House et al., 2004). This common understanding notwithstanding, the units of analysis chosen by culture researchers vary. The earlier researchers on culture, especially in the field of Anthropology, studied societies or communities.For example, Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961) studied five communities in America discovering differences in their value orientations. There have been studies that focused on countries like Benedict’s (1949) research on the Japanese culture. Research in the latter half of the 20th century increasingly focused on country differences in culture, perhaps resulting from the development of nation states that defined boundaries for governing structures, law, and social institutions that paved the way for increased cultural homogeneity within nations. Hofstede’s (2001) research on differentiating between the culturesof around 40 countries reinforced the use of country names as the surrogates to represent culture. The more recent Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness (GLOBE) study (House et al., 2004) followed suit. There have also been scholars who looked at the historical evolution of different regions of the world and suggested the possibility for cultural clusters that transcend national [169]

boundaries. Huntington’s (1996) classification of the world cultures into Western, Latin America, African, Islamic, Sikh, Hindu, Orthodox, Buddhist and Japanese is an example. The GLOBE study empirically arrives at ten cultural clusters—Anglo, Latin Europe, Nordic Europe, Germanic Europe, Eastern Europe, Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East, Southern Asia and Confucian Asia – wherein the countries within a cluster are more similar to each other while being significantly different from countries in other clusters. Culture researchers have endeavored to build in-depth understanding of the customs and practices within certain cultures and also to develop meaningful ways to enable comparison between cultures. This has resulted in a number of cultural typologies based on the salient features identified by the researchers. Some examples include high context and low context cultures (Hall, 1976) based on the amount of dependence on the context used to determine the meaning of messages, low trust and high trust cultures (Fukuyama, 1995) based on the relationship between trust and social structures, independent and interdependent selfcultures (Markus and Kitayama, 1991) based on the extent to which definition of self is in relation to the larger society, and shame and guilt cultures (Benedict, 1946) based on whether the standards for behavior are internal or external to the individual. These typologies tend to be dichotomous in nature. Hofestede (2001) introduced the concept of continuous cultural dimensions as the basis for comparison. Dimensions are various categories into which the salient features of the cultures are grouped. Hofestede identified power distance, uncertainty avoidance, individualism-collectivism and masculinity-femininity (later long vs. short term orientations) as the major aspects on which cultures differ. The GLOBE study (House et al 2004) refined Hofestede’s work suggesting nine dimensions: in-group collectivism, institutional collectivism, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, future orientation, performance orientation, humane orientation, assertiveness and gender egalitarianism. The proponents of the cultural dimensions approach introduced the practice of calculating scores on each dimension for each culture enabling relative ranking among them. These typologies and dimensions are especially useful in providing explanations when [170]

encountered differences in outcomes that seem to originate from the differences in cultural values and practices. Researchers in a variety of fields that range from education to epidemiology have explored the potential impact of cultural variables on outcomes that vary from educational accomplishments to depression.

EXPERIENTIAL LEARNING THEORY The Experiential Learning Theory draws on the work of prominent 20th century scholars who gave experience a central role in their theories of human learning and development. ELT defines learning as “the process whereby knowledge is created through the transformation of experience (Kolb 1984: 41). The ELT model portrays two dialectically related modes of grasping experience: Concrete Experience (CE) and Abstract Conceptualization (AC), as well as two dialectically related modes of transforming experience: Reflective Observation (RO) and Active Experimentation (AE). The experiential learning process is portrayed as an idealized learning cycle or spiral where the learner “touchesall the bases” experiencing, reflecting, thinking, and acting - in a recursive process that is responsive to the learning situation and what is being learned. Immediate or concrete experiences give rise to observations and reflections, that are assimilated and distilled into abstract concepts from which new implications for action are drawn. When these implications are actively tested new experiences are created again. It is not necessary that each person starts his/her learning cycle in the same mode (for example, Concrete Experience) and goes through all other modes in a uniform manner. Because of our heritage in terms of equipment, our particular life experiences, and the demands of our present environment, develop a preferred way of choosing among the four learning modes. Those who rely on Concrete Experience for grasping are open to new experiences, depend on people contact for gathering information, are intuitive and make feeling-based judgments (Kolb and Kolb, 2005;Barmeyer, 2004). Those who rely on Abstract Conceptualization are logical and analytical in their approach to a learning situation and seek theories and generalizations (Auyeung& [171]

Sands, 1996). A person may transform the experience either through Reflective Observation or Active Experimentation. Those who prefer Reflective Observation watch and observe all sides of an issue in order to understand its meaning and take time to act. Those who prefer Active Experimentation like to try things out, are more willing to take risks and are practical and application oriented (Kolb & Kolb 2005;Barmeyer, 2004). The concept of Learning Style refers to the individual differences in approaches to learning based on an individual’s preference for using a combination from these dialectic modes.The four basic learning style types are Diverging, Assimilating, Converging and Accommodating. 



Diverginglearners prefer to make more use of Concrete Experience and Reflective Observation.An individual with a divergingstyle has CE and RO as dominant learning abilities. People with this learning style are best at viewing concrete situations from many different points of view. It is labeled “Diverging” because a person with it performs better in situations that call for generation of ideas, such as a “brainstorming” session. People with a diverging learning style have broad cultural interests and like to gather information. They are interested in people, tend to be imaginative and emotional, have broad cultural interests, and tend to specialize in the arts. In formal learning situations, people with the Diverging style prefer to work in groups, listening with an open mind and receiving personalized feedback. Assimilating types prefer to learn through Reflective Observation and Abstract Conceptualization. An individual with an assimilating style has AC and RO as dominant learning abilities. People with this learning style are best at understanding a wide range of information and putting it into concise, logical form. Individuals with an Assimilating style are less focused on people and more interested in ideas and abstract concepts. Generally, people with this style find it more important that a theory have logical soundness than practical value. The Assimilating learning style is important for effectiveness in information and science [172]





careers. In formal learning situations, people with this style prefer readings, lectures, exploring analytical models, and having time to think things through. Converging types rely on Abstract Conceptualization and Active Experimentation. An individual with a converging style has AC and AE as dominant learning abilities. People with this learning style are best at finding practical uses for ideas and theories. They have the ability to solve problems and make decisions based on finding solutions to questions or problems. Individuals with a Converging learning style prefer to deal with technical tasks and problems rather than with social issues and interpersonal issues. These learning skills are important for effectiveness in specialist and technology careers. In formal learning situations, people with this style prefer to experiment with new ideas, simulations, laboratory assignments, and practical applications. Accommodating types use Active Experimentation and Concrete Experience.An individual with an accommodating style has CE and AE as dominant learning abilities. People with this learning style have the ability to learn from primarily “hands-on” experience. They enjoy carrying out plans and involving themselves in new and challenging experiences. Their tendency may be to act on “gut” feelings rather than on logical analysis. In solving problems, individuals with an Accommodating learning style rely more heavily on people for information than on their own technical analysis. This learning style is important for effectiveness in action-oriented careers such as marketing or sales. In formal learning situations, people with the Accommodating learning style prefer to work with others to get assignments done, to set goals, to do field work, and to test out different approaches to completing a project.

The Kolb Learning Style Inventory (Kolb, 2005) is an instrument ‘designed to measure the degree to which individuals display different learning styles’. [173]

It contains 12 items, and the respondents are asked to rank four sentence endings that correspond to the four learning modes – CE, RO, AC and AE. This forced choice format makes it possible to assess the relative preferences among the dialectic modes. The combination score AC-CE (i.e. cumulative rank for CE subtracted from the cumulative rank for AC) represents the preference for Abstract Conceptualization over Concrete Experience and AE-RO (i.e. cumulative rank for RO subtracted from the cumulative rank for AE) the preference for Active Experimentation over Reflective Observation. The combination scores may range from -36 to +36. A higher AC-CE score implies a relatively greater inclination for Abstractness (AC) and lesser inclination for concreteness (CE), whereas a lower AC-CE implies the opposite. Similarly, a higher AE-RO score would mean preference for action (AE) over reflection (RO) and a lower score the reverse. One’s learning style type can be determined by taking both combination scores together and comparing them with the cut-off values from the normative group. ELT emphasizes that learning style is not a psychological trait but a dynamic state resulting from synergistic transactions between the person and the environment. The stability and endurance of these dynamic states depends not only on the genetic qualities or characteristicsof human beings but also from the demands of the environment they are in. The way we process each emerging event determines our choices and decisions, which in turn determine the future events we will live through. The environment within which this process of self-creation takes place is shaped by the pervasive influence of culture (Kolb, 1984). In addition, ELT integrates the works of the foundational experiential learning scholars around six propositions which they all share:Learning is best conceived as a process, not in terms of outcomes. To improve learning in higher education, the primary focus should be on engaging students in a process that best enhances their learning – a process that includes feedback on the effectiveness of their learning efforts. “…education must be conceived as a continuing reconstruction of experience: … the process and goal of education are one and the same thing.” (Dewey, 1897) [174]



All learning is re-learning

Learning is best facilitated by a process that draws out the students’ beliefs and ideas about a topic so that they can be examined, tested and integrated with new, more refined ideas. Learning requires the resolution of conflicts between dialectically opposed modes of adaptation to the world. Conflict, differences, and disagreement are what drive the learning process. In the process of learning one is called upon to move back and forth between opposing modes of reflection and action and feeling and thinking. 

Learning is a holistic process of adaptation.

It is not just the result of cognition but involves the integrated functioning of the total person—thinking, feeling, perceiving and behaving. It encompasses other specialized models of adaptation from the scientific method to problems solving, decision making and creativity. Learning results from synergetic transactions between the person and the environment. Stable and enduring patterns of human learning arise from consistent patterns of transaction between the individual and his or her environment. The way we process the possibilities of each new experience determines the range of choices and decisions we see. The choices and decisions we make to some extent determine the events we live through, and these events influence our future choices. Thus, people create themselves through the choice of actual occasions they live through. Learning is the process of creating knowledge. ELT proposes a constructivist theory of learning whereby social knowledge is created and recreated in the personal knowledge of the learner. This stands in contrast to the “transmission” model on which much current educational practice is based where pre-existing fixed ideas are transmitted to the learner.

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

Learning Space

The concept of learning space elaborates further the holistic, dynamic nature of learning style and its formation through transactions between the person and environment. The idea of learning space builds on Kurt Lewin’s field theory and his concept of life space. For Lewin, person and environment are interdependent variables. Lewin introduced a number of concepts for analysis of the life space and a person’s relationship to it that are applicable to the study of learning spaces, including position, region, locomotion, equilibrium of forces, positive and negative valence, barriers in the person and the world, conflict, and goal.Three other theoretical frameworks inform the ELT concept of learning space. UrieBronfrenbrenner’s (1977, 1979) work on the ecology of human development has made significant sociological contributions to Lewin’s life space concept. He defines the ecology of learning/development spaces as a topologically nested arrangement of structures each contained within the next. The learner’s immediate setting such as a course or classroom is called the microsystem, while other concurrent settings in the person’s life such as other courses, the dorm or family are referred to as the mesosystem. The exosystem encompasses the formal and informal social structures that influence the person’s immediate environment, such as institutional policies and procedures andcampus culture. Finally, the macrosystem refers to the overarching institutional patterns and values of the wider culture, such as cultural values favoring abstract knowledge over practical knowledge, that influence actors in the person’s immediate microsystem and mesosystem. This theory provides a framework for analysis of the social system factors that influence learners’ experience of their learning spaces. Another important contribution to the learning space concept is the Situated Learning Theory (Lave and Wenger, 1991). Like ELT situated learning theory draws on Vygotsky’s (1978) activity theory of social cognition for a conception of social knowledge that conceives of learning as a transaction between the person and the social environment. Situations in situated learning theory like life space and learning space are not necessarily physical places but constructs of the person’s experience in the social environment. These situations are [176]

embedded in communities of practice that have a history, norms, tools, and traditions of practice. Knowledge resides, not in the individual’s head, but in communities of practice. Learning is thus a process of becoming a member of a community of practice through legitimate peripheral participation (e.g. apprenticeship). Situated learning theory enriches the learning space concept by reminding us that learning spaces extend beyond the teacher and the classroom. They include socialization into a wider community of practice that involves membership, identity formation, transitioning from novice to expert through mentorship and experience in the activities of the practice, as well as the reproduction and development of the community of practice itself as newcomers replace old-timers. Finally, in their theory of knowledge creation, Nonaka and Konno (1998) introduce the Japanese concept of “ba”, a “context that harbors meaning”, which is ashared space that is the foundation for knowledge creation. “Knowledge is embedded in ba, where it is then acquired through one’s own experience or reflections on the experiences of others.” (Nonaka and Konno 1998) Knowledge embedded in ba is tacit and can only be made explicit through sharing of feelings, thoughts and experiences of persons in the space. For this to happen, the ba space requires that individuals remove barriers between one another in a climate that emphasizes “care, love, trust, and commitment”. Learning spaces similarly require norms of psychological safety, serious purpose, and respect to promote learning. In ELT the experiential learning space is defined by the attracting and repelling forces (positive and negative valences) of the two poles of the dual dialectics of action/reflection and experiencing/conceptualizing, creating a two dimensional map of the regions of the learning space. An individual’s learning style positions them in one of these regions depending on the equilibrium of forces among action, reflection, experiencing and conceptualizing. As with the concept of life space, this position is determined by a combination of individual disposition and characteristics of the learning environment. The LSI measures an individual’s preference for a particular region of the learning space, their home region so to speak. The regions of the ELT learning space offer a typology of the different types of learning based [177]

on the extent to which they require action vs. reflection, experiencing vs. thinking thereby emphasizing some stages of the learning cycle over others. The ELT learning space concept emphasizes that learning is not one universal process but a map of learning territories, a frame of reference within which many different ways of learning can flourish and interrelate. It is a holistic framework thatorients the many different ways of learning to one another. The process of experiential learning can be viewed as a process of locomotion through the learning regions that is influenced by a person’s position in the learning space. One’s position in the learning space defines their experience and thus defines their “reality”.

CONCLUSION The fields of organizational behavior and management have focused for many years on performance as the primary validation touchstone for their theories and concepts. In the twenty-first century, however, people have begun to see a shift in focus away from measures of organizational and managerial performance that are often limited and subject to short term manipulation at the expense of long term sustainability. In the new perspective organizations are seen as learning systems and the management process is viewed as a process of learning. Learning lies at the core of the management process where learning is defined holistically as the basic process of human adaptation. Research on experiential learning in management has used ELT to describe the management process as a process of learning by managers, teams and organizations for problem solving and decision making, entrepreneurial opportunity seeking and strategy formulation. It has also had a major influence on the design and conduct of educational programs in management training and development and formal management education. After a review of the basic concepts of experiential learning theory-the cycle of experiential learning, learning style and learning space viewed as a learning process. Research on the use of ELT to study managerial behavior, teams, and organizations was reviewed. Next applications to training and development and formal management [178]

education were described. The final section included a summary, evaluation of the theory and future directions for research and application of ELT. References Benedict, R., (1946). The chrysanthemum and the sword: Patterns of Japanese culture. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Boyle, E. J., Geiger, M. A., & Pinto, J. K. (1991).Empirical note on creativity as a covariate of learning style preference. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 73, 265-266. Brennan, A. & Dooley, L. (2005). Networked creativity: A structured management framework for stimulating management innovation. Technovation. 25: 1388-1399 Corbett, A. C. (2005). Experiential learning within the process of opportunity identification and exploitation.Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice. 29 (4): 473-491 Corbett, A. C. (2007). Learning asymmetries and the discovery of entrepreneurial opportunities. Journal of Business Venturing 22: 97-118 Donoghue, M. L. (1994). Problem solving effectiveness: The relationship of divergent and convergent thinking. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts. Fukuyama, F. (1995). Trust: The social virtues and creation of prosperity. Hamsih Hamilton, London. Hall, E. T. (1976). Beyond Culture. Anchor Press, New York. Hofstede, G. (2001). Cultures Consequences: Comparing Values, Behaviors, Institutions and Organizations Across nations.2nd Edition.Sage, London. House, R. J., Hanges, P. J., Javidan, M., Dorfman, P. W., Gupta, V. (2004). Culture, Leadership and Organizations: The GLOBE Study of 62 Societies. Sage Publications, Inc. Huntington, S.P. (1996). The clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order. Simon & Schuster, New York. Jervis, P. (1983). Analyzing decision behavior: Learning models and learning styles as diagnostic aids. Personnel Review, 12, 26-38. Kayes, A. B., Kayes D. C. & Kolb, D. A. (2005a).Experiential learning in teams.Simulation and Gaming. 36 (3): 330-354 Kluckhohn, C. (1962). Culture and Behavior. The Free Press, New Yok. Kluckhohn, F. R., Strodtbeck, F. L. (1961). Variations in Value Orientations. Row, Peterson and Company, Evanston, Illinois. Kolb, D. A., Lublin, S., Spoth, J., & Baker, R. (1986). Strategic management development: Using experiential learning theory to assess and develop managerial competence. The Journal of Management Development, 5(3), 13-24.

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States. Unpublished doctoral dissertation.Department of Organizational Behavior, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, OH. Yamazaki, Y., Kayes, D. C. (2005) Expatriate learning: Exploring how Japanese managers adapt in the United States. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Academy of Management, Honolulu, Hawaii.

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BEYOND THE CULTURAL CAPITAL THEORY: SOME UNEXPLORED DIMENSIONS OF WORKING CLASS LEARNING Akhtar Hassan Malik & Hyder Kamran University of Toronto, Canada University of Buraimi, Oman

Abstract

This article presents a critique of cultural capital theory after identifying its limitations. The eminent scholars who proposed this theory generally argue that cultural competence and a broad knowledge of culture belongs to the members of the upper classes and is found much less frequently among the lower classes. Thus, their discussion and analysis largely remains one-dimensional and functionalist descriptions of the status quo rather than real explanation of social and cultural reproduction. Conversely, our research study indicates that the working class agents, too, have cultural capital, because they are as active as adult learners beyond formal schooling as any of the affluent and highly schooled classes. They are dynamic in creating knowledge and updating their social, economic, job-related, and educational awareness through informal training, general interest and self-directed or tacit learning activities. We argue that the cultural capital theorists grossly missed the collective capacity for creative cultural production and critical learning of working classes in their analysis as they had generally been preoccupied with delineating the cultural reproduction of inequality within institutions of formal education. The data in this study are based on participatory action research with several groups [182]

of organized workers in Pakistan and are illustrated here with evidence from ethnographic studies as well as a related survey. Keywords: cultural capital, working class, learning, class bias

The Indian peoples of Oaxaca in southern Mexico, to take one example, have flourished, as have their places, because of their traditions of teaching and learning. Their diverse cultures have continued to be enriched despite the abuses and interventions they have suffered from all kinds of Outsiders... [They] have kept regenerating their language and culture, while coexisting with, as well as resisting, their colonizers' universalizable truths. Their evolving modes of cultural coexistence protect their pluriverse, adapting to each new condition of oppression and domination without losing their historical continuity....When studied from up close, we discover with others that those who become addicted to classroom instruction end up losing real opportunities for gaining the knowledge and skills with which communities endure and flourish. Prakash and Esteva, 1998, as quoted by Livingstone & Sawchuk 1999

INTRODUCTION This research paper is greatly influenced by the theoretical ideas of our respected professor David Livingstone and his research associates. These esteemed scholars identified the hidden bias in contemporary "cultural capital" theory and argue that it has been largely developed within bourgeois dominated academies, and mostly in isolation from organized working class practices. As a result, the academic portrayal of working class cultural practices have generally missed the creative agency and original features of the class culture, or at best conveyed them in disembodied and fragmented ways. Most recent contributions to critical cultural theory by Marxist and other scholars have generally been produced in academic settings without sustained practical engagement with the organized working classes. Certainly strong social [183]

forces, including capitalist control of increasingly pervasive mass media and the disruption of working class communities, have threatened the working class capacity for concerted collective representation. But sympathetic academic analysts continued remoteness from the working class's own collective agencies has also aided and abetted the undermining of positive working class self-perceptions through their production of excessively disembodied and fragmented versions of current working class cultural practices. Livingstone & Sawchuk (2000) explain that among the most influential examples in the field of education and learning are the cultural capital theories of the reproduction of social inequalities through schooling developed by Pierre Bourdieu and Basil Bernstein. Both of these eminent scholars have drawn lightly on the Marxist tradition in developing their conceptions. Bourdieu's notion of cultural capital was developed by analogy with Marx's analysis of capital as an accumulation and reproduction process. For Bourdieu, one could say, the children of what he calls the “dominant class” are momentously advantaged over the children of subordinate classes in that they enter the educational system already well equipped to succeed and excel within it (See: Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). In their case, a clear continuity exists between the culture of their home and that of the school. These children generally share a common mode of speech, style of social interaction and aesthetic orientation with their teachers, and neither the content of what they are taught nor the manner in which they are taught are likely to appear strange to them. In contrast, for children from other class backgrounds, and especially for those of working-class or peasant origins, the school represents an alien and indeed a antagonistic environment – a cultural and social world set apart from that of their family and community, and one in which they are likely to feel out of place. Thus, while the children of the dominant class progressively benefit from a positive interplay between the influences of home and school, children from underprivileged class backgrounds face difficulties, and probably increasing difficulties, of adjustment. The working-class children subsequently – other than in a few special cases – fail to reach the higher levels of the educational attainment, either because they are excluded by inadequate performance or because they [184]

in fact exclude themselves (ibid). Described in these terms, Bourdieu’s account of how class inequalities in educational attainment are actually generated could be seen as having a good deal in common with those advanced in other well-known studies of the period. For example, from Britain one could cite Bernstein’s work [Bernstein 1961; 1965; 1996] who put the case that the form of language use of working class (who speak a ‘restricted code’) as contrasted with middle class students (who speak an ‘elaborated code’), greatly explain the ways in which the dynamics of social class affects the learner's outcomes in school. In the case of an elaborated code, the speaker will select from a relatively extensive range of alternatives. Conversely, in the case of a restricted code the number of these alternatives is often severely limited. On a psychological level the codes may be distinguished by the extent to which each facilitates (elaborated code) or inhibits (restricted code) an orientation to symbolize intent in a verbally explicit form. In sum, both Bourdieu and Bernstein in their discourses place the primary emphasis on the general cultural knowledge, sophisticated vocabularies and precise information about how schools work that children from higher status origins acquire from their families. The possession of these cultural tools leads to their greater success in school relations than their working class counterparts. Livingstone & Sawchuk (2000) argue that while a great deal of contemporary learning theory takes a class-blind and individualist perspective, both of these social analysts (i.e. Bourdieu and Bernstein) have developed structurally grounded models of class differences in cultural sensibilities and linked them to differential social effects of schooling processes. However, a critical appreciation of their contributions is needed in order to move beyond the limits of cultural capital theory.

METHODOLOGY Contrary to Dr. David Livingstone and his associates who conducted their study in Canada, we selected the context of Pakistan in order to verify and/or acquire greater understanding of and insight into the valuable perspective which these distinguished scholars have put forth. Besides, we deliberately selected a different research context as it would [185]

potentially add to the validity of Livingstone's findings as well as add diversity in the existing literature that deals with such issues. Moreover, working in Pakistan was also cost-efficient for us as we have some family members and friends residing there. Basically, in this research we used the participatory action research method (Fals-Borda, 1991; Creswell, 2002). The main aim of this worker-centred research project was to document the full array of learning practices in embodied, contextualized terms, through a combination of open-ended and semistructured interviews, and participant observation methods of inquiry. The participants were encouraged to express their learning activities in a friendly way in the interviews, most of which took place either in their homes, at workplace, in local libraries, and in available union halls. A simple survey was also conducted among members of different occupational classes to understand their formal university education, participation in work related seminars or workshops, and time spent in other informal, tacit or general interest learning activities. The findings of this survey have been presented in next section. However, in this article, we will generally discuss and analyze several of the hidden dimensions of working class learning that the participants articulated.

WORKING CLASS LEARNING CAPACITY AN INITIAL UNDERSTANDING

Our study suggests that formal schooling is generally distributed in class hierarchical terms, and educational institutions do remain very effective sites to reproduce class-based credentialed knowledge privileges. A notable percentage of corporate executives, managers, and professionals have university degrees which reveals that dominant classes effectively use quality higher education as a tool to safeguard and reproduce their privileged positions. The working class, in contrast, cannot afford the expenses of higher education and generally remain underprivileged to compete for better economic opportunities. However, a small minority of those from working class origins who have obtained the university degree still remained in their socioeconomic class to reap the benefits of this knowledge, which obviously are not too [186]

many. A huge gap is also apparent between the affluent and the working classes to participate in organized job-related learning activities in form of seminars and workshops, which are mostly meant to enhance jobrelated competence. Privileged classes have a monopoly over such company-sponsored opportunities to acquire the latest skills which they use to further consolidate their already privileged position. Table: A Comparative Study of Formal and In-formal Learning Initiatives between different Occupational Classes Occupational Class

University Degree (%)

No of Job-related seminars/ Workshops Attended During Last Year

Informal Learning (Hrs/week)

Corporate executives

88

57

13

Small-business owners

40

43

11

Self-employed Managers Professionals Service workers Industrial workers

39 100 100 9

40 49 46 19

13 14 16 11

3

17

10

However, in the domain of informal adult learning activities, we see insignificant variance between different social classes. This indicates that colossal and egalitarian learning practices are hidden beneath the pyramidal class-based structured forms of schooling and further education. These need to be explored further and understood properly. It appears that informal learning practices among the working class are at least as great as among more affluent and highly schooled classes. Such practices are also not solely confined to job-related knowledge, but encompass many aspects of tacit and general interest learning. This will be analysed in the subsequent sections. However, the findings of our study indicate that unionized workers are more likely to get better jobrelated informal learning than non-unionized workers. This suggests the [187]

existence of previously unexplored links between knowledge and power in workers’ learning practices. Where worker-controlled education programs are readily available, workers may be more likely in both material and motivational terms to integrate their further education and informal job-related learning. HIDDEN DIMENSIONS

The analysis in this study regarding the working class participants’ learning beyond formal schooling mainly attempts to understand the nature of their “non-formal or further education, informal training, and self-directed or tacit informal learning” (Livingstone, 2000, p. 142). We have included evidence of relevant learning at the workplace, through involvement in religio-political domains, and through general interest and hobby activities. Livingstone (1999) argues that learning is a dynamic, inherently social process that cannot be isolated from the rest of social life in any simple way. Also, by virtually every measure, people are now spending more time acquiring knowledge than ever before in the history of our continually learning species. Hence, the escalation of numerous knowledge disseminating channels, such as electronic and print media, internet, public libraries, trade union and political platforms, have increased opportunities for individuals to broaden their awareness. My respondents’ ethnographies generally reveal their substantial interest in gaining knowledge and desires for greater self-esteem, despite certain systemic barriers to further learning. Two middle-aged male leather goods workers explain: I was an intelligent student in school and my teachers encouraged me a lot to keep going. (…) but unfortunately my dad refused to support me financially. Instead he needed my help to support an extended family of 14. (…) so I had to sacrifice my education to do the menial work... (…) it was so frustrating as I wanted to carry on with my education.....However, my love for learning cannot be chained. (…) I use whatever I can afford to advance my knowledge (…).

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(…) if formal schooling is not for people like us... we cannot be deprived from getting awareness. (…) I regularly watch media, read newspapers, go to library. (…) and can discuss any issue with anybody who claims to be the highly educated. (…) sometimes they cannot properly answer to my queries which makes me proud of my wisdom. These perspectives negate the stereotype that those who remain unable to get formal schooling retain little or no interest in further learning. Instead, the working class agents employ various informal learning strategies to fulfill their thrust for knowledge. Such channels are not only affordable, but also easily accessible for them.

DISCOUSES OF RESISTANCE AMONG WORKING CLASS AGENTS The discourses of conflict and resistance among working-class agents greatly reveal the kind of wisdom they have about real life issues. This is not possible without higher levels of analysis and self-perception as being the victim of an exploitative system. Their rejection of “status quo” and elite control is evident in two domains. First, they use political and trade union platforms to become part of the political struggle for transition into a democratic and more just state, which would redefine the distribution of political and economic resources. Second, some respondents perceive that an effective use of available educational opportunities can provide them immediate relief, at least to some extent, from the reproduction of a cycle of destitution within the family. Therefore, as regards to a major change in the political system, one working class parent who is also an active member of an Islamist political party argues, “the unjust state policies can only be reversed through political and social revolution as enunciated by Islam and through enforcing the Sharia laws in the country, which would guarantee an equal distribution of resources.” Another respondent argues, “Creating a truly democratic and egalitarian socialist society in Pakistan largely depends on ability of the working classes to accomplish a political revolution.” Hence, it appears that the working class agents perceive that a political revolution to counter capitalist can only ensure the [189]

termination of elite exploitation and the fair distribution of political and economic resources. The working class ethnographies also reveal their profound awareness of the national education system. This is evident when they argue that the ruling-class has deliberately maintained an apartheid schooling system in the country, in which only the selected few can get good formal education and skills and rest of the populace is supposed to be subservient to them. Thus, on one side of this blatantly two-tier education system is the high-quality education for children of the privileged elites and on the other is the public sector education which, although is free, is of markedly lesser quality. The private schools are allowed to charge exorbitant fees and, thus, exclude the majority from their population. The fault generally lies along the economic divide and, unfortunately, the state connives to perpetuate such barriers. Moreover, the respondents of this study understand that another barrier comes in the form of English, which is the language of power in Pakistan. Since the ruling elites do not want to share their power, they ensure their children achieve excellent training in English through schooling experiences as well as at home. This provides them with an immense advantage to access the power echelons and preserve the privilege of the few. Conversely, Urdu and other regional languages remain the dominant languages of the masses and of the public schools, which are highly dependent on the state. The state, thus, perpetuates dependence on these less empowering languages. This makes working class children relatively disadvantaged in being able to access the better-paid job positions. The following working class respondent’s statement presents this standpoint: The state has been investing heavily in maintaining a parallel schooling system for the privileged, which provides quality education to those who would presumably run top positions in the higher echelons. Only the elites of wealth or that of power can access these schools. Conversely, the public schools get a stepmotherly treatment from the state in allocation of funds, quality of teachers, provision of goods and [190]

services. In addition, the public schools function in regional languages which means their students would have greater difficulty to access better job positions. Therefore, the working class respondents generally perceive that education in Pakistan has been used as one of the tools to reproduce those who are rulers and those who are ruled. By holding the key to areas of power and, hence, monopoly over policy making mechanisms, the dominant-class has ensured separate schools to preserve their status. Simultaneously, by ensuring the low standards of mass education, the ruling elite has deliberately perpetuated the cycle of poverty and subservience for dominated classes. This kind of critical reflection represents the level of wisdom which the working class participants have. The working class agents also articulate a desire for basic shift in the education system, which entails moving from apartheid, classist, and exclusive elite education to more inclusive, anti-class, and unbiased education. For instance, a working class participant argues, “the system of superior and inferior schools does not fit in with principles of equality and social justice,” and suggests for a uniform schooling system in which the rich and the poor get similar kind of education. However, most parents perceive that this sort of a major shift requires many drastic changes with regards to philosophy, structure, and practices, which is both time consuming and requires persistent efforts. Hence, besides an active effort for an entire change to the system, these agents understand that an immediate alternative to break the shackles of their economic plight is to make the most of the available educational opportunities. For them, education is the last and only resort to provide better life opportunities to their children than were available for themselves. Therefore, most working class respondents expect their children to get good education to expand their opportunities in employment and possibly to become skilled resource personnel. Emotional support appeared to be abundant in working class families. Parents would share their own educational limitations with their children of as well as their prime desire for them to remain in the school, complete their education, and go beyond what they had accomplished. [191]

Therefore, parents would constantly remind their children to take full advantage of their educational opportunity. The following working class parents’ statement reflects this mindset: We tell them [our children] that we did not have enough educational opportunities in the village. The solitary high school in the area was about 5-miles away and almost hard to access due to unpaved streets. Besides, we had to work in the family farm for hours in the afternoon to help our parents to earn bread and butter... also...we did not have computers, internet and other electronic learning resources...we believe such reminders are effective to constantly motivate them [our children] to work hard in education in order to achieve a good job, better than what we have right now...likewise, when our children prefer to play outside or watch favorite TV programs till late in night. (…) we, again, remind them how important education is for their future lives. Therefore, it appears that working class people are at least as active as adult learners beyond schooling as those in the affluent classes, and that the collective capacity for creative cultural production and critical learning is alive and well in the organized core of the working class in advanced capitalist societies as well as emerging economies like Pakistan.

LEARNING BEYOND FORMAL SCHOOLING: WORKING CLASS NARRATIVES In most sociological literature, working class people are generally presented as thoughtless and marginalized in the production of knowledge. Both Bourdieu (1984, 1991, 1993) and Bernstein (1990, 1996) greatly supported such perspectives through their extensive empirical studies. However, such discourses are also immensely disputed by some eminent scholars. For instance, Fowler (1997) explains that Bourdieu has exaggerated the cultural dispossession of the masses and excluded any popular art in his category of consecrated culture, constructing a canonical closure which is too complete and which blinds him to the [192]

existence of authorship within these popular art-forms. In stark contrast, sustained engagement with working class-based organizations has typically provided an alternative perspective on their cultural sensibilities and learning capacities. Livingstone (1999) argues that the socialization of the forces of knowledge production (especially through the availability of free voluntary forms such as public libraries, trade union schools, and now electronic information networks) is a major source of autonomous cultural production by subordinate social groups. The increasing availability to working class people of such socialized forces of knowledge production represents a continual challenge to private capitalist efforts (via conglomerate ownership of mass media, commodified information packages) to appropriate the social relations of knowledge production. This opposition between socialized forces and privatized relations of knowledge production is the fundamental contradiction of knowledge development and learning in capitalist societies. My study, too, supports such useful perspectives which are antagonistic to the cultural capital theory and greatly challenge it. In the following, I have included the three narratives of my respondents which underscore their ability of critical learning and cultural production. Narrative One

The first narrative illustrates the working class agent’s learning advancements within work-related, general interest, and religio-political domains. It also endorses that powerful learning instances do exist in non-pedagogical modes of social interactions and evidently outside the conventional schooling models. The participant is a 40-year-old male, a gas station attendant, who had to quit formal schooling immediately after middle-school graduation, because his father died and no one else was ready to financially support him. The realities of life compelled the participant to find an employment and assist his elder brother in supporting an extended family of twelve. It was not easy to find an appropriate job without connections in a highly saturated labor market. Hence, at first, he had to work on daily waged basis, and sometimes on temporary contracts as well. Finally, he could find a job at a gas station, which provided him with breathing space. He started his job with a [193]

scanty pre-service training with a mentor, as structured non-formal training was not available, and subsequently learned the complexities of the job with experience and day-to-day activities. With the help of his coworkers and through learning by watching and doing and dealings with the customers, the participant eventually gained essential knowhow of related finances, language, and interpersonal skills (e.g. dealing effectively with difficult, demanding, and unruly customers). While recollecting his memories the participant said, “[Initially] I would become anxious while handling some difficult clients, but now with experience, I am confident to tackle any kind of situation, no matter how challenging it might be.” This kind of self-esteem and social knowhow, which this participant has achieved through extensive everyday activities, are significant markers of his cultural capital. In addition, he had a strong craving to achieve as much faith-centered knowledge as was possible for him. This thrust was created in his mind and heart initially in his home/family setting, where, through various daily interrelationships, his parents/elders inducted him to Islamic social and cultural life and instilled an awareness of what his religion primarily required from him. The family had spiritual orientations and belonged to lively Sufi (mystic) traditions. This initial faith-based training was subsequently strengthened by a teacher of Islamic studies at school, whom this participant greatly credited for his “lifelong” pursuits of Islamic religio-political awareness. The teacher effectively disseminated Islamic concepts of education, wherein it is a religious obligation for every Muslim man and woman to seek knowledge from cradle to grave. The teacher also illustrated certain selected hadith (the Prophets’ sayings) to underscore the importance of ilm (knowledge) and urged his students to critically analyze the current social and political issues in the light of Islamic teachings. Some of the initial questions that were raised during the everyday class-work haunted the participants’ mind in the subsequent years. For instance: why are significant number of contemporary Muslims not dedicated towards acquiring ilm, even if it is a divine decree for all of them? Why have they not committed to the “straight path,” which Allah had assigned for [194]

them? Are these the main reasons for their plight and oppression in the modern age, or is something else? Such kinds of questions urged the participant to make a promise to Allah, the Prophet, and to himself to devote his life to acquiring and disseminating Islamic knowledge to his fellow Muslims. Hence, subsequent to realizing his religious obligations, the participant started an informal academic journey based on learning the correct recitation of the Quran in Arabic with the help of a local imam. After completing the recitation and memorization of certain selected parts of the text, the participant’s quest for further Islamic knowledge directed him to explore ways of having a precise understanding of the complex concepts contained in the Quranic verses. He organized his informal academic activities in two domains. First, he started to attend a series of erudite lectures of a renowned Islamic scholar, who would explain the Quranic verses to the general audience free of cost. In addition, he regularly attended the religious sermons, lectures, symposiums, Manazras (religious debate), and workshops arranged at different religious platforms. Second, his passion for learning guided him to frequently visit public libraries and choose relevant books. Hence, he read some outstanding volumes of religious knowledge, such as Tafhim al-Quran , Seerat-ul-Nabi , Sahih Muslim, Sahih Al-Bukhari, and the Rubayyat of Omar Khayyam, etc. These classical books contain elevated knowledge and discussions and are generally taught at the higher-levels in madaris (plural of madrassah – an Islamic school). Therefore, initially the participant had difficulty understanding these books through independent reading. He had to seek help from educated friends, the local imam, and religious scholars. However, his motivation, patience, and hard work eventually helped him understand these books and also achieve a deep-seated knowledge of Islam as a religion and the precise application of its teachings in the personal as well as social life. Hence, at the time of this study, the participant was actively involved in delivering Friday sermons to share his religious awareness with the general audience. This part-time assignment also provided him with certain financial benefits, which he was saving with a plan to rent a place and start his own academy, where he could deliver “real” Islam to the youth. The participant perceived that [195]

many contemporary madaris have blended their education with misinterpretations and were disseminating narrow-minded and onesided sectarian ideologies. He explained his disenchantment with formal education in madaris as follows: “It is generally discussed in media, and scholars also endorse, that our madrassahs teach the sectarian interpretations of Islam and make their students intolerant, which is evident in the level of sectarian violence that we have every year. Besides, the wrongful dissemination of ‘Jihad’ has also earned bad name for Islam and Muslims in general...In addition, our madrassahs have badly failed to exert an effective role, nationally as well as globally, to wipe out the notoriety that had been afflicted on our religion. (…) I think it is the right time to teach our youth the ‘real’ Islam, which must be free from misinterpretations and distortions. (…)” Thus, the participant understands that the message of Islam has been distorted and misunderstood in current geo-political life. This message is increasingly being viewed in a negative light and has reached the point where people are not sure of what the religion actually stands for. Moreover, the disappointment with madaris education, their ineffective role in defending Islam, and a passion to disseminate “true” Islamic messages, free from distortions and sectarian [mis]interpretations, underscore the striking features of this participant’s analytic capabilities. Moreover, the ethnographic interaction with the participant also demonstrated his awareness of the global issues and a concern to devise fresh solutions to contemporary problems in the light of the Quran and Sunnah (life of the prophet). He perceives: Weaker religious faith among Muslims, lack of Islamic form of governments in Muslim majority countries, low literacy rates, unequal distribution of material resources and division of Muslims on the basis of nationalities and sects are the leading challenges of Muslim ummah in the current era. [196]

He argues that a great deal of changes have become apparent in the realms of economics, science, and global politics. Yet, the old books of Islamic fiqha (jurisprudence) do not provide precise guidelines about current issues, such as the banking system, IMF, how to manage inflation, capitalism, communism, and sales tax. Hence, it has become inevitable to reassess the leading issues of Muslim ummah, evaluate the depth and dimensions of each crisis, and put forth solutions to current issues while initiating the methodology of Ijtihad and maintaining centrality of the Quranic precepts. To conclude, I would like to mention that a passion for Islamic knowledge is not uncommon within the Muslim majority population of Pakistan. The efforts for independent learning; which this participant had done to achieve a high level of understanding Islam as a religion, culture, and lifestyle; are very creditable. His multiple year struggle to understand the meaning of certain questions, which his teacher had posed for him and a conviction to raise similar questions for the youth to get them involved in acquiring and disseminating faith-based knowledge, suggests that working class agents are also active in the creation of knowledge. The next two narratives illustrate the informal learning instances in the workplace, including both self-directed, tacit learning and informal training by mentors, which appears to be highly relevant to the workers’ needs and job-related demands. These instances also suggest that working class agents are currently engaged in substantial ongoing informal learning and acquiring a broad range of knowledge and skills, which provides them with valuable wisdom to effectively handle daily social, economic, and employment-related issues. Narrative Two

This participant is a 43-year-old male and presently working as a plumber. He had to quit school at Grade 8 due to the family’s financial situation and instead volunteered as a helper to an experienced and selfemployed plumber. His aim was to learn the profession and subsequently make it his livelihood. This training-led learning continued for over two years, in which the mentor imparted job-related knowledge [197]

and skills as well as some basic accounting and bookkeeping skills. Afterwards, the participant acquired social skills, correct mannerism, and appropriate dealing with costumers through independent efforts and trial and error methods. The participant explained that with day after day job-related activities he learned that displaying refined manners, pleasant and welcoming attitude, and courteous language always helps to win over customers. The participant demonstrated his workplace learning of social skills as follows: Every client has a different personality, so to begin with it is important to understand him as well as his needs. It always helps to develop a relationship of mutual trust...my experiences have taught me that if a customer is satisfied, he would refer many more to me. Therefore, it appears that workers learn and expand their expertise almost every day while engaged in job-related responsibilities. They are also quite mindful of current developments and innovations in their profession. This respondent explains that plumbing has now involved many new technologies and equipment, which require a continuous updating of knowledge. For instance, the latest gadgets are mostly sensor-operated because people would prefer not to touch handles and surfaces in washrooms, new storage tank water heaters are hybrid, and the latest cooling/heating appliances operate on solar energy. Similarly, more efficient tabs, toilets, and showers are being inducted almost every day. These facts have made it inevitable to continuously learn and modernize skills. Hence, due to non-availability of relevant structured formal courses in the afterhours, the participant mostly learns new technologies through instruction manuals and learning modules that come with the products, other relevant self-reading materials, internet resources, and through discussions with coworkers and senior colleagues. The participant perceives that discussion with colleagues is one of the most effective channel “to learn new skills, exchange awareness and share expertise.” The participant further argues that, in the current age, plumbers must be aware of customers’ various aesthetic preferences. Most customers now require appropriate matching or contrast with their washroom or kitchen color schemes and [198]

select the most suitable gadgets from a wide range of available options, which obviously have different designs and colors. The participant learned the art of aligning his work with customers’ aesthetic requirements through extensive discussions with them and through a method of trial and error, which is laborious and time consuming as, sometimes, all of the gadgets are to be replaced. Therefore, to conclude, I argue that while, for some reason, skill formation, which can be workled, informal training-led, or acquired through tacit informal ways (such as, observing or trial and error) could not find place in Bourdieu’s analysis, it is out there as an irrefutable reality in the field of workplace. Narrative Three

This next participant, a 34-years old skilled factory worker, argues his workplace training was more beneficial for him as compared to his formal schooling. His education until secondary school was irrelevant to his job needs. After being hired, he had to pass through a difficult threemonth probation period, in which different supervisors trained him to operate the production machinery, properly handle tools, basic repairs, and maintenance. The participant explained that some supervisors had tough standards and would never compromise. They required every recruited worker to follow their procedures precisely. However, he liked the supervisors who had a more democratic orientation and encouraged questioning and discussions. This helped him gain an in-depth understanding of structured learning modules. During the probation period, the mentors continuously monitored every worker’s efficiency, use of proper skills and procedures, and, if they found anything lacking in a worker’s professional conduct, they would attach him to a new supervisor for further training. However, with multiple years of experience and workplace learning, the participant is now critical of initial workers’ training programs and refers to its many loopholes: Initial workers’ training programs give sufficient knowledge about mechanics and procedures to operate machinery...but they give no insight about workplace politics, social skills, team-work, and communication

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skills, which, I believe, are as important aspects of workplace expertise as the learning of mechanics... This kind of analysis emphasizes that the work place is as effective of a site for learning and creation of knowledge as any of the formally organized extensive educational programs. Besides, knowledge economy is much wider and deeper than many product and profitcentered training programs would otherwise suggest. Hence, to fill in certain gaps in initial training programs, the participant had to employ many informal and formal learning activities. For instance, through everyday socialization and observation of the methods of relatively experienced colleagues and immediate coworkers, the participant learned workplace politics, proper demeanor, communication skills, and workplace ethics. To learn occupational health and safety, workers’ responsibilities, rights and benefits, the participant largely relied on selfreading materials, which he obtained from the Ministry of Labor and Manpower and labor union offices. However, to learn First-Aid and principles of “quality control,” the participant took formal courses in after work hours. At the time of this study, with a desire of becoming a supervisor, the participant had applied for a company-sponsored management course. However, he explained that quality management courses are not easily accessible for workers and low-ranked officials, because these courses are usually distributed among top-managers. Likewise, senior officials have complete monopoly over company-sponsored computer/internet learning resources and software. For their professional development, the company provides senior officials with both the authority and capital to purchase any kind of software or enroll themselves in the latest formal computer-based training courses, while grossly ignoring their workers. The participant called such inequitable practices “monkey business.” Despite inequality, uneven access, and restrictions, the working-class thrust for learning cannot be contained. It is, perhaps, one of the strongest biological instincts that Allah Almighty has bestowed on human beings. Hence, this participant, after heavily criticizing in-service workers’ professional development workshops as being largely mechanical and a repetitive exercise of already well-known concepts, [200]

suggests many improvements that could satisfy his, as well as his community’s, learning needs. For instance, he suggests that the topicrange of these workshops should be expanded to include social skills, management skills, quality control skills, computer/internet skills, workplace safety procedures, and First-Aid and also that the latest learning materials need to be included. At the previous labor union meeting, this participant outlined his suggestions and the union leaders agreed to put this matter before higher management during the next formal meeting for necessary action.

CONCLUSION The above narratives illustrate the working-class participants’ eagerness for self-directed learning, the striking features of their reflective and analytic capabilities, active efforts to create knowledge, and social skills largely achieved through everyday life activities. In addition, informal adult learning has also provided them large degrees of wisdom to amicably handle their workplace, social and economic issues. Therefore, we argue that if we expand the discourses that “cultural capital” theory has put forth, and include informal adult learning, it would provide a better standpoint to understand the creative cultural practices of the working class agents. The cultural capital is context specific because its currency can vary across different social fields where the struggle for power and legitimization exists. Hence, in the context of Pakistan the working class agents’ adult learning beyond formal schooling emphasize an existence of cultural capital which may well be defined as “nondominant cultural capital” (See: Carter, 2003, p. 86). We argue that no matter how greatly the cultural capital of the working classes may be devalued in the job market, its existence must not be ignored. However, the scholars who contributed to the cultural capital theory have grossly ignored it in their analysis. Livingstone & Sawchuk (2000) presented the reason why they did, and argued that these scholars were mostly preoccupied with delineating the cultural reproduction of inequality within fixed institutional forms. Thus, their accounts remained one-dimensional, functionalist descriptions of the status quo rather than real explanations of it. Bourdieu's and Bernstein's [201]

theories of class cultures have grossly ignored a central rule of sociological investigation promulgated by one of the founding fathers of sociology they both build on, Emile Durkheim: to understand any social fact, we must study it through the full range of its variation. They never tried to comprehend the creative cultural practices, independent education and learning activities, or collective cultural agency of the organized working classes. Livingstone (1997), Livingstone & Sawchuk (1999), and Sawchuk (1999) have argued that learning is an embodied dimension of ongoing cultural material life. It is inseparable from the interactive historical conditions of its production in local settings. It includes practices and experiences that are not typically framed as learning. This expanded conception of learning rejects the pervasive notion of learning as a moment of internalization, of cognitive processing by the universalized free-floating individual, and of transference of "knowledge/skill" from some type of expert/pedagogue. Instead, "learning" can better be located in the process of participation in the creation and reproduction of systems of activity in the sense first developed by Leont'ev (1978) in the cultural historical school tradition. These activity systems include not only capitalist-dominated school and labor markets, but worker-controlled social institutions such as trade unions, the household and the neighbourhood. These processes of participation are subject to limits and pressures which shape but do not determine actual learning and its outcomes. As broad as our approach is, it permits an empirical research program that can provide meaningful and relevant accounts of working class learning which go beyond the narrow hegemonic scope of cultural capital theory, and which, rather than reasserting dominant institutional forms of schooling, can contribute to the challenging of these forms by subordinated groups themselves. Livingstone & Sawchuk (2000) have further argued that the creative cultural practices and extensive informal learning expressed from within worker-organized settings should serve as a stiff antidote to the ‘cultural capital bias’ for any researcher or teacher who cares to look. The working class culture expressed in these settings should not be romanticized; it remains full of contradictions and reactionary aspects. However, in spite of much academic opinion to the [202]

contrary, it is from these most concentrated and independent sites of collective expressions of this class culture that struggles against bourgeois cultural hegemony and for democracy and economic justice are likely to be sustained. References Bernstein, B. (1996). Pedagogy, Symbolic Control and Identity. London: Taylor and Francis. Bernstein, B. (1990). Class, Codes and Control, vol 4: The structuring of pedagogic discourse. London: Routledge. Bernstein, B. (1965). “A Socio-Linguistic Approach to Social Learning.” In Penguin Survey of the Social Sciences, edited by J. Gould. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Bernstein, B.(1961). “Social Class and Linguistic Development: A Theory of Social Learning.” In Education, Economy and Society, edited by A.H. Halsey, J. Floud and C.A. Anderson. New York: Free Press. Bourdieu, P. (1993). La Misere du Monde. Paris: Seuil. Bourdieu, P. (1991). Language and Symbolic Power. London: Polity. Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction. London: Routledge. Bourdieu, P. and J-C. Passeron. (1977). Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. London: Sage. Carter, P. L. (2003). “Black” cultural capital, status positioning, and schooling conflicts for low-income African American youth, Social Problems, 50(1), pp. 136-155 Creswell, J. W. (2002). Educational research: Planning, conducting, and evaluating quantitative and qualitative research, New Jersey: Merrill Prentice Hall Fals-Borda, O. (1991) Knowledge and Social Movements. Santa Cruz, CA: Merrill Publishing. Fowler, B (1997) Pierre Bourdieu and Cultural Theory. London: Sage Livingstone, D.W. (2000). Exploring the icebergs of adult learning: Findings of the first Canadian survey of informal learning practices. Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult Education. 14:1. Livingstone, D.W. (1999) The Education-Jobs Gap: Underemployment or economic democracy. Boulder, CO: Westview Press; and Toronto: Garamond Press. Livingstone, D.W. (1997). The limits of human capital theory: expanding knowledge, informal learning and underemployment. Policy Options. 18:6. Livingstone, D. W., & Sawchuk, P. H. (2000). Beyond cultural capital theory: Hidden dimensions of working class learning. The Review of Education/Pedagogy/Cultural Studies, Vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 121-146. Livingstone, D.W., Peter H. Sawchuk (1999). Final Report of the Working Class Learning Strategies Project. Toronto: Centre for the Study of Education and Work.

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Leont'ev, A.N. (1978). Activity, consciousness, and personality. Englewood Cliffs: PrenticeHall. Prakesh, M.S. and G. Esteva. (1998). Escaping Education: Living as learning within grassroots cultures. New York: Peter Lang. Sawchuk, Peter H. (1999) "Workplace Learning in the Everyday: Structured participation from an emancipatory perspective". Paper presented at the International Conference on Work and Learning. Leeds, UK: University of Leeds.

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ENGLISH LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AT ENGINEERING COLLEGES IN ANDHRA PRADESH, INDIA Afsha Jamal Al Musannah College of Technology, Oman

Abstract

This article briefly looks at some principles of Second/Foreign Language Acquisition and at how the Indian engineering colleges affiliated to Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University, Kakinada (JNTUK) and Acharya Nagarjuna University (ANU), in Andhra Pradesh, seek to shape their English language curriculum in light of said principles. Keywords: SLA, FLA, ESL, EFL, English for engineering students, Andhra Pradesh

Teaching is considered an active skill, while learning is seen as a passive skill (Crystal). When learners do not acquire a second language within the expected time, it is assumed that there is something wrong with them or with the educational program they are being exposed to. The aim of learning English in Indian Technical Colleges is to help students to acquire both receptive and productive skills so they can confidently and correctly use English both in college and in their future workplace. The students are expected to acquire both theoretical and practical mastery of the language. They must be able to understand spoken English (Listening) and speak it fluently (Speaking), as well as read (Reading) and write English texts (Writing). Listening and Reading are termed the receptive skills, while speaking and writing are spoken of as the productive skills.

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The present paper briefly deals with some general principles of Second Language Acquisition (SLA), especially in the areas of the four skills and assessment, including self-evaluation. Subsequently, it describes both the student profile of engineering students in Andhra Pradesh (A.P.) and their curricular exposure to English both as a Second Language and as a language for Academic and Specific Purposes. In this paper, I give two concrete examples of how this is done in the engineering colleges in Krishna, Guntur, and Prakasam associated to two universities of A.P., namely Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University Kakinada (JNTUK) and Acharya Nagarjuna University (ANU).

SOME KEY PRINCIPLES IN SLA It is essential that teachers and learners be able to identify the occasions when learning takes place as collaborative development. A deep understanding of the learning process, which is self-regulatory, is essential to develop students’ language learning and proficiency. It is assumed that all evaluation should ultimately aim at self-evaluation, especially if learners are to be empowered to make learning choices and become lifelong learners. Therefore, learner-centred curricula and evaluation mechanisms should be in keeping with the specificity of the four basic language skills. Vocabulary

Given the importance of speaking, reading, and writing in everyday college life, it is clear that vocabulary is necessary for all learners, including Indian engineering students. It is accepted that it is highly impossible for even the native speakers to master all the words of their language. In settings where English is not only a second/foreign language but also the language of instruction and work (English for Academic and Specific Purposes), students are obliged to reach a basic threshold proficiency level in English not only in general, but also academically and professionally. During the early stages of acquisition, they must listen to the language and become engaged in interactive activities. As a result, they will (hopefully) learn to gradually identify the forms and meanings of new words and, in due course, use them [206]

accurately and appropriately. The primary focus cannot merely be on memorizing word lists, above all on correctly using the words in speaking and writing. In order to make their learning easier and more systematic, learners must learn mnemonic, retention strategies (Cohen: 1990) to incorporate active (productive), passive (receptive), and ad hoc (incidental) vocabulary. They can study keywords, learn accompanying new words by means of reading and comprehension exercises (Dupay and Krashen: 1993), and other techniques for vocabulary acquisition. Moreover, Palmberg suggests that in the early stages, learners learn nouns rather than verbs or adjectives and that, in contrast to L1 acquisition, words are acquired at a fairly steady rate (98). The vocabulary to be learned in English for Academic and Specific Purposes is usually classified into four categories: high-frequency words, low-frequency words, academic words, and technical words. 

High-Frequency Words

These are structure and content words which are often used in written and spoken communication. For example, the word ‘chair’ is used more frequently in an Indian college or engineering company than ‘penguin’. 

Low Frequency Words:

These words are several in numbers. They are circumstantial terms, which will therefore become necessary only if and when students are working on a given topics. 

Academic words

These words are very common in different kinds of academic texts comprising 9% of the running words in a given text. 

Technical Words

These words are very closely related to the topic and subject area of the texts covering 5% of the running words in a text. However, words that

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may be considered as low-frequency terms for a business students can be high-frequency, technical terms for engineering students. Furthermore, researchers in SLA are of opinion that words are gradually learned over a period of time from numerous sources of exposure. Hence there are different aspects of learning a word. Vocabulary knowledge implies a broad range of dimensions, such as word forms, meaning, collocations, connotations, synonyms, antonyms, register (spoken and written variants), associations, and frequency. All these items are interrelated and necessary for students to use a word appropriately and adequately.

Speaking

Similarly to mother tongue(s) learning, ESL programs should find ways to record the progress of what students can do, rather than mark them down for what they cannot do. Speech progress can be scaffolded and assessed from a one-word, mostly nouns, stage to the production of multi-word sentences with verbs, auxiliaries, determiners, adjectives, and prepositions, perhaps through a two-word stage. To do that, portfolios and diaries can be used, which is being taken up in newly produced ESL/EFL textbooks. Reading

Students are generally more proficient in decoding written information than then are in spoken English. In other words, learners often read faster real-life English texts with fewer mistakes than they do when they have to listen to a native speaker or an advanced English speaker during a conversation. In order to stay close to real-life English, reading sessions should include opportunities to scan manuscripts such as catalogs, telephone directories, and advertisements. The stress would be on reading for finding and reproducing information. The next step should aim at reading for inference. This is an essential component of reading since all texts call for cultural or technical background information that is not in the texts because it has been presuposed by the writers. One way to [208]

enhance learners’ background knowledge is extended reading, which should never be dismissed as irrelevant, not even in engineering colleges. Assessing reading should therefore reflect the all-comprehensive view of reading suggested above, first and foremost to help the learners realize what they already can and what they have not yet mastered. Writing and Listening

The teaching and testing of writing and listening can similarly be broken up into sub-skills. This can be complemented with integrated language activities and tests (beginning with cloze exercises, for example). A subskills approach reflects the teachers’ intuitions that particular students may have particular strengths. The instructor can make out areas of strength as well as areas where help is needed (Vijaya: 2005). The overall objective of whole skill-based teaching and evaluation is that learners learn to steer their own learning process, i.e. that they learn to learn continuously thoughtout their lives (Crystal, 48; Chamot, 1990; Cook 1991). Norman summarizes this as follows, It is strange that we expect students to learn yet seldom teach them about learning. It is time that we made up for this lack, time that we developed the applied disciplines of learning, problem solving and memory. We need to develop the general principles of how to learn, how to remember and how to solve problems and then to develop practical courses, and then to commence the position of these methods in academic curriculum. (Crystal, 97) Consequently, the cognitive approach views learning as an active process that occurs within the learners and which can be influenced by the learner. Instead of viewing the outcome of learning as depending mainly on what the teacher presents, the outcome of learning is supposed to depend jointly on what information is presented and on how the learner processes that information. Weinstein and Mayer state,

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The use of particular learning strategies during learning can affect the encoding process, which in turn effect the learning outcome and performance. (Crystal, 11-22). Evaluation

Language evaluation helps the instructors to find out the causes that hinder the all-round development of SL/FL learners. A study by Sharma revealed that objectives, learning experiences, and evaluation are interrelated with each other. Systematic evaluation provides learners with opportunities to express their views, increases creativity, and develops students’ language skills. Moreover, this study suggested that ongoing evaluation can become significant only when teachers and learners become accountable for their own progress, rather than for merely abiding by real or imagined formal external benchmarks. It is how one evaluates that decides whether a student wants to be evaluated. Although even the most child-centered methods of evaluation cause anxiety, there is no question that a system of evaluation must be put in place. It is thus a question of both how and how much that matters. Learners participate in evaluations more comfortably when the experience is not always a failure and the outcomes can be seen as a legitimate and appropriate way toward the next step in learning. Unfortunately, for most students the immediate role played by current evaluation methods within the learning process is not clear. Continuous evaluation should facilitate and guide teaching by influencing the learner’s existing phase of growth or attainment in order to recognize his/her sector of proximal improvement. Since learning attainments are results of language opportunities, learners should be provided with longer time to express themselves in the target language, as well as with sustained language input which reflects and supports their growth in output through visuals and media. Teachers must avid rigidly taught classes where the learners remain inarticulate, or produce single words, mostly nouns, in response to prompts. Quizzes, tests, exams and other forms of evaluation ought therefore to give teachers [210]

and learners a sense of language growth at regular intervals (e.g. every three or four months). Self Evaluation and benchmarking

In continuous or permanent evaluation settings, students are supposed to evaluate their own learning. This gives them a sense of involvement in the learning process. Nevertheless, in formal education, learners’ selfevaluation presupposes an educational context that has been critically and systematically engineered to scaffold learning. The reading and listening materials should be age appropriate. The speaking classes should tap into the interests of the students and make them aware of other important social issues. The same is valid for writing. Setting the scene for learning through reading, listening, speaking, and writing will require control over the necessary vocabulary. In other words, selfevaluation becomes meaningful when it is part of a comprehensive approach to SLA/FLA. Thus, national benchmarks for language proficiency need to be developed by first gathering reliable descriptive data in all these respects from representative all-India samples. Such benchmarking of national norms or averages is well known as a precursor to the adoption of support initiatives where necessary in the social sciences and education. It also balances the curricular freedom provided during the learning process, with the standardization of evaluation that certification ultimately requires. Benchmarking leads to a set of National English Language Tests, a stock of tests that students and instructors can use for self-evaluation. These tests should allow for a much greater measure of proficiency than a broad overall grade or score. It is a robust teacher intuition that not all learners are equally at home in all the four skills; thus, good speakers may not be good writers, as there may be a trade-off between accuracy and fluency in the learning process. Neither are all skills equally important for all professions. Scores that reflect differential learner aptitudes and strengths enhance employment potential, and have a washback effect on the curriculum. [211]

Importantly, a set of National English Language Tests serves to counter the current problem of SLA. Standardized national benchmarks for language skills should (1) allow individual students to get a sense of where they stand, their strengths and weaknesses, and how to progress, and (2) balance freedom of learning with standardization of assessment. Language learning is complete only when one has mastered all the four language skills. Hence, there is a need for a more controlled research on second language learning strategies, especially when language acquisition is viewed as a cognitive skill.

ENGINEERING COLLEGES IN KRISHNA, GUNTUR, AND PRAKASAN The present study is concerned with the students belonging to the three major districts of Andhra Pradesh: Krishna, Guntur and Prakasam. The table below illustrates the detail list of Engineering colleges in the three districts. District

Krishna

Guntur

Prakasam

Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University Kakinada (JNTUK)

38

37

7

Acharya Nagarjuna University (ANU)

5

8

Nil

Total

43

45

21

Thus, there are a hundred and nine engineering colleges offering technical courses to the students in the three districts. Out of these hundred and nine technical institutes, thirty eight engineering colleges are located in Krishna, while thirty seven are in Guntur, and twenty one are in Prakasam. All of them are affiliated to JNTUK. The number of engineering colleges affiliated to ANU is considerably lower: only five in Krishna and eight in Guntur. In addition, there are a few other colleges which are also affiliated to these two universities; however, they are run by an autonomous administration. Such engineering colleges design their own curricula and [212]

examinations. Furthermore, Vignan’s Foundation of Science, Technology & Research and Koneru Lakshmaiah Education Foundation are declared as Deemed Universities by the Ministry of Human Resource Development in A.P. Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University Kakinada (JNTUK)

Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University (JNTU) was called ‘The College of Engineering, Vizagapatam’ at the time of its inception in 1946. It has now an expansive campus located at the port city of Kakinada, on the East coast of India. Kakinada has a rich political literacy and cultural heritage passed on through generations. This college became a constituent of the Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University (w.e.f 0210-1972) through an act of legislature, along with other sister institutions under the control of the then Director of Technical Education Administration of Andhra Pradesh. Earlier, it was associated to Andhra University. The college became autonomous in 2003 (JNTUK: 2011) Due to the rapid expansion of Technical Education in A.P., about 165 Engineering colleges are affiliated to Jawaharlal Nehru Technological University Kakinada (JNTUK). Moreover, this university campus college bears the responsibility of conducting the examinations in all the 165 colleges in this zone in the capacity of a Nodal Centre. Some of its activities are to conduct End-Semester examinations, mark the answer scripts in different centers, and announce the results. Acharya Nagarjuna University (ANU)

Acharya Nagarjuna University was established in 1976 by Act 43 of the A.P. State Legislature. Since then, it has achieved tremendous progress through quantitative expansion and qualitative improvement on various academic fronts. It offers graduate and post-graduate courses on and off campus. ANU College of Engineering & Technology was established in the 2009-2010 academic year on the university campus. It started with the aim of imparting technical values in the students, who would hopefully learn to make their own contributions to engineering. Apart from the campus college, there exist five engineering colleges affiliated to ANU in Krishna and eight in Guntur. [213]

Profile of Engineering Students in Andhra Pradesh

The students in the Engineering sector in the colleges studies are learners at the tertiary level. They exhibit a wide variety in their capacities of achievement and ability of learning. Hence, there is a need to be aware of the profile of the average student of Engineering and his or her proficiency in English. After completing their secondary and Board examinations, they get admitted into the engineering colleges having qualified for the EAMCET. The admission registers of the two universities mentioned in my study reveal that the entrants into the engineering stream come from varying backgrounds. Some enter the Professional colleges with a rural background, while others come from urban areas (Kumar Raj: 2007). The students also present different levels of proficiency in Telugu (the regional language). In fact, the variation in their proficiency levels is striking. This is a common feature at the tertiary level almost in every field of higher education in India.

ENGLISH IN THE ENGINEERING COLLEGES OF ANDHRA PRADESH The medium of instruction in the Engineering colleges of Andhra Pradesh is English. As the lectures are in English, students must be able to use the language in the classroom. The textbooks and the reference books are also in English. Hence, English is essential for success in college. It is an academic and library language (Kumar Raj). Therefore, students must be able to understand ordinary lectures, guest lectures, and seminars; answer questions in class and participate in seminars; read textbooks, reference books, and journals; and take notes and write assignments, reports and examinations. However, the role of English is not limited to the college. In their job situation, engineers will also need English to communicate with superiors and colleagues; write emails, memos, reports, and technical instructions; and read emails, memos, reports, and manuals (Kumar Raj, 86-87).

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English Curriculum in Engineering Colleges

The curricula and course materials for English language learning are currently being revised in in the two universities under study, namely JNTUK and ANU. Mainly, the focus of these revisions is to enable the students to: • Extend the vocabulary of the students in light of their future needs • Understand verbal English during lectures • Understand written English as used in the prescribed textbooks. • Use the jargon, idioms, and phrases employed in the technical literature • Know the meaning of new words by analyzing their structure and context • Correctly spell difficult words • Create grammatically accurate sentences • Comprehend specialized lectures in technical subjects • Practice spoken communication suited to their professional situations, such as group discussions, board meetings, seminars, and conferences (Kumar Raj, 89-90). As for the curricular contents, the focus is mainly on improving the four skills of language use in situations akin to their own lived experience in college and in the workplace. English is prescribed for the I B. Tech students only till the 2009-2010 batches. From 2010-2011 academic batches, English is prescribed for all five semesters. The reason is till then the first B. Tech academic plan has been yearly pattern. The JNTUK has revised the academic pattern for the I B. Tech students by introducing Semesters system. The course material for English consists of two textbooks for the four semesters and communication practice in the fifth semester. The books incorporates vocabulary, grammar, reading and writing exercises as a special focus with listening and speaking integrated into the exercises in the texts. The activities in the textbook show a strong leaning to an interactive methodology. [215]

Both universities focus on the usual components but with a clear orientation towards college skills and workplace-related competences in terms of vocabulary and grammar, language skills, and communication strategies. In the colleges affiliated to ANU, English is introduced for the I. B. Tech students only. The course material envisages the development of cognitive competencies, language skills and social communication. The prefaces of the textbooks elaborate the general objectives of the curriculum. The expected scheme of work is a maximum of 54 contact hours of English per semester for each B. Tech. course and 54 periods for practical classes. Overview of the Textbooks

An analysis of the overview of the textbook shows that the course material incorporates some of the linguistic features listed by the register approach to EST. Ewer and Hughes-Davis (1972) identified certain structures that they felt were found in science texts and the same features are found in the prescribed textbooks of English for engineering students. These textbooks are prepared for use in the classrooms to achieve the objectives mentioned earlier. Although passages are used to provide appropriate context for developing the competencies listed, they provide only the background from where the students are expected to initially achieve the cognitive objective to gain proficiency in the use of English language only for becoming competent engineers. In the note to the teacher, the teaching principles on which the course material has been prepared is stated clearly. Teachers of English have to use the textbooks as a teaching aid to help students to acquire knowledge and skills for application in real life. Teachers are free to use passages of their choice as and when required while using the prescribed textbooks. More interactive sessions enabling the students to adopt task learning are advised. Hence, teachers have to formulate appropriate tasks as additional or alternative learning experiences for the students. The material in the textbooks is includes the following topics: [216]

Vocabulary

Synonyms, antonyms, list of 100 basic words, technical terms, idioms, oneword substitutes

Sentence writing

Formation of sentences, word order, error correction

Grammar

Parts of speech, articles, punctuation, kinds of sentences,

Reading

Reading comprehension

Writing

Letter writing, argumentation

Listening & Speaking

Situational dialogues

emails,

essays

&

(Refer Annexure: 1&2) Evaluation

Students are assessed by means of tests. Most of the tests are conducted to evaluate student learning at the end of each semester. The pattern of evaluation followed by the two universities varies to a certain extent. JNTUK

ANU

Two Mid Exams

Three Mid Exams

Best of the two 20M

Best of the two 20M

Attendance 5M

Attendance 5M

Internal Total 25M

Internal Total 30M

Externals Exam 75

Externals Exam 75

English Language Communication Skills Lab

Lab manuals are prescribed for the Engineering students to help them to practice listening, speaking, and reading skills. The practical sessions are introduced to remedy the two often neglected area of language skills, namely listening and speaking. They build the confidence of the students to use English, and help them to loosen up when the they have to speak. The students learn the rules of pronunciation and practice different sounds of the English language through the study of sounds, or [217]

phonetics. Fluency is encouraged more than accuracy in the practical sessions to lessen the inhibition of the students. Real-life situations are created so they negotiate meaning and social interaction and hone their communicative competencies. Objectives of Practical Classes

The practical sessions in the English lab incorporate the principles of the communicative approach. The students learn a lot by practicing several oral activities and thereby enhance their speaking skills. The activities are task based and skill oriented. A range of language functions of particular relevance to Engineering and Technology are exemplified in the manuals for reading and listening. Listening practice is provided in the laboratory wherein the students fill in spaces while listening to the conversations or lectures played on the CDs. The learners are somewhere between the beginner and the intermediate stage. The functional approach is found in the manuals prescribed by both the two universities under study. The following are the main topics and activities covered in the language lab. Listening

Phonetics, dialogues

Speaking

Phonetics, Speeches, role plays, group discussions, mock interviews, debates, ex tempore presentations, presentations of a paper, interview skills, telephone skills

Reading

Reading skills, comprehension of passages, observation books

Writing

Records, exam practice, observation books, records

resumes,

Evaluation of Practical Work

The evaluation of the performance of the students takes into consideration the students’ fluency and the accuracy and appropriateness of their language use in its functional aspect. Evaluation is done during the course of their studies, and the marks are internal [218]

evaluation marks. The end examination is conducted in the presence of an external examiner. The evaluation pattern adopted by both the universities is the same. The evaluation is done in batches of students in different sessions. The external examiner overviews the examination process and allots marks to the students based on their performance. The students’ listening skills are tested by having the students listen to a speech or a dialogue from the software installed in the lab. The students have to fill in their responses on their task sheet. The students’ reading skills are tested by making the students read aloud a passage picked randomly by the examiner. As they read out, they show their their comprehension of the passage. The students’ speaking skills are evaluated by making them participate in group discussions, role plays, and debates. As for the laboratories, it is left to each institution to plan and establish its own laboratory with whatever facilities are available to them. Much is left to the ingenuity of the English teachers. As a result, variations to the planning and the execution of the practical sessions are often observed.

FINAL REMARKS Therefore, a review of the ELT situation in the Engineering colleges of Andhra Pradesh is done to understand the conditions under which the English teachers and the students function. English is used as the medium of instruction. Factors like vernacular background, poor previous training in the use of English, the age of the students and their proficiency levels influence the vocabulary standards of the engineering students. The curriculum of the B. Tech students in the colleges of the two universities under study was looked into. It is evident that ample importance is laid on the acquisition of vocabulary for the students through their syllabus and on students’ real-life needs, both in college and in their future workplace.

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References Acharya Nagarjuna University-History. Web. 4 June, 2009. Chamot, Anna Uhl (1990). Learning Strategies in Second Language Acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cohen, A.D. (1990). Language Learning: Insights for Learners, Teachers and Researchers. New York: Newbury House. Cook, Vivian (1991). Universal Grammar and Second Language Acquisition. New York: Chapman and Hall Inc. Crystal, David (ed) (1997). Cambridge Encyclopedia of Second Language Education. United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Dupay, B. and Krashen, S. (1993). Incidental Vocabulary Acquisition. Rowley: Newbury House. Ewer, J.R & E. Hughes-Davis (1972). Further Notes on Developing an English Programme for Students of Science and Technology. English Language Teaching Journal, 26 (3). JNTUK. Course Structure- R10 B.Tech. 2011. Web. 19 September, 2011. Kumar Raj, G. (2007). Evolving Strategies for Teaching Basic Vocabulary in L2 through Meaningful Input: An Ethnographic Study with First Generation Learners. An M. Phil Thesis. EFLU, Hyderabad. Mayer, R. (1998). Learning Strategies: An overview. In Weinstein, C., E. Goetz, & P. Alexander (Eds.), Learning and Study Strategies: Issues in Assessment, Instruction, and Evaluation. New York: Academic Press. Nation, I. S. P. (2009). How Large a Vocabulary is Needed for Reading and Listening? The Canadian Modern Language Review, 63(1), (2006): 59-82. Web. 22 June. < http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cmlr.63.1.59> Norman, D.A. (1980). Cognitive Engineering and Education. In M.C. Witrock (Ed). Handbook of Research on Teaching. New York: McMillan Publications. Vijaya K.R. (2010). A Micro- Case Study of Vocabulary Acquisition among First Year Engineering Students. In Language in India. Strength for Today and bright Hope for Tomorrow Volume 10: 10 October. ISSN 1930-2940.n.d. Yoshida,M. (1978). Acquisition of English Vocabulary by a Japanese Speaking Child. In E.M. Hatch (ed). Second Language Acquisition. Rowley, M A: New Bury House.

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THE IMPACT OF EDUCATION FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT ON LIFESTYLE: A CASE STUDY OF STUDENTS IN BELGIUM Michael Ugochukwu JOE KU Leuven, Belgium

Abstract

Without doubt, the need to address the problem of climate change has become an important issue. Besides, it is necessary to consciously adapt our resource use systems to solve today’s problems without creating new ones. This research project seeks to capture education for sustainable development as a way to empower young people to consciously combat climate change by adopting eco-friendly/sustainable lifestyles. Thus, the main target of this research project is to explain the crucial relevance of sustainable education and also to provide data on the way young people in Belgium live their lives (from an ESD point of view). This research project is of a quantitative nature and has, therefore, employed the positivist approach. Correlational research methodology was utilized in an attempt to answer the research questions, and questionnaires were used to obtain results. Said results generated were summarized in table 1.0. Approximately 68% of the participants acknowledged that they were aware of climate change, and 24% of them acknowledged these problems as the most important global problem in need of urgent attention. Keywords: Climate change; Education for sustainable development; Eco-friendly / sustainable lifestyle [221]

INTRODUCTION Since the Brundtland Commission’s report on the global environment and development in 1987, the term sustainable development has become commonplace among policy makers (Redclift, 2005). An educational curriculum that is designed to address the issue of sustainable development holds a great promise in creating awareness amongst the populace, as well as fostering change towards sustainable living. Sustainable development can be said to be solving today’s problems without simultaneously creating future ones. Without doubt, the need to address the problem of climate change has become an issue of great importance to the nations of the Earth. Moreover whether or not humans are directly the cause of global warming has been long debated in congresses around the world. Sustainable development is made up of three intersected entities, namely environment, society and the economy. Although the politicl powers give greater Importance to the economy than to the environment or the human factor, every economy depends on one or more societies and their physical environment. Most, if not all, human our activities are conducted on this planet. The Earth does not depend on us; we depend on the Earth. This is why it is of paramount importance that we all realize that our actions (understood as part of a lifestyle) have an impact on the environment (Giddings, Hopwood, & O’Brien, 2002). Eco-friendly lifestyles are cardinal when it comes to sustainable consumption. To this end, the well-informed Europeans have made sustainable consumption a major attribute of their lifestyle (Abeliotis, Koniari, & Sardianou, 2010). Black & Cherrier (2010) examined anti-consumption practices, motivations and values within attempts to live a more sustainable lifestyle and highlighted that “this perspective moves sustainable consumption away from a rational information processing and environmentally motivated choice to incorporate various subjective and individualistic needs and values. Hence, the challenge for sustainable marketers is to position sustainable [222]

practices alongside self-interested notions such as independence, beauty, quality or value for money” (Black & Cherrier, 2010). Lifestyle adaptation can be defined as adjustments in ecological, social or economic approaches to daily life activities to reduce impacts on the environment. Hence the need for humans to consciously adapt their resource use systems is arisen(Smit & Pilifosova, 2003). One of the most effective ways to combat climate change is by getting citizens properly informed at the grass root level, and this can be achieved by introducing education for sustainable development into the academic curricula. Climate change is happening now and it has become impossible to ignore since it poses treat to the existence of humans and their bio diversities. This research has become relevant because it seeks to capture education for sustainable development as a ray of light needed in our effort to address climate change. According to the third assessment report of working group 1 of the International Panel on Climate change (IPCC), 0.6 degree increase in global average temperature has occurred in the last 100 years. There have been drastic reduction in snow cover as well as ice extends. Sea level and temperature have risen. This report specified that the root of this happenings is traceable to emission of greenhouse gases and aerosols as a result of human activities. Mankindby reason of adopted lifestyle is altering the atmosphere in ways that can affect the climate (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, 2001). As reported by IPCC (2007): “Warming of the climate system is undisputable, as is now evident from observations of increases in global average air and ocean temperatures, widespread melting of snow and ice, and rising global average sea level” (Intergovernmental Panel On Climate Change, 2007). This research project seeks to capture education for sustainable development as the ray of light needed for the empowerment of young people to consciously combat this terrific monster called climate change by way of adopting sustainable lifestyle. Thus, the main target of this research project is to explain the crucial relevance of sustainable education and also provide data on the way young in Belgium people live their livesespecially students in Leuven. The independent variable in this research is education for sustainable development, the dependent [223]

variable is sustainable lifestyle and the intermediate/moderating variable is motivation. Aiding students with education for sustainable development should be able to place them on the right footings toward sustainable living. Motivation of students to adopt a sustainable lifestyle is dependent on their level of education and information about sustainable development.This research is designed to answer specific questions that provide the bases of this research project. Based on this therefore, the key questions of this research are:What is the relationship between sustainable education and sustainable lifestyle amongst students?Can sustainable education serve as a tool of motivation towards a sustainable lifestyle?To what extent does information explains differences in living behaviour of students?What is the level of their knowledge on sustainable education?

METHODOLOGY This research work followed the quantitative research methodology thus, employing the positivism approach. Therefore correlational research methodology was utilized in an attempt to answer the research questions that form the basis of this work, and questionnaires were used to obtain logical results. At different times other researchers also help in carrying out this work. They are Hansol Lee, Mimi Fuanya, Charles Solomon, Orlando Russoand Elvis Ebotson. This research is about students in Leuven between 18 and 35 years. Leuven is a town in Belgium popularly known as student city. The principal purpose of undertaking this research work is to investigate the impact of education on the life style of students in Belgium. Leuven was selected as our sample site because Leuven is the home of KU Leuven, the oldest Catholic university still in existence in the world, and the largest university in Belgium. In Leuven are also a number of Vocational Universities, such as the KH Leuven, and Group T, etc. (“KUL Internationalisation.pdf,” n.d.). According to data available at the K U Leuven website, Leuven has about 35,000 students in tertiary institutions (“Living, studying and working in Leuven – KU Leuven,” [224]

n.d.). This research involves a two time survey conducted in 2011 and 831 post –secondary school students took part in this survey. In view of the fundamental roles which education for sustainable development plays on lifestyle of young people in today’s modern world, data were collected from a number of key sources. The KU Leuven university libraries located in Belgium, books, internet sources, journal articles, and research reports. The needed primary data was collected by means of questionnaires and this task was carried out by way of survey. Thus, collecting information via a controlled and structural questionnaire. However, the technic of measuring by questions was employed. The focus of these questions was on major consumption areas with great impacts on environments and societies. These areas are mobility, food and housekeeping. Adapted questions for this questionnaire were designed to be short, simple, clear and directly related to our research objectives. Questions were properly scrutinized for the purpose of social acceptability. All questions were logical, neutral and one-dimensional (Howitt & Cramer, 2011). Following a quantitative tradition, the closed question type were implemented. Among the employed closed question types are the dichotomous questions, multi choice questions, rating scales questions and ordering questions (Toates, 2011, pp. 307 –395) In this research project we studied behaviour in a naturalistic setting. Thus our reason for adapting the correlational research method is because in studying the lifestyle of students in Leuven, it is not possible to control all nuisance factors. Proportional stratified sampling mechanism were adapted in carrying out this survey because it minimizes the variability between the samples that could be selected and thus maximizes efficiency (Toates, 2011, pp. 232–236). In carrying out this research project, efforts were made to adopt a measurement type that best fits the research question. The first step towards executing this research was to draft our research questions. Questions on eco-friendly lifestyle were drafted with the aid of relevant literatures and activities of United Nations Agencies such as UNDP, UNESCO, UNEP and UNIDO. In the second step, these formulated questions were edited to suit our target group. The third step involved [225]

the importation of these edited questions into the survey system software. The survey link was be activated in the fourth stage and distributed in a proportional stratified sampling way to post-secondary students in Leuven via emails, Facebook and other social networks. For sectors with too low responses are too low, hard copies of this questionnaires were produced and taken directly to students in that sector to fill. These manual responses were further inputted into the survey software before the final result is produced. The data generated by this research data was further interpreted and utilized to produce the final result as summarized in table 1.0.

RESULTS The results generated by our research are is summarized in the table below. Question

Answers

Result

1

You are…

2

How old are you?

3

Are you a Belgian?

4

Were you born in Belgium?

5

How long have you lived in Belgium?

Female Male No answer Under 18 18 – 23 24 – 29 30 – 35 Above 35 No answer Yes No No answer Yes No No answer Below 1 year 1 - 3 years 4 - 5 years Above 5 years

47.70% 51.88% 0.42% 1.26% 55.65% 28.03% 7.95% 6.69% 0.42% 77.82% 21.76% 0.42% 73.22% 26.36% 0.42% 12.55% 4.60% 1.26% 81.17%

6

And you live in...

A rural area A village A small town A medium size town A city

3.77% 7.11% 30.96% 31.38% 17.15%

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7

You are...

8

What is your major field of studies?

9

Your situation today

10

With whom do you currently live?

A big city A mega city High school student High school graduate Undergraduate Graduate Post graduate others No answer Business and Economics Development studies Education Engineering / Technology Environment / Ecology Health / medicines History / Geography Information and Communication Law 6.28%; Management Mathematics / Statistics Philosophy / literature Physics / Chemistry / Biology Political science / Int. relations Sociology/Anthropolog y/cultural studies Urban / rural planning Others No answer I am a student I have a job I am unemployed Other No answer Alone Parents Grand-parents Brothers and sisters Other members of my family Friends Partners / wife or

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8.79% 0.42% 15.48% 8.37% 25.10% 28.03% 17.15% 5.44% 0.42% 17.99% 2.51% 30.54% 9.21% 1.26% 5.02% 0.42% 3.35% 2.09% 0.42% 7.53% 2.09% 4.18% 4.18% 0.84% 1.67% 0.42% 73.22% 21.76% 2.09% 2.51 0.42 25.10% 32.22% 1.26% 1.26% 3.77% 14.64% 21.34%

11

12

In which sectors do you think you and the people you live with spend the most?

Rank the following according to what you think are the most important priorities globally

13

What does your life look like today?

14

Where do you buy food?

15

What are the most important criteria when you purchase food?

16

What are the things you like the most inyour everyday life with regards to getting food?

husband No answer House rent, energy and water Food and drink Health, Education Transport Communication and leisure

0.42% 63.03% 19.33% 8.40% 1.26% 7.98%

Reduce or Eradicate poverty Combat crime, prevent conflicts Fight environmental degradation & pollution Improve economic condition Improve social services Spread democracy and freedom Very satisfied Satisfied fairly satisfied Not satisfied I don't know Local supermarket Open market Mega Supermarket Sustainable shops African/Asian/other foreign shops Quality Quantity Origin Tradition/culture Habit

32.35%

Going to the supermarket Buying fresh vegetables Going to restaurants Buying drinks Buying meat Processed food

32.05%

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10.08% 17.65% 10.50% 18.07% 11.34% 34.19% 47.44% 16.67% 0.85% 0.85% 59.83% 5.13% 32.05% 1.71% 1.28% 58.55% 17.09% 5.13% 3.85% 15.38%

21.79% 28.63% 8.97% 4.70% 3.85%

17

18

19

20 21

22

How do you get from one place to another?

When they were young, were your grand-parents’ daily life more eco-friendly as compared to yours today? In 10 years... What do you think your everyday life will look like with regards to living sustainably? Does this information on climate change or modify your reactions to the questions? Do you think that knowing more about climate change could bring people around you to adapt to more sustainable lifestyle? What would be the things you could do in your everyday life to make your way of living sustainably?

Car Bus Subway (train, metro, etc.) Bike Air On foot By sea Yes No

22.22% 15.38% 10.26%

Better Same Worse

58.97% 24.36% 16.67%

Yes No

31.90% 68.10%

Yes No

76.29% 23.71%

Protecting our biodiversity Afforestation Green energy Recycling of waste Economic usage of resources

27.20%

25.21% 2.14% 24.36% 0.43% 20.09% 79.91%

22.18% 62.34% 69.04% 51.05%

DISCUSSION OF RESULTS Comprising of 47.70% female and 51.88% male, the participants were to a greater extent balanced and free of gender related biases and habits. Participants from vast disciplines where involved in this survey.The target group was actually captured as 72% of the participants are students and 91.63 of them fall within the age range 18-35 years old. Most of these students are Belgian (78%), and 82.43% of them havelived in Belgium for more than 4 years.59% of these students are actually dependent and lived with their parents. Over 95% of them are to a [229]

greater extent satisfied with their live condition and 79.91% acknowledged that the world living condition is better off today than in the days of their grandfather. With regards to the usage rate of water and energy, the statistical result obtained in the survey shows that 60% of these young people had usage of more energy and water at the top of their ranking. This implies that the majority of the participants and their families consume more energy and water resource. By observation, a relationship is seen to exist that suggests that, the bigger the accommodation,the higher the rent and also the larger the consumption of water and electricity.Only 17.65% acknowledgedfighting environmental degradation & pollution as paramount. Furthermore,it is observed that 38% of the participants prefer using bike as their first choice of transportation and 23% of them think transportation by foot should be the first choice. This suggests that majority of our participants live sustainable when it comes to transportation. From results obtain 68% of participants are aware of climate change and environmental degradation but, only 24% of theseparticipants who are aware of the environmental degradation and climate, acknowledged these problems as being the most important global problem that needs to be solve first before any other global problem. 80% of these participants believed that if people are well informed and sensitize on climate change and its consequences on the earth, more people would be ready to adapt to a more sustainable lifestyle. 75% think that knowing more about climate change could bring people around you to adopt to more eco-friendly lifestyle. When asked what they could do in their everyday life to live sustainably? This was the response; protecting our biodiversity 27.20%, afforestation 22.18%, green energy 62.34%, recycling of waste 69.04%, economic usage of resources 51.05%.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS It has become a known fact that climate change is happening and it is among the biggest threats to humanity. From result obtained in this survey, it is observed that about 60% of the population are aware of the [230]

environmental degradation and climate change but they do not seem to live sustainably. Only 24% of the participants who are aware of the environmental degradation and climate, acknowledged these problems as being the most important global problem that needs to be solve first before any other global problem. Nevertheless, this implies that about 32% of students in Belgium are not aware of the dangers of climate change. As a result, it is clear that there is urgent need for education for sustainable development in Belgian schools. Motivation towards Eco-friendly lifestyle as a way of positive contributions from individuals towards efforts to ensure man’s survival on this planet should be made a primary target since only approximately 30% of those aware of climate change actually live sustainably. Between questions 19 and 20 the participants were made to read a short article on climate change and sustainability and it is observed that 31.90% of the participants agreed that this information on climate changewill inspire them to change or modify their reactions to the previous questions if given the opportunity to do so.Furthermore, this observation suggests that, work need to be done in sensitizing Belgian youths on living eco-friendly. However, awareness mixed with motivation is what it will take to put knowledge into practice. We hereby recommend a more practical way of sensitizing the people on sustainable development. We suggest that education on sustainable development be included in all school curriculum. Communities in partnership with schools should also get involved in helping young people cultivate sustainable lifestyles through friendly activates. References Abeliotis, K., Koniari, C., & Sardianou, E. (2010). The profile of the green consumer in Greece. International Journal of Consumer Studies, 34(2), 153–160. doi:10.1111/j.14706431.2009.00833.x Black, I. R., & Cherrier, H. (2010). Anti-consumption as part of living a sustainable lifestyle: daily practices, contextual motivations and subjective values. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, 9(6), 437–453. doi:10.1002/cb.337 Howitt, D., & Cramer, D. (2011). Introduction to Research Methods in Psychology (3rd ed.). Harlow, Essex ; New York: Prentice Hall/Pearson.

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Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. (2001). Climate change 2001: the scientific basis: contribution of Working Group I to the third assessment report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. (J. T. Houghton, Ed.). Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press. Intergovernmental Panel On Climate Change. (2007). Climate change 2007: The physical science basis. Agenda, 6(07), 333. KUL Internationalisation.pdf. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.kuleuven.be/international/internationalisation.pdf Living, studying and working in Leuven – KU Leuven. (n.d.). Retrieved December 27, 2014, from http://www.kuleuven.be/english/living Redclift, M. (2005). Sustainable development (1987-2005): an oxymoron comes of age. Sustainable Development, 13(4), 212–227. doi:10.1002/sd.281 Smit, B., & Pilifosova, O. (2003). Adaptation to climate change in the context of sustainable development and equity. Sustainable Development, 8(9), 9. Toates, F. M. (2011). Biological psychology (3rd ed.). Harlow, Essex ; New York: Prentice Hall/Pearson.

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ENTREPRENEURSHIP EDUCATION IN OMAN: DEFINITIONS AND STUDENTS’ PERCEPTIONS Sergio Saleem Scatolini Al Musanna College of Technology, Oman

In memoriam Jaak Trips ‘It all starts with an education system to help develop innovative thinking and a broad set of skills – these could be languages, interpersonal skills and business understanding. These skills allow them to identify and model an opportunity that could develop into a business model.’ (Randa Bessiso, Middle East director, Manchester Business School) ‘"Entrepreneurs are different." They have the ability to deal with uncertainty, to take risks and tolerate ambiguity. They usually have a personality that is mercurial, and they have highs that are really high and lows that are really low. There's good evidence that they have strong selfconfidence but also tend to be overoptimistic. They rely extensively on their own intuition.’ (James V. Koch; in Daley, 2012) ‘Social entrepreneurs are not content just to give a fish or teach how to fish. They will not rest until they have revolutionized the fishing industry.’ (Bill Drayton, CEO, chair and founder of Ashoka)

Abstract This article looks into the issues of entrepreneurship, entrepreneurship education, and the perception thereof among post-foundation students at Al Musanna College of Technology in the Sultanate of Oman.

Keywords: entrepreneur, social entrepreneurs, entrepreneurship, entrepreneurship education, entrepreneurial intention

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INTRODUCTION When societies —or their leaders— single out something as being important, they often seek to engraft it into the curriculum. This phenomenon is not at all strange since schools, colleges and universities are ancillary institutions. They are not ends in themselves, but serve the interests of other social agents and considerations. This belongs to the socializing function of formal education. This is how anti-racist upbringing, AIDS awareness, fluency in the national or regional language, orthodox religious convictions, and many other items become curricular and extra-curricular components. Right now, Entrepreneurship Education, or EE, is the buzz concept that must be given a place and a role in the schooling landscape (e.g. European Commission, 2006). However, it is not clear yet what EE really entails or what it is meant to bring about. In this paper, I shall briefly touch upon the issue of entrepreneurship, entrepreneurial intention, and EE, and also present my findings regarding the perception of Entrepreneurial Education among some Omani students at the Al-Musanna College of Technology (ACT).

ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND ENTREPRENEURS The definition of entrepreneurship goes hand in hand with the definition of entrepreneurs. In fact, the latter seems to be easier to establish than the former. Defining entrepreneurs in general

In general, entrepreneurs are described as people who embody psychological traits such as opportunity sensing, higher risk-taking propensity, and determination. They are also desirous of achievement and self efficacy, autonomy, and some degree of power. In addition, entrepreneurs tend to possess skills such as market awareness, out-ofthe-box thinking (or creativity), and flexibility (Driessen & Zwart, 1999). On top of all that —and, one may say, above all else—, they have been successful. Socially speaking, entrepreneurs do not only undertake enterprises. They produce value (Jean-Baptiste Say) and set in motion chain reactions [234]

(Joseph Schumpeter’s Unternehmung and the Unternehmergeist) (Shane & Venkataraman, 2000; Martin & Osberg, 2007). In other words, entrepreneurs set up enterprises which do more than merely survive. They are valuable to the economy and, hence, to the larger society. Moreover, in the words of Martin and Osberg, an entrepreneur ‘can certainly claim to be one, but without at least one notch on the belt, the self-proclaimed will have a tough time persuading investors to place bets’ (2007, p. 30). In short, failed entrepreneurs are generally not viewed as entrepreneurs. Furthermore, as Martin & Osberg (2007) explain, the people who are usually described as entrepreneurs are individuals that saw opportunities created by an unsatisfactory, or suboptimal, equilibrium and reacted to them by innovating and bringing about a new equilibrium with its own ecosystem. They did not merely fix the old system; they created a new one. For example, ‘Omidyar and Skoll [from E-Bay] didn’t develop a better way to promote garage sales. Jobs and Wozniak [from Apple] didn’t develop algorithms to speed custom software development. And Smith [from FedEx] didn’t invent a way to make the handoffs between courier companies and common carriers more efficient and error-free. Each found a completely new and utterly creative solution to the problem at hand’ (Martin & Osberg, 2007, p. 33). In short, using Martin & Osberg’s analysis, the entrepreneurial action represents a movement from an infelicitous equilibrium to a higher order equilibrium because the problem was seen as an opportunity by the entrepreneurs, who took risks to do something out of the box. Entrepreneurship  dissatisfaction + creative vision + risks + conquest of the markets Market-based and social entrepreneurs

According to Martin & Osberg, the difference between market-based entrepreneurs (with price- and profit-only driven models) and social entrepreneurs, or between business entrepreneurship and social entrepreneurship ‘lies in the value proposition itself’ (2007, p. 34). Both [235]

sets of entrepreneurs are creative and motivated; neither of them was initially exclusively profit driven; and neither of them wants to lose money. Their context triggered their talents and a novelty was born. What distinguishes them is the value which they sought/seek to create. ‘Unlike the entrepreneurial value proposition that assumes a market that can pay for the innovation, and may even provide substantial upside for investors, the social entrepreneur’s value proposition targets an underserved, neglected, or highly disadvantaged population that lacks the financial means or political clout to achieve the transformative benefit on its own. This does not mean that social entrepreneurs as a hard-and-fast rule shun profitmaking value propositions. Ventures created by social entrepreneurs can certainly generate income, and they can be organized as either not-for-profits or for-profits. What distinguishes social entrepreneurship is the primacy of social benefit, what Duke University professor Greg Dees in his seminal work on the field characterizes as the pursuit of “mission-related impact”.’ (Martin & Osberg, 2007, p. 35) Hence, Martin & Osberg see social entrepreneurship as having the same characteristics of general entrepreneurship but as focusing on the passage from an unjust equilibrium to a just(er) one, rather than merely on the conquest of the markets. In their words, social entrepreneurs succeed at: ‘(1) identifying a stable but inherently unjust equilibrium that causes the exclusion, marginalization, or suffering of a segment of humanity that lacks the financial means or political clout to achieve any transformative benefit on its own; (2) identifying an opportunity in this unjust equilibrium, developing a social value proposition, and bringing to bear inspiration, creativity, direct action, courage, and fortitude, thereby challenging the stable state’s hegemony; and (3) forging a new, stable equilibrium that releases trapped potential or alleviates the suffering of the targeted group, and through imitation and the creation [236]

of a stable ecosystem around the new equilibrium ensuring a better future for the targeted group and even society at large.’ (Martin & Osberg, 2007, p. 35) Martin & Osberg argue that the final feature of social entrepreneurs —as of business entrepreneurs— is (1) in the width and breadth of their impact and (2) their approach. On the one hand, what differentiates a social entrepreneur from a charitable person with noble initiatives is that while the former manages to create a new equilibrium, the latter only has a limited —albeit no less laudable— outreach. In other words, there are social entrepreneurs, like Victoria Hale [OneWorld Health] or Anita Roddick [the Body Shop], and there are also social service providers, like Mother Theresa. On the other hand, social entrepreneurs are doers rather than motivators. Said otherwise, there is also a difference between social entrepreneurs like Mohammad Yunus [Grameen Bank] and social activists like Martin Luther King, Mahatma Gandhi, and Vaclav Havel. (Martin & Osberg, 2007, p. 37) In short, Martin & Osberg’s definition of the social entrepreneur is as follows: ‘The social entrepreneur should be understood as someone who targets an unfortunate but stable equilibrium that causes the neglect, marginalization, or suffering of a segment of humanity; who brings to bear on this situation his or her inspiration, direct action, creativity, courage, and fortitude; and who aims for and ultimately affects the establishment of a new stable equilibrium that secures permanent benefit for the targeted group and society at large.’ (2007, p. 39) Roughly speaking, social entrepreneurs are ‘extraordinary people who come up with brilliant ideas and against all the odds succeed at creating new products and services that dramatically improve people’s lives’ (Martin & Osberg, 2007, p. 30). However, if entrepreneurship can virtually encompass any socially beneficial activity, precisely where does the really entrepreneurial element lie? To me, Martin & Osberg’s definition of the social entrepreneur reinforces the importance of the elements which they also put forward for defining entrepreneurs in [237]

general. Whether they are after commercial value or revolutionary social value, entrepreneurs of both kinds share the same characteristics. Entrepreneurs =

initially dissatisfied, creative visionaries who took risks, introduced or developed a product, and conquered the markets. As a result, they created a new equilibrium (in terms of position in the market / social value).

Given that success was not usually bestowed on entrepreneurs as a sudden, unexpected blessing from on high, researchers (and governments) continue to search for the factors that help them to succeed and become entrepreneurs. One of those factors is the so-called entrepreneurial intention.

ENTREPRENEURIAL INTENTION Weber (2012) pointed out that the research conducted in the area of entrepreneurship has concentrated mainly on three of its dimensions. It has tried to come up with a definition of ‘the entrepreneur’ —this is the trait approach. It has also sought to elucidate the contextual factors that make entrepreneurs —this is the demographic-sociological approach. Finally, it has recently attempted to discover why people choose to become entrepreneurs —this is the behavioral approach. In this third approach, the entrepreneurial intention, as a research topic, features rather prominently. According to a number of researchers, entrepreneurial intention is a better predictor of which students might or will become entrepreneurs than purely psychological traits (Weber, 2012; Ajzen, 1991; Ajzen, 1991; Fishbein and Ajzen, 2010). However, ‘intention’ is not meant here as a purely inner process involving exclusively personal variables. As Ajzen and Fishbein pointed out, intentions involve perceptions which go beyond the self and link it to the social realm, such as the degree of desirability inherent in becoming an entrepreneur and the social norms that either reward or hinder entrepreneurial activity. For example, in a society where female entrepreneurs are considered an undesirable [238]

(Western) phenomenon and their access to the business sector is barred or made difficult by social and legal norms, women will be less inclined to proactively wish to become entrepreneurs. Intention is more than a mere wish, let alone wishful thinking. It cashes in on the assets at hand and sets in motion the necessary mechanisms to realize one’s objectives. Therefore, intention will be understood here from a behavioral viewpoint as ‘the proactive resolve to pave the way to reach a desired destination or goal’. In other words, the entrepreneurial intention does not include only the wish to become an entrepreneur, but it also implies attempting to get there. The entrepreneurial intention thus understood may be conditioned by personal traits or demographic and social variables, but it requires an extra driving force or push/pull factor (see figure below) that other people with the same traits and in similar settings will not have.

(Krueger & Carsrud, 1993; Weber, 2012:42) As portrayed above, behavioral analyses underline that people’s intentions are closely related to a series of attitudinal factors. Webber (2012:44-46), and the authors on whom he based his research, pointed out three of those factors: a behavior’s perceived desirability, the perceived social norm (beliefs and desire to comply with them), and behavioral control (beliefs and one’s perceived capacity to reach a given goal). This means that perception is a key element in the process whereby wishes and proactive intentions, including the entrepreneurial intention, are formed. Consequently, informing, correcting, engineering, and managing perception should belong to the defining features of Entrepreneurship Education. [239]

ENTREPRENEURSHIP EDUCATION (EE) The behavioral approach upholds that the process whereby enterprises are established starts with the entrepreneurial intention. It also stresses that intentions are closely linked to attitudes and perceptions built on behavioral, normative, and control beliefs. Therefore, if anyone was to promote and enhance the entrepreneurial intention, they would have to start by shaping people’s beliefs. That is exactly the realm of EE. Nonetheless, some scholars believe that colleges and universities do not prepare students to take on an entrepreneurial stance in life but rather to become employees (Ussman y Postigo, 2000). Something similar is said about a great many established businesses which continue to fail to unleash undergraduates and graduates’ creative, entrepreneurial zest and potentials. This naturally runs counter to the aspirations of governments, which have become increasingly aware of the link between societal development, economic growth, and entrepreneurship. Consequently, governments are signaling that colleges and universities ought to view themselves as ‘incubators’ of entrepreneurs, and that partnerships should be developed between them and the business sector. Nevertheless, now that the spotlight has been fixed on merging entrepreneurship and education, researchers and educationalists have been pondering whether entrepreneurs can be made through education, experience, and mentorship (Daley, 2012). Explaining the relationship between entrepreneurship and education

The question whether education can inspire students to become entrepreneurs and coach them to succeed at it has given rise to a considerable amount of research. 1) A group of authors suggests that some people are naturally better suited for entrepreneurship due to factors that precede any participation in entrepreneurship courses or programs. For example, would-be entrepreneurs either have better business genes or have benefitted unconsciously or subconsciously from more business-prone backgrounds. In other words, genetic or psychological traits, on the one [240]

hand, and demographic or sociological factors, on the other, are seen as key predictors of an individual’s entrepreneurial future or lack thereof. Said otherwise, it would be very difficult to turn a short man (or woman) into a professional basketball player. Consequently, the rest of the people —who are either not genetically inclined towards business or do not come from particularly entrepreneurial families— had better not waste their time on extensive entrepreneurship programs. It will be of little or no avail to them. For, as Daley (2012) put it, since ‘experience and knowledge and observation and environment count’, it would be hard to ‘teach somebody to love to take risks’. In short, given that the entrepreneurial impulse ‘seems hardwired in the individual,’ (…) ‘a lot of entrepreneurship programs are superfluous and can't deliver what they say. Education can make people better accountants, economists and better at tax law, but it can't effectively change risk preferences, and it can't change genetics.’ The problem with this interpretive perspective is that other studies would seem to conclude ‘that there is no consistent relationship between personality and entrepreneurship’ (Weber, 2012:38). In addition, research appears to indicate that ‘it is not a given set of demographic characteristics that leads to the decision to enter an entrepreneurial career, but specific reactions to circumstances - even if similar demographic backgrounds lead to similar experiences, it is the conclusions one draws and acts upon that determine entrepreneurship’ (Weber, 2012:39). 2) Other scholars and educationalists advocate EE as a means to arouse the entrepreneurial intention in students and help them to ready themselves for business (EC, 2006; Souitaris, Zerbinati & Al-Laham, 2007; Kuratko, 2005). However, they also add that EE can achieve this only if the courses have been designed properly and are implemented adequately (Harkema and Schout, 2008). Nevertheless, even people who advocate the value of entrepreneurship courses admit that it is difficult to really instill a passion for business in people who just do not already have it in themselves or lack what it takes to become an entrepreneur. What EE probably can do is enhance the talents for entrepreneurship [241]

which students already possess and help them to become better entrepreneurs (Daley, 2012) but not to become entrepreneurs as such. 3) Other researchers point out that EE can also quench the entrepreneurial intention of some students. In other words, EE does not necessarily always make students become (better) entrepreneurs. In some cases, the contrary is true. EE can make students give up the idea of entrepreneurship altogether, even among students who had previously seen themselves as would-be startups. For there have been documented cases in which EE made students perceive themselves as unsuitable for entrepreneurship (0sterbeek et al., 2010). EE became a demotivating or discouraging factor. 4) However, all the above-mentioned positions share one bias: effective EE must necessarily lead to the creation of new, successful, big-time enterprises. Implicitly, in their eyes, entrepreneurs are startups. Or, better still, big successful startups are entrepreneurs. That is why other researchers who worked with a broader understanding of the scope of EE have suggested that even when EE does not lead to setting up big new enterprises, it can still help students ‘to apply what they learned to their future jobs’ (Auken, 2013; Chen et al., 2013). Defining EE’s scope

Therefore, it maybe said that before colleges and universities establish EE courses or programs, they must agree on what they want EE to do for them, their students, business, and the overall economy. For example, they might want to distinguish between ‘education about entrepreneurship’ and ‘education for entrepreneurship’ (Klandt, 1993). The Consortium for Entrepreneurship Education (CEE, s.d.) defines EE as follows: ‘Entrepreneurship education seeks to prepare people, especially youth, to be responsible, enterprising individuals who become entrepreneurs or entrepreneurial thinkers and who contribute to economic development and sustainable communities. It is not based on a textbook course. Instead, students are immersed in real life learning [242]

experiences where they have an opportunity to take risks, manage the results, and learn from the outcomes. Entrepreneurship education is not just about teaching someone to run a business. It is also about encouraging creative thinking and promoting a strong sense of selfworth and accountability. Through entrepreneurship education, students learn how to create a business, but they also learn a lot more. The core knowledge created via entrepreneurship education includes:  

 

The ability to recognize opportunities in one’s life. The ability to pursue such opportunities by generating new ideas and marshaling needed resources. The ability to create and operate a new venture. The ability to think in a creative and critical manner.’

The above passage does two things. On the one hand, it speaks of EE as education for entrepreneurship. On the other, it expands the scope of the adjective ‘entrepreneurial’ to encompass a lifestyle rather than business ventures. In addition, it appears that even though education is not the only requirement for a successful business path (e.g. venture capital is an equally important variable), Veciana has argued (2002) that new enterprises set up by people with low levels of education fail in almost 80% of the cases, while graduate startups account for only 20% of the failures. This might be because, as the Consortium for Entrepreneurship Education argues (CEE, s.d.), EE improves and upgrades students’ performance and it enhances their economic competitiveness. The recalibration of what EE is meant to be and do is already apparent in European documents. In fact, the definition of EE adopted by the European Union, ‘stresses that this concept is much wider than just “training on how to start a business”. Entrepreneurship is firstly a mindset. As attitudes take shape at an early age, school education can greatly contribute to fostering entrepreneurial mindsets, starting from primary school to the University level’ (Raposo & Do Paco, 2011). [243]

As an educator and educationalist in Oman, I wanted to know whether some recalibration of EE would be necessary in the Sultanate. To that end, I started a research project aimed at answering this and other related questions. In what follows, I shall touch upon a small, incipient dimension of my investigation.

OMANI COLLEGE STUDENTS’ PERCEPTION OF ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND EE In a study conducted at Sohar University and presented in February 2013, Thresi and Hamadi interviewed 200 students about their entrepreneurial intention. The questions inquired whether 4 psychological traits (namely self-confidence, need for achievement, autonomy, and risk-taking propensity) correlated to the wish to start up a business. Need for achievement, autonomy, and risk-taking propensity appeared to be really influential. Self-confidence was less prominent. In order to test whether similar conclusions could be drawn about the college where I work, I decided to conduct a survey as part of a longterm research project focused on EE and ESP at Al Musanna College of Technology, Oman. Background of my research

Between 2012-2014, I taught ‘Research Projects and Presentations’ to level 4 students in the Foundation Program of Al Musanna College of Technology, Oman. During most of that time, I was the subject coordinator. In this capacity, I was able to reshape the course’s delivery plan, refocus it, and make it into a preparation for the specialized courses (i.e. IT, Business Studies, Entrepreneurship, and Engineering). My changes were in keeping with a new Graduate Attribute stipulated by the Ministry of Manpower, namely, the entrepreneurial attitude. Since September 2014, I have been coordinating the Post-Foundation English program. From the beginning, I decided to focus on enhancing students’ entrepreneurial mindset (knowledge base and skills) though language. Besides, the government’s emphasis on the diversification of the economy and the Omanization of the workforce can hardly be accomplished with a generation of young undergraduates and graduates who have little entrepreneurial understanding and zest. During the first [244]

semester, an activity was developed in collaboration with Duncan Charles Mason, one of our teachers, whereby students focused on a report titled ‘Accelerating Entrepreneurship in the Arab World’. At the same time, I designed two new in-house textbooks for Technical Writing 1 and Technical Writing 2 focused on subjects related to entrepreneurship and the Omani economy. Simultaneously, I reviewed the literature dealing with entrepreneurship, social entrepreneurship, and EE. My classroom experience after three years in Oman, as well as my study of the literature and my reading of the analyses in the local papers and specialized regional magazines (such as ‘Gulf Business’), helped me to develop the survey upon which this paper is based. It was conducted among Post-Foundation students, both male and females, from the Engineering, Business Studies, and IT tracks. All of them must take four courses in ESP and one in entrepreneurship. The survey

While designing my own survey, I took into account not only Varghese Thresi and Hamadi’s study, but also a similar research project conducted by Postigo & Tamborini (2002). The latter identified variables related to demographic characteristics, entrepreneurial attitude and motivation, perceptions of the process of business creation and entrepreneurs, and perceptions of environmental influences. For my own project, I designed 25 questions covering the same aspects. However, since the research is still ongoing, I shall concentrate here only on the students’ perceptions of the (a) entrepreneurial intention among Omanis, (b) their own intention to (ever) set up a business, (c) Entrepreneurial Education, and (d) their view of General English Program and ESP in relation to Entrepreneurship Education. (a) Students’ perception of entrepreneurial intention among Omanis

The main question was why Omanis start new businesses. According to my respondents, the pursuit of money is the main reason why Omanis set up businesses: money in general (17%), money to supplement a first income (14.5%), and money to prepare the way for a future without governmental subsidies and loans (12.7%). This 44.2% can be expanded with other money-related factors. The fear of what might happen to the [245]

current oil and gas economy in the future would thus represent the main reason behind 9.2% of new businesses. In addition, according to the respondents, 9.7% of the startups would be young men wishing to generate the necessary resources to get married, and 6.7% would be middle-aged and older Omanis wanting to complement their pensions. All those money-based reasons would account, in the eyes of my respondents, for 69.8% of the new businesses set up by Omanis. The remaining 30.2% would have to do with less materialistic reasons, namely the pursuit of fame or status (10.8%), the wish to create jobs for unemployed Omanis (10.3%), and the quest for independence because they dislike working for a boss (6.7%) or because they are women seeking for independence from their husbands (2.4%). (b) Entrepreneurial intention among the respondents

One of the mistakes that educators can make is to think that students have never thought about setting up a business. At ACT, 17.14% of my respondents already possess a business of their own (albeit in many cases, this refers to something small, like having a school bus), and 5.71% of them share a business with a partner. In other words, 22.85% of the respondents are already involved in a business of their own. When asked whether they would like to set up a first or second business in the future, 90% of the respondents said ‘Yes’. 35% Yes, if they found a partner 27% Yes, if they found an investor 18% 10%

Yes, if their family needed more money Yes, if their family told them that they are good in business

Furthermore, 38.9% had also thought that their business could be an online one. In addition, I found out that 66.7% would like to postpone setting up a first or second business till after graduation, whereas 30.6% of the respondents intend to do it while they are still in college. Only 2.7% of them showed no intention of ever starting a business. When asked why they thought that people did not want to start new businesses, my group of respondents chose the following reasons. [246]

Personal Factors: 20.0% 17.4%

7.8% 7.8%

4.0% 2.0%

59.0%

Contextual Factors:

People do not have enough knowledge to do business People prefer a job in the private sector (e.g. in a bank, car dealership, hotel, oil company, or big shop) People cannot focus on a business for long People prefer the security of a government job (e.g. in a ministry, the police, or the army) People are not so interested in money In the case of women, they want to be mothers and stay at home

9.7% 7.8%

7.7% 5.9%

5.9% 4.0%

41.0%

The steps to start a business are too long and difficult, or complicated People are from small villages where there are already enough businesses There are no business people in their family Without wasta (connections), nobody can succeed in business Their family will not support them A lot of businesses are haram, so many prefer to stay out of business

According to the respondents, the reasons why Omanis do not set up new businesses are not completely different from why they fail, as the table below suggests. Personal Factors:

82.35%

Contextual Factors:

23.7%

Lack of capital

7.21%

21.6%

Lack of entrepreneurial knowledge and skills Lack of patience

5.15%

13.4% 9.27%

3.10%

8.24%

Lack of entrepreneurial spirit Lack or loss of motivation

6.14%

Lack of a college education

15.45%

The rules, regulations, and other formalities are too complicated Lack of clients Lack of (enough) support from the family

2.20% Other reasons (either personal or contextual) [247]

Both tables show that the respondents consider personal factors to play an important role in deciding for or against setting up businesses. Moreover, they seem to attribute a good deal of importance to domainspecific knowledge and skills, and to their impact on the intention to start up businesses and on one’s chances of success. (c) Entrepreneurship Education

When the respondents were asked whether Omani businessmen and women ought to understand the world economy in order to succeed in business, the majority (60.8%) saw no need for that, while 39.2% agreed that it was indeed necessary. As to whether that also applied to them, both positions had practically the same number of supporters: 52% of them declared to be in favor of the need of Omani students to learn how the economy works, while 48% found it unnecessary. However, when they were asked why they are doing or will do a course in Entrepreneurship at ACT, the exact same majority (60.8%) answered that it was because the topic is important, and that they would enroll for the course even if it was not mandatory. The remaining 30.2% would drop the course if they could. As for their perception of why there is such a mandatory course in the curriculum for engineering, business, and IT students alike, 47.8% replied that the course was meant to give them an insight into the modus operandi of startups, while 31.7% said that the goal of the course was to turn them into startups. This means that 78.5% saw a clear link between the course and doing business. Only one fifth (20.5%) thought that the college was merely implementing a directive from the government without having any real position or intention on the matter. Still, only 8.5% of them thought that Entrepreneurship should be discontinued as a universally mandatory subject. When asked about their level of satisfaction with the course on Entrepreneurship, the absolute majority of respondents (91.5%) said to be happy with it. Moreover, 43.6% suggested that no curricular changes are necessary at all, while 34.9% of them were of the opinion that an unspecified new topic or activity could be added to the syllabus and 13% indicated that an unspecified topic or activity could in future be left out. (d) General English Program and ESP in relation to Entrepreneurship Education

To conclude, the survey inquired whether the English courses which I coordinated between 2012 and 2014 and the ones which I have been [248]

coordinating since the start of the 2014-2015 academic year had taught them many things. A small group (8.8%) answered that they had not been taught much. However, the great majority (91.2%) expressed the view that the courses had been rich in content: 31.25 27.08 16.40 2.36 22.91

Especially about culture Especially about starting a business About all of the topics above Especially about history About other unspecified matters

In other words, cultural issues and how to start a business make up almost 60% of the students’ conscious recollection of what they have been studying and learning in their mandatory English courses — which is a rather encouraging sign.

FINAL OBSERVATIONS There is a general consensus in the literature about some of the basic characteristics of entrepreneurs. However, the same cannot be said about entrepreneurship, social entrepreneurship and, especially, Entrepreneurship Education (EE). At the same time, there is little doubt that the ‘mechanisms of modern markets act as an innovation arms race that forces entrepreneurship’ (Baumol, 2005, p. 7). Therefore, I advocate a broad(er) vision of EE, more in terms of entrepreneurial mindset than of spectacular business startups. After all, it would be unrealistic to expect that most —if not all— ACT students who take the mandatory course in Entrepreneurship become Omani versions of Bill Gates, Steve Jobs, or Anita Roddick. Furthermore, in light of the survey which I conducted for this paper, I would like to suggest that part-time entrepreneurship be given more importance in Oman (especially in EE) than it has received in the international literature on several accounts. First, many of our students have already set up small businesses, which they run next to their studies. Second, judging by our students’ perceptions (and my own observations), a great many Omanis do not consider a career in business as an exclusive life path. They aspire both to a job —preferably in one of the ministries, the police, or the armed forces— and to their own business(es) on the side. [249]

In addition, it has transpired from the survey that ACT students seem to attach great significance to the role played by personal factors (e.g. entrepreneurial and business knowledge and skills) in the process whereby Omanis decide for or against setting up businesses, and why some of their businesses eventually collapse. Finally, I would like to plead for a ‘Falaj’ social entrepreneurship model for Oman. In the past, Omanis preserved and shared their water resources by means of canals, or aflaj. Now, they could similarly view the revenues from the country’s oil and gas as the ‘water’ which must be channeled and shared so that everyone can laboriously till the ground of their own opportunities and benefit from their own enterprises. In this context, Omani high schools and colleges would do well to promote types of entrepreneurship and entrepreneurial mindsets that are not exclusively intent on making profit, but also on creating social value and protecting the environment. This could counter the current materialism that is so noticeable among the younger generations of nationals. Both male and female (social) entrepreneurs could be welcomed in high schools and colleges as guest speakers to motivate students to expect more of themselves. In addition, although the oil crisis has presented Omanis with a preview of the problems that they may or will face in the future, if their young generations develop entrepreneurial mindsets, they will be equipped to identify resources where others only see problems. To do that, a large number of (young) Omanis will have to stop behaving as passive consumers of endless governmental aid schemes and start producing value. A newly recalibrated Entrepreneurship Education curriculum, also within English programs, could encourage them to do just that.

References Auken, H. V. (2013). Influence of a culture-based entrepreneurship program on student interest in business ownership. In International Entrepreneurship and Management Journal, 9(2), 261–272. Chen, Su-Chang; Hsiao, Hsi-Chi et al. (2013). Can the entrepreneurship course improve the entrepreneurial intentions of students? In International Entrepreneurship and Management Journal. Published online on December 21, 2013. DOI 10.1007/s11365-013-0293-0 Consortium for Entrepreneurship Education [CEE] (s.d.). ‘Entrepreneurship everywhere: The Case for Entrepreneurship Education.’ Online: http://entre-ed.org/_entre/whitepaperfinal.pdf.

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E-LEARNING FOR EFFECTIVE LEARNING Davis Daniel University of Buraimi, Oman

INTRODUCTION TO E-LEARNING E-Learning can be defined as learning facilitated and supported through the use of information and communication technology. It can cover a spectrum of activities from the use of technology to support learning as a part of a blended approach to learning that is entirely delivered online. The term ‘E-Learning’ therefore essentially covers the use of computers and technology as a vehicle for knowledge exchange within teaching and learning. We need to look at the various dimensions of E-Learning to determine how far these can find a place in our academic programs.

INTEGRATED E-LEARNING New technologies are being developed and are becoming increasingly popular in work settings, daily life and in education, particularly information and communication technology in the sense of internet, applications such as World Wide Web, e-mail, teleconferencing, groupware for collaborative learning and learning management systems are gaining ground in the field of higher education. First, integrated elearning always has to take pedagogical, technical and organizational aspects into account in order to be successful. Second, it is critical to take a systems design perspective on education. It cannot simply ‘replace’ other types of learning but should be seen as an integral part of the larger educational system. Third, integrated e-learning should always be student-centred in order to deal with a diverse, widely distributed set of learners who need to learn and transfer complex skills to an increasingly varied set of real-world contexts and settings. [253]

E-Learning framework has several limitations. First, it is limited to pedagogical models where the internet is the primary medium. This does not exclude the use of other media. On the contrary, secondary media other than the computer will typically be required to design a powerful environment for integrated e-learning. For instance, a tutor may provide guidance for the work on the learning tasks, and many other media may be used. But it does not exclude learning arrangements that are primarily based on face-to-face teaching and merely use the internet as a secondary medium to prevent supportive information. It can be concluded that compared with traditional classroom teaching, integrated e-learning can offer major advantages with regard to its flexibility presentation and other communication facilities. Nevertheless, a major obstacle to reaching effective, efficient and appealing integrated e-learning is the lack of proven pedagogical models. From a teaching perspective, an e-learning environment is still in its infancy. There is considerable demand for easy-to-use instructional design models that facilitate the realization in practice of the high expectations we have about e-learning.

FORMS OF E-LEARNING It provides opportunities for trainers to deliver trainer materials and sessions and for participants to have access to them, as well as to attend course sessions. The main objective of the virtual classroom is to improve access by allowing remote participation and to increase collaborative mode of learning. E-Learning: Synchronous

This involves having classrooms by connecting students and teachers through audio, video or a chatroom. This virtual form has the obvious advantage of providing immediate access and feedback from the teacher.

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Asynchronous

This helps the students to learn through email correspondence, forums and newsgroups. This type of learning has the advantage of providing the student and teacher with a choice of location and time. Teaching-Led-E-Learning

This is done via the use of teleconferencing, chats, audio, graphic systems or via telephone. Online Learning

It takes place via the web and may include text, graphics, animation, audio, video, e-mail and testing. M-Learning

It is one of the fastest growing e-learning areas in terms of technical evolution.

VIRTUAL CLASSROOM AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE There are different types of virtual classrooms. Course outline is prepared by the trainer for each course.

COURSE MATERIALS The materials like books, articles, publications, documents and online libraries as well as multimedia are provided by the tutor. The materials are provided electronically and can be seen online. E-libraries are prominent for universities, colleges, schools companies and organizations. Video Conferencing It helps students to create verbal communication. Some courses have been converted to podcasts in order to make course more accessible.

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HOMEWORK ASSIGNMENTS AND EVALUATION These are usually submitted electronically to teachers and they help students in Q/A online sessions, e-mail and personalized communication methods.

FINAL EXAM It is normally done in a form of final test project, to complete writing an essay after reading texts or other methods.

IMPLICATIONS OF E-LEARNING It is specifically aimed at anyone who believes that they are best at learning on their own, at their own pace, away from a classroom environment. E-Learning has innovative training technologies, flexible delivery methods, engaging multimedia and live audio. Teachers not living to strive for new ways of doing things should not venture into online learning. To get rid of the monotony of a traditional classroom with the excitement of new medium can prove alluring. It needs the skills of organization, time management and a lot of selfmotivation.

WEB-BASED LEARNING AND CDROM The training is usually self-paced, highly interactive, results in increased retention rates and has reduced costs associated with student travel to an instructor-led workshop. Students get access to a huge library of training and information whether they are working from home, in the office etc. Access is available anytime, anywhere around the world. Nowadays equipment costs are affordable. Modern and free browser software can access the internet or a private intranet. The expense is relatively low. Moreover student tracking is made easy because they can complete their training while they are connected to the network. It is possible to implement powerful student-tracking systems. This information can be as simple as who has accessed the courseware and what their assessment scores are, to detailed information including how [256]

they answered individual test questions and how much time they spent in each module.

CDROM There are many advantages of using CD ROM. It gives faster graphics than on the web. It has good audio and video than on the web. Video can be seen in larger windows than web-based video. CDROM has reduced costs and it can be used by many learners and the media is cheap to replicate.

THE LIMITATIONS OF TEACHERS’ RESOURCES They need to be up-to-date with someone else’s material. The software must be updated on a regular basis and creating the course content can be labor intensive.

POWERPOINT Students can use PowerPoint for rapid learning and search the surface of the tools available in PowerPoint; they can see it’s more adequate for building great e-learning. It helps a blend of speed, ease-of-use and cost savings. PowerPoint is so widely used in most organizations since it is accessible and easy to use. It is possible to convert subject matter content into an effective e-learning course. Some people have wrong notion and confused about using PowerPoint for e-learning. Professional designer can use PowerPoint combined with a rapid learning tool to build enticing and effective e-learning courses.

CREATE E-LEARNING TEMPLATE IN POWERPOINT Students can use the generic PowerPoint 2007 color themes so that they can quickly change the folder color to match their project demands. This allows them to have an unlimited number of colored folders. All they would need to do is custom them to match their project needs.

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Students can compress images in PowerPoint. So if students have high resolution images they are hard to work with. Use PowerPoint’s compression feature to make them smaller. Another option is to start with place holder images. Instead of using the high resolution images during production, use low resolution versions to begin. When everything is set, swap them out for higher resolution images. E-Learning is the future, but it has to be elaborated with care as it requires different methods and methodologies of teaching and learning. A cost-benefit analysis is a must before deciding on implementing an elearning module or program. To be successful, e-learning should be based on a collaborative mode between partners involved in the training.

References Training Delivery Methods http://www.reference for business.com/management/Tr-Z/Training-Delivery-Methods.html Distance Learners are happy with a mixture of old and new [online] http://education.guardian.co.uk/tefl/story/0,5500,1150768.00.html Macleod Donald (13/04/04) The Online Revolution Mark II [online] http://education.co.uk/egweek/story/0.5500,1190372,00.html Kruse, Kevin, Web For Learning www.e-learningguru.com/articles/art 1-9.html

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