The Lao People's Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) is a sparsely populated, multi- ..... development to meet the food security needs of a specific population, while .... information and resources to urban and rural communities by government .... According to the National Statistics Commission (NSC) previously known as the.
Sustainable Agriculture, Food Security, Food Systems, & Climate Change In The Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR)
Jenkins Macedo, MSc. MA. BSc.
Chapter 2 Literature Review 2.1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………….2 2.2. The Sustainable Agriculture, Food Security & Climate Change Nexus……….9 2.2.1. Agriculture and Economic Development in Lao PDR……………...13 2.2.1.1. The Impact of Hydropower Development on Agriculture in Lao PDR .......……………………………………………………...30 2.2.2. The Geography and Agro-Ecological Zones of Lao PDR………….55 2.2.2.1. Food Security and Food Systems in Lao PDR……………61 2.2.2.1.1. Food Availability………………………………..66 2.2.2.1.2. Food Accessibility………………………………71 2.2.2.1.3. Food Stability…………………………………...78 2.2.2.1.4. Food Utilization…………………………………83 2.2.3. The Role of Biochar in Agricultural Research for Development in Lao PDR…………………………………………………………………...87 2.2.3.1. Biochar, Food Security and Climate Change……………..93 2.2.3.2. Biochar Research for Development and Policy Implications………………………………………………………..95 2.3. Chapter Summary……………………………………………………………..98
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CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1. Introduction The Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) is a sparsely populated, multiethnic, landlocked, and Least Developed Country (LDC) located in Southeast Asia (SEA) and strategically situated along the Great Mekong River (GMR) (WorldBank 2006a, Eastham et al. 2008). Lao PDR is bordered to the west by Viet Nam, to the south by Cambodia, to the east and southeast by the Kingdom of Thailand, to the north by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and northwest by Myanmar (Burma) (WorldBank 2006a). The agricultural and industrial sectors combined contributes about 75 percent of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) with the agriculture sector alone leveraging almost 50 percent of the combined allocated revenue (ADB 2004, WorldBank 2006a, Dyoulgerov et al. 2011). The actual percent contributed to the GDP from the agricultural sector continues to experience a steady decline annually, but the agricultural sector continues to be the major source of employment, which employs four-fifths of the population (ADB 2004). The Government of Lao PDR (GoL) continues to put emphasis on investing in the agricultural sector to boost economic development by instituting land policy reforms to accommodate changes to land acquisition and ownership to enhance agricultural development and shy away unsustainable farming practices; such as, the traditional slashand-burn methodologies (ADB 2004, GoL 2004, IMF 2004). Over the past few decades, Lao PDR continues to struggle with major challenges, which include decreases in agricultural productivity, food insecurity, increase rural poverty rates, deforestation and environmental degradation, climate change variability and risks 3
(Seidenberg et al. 2003, Foppes and Ketphanh 2004, Johnston et al. 2009, FAO 2011, Keomany 2011). Climate variability, such as, persistent drought due to increased mean surface temperatures, soil moisture declines and inconsistent rainfalls lead to floods in some areas and drought in others. Soil fertility decline and the loss of agricultural land due to environmental degradation, which result from shifting cultivation and deforestation associated with logging and unexploded ordnances (UXO) on lands all served to impact agricultural productivity and rural livelihoods (Seidenberg et al. 2003, Pavelic et al. 2010, UNDP 2010b, a, Keomany 2011, Johnston et al. 2012a, Johnston et al. 2012b). The climatic and geophysical variations have direct impacts on the environment, food security, and rural poverty eradication. The poverty rates in highland areas compared to lowlands are high, which resonates with low agricultural outputs in the highlands (WorldBank 2006a, Epprecht et al. 2008). For example, rice, which is the stable food of Lao PDR and other cash crops have suffered declines over the last few decades due to climate variability, poor farming practices, soil degradation, water scarcity, and the lack of financial resources to compensate farmers impacted (GoL 2004, Dyoulgerov et al. 2011, Keomany 2011). Agriculture, if appropriately managed, is an important sector that could promote rapid economic growth and development. The process needed to achieve sustainable economic growth and development call for the judicious use of agricultural resources, including land, water, forest, human, and financial capitals. The active engagement and collaboration with key stakeholders at the district, provincial and national levels is critical to adapt to or mitigate climate change variability and other change factors. 4
The Government of Lao PDR (GoL) considers agriculture as the main vehicle to drive and achieve sustainable economic growth and development (GoL 2004, Delang 2006, Delang and Toro 2011, MONRE 2013). The focus on prioritizing and promoting development through agriculture targets discouraging the ‘slash and burn’ farming system that is common among rural smallholders, especially in the mountainous highland and lowland areas (Roder 1997, Seidenberg et al. 2003, Bounthong et al. 2004, Evrard and Goudineau 2004, WorldBank 2006a). The GoL states that a need for a paradigm shift from the traditional farming system to modernize agriculture and the incorporation of rural smallholders have the potential to achieve economic growth and development, while ensuring environmental conservation and sustainability (GoL 2004, IMF 2004). Given that economic development priorities are primarily shifted on agricultural development and expansion, commercialized agricultural systems have started to compete with the traditional farming systems for the available resources at the expense of rural smallholders who have to adapt to the rapid economic transition and change (Fujita 2006). The history of change and the normalization of political relationships and trade with neighboring countries, which include Viet Nam, Thailand, Cambodia, and China have triggered the prioritization of cash crop production, which ultimately positioned Lao PDR’s economy into the regional markets of the Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS) (Fujita 2006). The prioritization of cash crop production for the regional market was reflected at the national level as rural smallholders across the country became actively engaged in cash crop production boosting economic productivity, while benefiting from state-sponsored programs and incentives (Fujita 2006). 5
The prioritization of cash crop production for economic growth and development also resonates with the GoL efforts to combat rural poverty, to control shifting cultivation, while decreasing forest and environmental degradation and increased surveillances on narcotics (opium) production in the mountainous highland areas (Evrard and Goudineau 2004, Fujita 2006). The history of change in Lao PDR demonstrates that rural smallholders are positioned at the center of development prioritization and the government’s efforts to redefine space and the control thereof and the consequences on their livelihoods (Fujita 2006, Fujita and Phengsopha 2007, Fujita and Phanvilay 2008). In the process of change for economic growth and development, smallholders are impacted in several ways, including shifts in the demands and supplies of agricultural goods, services and land (Ducourtieux et al. 2005, Fujita 2006, Thongmanivong and Fujita 2006), water resources availability and accessibility (Johnston et al. 2012a, Pavelic et al. 2014), education, communication, technology, and access to financial credit and capital (Pavelic et al. 2010). The holistic integration of agricultural development objectives to ensure economic development require putting in measures that explicitly account and compensate for all indicators that impact the livelihoods of smallholders (Fujita 2006). This chapter discusses sustainable agricultural development, as a potential strategy to boost economic growth and development, while addressing the socioeconomic vulnerability, which include poverty, food insecurity and environmental degradation (GoL 2004, UNDP 2010b, MONRE 2013). Agricultural development continues to be the national target of the GoL to foster economic growth and development, thereby enhancing
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the socioeconomic viability and livelihoods for rural households (Bounthong et al. 2004, GoL 2004, Dyoulgerov et al. 2011, Keomany 2011). The major goal for prioritizing agricultural development as the national target is gear towards elevating Lao PDR from been a Least Developed Country (LDC) to developing country by 2020 by combating poverty, food insecurities, climate change vulnerability, while ensuring economic growth and environmental conservation (GoL 2004, IMF 2004, Keomany 2011, MONRE 2013). To that end, the GoL instituted land reform policies to restructure the agricultural sector to transition from the traditional farming system to modernize farming systems, which incorporates sustainable practices and systems to conserve resources, while ensuring economic growth and development. The GoL is mandated by the constitution as the prime owner of all natural resources, which include land, water and forest (Fujita 2006, Fujita and Phengsopha 2007). The history of land use and reforms is discussed further in a section in this chapter. Land reform is paramount to agricultural development and economic growth. The concept of climate-smart agriculture (CSA) is interchangeably used with sustainable agriculture and both concepts describe systems of agricultural development, which refer to the judicious use of resources for the current needs of humanity without degrading or compromising the needs for similar resources for future generations and also attempt to account for their ability to adapt to climate vulnerability (FAO 2013). In Lao PDR, the concept of CSA can be linked to the national targets to promote agricultural development, which aims at eradicating poverty, achieving economic growth and development, enhancing environmental conservation, while improving livelihoods by 7
mitigating climate change risks and vulnerability (GoL 2004, UNDP 2010a, FAO 2011, 2013). The GoL has targeted to preserve all natural resources for economic prosperity, which include it’s forest systems and resources (GoL 2007, Hanssen 2007). The sustainable allocation and utilization of natural resources for economic growth and development is significant to the GoL (GoL 2004, WorldBank 2006a). In 1995, Lao PDR rectified the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and a signatory to the Kyoto Protocol in 2003 (MONRE 2013). The GoL is committed to achieve goals established in support of these international treaties. Climate change variability and risks have been major constraints to smallholders, who primarily rely on agriculture for their livelihoods (Johnston et al. 2010, Pavelic et al. 2010). Climate change variability and risks such as increasing mean surface temperatures, soil moisture decline, prolong drought, variable annual and seasonal precipitation events, increasing mean evapotranspiration rates, soil degradation and the depletion of fertile soils all serve to impact smallholders’ ability to produce enough food (Johnston et al. 2010, Pavelic et al. 2010, UNDP 2010a, FAO 2011, Johnston et al. 2012a). Other technical constrains smallholders encounter include poor farm management practices and lack of agricultural extension services to most rural areas, inadequate irrigation infrastructures and management, financial credits and the avenue for investment at the local scale, education and training in modern farming methods, markets and deflated prices for agricultural produce, transportation, processing, and storage (UNDP 2010c, b, a, FAO 2011). The process of addressing climate change variability and risks should involve concrete steps to effectively solve each constraints identified and to ensure that smallholders receive the 8
needed technical and non-technical support to complement their efforts to adopt or mitigate climate change variability and risks to improve productivity and livelihoods (Pavelic et al. 2010, Johnston et al. 2012a). The challenges and opportunities specific to the implementation of CSA in the context of Lao PDR are also given special attention. Specific interest is directed to the role of this study in the current development and improvement of CSA in the rain-fed lowlands of Lao PDR. The chapter concluded with highlights of major issues that were explored in the literature and how this research contributes towards CSA, food security, and poverty reduction in the context of climate change. This literature review builds on the works completed by the GoL, research institutions, independent researchers, and non-state actors.
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2.2. The Sustainable Agriculture, Food Security & Climate Change Nexus The links between agriculture, food security and climate change have been evidently established (Sanchez 2000, Lobell et al. 2008, FAO 2011, Kissinger 2011, FAO et al. 2014). Studies have shown that agriculture contributes about 50 percent of the global methane (CH4) emissions, while 20 percent of global carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions are attributed to land use changes linked to deforestation and environmental degradation mostly in the tropical and sub-tropical eco-regions (Houghton et al. 1997, Sanchez 2000, Palm et al. 2003, Johnson et al. 2007). Study also suggests that human-induced carbon emissions has risen to about 3% per annual (Woolf et al. 2010), making ecosystems vulnerable to persistent and severe climatic conditions (Solomon et al. 2009; Raupach et al. 2007). The increases in climate change events compounded by population growth in developing countries call for urgent action to preserve natural resources to enhance agricultural productivity in developing countries, given the levels of vulnerability pose to rural communities who primarily rely on the natural environment and agriculture for their livelihoods (Ehrlich et al. 1993, Gregory et al. 2005, WorldBank 2006a). Lao PDR’s economy relies on agricultural production for economic growth and development; however, climate change and climate variability amongst other change factors pose significant risks to the agricultural sector, which could severely impact over 77 percent of rural population who depend on agriculture for their livelihoods (GoL 2004, IMF 2004, WorldBank 2006a, Keomany 2011). Farmers in rural parts of the country have started experiencing the effects of climate change in several ways including but not limited to inconsistent rainfall, prolong drought, decreases in annual yield of major cash crops, 10
water scarcity, soil water depletion, and forest degradation (Chanphengsay et al. 1999, Schiller et al. 2001, Pavelic et al. 2010, Dyoulgerov et al. 2011). The reciprocal effects of decrease agricultural productivity is that rural families would have to work harder at the expense of minimum outcome in terms of productivity considering both the biotic and abiotic constraints associated with rice production (Schiller et al. 2001). In view of the relationships between agriculture, food security and climate change and the current trends of global environmental change, declining natural resources and the projected population growth in developing countries should signal a need for a paradigm shift from conventional agriculture to a more sustainable approaches, such as ClimateSmart Agriculture (CSA) (FAO 2013, Caron 2015). CSA is a comprehensive interdisciplinary framework, which utilizes scientific and applied knowledge across multiple disciplines to effectively compensate for the efficient allocation, distribution, utilization, and management of natural resources to foster economic growth and development to meet the food security needs of a specific population, while ensuring environmental protection and conservation (Caron 2015). While the underlying strategies for implementing CSA approach differs from country to country, the major principal component seeks to ensure food security, environmental protection and conservation remain intrinsic component of any CSA framework at the country-level (Caron 2015). Since smallholders rely on natural resources and the local environment for their livelihoods, they are specifically susceptible to severe climatic events. The changes in the local environment could alter the local ecosystems and other livelihoods safety net engulfing smallholders in a visual cycle of continuous risks with limited opportunities to 11
cope with climate change (Ehrlich et al. 1993, Gregory et al. 2005). As such, the focus of CSA as a national priority to drive economic growth and development should target rural smallholders who are the main gatekeepers of agricultural productivity and also the potential and first victims of climate change other change factors (WorldBank 2006a). In the context of Lao PDR, the integration of agriculture as the main driver for economic growth and development with the preposition of environmental conservation and protection emphasizes the scope to which the GoL and partnered organizations are committed towards combating climate change vulnerability, while improving rural livelihoods to eradicate poverty and address food insecurity issues (GoL 2004, IMF 2004).The need to revert the current paradigm between agriculture, food insecurity, and climate change cannot be underestimated given the current trends in global climate change variability associated with anthropogenic-induced GHG emissions (IPCC 2013). The fact that agricultural development has contributed to global GHG emissions and other forms of environmental degradations (Johnson et al. 2007) present opportunities to revert the trend through a paradigm shift to more sustainable approaches in the agricultural sector mostly in developing countries where agriculture serves as the main driver for economic growth and development and constitute the major source of income for rural population (Diop 1999, Johnson et al. 2007, Pretty 2008). In Lao PDR for example, some traditional farming systems or approaches are assumed to negatively reshape the forest landscapes like in the case of slash-and-burn or shifting cultivation approach in northern Lao PDR, which has contributed to forest lost, environmental degradation, changes in ecosystems, and the landscape (Roder 1997, 12
Seidenberg et al. 2003, Foppes and Ketphanh 2004). Given that agricultural productivity is mainly aimed at economic growth and development, the conservation of the environment and natural resources in also crucial to achieving food security for rural areas. In the context of this study, the concept of food security builds on the definition provided by the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations (FAO), which defines food security as the condition which exist “when all people, at all times, have physical, social, and economic access to sufficient, safe, and nutritious food that meets their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life” (Schmidhuber and Tubiello 2007, FAO 2014). It is against this definition that food security broadly defined is concern with food availability, accessibility and utilization (Gregory et al. 2005, Schmidhuber and Tubiello 2007). The question of how food security is impacted by climate change and decline in agricultural productivity within the context of Lao PDR is discussed in a separate section of this chapter. The concept of water security is link to food security as water security brings into play water availability, accessibility and utilization. This section explored the interconnections between sustainable agriculture as a national priority for driving economic growth and development by the GoL to mitigate or adapt to climate change variability and risks, while enhancing food security, eradicating poverty and ensuring environmental conservation and protection (GoL 2004). Sustainable agriculture, food security and climate change serves as the theoretical basis upon which this study was conceptualized and implemented. Other relevant aspects of the sustainable agriculture, food security and climate change nexus explored include land reforms policies as they relate to the sustainable agriculture, food security and climate change nexus to 13
ensure economic growth and development (GoL 2004, Ducourtieux and Castella 2006, Alexander et al. 2009, Delang and Toro 2011). The assessment of natural resources, which include land and soil, forest, and water resources, key components of agricultural productivity amongst others, were explored to understand how specific land reforms policies contribute to enhancing the agricultural sector and improving the socioeconomic viability of smallholders who are the main victims of climate change vulnerability and risks (Ducourtieux et al. 2005, Ducourtieux and Castella 2006, Ribolzi et al. 2011, MONRE 2013). In the next few sections, each component is given independent assessments and analyses within the context of Lao PDR with relevant comparisons building on similar processes in other developing countries. The basis of the independent assessment is to explore issues, which impact agricultural productivity and the livelihoods of smallholders within the broader context of the economic growth and development objectives in Lao PDR and how agricultural development is impacted by climate change variations. 2.2.1. Agriculture and Economic Development in Lao PDR In Lao PDR, agriculture and economic development are practically inseparable given that more than three-fourth of the population live in rural areas and predominantly rely on agriculture for their livelihoods (WorldBank 2006a). Economic development targets and goals are intrinsically aligned to and driven by agricultural goals and objectives (GoL 2004). Government institutions and those of the private sectors, including academic and research institutions, financial agencies, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), companies, and multi-national entities are committed to achieving specific development 14
targets to enhance and achieve economic growth and development. The GoL considers agriculture as the primary mechanism to drive sustainable economic growth and development. Compare to its powerful neighbors, which include China, Viet Nam, Thailand, and Cambodia and due to its geographic locality, Lao PDR is strategically situated at the hub of trans-national trade, transportation and communication, which are essential and intrinsic development elements needed to boost and drive rapid economic transition (Fujita 2006, Fujita and Thongmanivong 2006). Established on an economy which predominantly relies on the agriculture and other sectors for economic growth and development, it is critical to integrate all aspects of agricultural development planning from the district, provincial, national, and regional levels to address challenges that could impact the development processes. The most important primary sectors, which contribute significantly to the GDP in Lao PDR include agriculture, fisheries, forestry, and mining and other sectors, such as, logging, textile, tourism, transportation, and hydropower (GoL 2004, Delang and Toro 2011, Oraboune 2011, MONRE 2013, MRC 2013). However, agriculture continues to be the single most important sector, which has the largest proportion of employees in both the formal and informal sectors compared to other areas of the economic development. National reports suggest that approximately 80 percent of the population of Lao PDR still lives in rural areas where agriculture is the dominant source of income and other forms of economic activities and about 40 percent of people in rural areas are engaged in shifting cultivation, which is the dominant form of farming (Moizo 2005, WorldBank 2006a). In fact, reports also suggest that the agricultural sector alone contribute approximately 20 percent to the 15
GDP of the economy of Lao PDR (WorldBank 2006a, FAO 2011). The role of the agricultural sector is crucial to achieve economic growth and development, but the relationship between agriculture and economic development is not mutually exclusive of other sectors within the economy. Each sector of the economy of Lao PDR complement each other providing wide range of services to the population as well as revenue. The agricultural sector serves as the bridge, which links other sectors, which have strategic and targeted development objectives. For example, hydropower development in countries along the Mekong River (MR) have started utilizing hydropower-generated electricity for a variety of national and trans-national economic activities, which include agricultural development and expansion, commercialized agriculture, the proposed development of trans-national electricity grid systems, irrigation infrastructures, and the provision of electricity to rural households by 2030 (Foran et al. 2010, Matthews 2012). At the rural households’ level, the provision of electricity can be utilized for multiple microeconomic activities, which could include the establishment of micro-businesses, storage facilities for perishable agricultural produce, rice mills powering and processing, and motorize-powered micro irrigation systems that are suitable and affordable for most smallholders. The economic utilizations of hydropower-derived electricity at the household levels in rural areas are enormous and dynamic, which aims to enhance smallholders’ resiliency against severe climatic events when surface water resources are scarce and the potential for sustainable groundwater irrigation seem to be optimal alternative to the water scarcity needs (Johnston et al. 2010, Pavelic et al. 2010).
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Other change factors apart from climate change related variability and risks, such as population growth, economic development, institutional governance of land and water resources among others could in the short term pose significant challenges to agricultural productivity and water availability, accessibility and utilization (Johnston et al. 2010, Johnston et al. 2012a, Johnston et al. 2012b). Research has shown that institutional governance of groundwater resources in Lao PDR has shown a paradigm shift towards the utilization of groundwater as a potential source to address the water scarcity challenges and needs during the hot-dry season (Johnston et al. 2012b). The expertise and infrastructures needed to effectively support, monitor and manage groundwater resources are still in the emerging stages in Lao PDR (Johnston et al. 2012b). Institutions such as IWMI, Water International (WA), the Mekong River Commissions (MRC), Asian Development Bank (ADB) among others in partnership with various state agencies, such as the Department of Irrigation, Department of Water of Resources (DWR), Land and Natural Resources Management (LNRM), and NAFRI are leading the way in the development of land and water resources, food and water security, climate change, socioeconomic feasibility of diverse water-related research and development (Johnston et al. 2010, Pavelic et al. 2010, IWMI 2014, Drechsel et al. 2015). The GoL and partners are committed to ensure the conservation, protection and sustainability of natural resources, including surface and groundwater resources, which makes sense given that Lao PDR receives a significant volume of total water inflow compare to other countries situated along the MR.
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The process of targeting and promoting economic growth and development with the focus on agricultural development in rural areas makes perfect sense given the proportion of rural poor versus the number of farming households in those areas. The GoL in partnership with key development partners provide a wide range of development assistances, which target specific development goals and objectives. Development goals and objectives in most cases complement each other to reinforce positive economic growth and transitions at the household levels. The distribution of appropriate technical information and resources to urban and rural communities by government institutions have been highlighted in several reports as either poorly coordinated, ineffective or practically non-existent in some rural settings, which include but not limited to the scientific and technical understanding of climate change risks and vulnerability and the impacts on agriculture, food security, poverty reduction, and the environment (WorldBank 2006a, UNDP 2010c, FAO 2011, Keomany 2011). The district and provincial level agricultural extension service providers of the District Agriculture and Forestry Extension (DAFOE) and Provincial Agriculture and Forestry Extension (PAFOE) both auspices of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment (MONRE) and other sectors, which include the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry (MOAF), Water Resources and Environment Agency (WREA) and research institutions such as the National Agricultural Forestry Research Institute (NAFRI), International Water Management Institute (IWMI), International Research Development (IRD) continue to provide relevant and strategic assistance and support to rural farmers and key development partners in the areas of research for development, the distribution of 18
relevant research findings to state and non-state partners as well as rural stakeholders (MONRE 2012). The works of these state and non-state agencies are not only limited to research, but also the implementation of research findings as solutions to those challenges in the form of short and long term development projects. According to the World Bank, Lao PDR is considered a low to middle-income country and more than half of the 6.8 million people live on less than $2.00 per day with bulk of their household income are generated from agricultural-related activities (WorldBank 2015). Lao PDR is one of the poorest countries in SEA and ranked 143rd amongst 175 countries according to the United Nations Human Development Index (HDI) (WorldBank 2006a). Compared to neighboring countries along its borders, the GDP of Lao PDR is significantly far behind that of the PRC, Viet Nam, Thailand, and Cambodia with the exception of Myanmar. Agricultural activities are the main sources of income for most rural communities and households in the highlands and lowlands areas (MONRE 2012). Economic growth and development can only be attained through the appropriate utilization of state and non-state resources at the national, provincial and district levels to encourage, invest, train, and enhance the agricultural and economic potentials and the overall productivity in remote areas, while improving the resiliencies of rural smallholders to adapt or mitigate to climate change risks and vulnerability. This section focuses on the agricultural sector, which has become the main engine for setting economic growth and development priorities at the national, provincial and district levels with the goals of eradicating poverty, improving food security, ensuring environmental conservation, while combating climate change and climate vulnerabilities 19
(Ducourtieux et al. 2005, FAO 2011, MONRE 2013). In the past few decades, the GoL has been successful engaging the international development communities including governments of other countries for mutual partnership towards economic development and prosperity with the focus on agriculture, environmental protection, transnational trade, hydropower development, and collaborative research for development (Lestrelin 2010). The waves of development organizations presence in Lao PDR can be attributed partly to the government’s embracement and signatory to the United Nations Framework Conventions on Climate Change (UNCCC) in 1995, the Kyoto Protocol in 2003 and other similar international conventions against which the First National Communication (FNC) was developed and submitted to the UNFCCC in 2000 in view of its commitment to combat climate change risks and vulnerability by reducing Green House Gas (GHG) emissions across all sectors of the economy, while putting in systems to manage, protect and conserve natural resources sustainably (MONRE 2012, 2013). The FNC is a comprehensive framework, which summarizes and outlines all the technical and non-technical resources available at the disposal of the national, provincial and district governments and opportunities needed to harness and achieve targeted development objectives and goals (MONRE 2013). The FNC specifically communicates national targets to reduce GHG emissions across all sectors, fostering environmental conservation and protection (GoL 2007, Lestrelin 2010, MONRE 2012, 2013), while ensuring sustainable economic growth and development by 2030 (GoL 2004, IMF 2004, Hanssen 2007). The establishment of the first and second FNCs facilitated the discussions and development of key policy actions meant to expand on specific components of the 20
FNC, which include the development of Enabling Activities II, a National Capacity SelfAssessment (NCSA) and a National Adaptation Programme for Action (NAPA) to enforce strategies outlined in the FNCs and in 2008 the National Steering Committee on Climate Change Strategy (NSCCS) was established and headed by the Deputy Prime Minister of Lao PDR (MONRE 2013). The NSCCS was approved in early 2010 by the National Environment Committee (NEC) and armed with the vision to “secure a future where Lao PDR is capable of mitigating and adapting to changing climatic conditions in a way that promotes sustainable economic development, reduces poverty, protects public health and safety, enhances the quality of the natural environment, and advances the quality of life for all Laotians" (MONRE 2013). The role of the NSCCS is to work with other intergovernmental agencies and the private sector to strategize climate change strategies that could be transformed into policy (MONRE 2013). The NSCCS also prompted the establishment of specific authoritative agencies responsible for monitoring and managing climate change, which include the Water Resources and Environment Administration (WREA), which serves as the focal point for all national matters related to climate change and also serves as the designated agency for the implementation of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) (MONRE 2012, 2013). The agricultural sector in Lao PDR has attracted recognition from several key development organizations and financial institutions paving the way for vast investment opportunities and the expansion of agricultural production (ADB 2004, IMF 2004, UNDP 2005, WorldBank 2006a, FAO 2015). Yet the year to year yields of major cash crop, such as rice continues to slightly decline in parts of the country with significant gaps in total rice 21
production and yields between the upland areas where total production is lower than the rain-fed lowland areas (Schiller et al. 2001, Seidenberg et al. 2003). Research has shown that more than 60 per cent of total rice yield in Lao PDR are produced on an annual basis from the rain-fed lowland areas, while rice production in upland areas are mainly constrained by water scarcity, land restrictions, hydropower-induced displacement, resettlement of ethnic minorities, soil degradation, and topography (Schiller et al. 2001, Vandergeest 2003). The International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) amongst others is one of the first research institutions to study and invest in rice research and development with development assistance from the Australian, Swiss, Swedish, American, Viet Namese among others (Schiller et al. 2001). Lao PDR has an agrarian society meaning that most Laotian engage in some kind of agricultural activities at the household and community levels to supplement the households dietary and monetary needs (Ducourtieux et al. 2005, NSC 2010, Smith 2015a). According to the National Statistics Commission (NSC) previously known as the Lao Statistics Bureau (LSB) of the 1,021,000 households that participated in the national agricultural census in 2010, about 783,000 were identified as farming households, which constituted 77 percent of all households that participated in the census (NSC 2010). The number of farming households provincially continue to shrink due to increase climate variability and increasing poverty rates in rural areas, which has prompted the internal movement of people to other forms of trade. Smallholders switch between farming practices to contract farming (Fullbrook 2007, Manorom et al. 2011), skilled and unskilled labors, transportation, displacement due to targeted development operations (Vandergeest 22
2003, Delang and Toro 2011) or relocate to urban metropolis in search of better economic opportunities. These internal processes have direct impacts on agricultural productivity; given that, production increases are ultimately and fundamentally linked to the number of farming households at the provincial and districts levels. The traditional farming approach in Lao PDR has long been associated with the slash-and-burn farming especially in the mountainous highland and rain-fed lowland areas (Evrard and Goudineau 2004). As the name depicts, the slash-and burn approach works such that farmers clear and burn prior vegetation before producing cash crops, which include rice, cassava, peanuts, and other crops (Roder 1997, Evrard and Goudineau 2004). Studies have shown that approximately 25 percent of the net CO2 and about 10 percent of the net N2O emitted globally are associated with forest conversion in tropical and subtropical areas and that the slash-and-burn farming practice plays an integral role in land cover change and GHG emissions (Palm et al. 2003, CIFOR 2009). Report published by the United Nations Collaborative Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation in Developing Countries (UN REDD) indicates that about 1.7 billion tons of carbon are emitted due to forest conversion and land use change, which constitute about 17 percent of the total global carbon emissions surpassing the emissions attributed to the transportation sector in developing countries (CIFOR 2009). Reports also indicate that the forests of Lao PDR have transformed in recent decades primarily due to commercial and illegal timbers harvesting, human displacement and settlement, hydropower development, and shifting cultivation (WorldBank 2006a). Lao PDR contains one of the ecologically and biologically diverse eco-systems in SEA, 23
which is at risk due to severe climatic variability, environmental change and humaninduced impacts, such as, Non-Timber Forest Products (NTFP) harvesting, logging, illegal hunting, shifting cultivation, and hydropower development (WorldBank 2006a, GoL 2007). The Forestry Law of Lao PDR forms the underlying legal framework for forest protection policies and measures to conserve natural forest resources, which facilitated the establishment of the National Protected Areas (NPA) (WorldBank 2006a, GoL 2007). The World Bank reports that approximately 20 per cent of land area (forestlands) have been designated as NPA with 10 per cent of public expenditures allocated to the protection and maintenance of NPA at the district, provincial and national levels (WorldBank 2006a). Report also estimates that 42 per cent of the forestlands in Lao PDR still remain, but is vulnerable to deforestation, which occurs at the estimated rate of 53,000 hectares per annual (WorldBank 2006a). The politics of designating forestlands as NPA in Lao PDR also contributes to the increase of rural poverty and negatively impacts agricultural productivity at the expense of rural smallholders who have to adapt to these forest laws (WorldBank 2006a). The designation of forestlands as NPA once used by smallholders for farming has resulted to unintended forced displacement and the resettlement of rural villages to less favorable lands vulnerable to severe climatic events, a situation which is out of their control. Smallholders had to relocate to remote and mountainous areas further away from the NPA sites to areas with scarce and limited natural resources. The relocated areas have limited water availability, agricultural lands, fertile soils and other limiting factors, such as, poor road networks and markets. These
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challenges pose significant risk to smallholders’ ability to adapt or mitigate climate change risk and other change factors, which impact agricultural productivity and livelihoods. There are 20 NPA designated forest ecological zones in Lao PDR, which covers the total area of approximately 5.3 million hectares at the district, provincial and national levels and constitute about 23.6 per cent of the total land area of Lao PDR (WorldBank 2006a). The World Bank reported that though the NPAs are situated in remote geographic settings, humans’ impacts on the forest ecosystems are on the rise (WorldBank 2006a). The main cause of forest and environmental degradation in NPA designated areas are a mixture of anthropogenic-induced activities, which include population growth among ethnic minorities, migration, displacement and resettlement, agricultural intensification, illegal logging and hunting, and slash-and-burn farming systems (WorldBank 2006a). The establishment of the NPA is in line with the Management of Forest and Forest Land Decree (169) passed on November 3, 1993, which aims to provide specific guidelines at the district and village levels to facilitate the management of forestlands demarcation for natural resources management, protection and conservation (Hirsch et al. 1999). The implementation of Decree 169 is heavily depended on the Agricultural Extension Officers (AEO) at the DAFOE in each district as they represent the government at the district and village levels (Hirsch et al. 1999). The provisions of technical training and logistical resources for AEOs as well as smallholders continue to be a major concern for the development of the agricultural sector in Lao PDR and in countries of the GMS. While the demarcation of available rural forestlands is aimed at eco-systems protection and conservation, rural smallholders are the ones who are directly impacted for which 25
resources should be available to compensate them. The process of enforcing forestlands allocation and demarcation in rural areas is targeted towards discouraging the misuse and destruction of forest resources and to get rural smallholders away from the slash-and-burn farming practice, which is claimed to be one of the main causes of forest and environmental degradation. Studies also indicate that ethnic minorities in rural upland areas in northern Lao PDR are targeted by the government’s land reform policy to discourage slash-and-burn farming practice the resettlement of ethnic minorities (Evrard and Goudineau 2004, Baird and Shoemaker 2005, 2007). Despite the motive of the GoL to discourage slash-and-burn farming due to its “assumed” environmental implications on land and forest ecosystems, slash-and-burn has also been attributed to the cultivation of opium in highland areas prompting national security concerns, narcotic drugs production and distribution networks, which pose significant challenge on the government and strategic development partners such as international aid agencies and the US Government (USG) (Baird and Shoemaker 2005). Though not explicitly stated, the GoL hopes that the new land policy and the socalled resettlement processes would disintegrate and interfere with the production and distribution networks of opium production, trade and the illegal markets that are associated with narcotic drug production (Evrard and Goudineau 2004, Baird and Shoemaker 2005, 2007). The authors found that resettling ethnic minorities from upland to lowland areas could trigger “resettlement-induced mobility” due to the paradoxical effects triggered by the tragic social processes of resettlement communities (Evrard and Goudineau 2004).
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There are conflicting and competing views demonstrated in the literature that slashand-burn farming mostly practice among ethnic minorities farmers in the upland areas in Lao PDR is the main cause of forest and environmental degradation (Singh and Singh 1980, Mackie 1985, Hillel 1992, Seidenberg et al. 2003, Moizo 2005). Those against slashand-burn argued that, the slash-and-burn farming is a contributing factor to deforestation and other forms of environmental degradation (Singh and Singh 1980, Hillel 1992). These studies argued that because rural smallholders are resistant to technological advancement, are poorly equipped to communicate with others farmers on a timely manner, the land tenure systems in these areas facilitated by the lack of financial credit and capital among others serve to impact their readiness to adapt to new agricultural innovation and practices away from shifting cultivation (Singh and Singh 1980, Mackie 1985, Hillel 1992). They also argued the over the last few decades the fallow period continued to decrease due to competing factors such as climate change, land reform policies, development processes, displacement and resettlement, conflict, and land degradation as a result of UXO. As a result, rural smallholders have limited choice but to return to previously farmed plots within just few years. The decline in the fallow period, they claimed, impacts the forest ability to fully develop. However, the view that slash-and-burn farming methods leads to deforestation has been contested by other studies; given that, deforestation means the permanent removal of existing forest ecosystems and that slash-and-burn farming method does not “permanently” alter this process, but rather impact it temporarily (Seidenberg et al. 2003). The authors argued that rural farmers allow the forest to regenerate once the farming season ends and this fallow period last between 7 to 10 years. 27
Proponents of slash-and-burn claims that labeling slash-and-burn as the main cause of forest and environmental degradation is attributing the dirty works of other economicdriven activities, which include logging, hydropower development, commercial and intensive agricultural farming. Though slash-and-burn alters forest landscapes and ecosystems, the scale and magnitude at which this is done is significantly less than large-scale land development, such as, plantation farming, commercialized agriculture, and hydropower-induced irrigation infrastructural development projects, and real estate development (Seidenberg et al. 2003). The slash-and burn farming practice has long been the traditional farming approach for centuries in SEA and in other parts of the developing world, which continues to be practiced in both the upland and lowland areas (Satoshi 2004). In upland areas for example, smallholders allowed the land to regenerate after each growing season, while cultivating crops at a strategically selected forested area allowing the previous farmed land to fully regenerate. Research has also shown that though slash-and-burn is the most common form of farming practice amongst rural farmers, it has been sustainably done for several generations allowing the regrowth of forest systems and also as a means to agroforestry (Satoshi 2004). In the case of ethnic minority farmers in the highland and lowland areas, the extraction of non-timber forest products (NTFP) for livelihoods has also being associated with the sustainable utilization of forest ecosystems through the slash-and-burn farming technique during which specific trees are regenerated by the natural ecosystems for consumption by rural minority, a form of agro-forestry (Ewel 1999, Satoshi 2004). It has being argued that the land allocation and utilization policy currently being enforced by 28
the GoL would significantly impact rural ethnic minority cultural linkages to the natural forest systems and the importance attached to these traditions (Satoshi 2004). Unlike timber harvesting, the natural ecosystems and forest landscapes has consistently remain in a check-and-balance relationship even when slash-and-burn until extensive commercialized timbers extraction processes contributed to the degradation of forest ecosystems in those areas (Foppes and Ketphanh 2004, Molnar et al. 2011). The building of feeder roads networks into remote areas of the forest landscape to facilitate the transportation of logs to processing areas before either been manufactured into useable goods or exported. Timber harvesting is a big business in SEA, which is mostly controlled by governments in partnership with contracting companies (Foppes and Ketphanh 2004, Knape 2009, Molnar et al. 2011). The logging sector is the main culprit of deforestation in Lao PDR, which is mainly owned and operated by companies outside of Lao PDR. It is well understood why timber extraction in Lao PDR by Viet Namese contractors is not seeing as surprise partly due to the mutual relationships between both governments. Also, the vast majority of Viet Nam’s forest over the last few decades has disappeared due to timber harvesting. Research has shown that most of the timber imported to developed countries are exported from developing countries where they are illegally harvested and are financed by major entities and governments (Prakosa 2003). Timber harvesting in Lao PDR poses significantly vulnerability to rural ethnic communities, exposes the land to severe erosion and permanently alters the ecological landscapes. The development of the agricultural landscape is gaining significant momentum due to investments from national and international organizations and other investors (Fujita 29
2006). The rapid economic transition; that is, using agriculture as the main premise to achieve economic growth and development (GoL 2004) has direct impacts on rural communities, such that, they are both victors and victims, constituting a win-loss situation (Fujita 2006). Rural farmers who are not part of any farming group now have to compete with the competitive forces of commercial agriculture and the unfamiliar territory associated with the treacherous market forces (supply & demand) for agricultural goods. These challenges are further reinforced and enhanced by the nation-state’s land reform policies, which gives the state the ultimate control and power over land ownership inherited from prior generations the unquestionable constitutional rights to tax, allocate, and resettle any given rural population from targeted development sites (Fujita and Thongmanivong 2006, Fujita and Phanvilay 2008, Fox et al. 2009). One example of the impacts of hydropower dams on rural population is the hydropower-induced resettlement of rural ethnic minorities directly planned and implemented by the nation-state’s, which does not only impact agricultural productivity, but also the meaning of place (Vandergeest 2003, Evrard and Goudineau 2004, Moizo 2005, Fujita 2006, Fujita and Phengsopha 2007). The overarching goals of the current land reform policies of Lao PDR seeks to reduce environmental degradation, while improving agricultural productivity, mitigating climate change vulnerabilities, reducing rural poverty, and ensuring economic growth and development (Ducourtieux and Castella 2006, Hanssen 2007, Fox et al. 2009).
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2.2.1.1. The Impact of Hydropower Development on Agriculture in Lao PDR The Mekong River Basin (MRB) has experience significant increase in hydropower dams development (Sayatham and Suhardiman 2015). The main focus for investing in hydropower is the economic benefits derived from the export of electricity. Figure 1 shows the locations of hydropower dams along the MRB with Lao PDR accounting for most.
Figure 1: Location of Hydropower Dams along the Mekong River Basin Source: Mekong River Commission, 2010 31
Lao PDR has the largest capacity of hydropower development given the geophysical characteristics needed to maintain the sustainable management of water resources requirements for hydropower dams’ development in the region. Reports suggest that as of 2012, Lao PDR commissioned 43 hydropower dams and 116 dams are in the planning and construction stages (Bui and Schreinemachers 2011, Sayatham and Suhardiman 2015). The Great Mekong Sub-region (GMS) is one of the most biologically and ecologically diverse regions in SEA and the world at large (Foran et al. 2010, MRC 2013). Figure 2 show environmental protected areas, wetlands and reservoirs of the GMS.
Figure 2: Environmental Protected Areas, Wetlands and Reservoirs Mekong River Commission, 2010 32
The biological diversities of the Mekong eco-zones as well as its ecological diversity is among some of the world’s most precious eco-regions with thousands of lives, which include some unique fresh water fish species (Erlich 1988, MF 2015). Recent report estimates that the biotic characterization of the Mekong Eco-region (ME) constitute about 20,000 diverse species of plants, 430 mammal, 1,200 bird, 800 reptile and amphibian, and 850 fish species (Goes and Hong 2002, UNESCO 2008). The Lower Mekong Basin is characterized three distinct eco-regions, which feature many species of plants and animals and plays an integral role in the nutritional needs of each eco-system as well as for human consumption (MF 2015). Today, the Mekong River Basin (MRB) is vulnerable to be impacted by climate change and other factors, such as, the development of dams for hydropower generation, deforestation associated with logging and migration close to the watershed due to forced displacement. The MR eco-climatic zone is characterized by the monsoon with high rainfalls, which leads to severe flooding events during the wet-moist season and extreme drought during the hot-dry season (ICEM 2009, MF 2015). The MR commences its 4,800 kilometers adventurous journey from about 5,000 meters (m) off the plateaus of the mountainous ranges in Tibet caving its ways through six sovereign states before eventually discharging approximately 475,000 million cubic meters (m3) per year into the South China Sea via the southern edge of Viet Nam (Zalinge et al. 2003, Pearse-Smith 2012). The MR can be geographically sub-categorized into two water basins; the Upper Mekong Basin (UMB) and the Lower Mekong Basins (LMB) (Zalinge et al. 2003, Pearse-Smith 2012). The UMB flows through 2,400 km occupying the territories of Myanmar and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) before ending its journey at the 33
“Golden Triangle”, the strategic bordering location between Lao PDR, Myanmar and Thailand (Pearse-Smith 2012). The average contribution of the total water flow of the MR expressed as a percentage is represented in Table 1. Table 1: Estimated Percent Water Contribution from the Mekong River Country China Cambodia Lao PDR Myanmar Thailand Viet Nam
Total Water Flow
Percent of Water Contribution 16% 19% 35% 2% 17% 11%
Source: Mekong River Commission, 1998 Research has shown that hydropower dams despite their economic viability in terms of contribution towards economic growth and development also pose significant risk to the biological, ecological and environmental diversities on which the hydropower infrastructures are developed (Foran et al. 2010). The MR and other water resources along its tributaries are not excluded from the potential and social risks that hydropower dams pose to both the abiotic and biotic landscapes. In SEA, hydropower development projects are on the rise, which are usually megaprojects with multifaceted development scopes and are financed by leading financial development institutions; such as, the Asian Development Bank (ADB), private companies and investors in partnership with national governments (Jusi 2006, Molle and Floch 2008). The PRC is one of the major investors in hydropower megaprojects situated on the UMB and other areas along the MR (Dugan et al. 2010). Of all the countries situated along the upper and lower sections of the MR, Lao PDR possess the largest proportion of hydropower potential in terms of water resources
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and the strategic topographical features at the catchment level conducive for hydropower development and to ensure constant supply of available water resources (Jusi 2006). Apart from electricity generation for trade and domestic use, hydropower dams are also being used to enhance agricultural productivity through the improvement of irrigation infrastructures at the district, province and national levels (Molle and Floch 2008). At the village level and further away from major rivers, micro irrigation infrastructures are the suitable alternatives to hydropower. This is because during the hot-dry season in Lao PDR, the water levels and flow rates of major rivers seems to have decreased, which impacts the available supply of water to conventional irrigation systems typical with dams constructed for electricity generation as well as irrigation water supply. Groundwater has been cited in the literature of having promising potential for constant water supply during the hot-dry season when river regresses to the limits of their natural flow paths due to increasing surface temperatures and inconsistent precipitation events, which impact the total volume of water flow (Johnston et al. 2010, Pavelic et al. 2010, Johnston et al. 2012a). Hydropower projects have in some areas contributed to the improvement of socioeconomic status and benefits to local communities both at the upstream and downstream of dams through the “benefits sharing” concepts throughout Lao PDR (MRC 2013). The water resources of Lao PDR and more specifically for the use of hydroelectric generation serves as one of the integral assets including agricultural production amongst others, which enhance economic growth and development (Jusi 2006). Hydropower dams across major rivers in SEA and along the MRB pose significant risk to rural smallholders who rely on the water resources as well as the rich bio-ecological diversity that are intrinsic to the 35
region and the deep cultural diversities of its peoples who substantially rely on the deep richness of the MRB (Molle and Floch 2008, Matthews 2012, Pearse-Smith 2012). In recent years, the export and trade of electricity generated via hydropower installations in Lao PDR to neighboring Thailand has contributed significantly by adding about 30 percent to the GDP with agriculture, fisheries and forestry combined estimated to generate 70-80 percent (Jusi 2006, WorldBank 2006a). The first hydropower dam constructed in Lao PDR was the Nam Ngum dam, which was developed on the Nam Ngum River and still stand to date with approximately 41 years ago since it was constructed (Jusi 2006). Reports have cited the impacts of hydropower dams on the ecobiological and socio-cultural landscapes of surrounding environment (Schouten 1998, Jusi 2006). The construction of hydropower dams and diversion of the natural paths of waterways also pose risk to aquatic lives (Schouten 1998). Following the construction of the first Nam Ngum dam in 1995 on the Nam Ngum River (NNR), the GoL and partners have planned and constructed two other dams, the Nam Ngum II and III on the same river, which could have significant impacts on the river water quality for downstream dwellers as well as the eco-biological diversity of the river and its natural landscapes (Schouten 1998). Newer dams are constructed with advanced technologies compared to the previous, the river water quality and aquatic lives still remains an issue of concern to policy makers, critics and local stakeholders. Research indicates that an estimated 80,000 people live along the NNR could be impacted by water diversion and other forms of environmental degradation and resource extraction (Hirsch et al. 1999). The construction of hydropower
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dams and diversion of water has also caused conflicts amongst rural communities and ethnic minorities upstream and downstream of hydropower dams (Hirsch et al. 1999). A classic example of conflicts over water, land and forest resources involves the Nam Ngum Watershed (NNW) a tributary of the MR, which has over the last few decades seen substantial increase in hydropower development projects on the NNR. The NNW is of strategic economic importance and value to the GoL in the form of electricity generation for commercialization at the domestic and international scale (Hirsch et al. 1999). The watershed also provides resources to over 200 villages that inhabit the area with a culturally and ethnically diverse landscape. While the NNW poses significant economic value to the GoL, it also provides immediate resources for rural villages livelihoods in terms of agricultural productivity, fisheries and non-timber forest products (Schouten 1998, Hirsch et al. 1999). Apart of electricity generation for foreign exchange and economic development, the GoL is also involved in biggest fish catches operations in the NNW areas, which provides most of the fishes sold at major markets in Vientiane, the capital of Lao PDR and elsewhere in the country (Schouten 1998, Hirsch et al. 1999, Dugan et al. 2010). Timber harvesting for domestic processing and export also characterize some of the economic values of the NNW ecological and environmental landscapes to the GoL (Hirsch et al. 1999). Conflicts in the NNW as demonstrated in other areas are functions of several competing interests, which involves natural resources extraction at the upstream and downstream and the potential difficulties arising from low agricultural productivity directly or indirectly link to natural resources extraction, water diversion, the internal movement of people, and population growth (Hirsch et al. 1999). 37
Over the last few decades, the GoL and partnered companies have invested in several hydropower projects to boost economic growth and development (Foran et al. 2010, Pearse-Smith 2012, Thoummavongsa and Bounsou 2013). Lao PDR has a promising potential in hydropower development to enhance agricultural productivity through irrigation to improve rural livelihoods (Matthews 2012, MRC 2013). The investment in hydropower development also aims at modernizing the agricultural sector in the agricultural belt of the rain-fed lowlands and the water scarce highland areas, where annual rice yields are repeatedly low. For example, hydropower development for electricity generation and irrigation has become a parallel development priority with agriculture to boost economic growth and development (Delang and Toro 2011). Smallholders situated at the upstream and downstream of the proposed development sites are immediately impacted by hydropower development projects in that communities are usually relocated to predetermined sites in order to allow the construction of the dams and associated infrastructures (Foran et al. 2010, Delang and Toro 2011, Pearse-Smith 2012). Hydropower development projects along major water resources have resulted into the internal displacement of many rural households and in some instances entire farming communities (Vandergeest 2003, Delang and Toro 2011). The rise of hydropower development in Lao PDR facilitated the informal “institutionalization” of the resettlement village policies by the GoL to ease the process of rehabilitation and reintegration of communities impacted by such projects (Vandergeest 2003, Evrard and Goudineau 2004, Ducourtieux and Castella 2006, Jusi 2006). The process of promoting internal displacement and the subsequent resettlement of rural ethnic minorities under the pretext of 38
development has been discussed and challenged by several studies (Vandergeest 2003, Evrard and Goudineau 2004, Baird and Shoemaker 2007, Fox et al. 2009). International aid and development organizations are either intentionally or unintentionally aiding the internal displacement and resettlement of rural ethnic minorities, which have resulted into more complex challenges (Baird and Shoemaker 2005). The GoL has provided five policy justification for the resettlement of rural ethnic minorities, which include, reduction of shifting cultivation amongst rural ethnic minorities, the eradication of opium production and distribution, internal national security concerns, access and delivery of services, and lastly, cultural integration and nation-building (Baird and Shoemaker 2005). Along with these five policy justifications for the internal displacement and the subsequent resettlement of rural ethnic minorities, the GoL implemented three development initiatives on resettlement and nation building that are directly linked to the resettlement of rural ethnic minorities. The three development initiatives underpinning the resettlement of rural ethnic minorities are Focal Sites (FS), Village Consolidation (VC), and Land and Forest Allocation (LFA) (Baird and Shoemaker 2005). Focal Sites are designated areas, which host immense infrastructures for the provision of development services to resettled ethnic minorities. FC in Lao PDR have also received significant support from donor agencies and with their support the process of development-induced displacement and resettlement of rural ethnic minorities are achieved. Unlike FC, Village Consolidation (VC) is the process of combining smallscattered rural villages with their entire distinct cultural, ethnic and tribal heritages with other smaller villages to a much bigger and permanent settlement. VC are FS at a larger 39
scale and it is also a form of resettlement because people are being relocated from their original homes to predetermined locations without their full involvement in the process and exactly why they are being resettled in the first place (Baird and Shoemaker 2005). Lastly, the Land and Forest Allocation (LFA) program initiated by the GoL through the Forestry Law (GoL 2007), has specifically targeted rural ethnic minorities, such that, there are less land available for shifting cultivators, which also triggers the resettlement of the affected rural ethnic communities (Evrard and Goudineau 2004, Satoshi 2004, Baird and Shoemaker 2005, Fox et al. 2009). The resettlement of rural ethnic minorities in Lao PDR is classified as a voluntary process; however, the claim of the voluntary nature of the development-induced displacement and resettlement is questionable given the restricted levels of participation at the decision-making, planning and implementation stages. It can be argued that the resettlement process in Lao PDR is not voluntary as it claims to be because the decisions to resettle rural ethnic minorities are not initiated by those communities impacted. The resettlement of rural ethnic minorities is a process engineered by the state to control the meaning of space and how resources are ultimately utilized at the expense of communities impacted. The resettlement villages is an attempt of the GoL to re-engineer how economic resources are preserve and utilize by the state in an effort to eliminate what is considered the indiscriminate use of natural resources by rural ethnic minorities, while ensuring economic growth and development. Several key questions remain unanswered relative to the displacement and resettlement of rural ethnic minorities.
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The question that remains unanswered is that can resettling rural households from their previous location to a predetermine site compensate for all that are lost in the process (Vandergeest 2003, Delang and Toro 2011). The ‘voluntary resettlement’ of communities from targeted development sites, as it is legally framed, is an attempt by the GoL to ease the process of development, while enhancing the reintegration and rehabilitation of the resettled communities compensating for communities impacted by hydropower development (Evrard and Goudineau 2004, Thoummavongsa and Bounsou 2013). What are yet and may rarely be compensated for are the anxiety and stress arising from the emotional, deep sociocultural, psychological, and environmental issues that resettled communities have to cope with usually at their own expense (Foran et al. 2010, Delang and Toro 2011, Matthews 2012, MRC 2013, Thoummavongsa and Bounsou 2013). In Lao PDR, the links between land reforms policies is of particular relevance to agricultural productivity due to the complexity and exacerbating impacts on agriculture, rural poverty, food insecurity, and the livelihoods of smallholders. The resettlement of rural communities is a traumatizing process to smallholders considering the cultural and historical significance attached to their previous lands (Moizo 2005). Comparatively, the resettlement process has direct impact on agricultural productivity since farmlands in resettled areas are minimally-scaled or proportionate to the resettled population compare to smallholders’ previous lands (Moizo 2005). Smallholders in resettled villages are given land of some sort to conduct farming activities. The allocated cultivated land areas are usually too small since the land has to be shared with other farmers and the issues of fertile soils, access to available water sources, market, and other resources are basically control in 41
the resettled area. Further analysis needs to be conducted to assess to what extent the internal resettlement of rural population due to hydropower and other development projects increase or decrease rural poverty and whether the resettlement process empowers or disempowers rural smallholders (Evrard and Goudineau 2004). Also, the stabilization period of resettled communities take decades and the temporary provision of major needs at a minimum scale has an limited effect to lessen the stabilization period compare to what resettled communities had to forego in the process. The agricultural sector has attracted numerous investment opportunities from both the public and private sectors (Fujita 2006). The influx of development organizations with their legions of development enthusiasts in Lao PDR along with local stakeholders are heading the way in transforming the development landscape, specifically in the context of agricultural development (Roder 1997, Dasgupta et al. 2005, Ducourtieux et al. 2005, Baird and Shoemaker 2007, Alexander et al. 2009, UNDP 2010a). Development priorities seek to improve the agricultural sector through financial investments, education and training, technological advancements, and research for development (GoL 2004, IMF 2004). Generally, the development process involves restructuring the value and control of space (Vandergeest 2003). The reshaping of space, place and the meaning thereof, a product of development processes could either increase or decrease rural poverty. Due to the complexity of development projects in the redesign of space and the control thereof, it is important that the development process be well-planned and implemented especially projects aim at impacting rural population. As a spatial process, development encompasses the possibility that others outside the targeted development site to be victims of the 42
development process, even though they share integral sociocultural and environmental linkages with those of the targeted development sites (Vandergeest 2003). Given these limitations, development goals should be holistic and constitute an integral constituent of the overall development plan of the targeted rural community and associated areas should include communities located upstream and downstream of the development site (Pravongviengkham 2011). Economic growth and development priorities in Lao PDR are mainly shaped by the influences from more powerful neighbors, which include Viet Nam, Thailand and PRC (Hanssen 2007). For example, the Government of Viet Nam (GoV) and Lao PDR established mutual commitment of brotherly friendship and cooperation to enhance economic development. The ties between both nations goes far back during the era of the Indo-China Wars, the war in Viet Nam and the United States involvement, which subsequently led to the indiscriminate and sporadic bombardments of targeted areas in parts of the northern, western and southern provinces in Lao PDR. The lands in those areas were once used for agricultural productivity are no longer productivity due to UXO and other forms of chemical contaminants as a direct result of the US bombardments (Evrard and Goudineau 2004). However, due to the bombings the land in those areas are not suitable for agricultural production and pose significant risks to local population who has to live with the risk of activating unexploded ordnances (UXO). The relationships between Lao PDR and Viet Nam are also symbolically represented by several national projects jointly financed by the governments of Lao PDR and Viet Nam and the national flags of both countries are raised together at major 43
government institutions throughout Vientiane, the capital of Loa PDR. Traditionally, Laotian and Viet Namese consider themselves as close keens with almost similar cultural and ethnic linkages especially along the bordering areas where there are significant intercultural and ethnic mixes and interactions. Both countries have a commitment for mutual cooperation to eradicate poverty, increase trans-national trade, and reduce the impacts of climate change variability, while improving food security and livelihoods (GoL 2004, Ducourtieux and Castella 2006, Joseph et al. 2013). Viet Nam contributes significantly towards promoting and enhancing agricultural development for economic growth in Lao PDR. The relationship between Lao PDR and Viet Nam is not only limited to the cultural and socioeconomic landscapes, but also transcends into the political sphere. The political system in Lao PDR as a communist country is in part influenced by the political systems of Viet Nam. The agricultural and economic systems in Viet Nam are much more advanced and complex compared to Lao PDR, which has just recently started major changes and transformation from the traditional farming approaches to more complex and modern forms of agricultural production (Fujita 2006, Thongmanivong and Fujita 2006). Both countries are also members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), an organization established which seeks the sociocultural, economic, political, environmental, and stability of member countries as the primary focus of its agenda fostering economic development, stability and research.
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The GoL has identified 72 poor districts, which need to be targeted for prioritized development assistance due to the nature and density of the poverty rates and other vulnerability indicators, such as, topography, forest and environmental degradation, transportation restrictions due to the terrain, and UXO (GoL 2004, WFP 2006, Epprecht et al. 2008). Figure 1 shows the 72 poor districts according to the percentage of poor households (WFP 2006, Epprecht et al. 2008).
Figure 2: Map of Lao PDR's Village Level Vulnerability Source: WFP, 2006 45
The 72 poor districts were classified into two broader categories; that is, 47 poorest districts were identified for immediate priority-level development assistance with high risks and 25 districts categorized as moderately poor in the low risks spectrum. The take home message from the district-levels poverty vulnerability is that, the 47 poorest districts are densely clustered into mutually linked colonies generally situated in the mountainous provinces, while the 25 moderately poor districts are mutually exclusive clusters located between the poorest 47 and the 70 not poor districts. The association between poor districts and those that are well off in Lao PDR mirrors similar trends in other developing countries. The interesting factor of the pattern of poverty is how parallel the poorest districts are to districts where poverty rates are significantly lower. The spatial and temporal differences between the poorest, poor and those that are well off resonate with low agricultural productivity, high increase in climate change risks, land and forest degradations, water scarcity, soil fertility decline, and lower per capita expenditure at the districts levels (Gansberghe and Vongsack 1993, Chanphengsay et al. 1999, Foppes and Ketphanh 2004, Epprecht et al. 2008, Dyoulgerov et al. 2011). The spatial differences serve as compelling evidence of the allocation and distribution of resources, education, socioeconomic status, the availability of government services and programs, and targeted development initiatives broadly between highland and lowland provinces. The poverty rates seem to be relatively high in mountainous areas compared to areas situated in the lowlands and along the Mekong corridor. The higher poverty rate in the highland areas evidently correspond with low agricultural productivity in those areas (WFP 2006, WorldBank 2006a). The poverty trends suggest significant 46
disparities between districts in the highland areas to those in lowlands. Rural poor districts across Lao PDR are at the crust of agricultural development priorities and expansions. Reports suggest that 77 percent of the current 6.8 million people live in rural areas where rain-fed dominated agricultural systems constitute a fundament component of livelihoods (WFP 2006, Alexander et al. 2009, Johnston et al. 2009, FAO 2011, Dennis et al. 2013, WorldBank 2015). Figure 2 shows the poverty density of Lao PDR, a critical spatial issue, which signals the urgent need for progressive actions in rural areas where poverty rates are increasingly high (Dasgupta et al. 2005, Epprecht et al. 2008).
Figure 3: Map of Poverty Density in Lao PDR Source: Epprecht et al. 2008 47
The evidence demonstrates that poverty density is higher in major cities, which also suggest the movements of people from rural to urban areas in search of better economic opportunities. The internal economic and involuntary movements of people could potentially impact the agricultural sector as rural smallholders migrate to urban areas or relocate due to development priorities organized by the GoL (Vandergeest 2003). The World Bank (2006a) estimated that approximately 73.2 percent of the 6.8 million people in Lao PDR live on less than US$2 per day, while the GDP is about $403.00USD. The estimated statistics suggest that Lao PDR is one of the poorest countries in the Great Mekong Sub-region (GMS) and ranked 143rd amongst 175 countries according to the Human Development Index (HDI) (WorldBank 2006a). Compared to neighboring countries, Lao PDR is trending ahead of Myanmar and a little close to Cambodia in terms of economic development, while significantly trending behind more powerful neighbors, such as, Thailand, Vietnam and China (Fujita and Thongmanivong 2006). The poverty rate in upland areas are higher than other regions (WFP 2006, Pravongviengkham 2011). The relationship between rural poverty and low agricultural productivity in highland areas are directly linked to land and environmental degradation, water scarcity, and climate variability (Pavelic et al. 2010, Pravongviengkham 2011, Johnston et al. 2012a). Even though similar climatic changes and other forms of socioeconomic change factors impact agricultural productivity in lowland areas, the severity of these change factors in mountainous areas are extreme than the lowland areas. The environment and the topography (terrain) of highland areas play a crucial role in impacting agricultural productivity and the livelihoods of smallholders. 48
Figure 3 shows the incidence of village-levels poverty from the Lao PDR National Statistics Commission (NSC) (Epprecht et al. 2008). It is not surprising that the incidences of village-levels poverty rates are high in the northern and southern highlands close to Viet Nam compared to the central plains, Mekong corridor and the southern lowlands bordering Thailand and Cambodia. As previously noted, the widespread of poverty in the northern highland and upland areas, the southern plateau and lowlands are facilitated by the indiscriminate allocation and distribution of national resources.
Figure 4: Map of Incidence of Poverty Rate per Village Source: Epprecht et al. 2008
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This theory can be supported in part by the district-levels average per capita expenditure presented in Figure 4. If we overlay the district levels per capita expenditure with the incidence of village-levels poverty rates and vulnerability, it can be concluded that poverty in those provincial districts are enhanced by the uneven allocation and distribution of resources including financial capital.
Figure 5: Average per Capita Expenditure by District Source: Epprecht et al. 2008 50
Other factors such as topography, transportation, and climate variations are competing challenges contributing to increase in poverty rates and vulnerability in the highland areas compared to the lowland areas. Figure 5 shows the road networks of Lao PDR, which illustrates that the road networks in the lowland areas are densely cluster compared to the highland areas. The numbers of roads decrease with increasing elevation, but increase with decreasing elevation.
Figure 6: Major Roads Networks and Major Towns Source: Epprecht et al. 2008 51
The geography of the northern and southern provinces poses significant constraints to rapid agricultural development and expansion relevant to sustain economic growth. For example, transportation in the highland provinces is constrained by limited road networks due to the topography. Hilly and narrow roadways are some of the main challenges characteristic of the roads in the northern and southern provinces. The physical geography serves as a natural constrain for the regular moment of people and economic goods to and from mountainous districts. The physical geographical challenges are exacerbated during the wet season when underdeveloped roads become tougher to travel. Studies have shown that rural poor communities across Lao PDR are extremely vulnerable to climatic variations, which further pose significant risk to livelihoods (WorldBank 2006a, Johnston et al. 2009, UNDP 2010c). Rural farmers heavily rely on natural resources for their livelihoods, which is challenged by the increased in climatic variability (Dyoulgerov et al. 2011, Lasco et al. 2011, MONRE 2013). Rural poor farmers have limited chances within their physical, technical and financial capabilities to become resilient to climate vulnerability (Pavelic et al. 2010, UNDP 2010b). Smallholders have limited access to state-supported services, which makes their ability to cope with climatic vulnerability unlikely (UNDP 2010c, a, b). The GoL prioritized agricultural development as a component of economic growth, which constitute one of the three pillars of socio-economic development goals including socio-cultural and environmental preservation in the National Growth and Poverty Eradication Strategy (NGPES) (GoL 2004, IMF 2004, MONRE 2013). The NGPES is the policy framework which serves as the reference point for all economic development 52
programs that are formulated, executed and evaluated (GoL 2004, IMF 2004). The NGPES has two specific socio-economic development priorities, established to elevate Lao PDR from the LDC status by 2020 to promote and enhance economic development, food security and poverty eradication (GoL 2004, IMF 2004). The two main economic development goals are: (1) to enhance growth and development, and (2) poverty reduction with emphasis on 47 targeted poor administrative districts (GoL 2004). Agriculture, fisheries and forestry sectors are key components of economic development priorities; given that, most of the current revenue are generated from these three primary sectors (GoL 2004, FAO 2015). The urban and rural poor predominantly rely on the extraction of natural resources from agriculture, fisheries, and forestry sectors for their livelihoods and food security needs (GoL 2004, IMF 2004). The strategic economic development goals and priorities of the NGPES works to improve food availability, utilization and accessibility of the rural poor, while improving smallholders’ productivity potentials to enhance livelihoods to achieve economic development (GoL 2004, FAO 2011). Agriculture and economic development goals are the gateway for environmental sustainability, conservation and protection, food security, poverty eradication, and climate change adaptability and mitigation in Lao PDR (GoL 2004, Dasgupta et al. 2005, FAO 2011). The agricultural sector along with other industrial sectors contributes about 75 percent of the GDP (ADB 2004, Dyoulgerov et al. 2011, FAO 2011), which constitutes a significant contribution to the national economic development goals. The GoL considers agricultural productivity as the major frontier of sustainable economic growth and development. The focus in prioritizing agricultural development has attracted multiple 53
development organizations, research institutions and non-profit organizations in both the private and public sectors (Dasgupta et al. 2005). The rise in the influx of development organizations in Lao PDR with diverse, competing, complementary, and overlapping development goals have called into question the need to re-evaluate how resources are allocated, utilized and managed to ensure sustainable economic growth and development (ADB 2004, FAO 2011). For rural smallholders, natural resources serve as one of the paramount coping mechanisms against climate vulnerability and risks and the initial source of food and other resources (ADB 2004, FAO 2011). Lao PDR and its neighbors situated along MR predominantly rely on agriculture, fisheries and forestry for economic growth and development (ADB 2004, FAO 2011). The MR along with other water resources forms a crucial role of the overall agriculture and economic growth and development. The reliance on natural resources, such as, the land, water and forest resources for livelihoods, economic growth and development would come under significant pressure due to increased climate change variability and risks (FAO 2011, Keomany 2011, FAO 2013). Climate change variability and risks on rural smallholders’ livelihoods and the economic prosperity of Lao PDR should alarm policy and decision makers to focus economic development priorities on alleviating the constraints pose by climate variability and risks on people and natural resources (MONRE 2013). It is against this background that the NGPES was formulated and the idea of climate-smart agriculture gain significant momentum in SEA countries, which include Lao PDR, Viet Nam, Thailand, and Cambodia (GoL 2004, FAO 2013, MONRE 2013).
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The underlying economic development goal of climate-smart agriculture is to ensure that economic development utilizes natural and human resources judiciously, while meeting the food security needs of an increasing global population projected to add 2 billion people in developing countries (FAO 2013). The projected population increase in developing countries would serve as significant constraints on declining natural resources, which could inversely increase global poverty and exponentially impact the struggling global food security agenda. To this end, climate-smart agriculture, a holistic, integrative and comprehensive mechanism combines the economic, social and environmental dimensions of sustainable economic development to enhance agricultural productivity that is both climate and natural resources smart (FAO 2013). The implementation of CSA framework in Lao PDR would significantly protect NPAs and the rich biodiversity from the increasing degradation from illegal slash-and-burn farming, hunting and logging (WorldBank 2006a, FAO 2015). The agricultural sector in Lao PDR is credited for employing approximately 80 percent of the labor force, which consequently contribute about 50 percent revenue to the GDP (ADB 2004, FAO 2011). Rice production continues to be the single most produced food crop with huge production gaps reported between the rain-fed lowlands and the upland areas (Roder 1997, Schiller et al. 2001, FAO 2011). The reported rice production gaps are mainly due to climate change variability and risks, which include inconsistent annual rainfalls, increased mean surface temperature, loss of soil fertility due to intensive farming, commercialized farming, and poor farming practices (Helga and Yussefi 2006,
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UNDP 2010c), and the excessive use of agro-chemicals (Chanphengsay et al. 1999, FAO 2011). The establishment of the NGPES recognizes that the reliance on natural resources, if not judiciously used, could trigger food insecurity, increase rural poverty and potentially cause land, water and environmental degradation, which could inversely impact economic development (GoL 2004, IMF 2004, FAO 2011). Agricultural production needs to be sustainable in order to ensure economic growth and development, stability and to increase resilience against climate variability and risks. The process to ensure that agricultural production is sustainable means that key stakeholders within the public and private sectors and smallholders have to be trained with the needed tools and skills to enhance their capacity against all change factors, which include the environment and climate (WorldBank 2006a, UNDP 2010c, FAO 2011). Smallholders are the ones who are at the frontier of climate variations and are more vulnerable than others (WorldBank 2006a, UNDP 2010c). Thus, the provision of technical trainings, logistics, financial investments, technology, and other forms of support could increase the resilience of smallholders to mitigate or adapt climate change risks and vulnerability. 2.2.2. The Geography and Agro-Ecological Zones of Lao PDR Lao PDR land masses are mostly mountainous (WorldBank 2006a) and constitute about two-thirds of the land surface area (ADB 2004, WFP 2006). The majority of the plains are situated in the central and southern provinces where lowland rice are commonly produced annually during the wet-moist season, while the northern, northwestern and northeastern provinces are mountainous and mostly characterized with the production of 56
upland rice and other cash crops, such as, coffee, cocoa, and cassava (ADB 2004, WFP 2006, FAO 2011). Unlike farming in the lowland, which benefits from irrigated surface and groundwater resources, farming in the upland areas predominantly rely on precipitation (rainfall). The lands in Lao PDR can be characterized into six agro-ecological zones (WFP 2006). The six agro-ecological zones are: the Vientiane Plateau, the Bolovean Plateau, the Central and Southern highland areas, the Mekong Corridor, the Northern highland and upland areas, and the Northern lowlands and paddy areas (WFP 2006). Figure 6 shows the six agro-ecological zones of Lao PDR. Each eco-region has distinct characteristics, which sets it apart from the other.
Figure 6: Lao PDR Agro-Ecological Zones
Source: WFP, 2006 57
The Vientiane Plains extends over three administrative provinces, which include Vientiane, Bolikhamxay, and Khammuane provinces and mostly characterized by higher plains and lowlands (WFP 2006, Pavelic et al. 2010). The altitude of the Vientiane Plains range from 500 to 1,000 meters and annual precipitation also range from 2,500 to 3,000 mm with approximately 270 days growth period (WFP 2006). The Bolovean Plateau is basically situated in the south and precipitation ranges from 2,500 to 3,000 mm per year with altitude between 500 to 1,500 meters and includes parts of Saravane, Sekong, Attapeu and forms a significant part of Champasak Province (WFP 2006). The geography of the Bolovean Plateau is such that the zone is generally characterized with savannah, forest, and grasslands. The lands of the Bolovean Plateau are currently used for the production of major tree crops, such as, coffee, cocoa, tea, and cardamom with fewer instances of upland rice production (WFP 2006). The estimated population of the Bolovean Plateau is around 60,000 people. Livestock production is of significance to the Bolovean Plateau basically because of the grassland and savannah features. The Bolovean Plateau is also well known for its geographic features, which include Tad Lo waterfalls located about 58 miles from Pakse, the capital of Champasak Province. The Bolovean Plateau suffered significant bombardments during the Vietnam War and the second Indochina War due to its geographical proximity to southern Vietnam. The Central and Southern highland areas run parallel to the Mekong Corridor and forms part of Khammouane, Savannakhet, Saravane, Sekong and Attapeu provinces (WFP 2006). The altitude of the Central and Southern highland areas range from 500 to 1,000 meters with annual precipitations ranging from 2,000 to 3,000 mm and the average 58
production days range from 210 to 240 (WFP 2006). The zone is generally characterized with acid soils, which pose significant risk to the production of most crops. Unexplored ordnance (UXO) prohibits the investment in large-scale agricultural productivity, which poses additional risk to rural livelihoods (WFP 2006). The Mekong Corridor (MC) is the densely populated agro-ecological zone in Lao PDR with population of 1.5 million people (WFP 2006). The MC covers the banks of the Mekong River along with the total areas of its tributaries. The altitude of the MC ranges from 100 to 200 meters with annual precipitation ranging from 1,500 to 2,000 mm (WFP 2006). Due to the land characteristics of the MC, which is generally composed of lowlands to moderate sloppy areas, most of the existing forests have been cleared for agricultural productivity and other forms of developments including hydropower (WFP 2006, MRC 2013). The MC is one of the most important agro-ecological zones in Lao PDR with one of the highest population growth rate, which is due to internal and cross-borders migration. The Northern highland and upland areas is the extreme most section of the northern province with altitude in the range of 1,500 to 2,500 meters and annual precipitation ranges from 1,300 to 2,500 mm (WFP 2006). The northern highland and upland agro-ecological zone covers the mountainous areas of Phongsaly, Luangnamtha and Bokeo in the interior northwest, sections of Huaphanh and Xiengkhuang and eastern parts of Bolikhamxay (WFP 2006). The lands of the northern highland and upland areas are mainly inaccessible to most smallholders due to the extreme steepness of the slopes with high levels of erosion. The cultivation of crops and rearing of animals seem to have great potentials in parts of the northern highland and upland with moderate slope where the soils are fertile (WFP 2006). 59
The forest ecosystems in this zone has being extremely impacted due to shifting cultivation, which is the predominant form of farming practice (Roder 1997, Seidenberg et al. 2003, Bounthong et al. 2004, WFP 2006). Due to the topographical or environmental extremities of the northern highland and upland areas, the human population density is relatively low (WFP 2006). The last agro-ecological zone of Lao PDR is the northern lowland areas, which is composed of Luang Prabang, Phongsaly, Oudomxay and Xayabury Provinces. The annual precipitation of the northern lowlands ranges from 1,500 to 2,000 mm with altitude ranging from 500 to 1,500 meters. Similarly to the topographical and geographical features of the northern highland and upland areas, the lowland areas are mainly mountainous with lowlands intercepting, which contains fertile soils (WFP 2006). The natural forest of the lowlands in the northern lowland areas has been removed for the cultivation of rice, which now constitute a major environmental problem. The population density of the northern lowland is higher than the northern highlands due to its favorability to agricultural land use (Roder 1997, WFP 2006, Ribolzi et al. 2011). Studying the agro-ecological zones of Lao PDR is crucial to understand the land use characteristics and dynamics of smallholders relative to agriculture, the topography, environmental features of each zone, the mean range of annual precipitation, altitude, and population. A study conducted by the World Food Programme (WFP) in 2006 determined that the Vientiane Province located in the central plains constitute the best agro-ecological zone due its natural features, which include limited slopes associated with mountains as is characterized of the highlands and lowlands of the northern province and parts of the 60
southern province (WFP 2006). Table 1 highlights the seasonal crop calendar of Lao PDR, with emphasis on the seasonal upland and lowland rice production developed by the WFP. Table 1: Lao PDR Crop Calendar: Rice Production
Source: WFP, 2006 The evidence demonstrates that the months for rice production during the wet season in the uplands are fewer than the months for rice production in the lowlands, which is one reason why rice production in the uplands are lower compare to the lowlands in the central and southern plains (Schiller et al. 2001, Seidenberg et al. 2003, WFP 2006). Other factors, which impact rice production in both the lowlands and highlands, include declining soil fertility (Chanphengsay et al. 1999, Schiller et al. 2001), poor farming practices (Gansberghe and Vongsack 1993, Roder 1997, Seidenberg et al. 2003, Helga and Yussefi 2006), climate change variability (Johnston et al. 2010, Johnston et al. 2012a), and lack of financial capital and credit of smallholders to adapt modern farming methods (Pavelic et al. 2010). The investment and expansion of the agricultural sector in Lao PDR over the last few decades along with large-scale commercial agriculture and the GoL prioritization in agriculture has paved the way for sustainable agriculture, conservation agriculture, and 61
organic farming in Lao PDR and other ASEAN countries (Gansberghe and Vongsack 1993, Helga and Yussefi 2006, Lestrelin et al. 2011, Lestrelin et al. 2012). Helga and Yussefi (2006) estimated that there were 60,000 hectares of organic farms operating in Lao PDR with only 5 organic farmers. The number of certified organic farmers has since increased dramatically due to the interventions of development organizations, research institutions and other community based organizations actively working with urban and rural farmers to ensure best practices and innovative strategies are utilize to improve productivity at the household levels, while also enhancing their resilience to climate change, global environmental change and other change factors, such as social, political, and economic. 2.2.2.1. Food Security and Food Systems in Lao PDR Food insecurity is a global challenge that humanity continues to fight. Food security involves food availability, accessibility, stability, and utilization (Gregory et al. 2005, Godfray et al. 2010a, FAO et al. 2014). Food insecurity is a global challenge as well as poverty, hunger, climate change, conflicts, and forced displacement (UNDP 2006, FAO 2008). Studies have shown the links between food insecurity with climate change, poverty, conflicts, and other forms of social, economic, and environmental constraints (Ehrlich et al. 1993, Oldeman 1998, Sanchez 2000, Stocking 2003, Vlassenroof et al. 2004, Gregory et al. 2005). Food systems, which involve the production, processing, packaging, distribution, and consumption of food is usually overlooked when discussing food security, agriculture, and climate change (Ericksen 2008b, a, Ericksen et al. 2009). The discussion of food security in the context of climate change and agriculture should incorporate food systems 62
and global environmental change (GEC). The integration of food systems and GEC outline the challenges not only focus on climate change and agriculture, but how food systems contribute to food security as well as the social and environmental issues as a consequence of food systems processes (Ericksen 2007, 2008a). GEC also play an integral role when it comes to food security and climate change. A significant number of GEC events are associated with climate change, which could have devastating impacts agricultural productivity, thus leading to food insecurity. GEC associated with environmental and civil conflicts, forced migration and internal displacement, land and forest degradation, water scarcity for agricultural production, amongst others could negatively impact food systems (Ericksen 2007, 2008a, Ericksen et al. 2009). Food systems processes, when impacted by climate change variability and GEC, could lead to poor agricultural productivity and eventually triggers or causes food insecurity. Studies indicate that food systems could lead to food insecurity as more severe climatic events and GEC become unavoidable and directly impact the food systems processes (Ericksen 2007, 2008a, Ericksen et al. 2009). The food systems approach to food security is a holistic approach, which focuses on food systems that are vulnerable to climate and GEC and how these impact food availability, accessibility, stability, and utilization (Ericksen 2008a). Figure 7 shows the food systems approach and links to food security as well as the social and environmental welfare (Ericksen 2008a). Food systems activities produce outcomes that are directly link to ensure food security. When food systems processes become impacted by climate, GEC and other drivers the outcome is
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food insecurity. This is so because all of the activities outlined in the food systems approach would be impacted and eventually lead to food insecurity.
Figure 7: Components of the Food Systems Approach Source: Ericksen, 2008 Report indicates that since 1990, global hunger seems to be on the decline, while an estimated 791 million people living in developing countries are chronically hungry, which account for one in nine people (FAO et al. 2014). FAO estimated that there are about 805 million people globally who are chronically hungry, a reduction of 100 million people previously reported from 2012-2014 (FAO et al. 2014). Studies also suggest that the global population is expected to increase mostly in developing countries where the number of hungry people continue to increase and poverty on the rise (Mink 1993, UNDP 2011). The reduction of hunger and poverty requires a multi-disciplinary and holistic approach, which
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involves all the possible factors, which contribute and reinforce hunger and poverty along the political, sociocultural, economic, and environmental issues (FAO et al. 2014). Report also suggests that the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (UN MDGs) on halving global hunger in developing countries by 2015 was off track in SubSaharan Africa due to technical and non-technical challenges, while significant progresses were made towards achieving specific targets in SEA (FAO et al. 2014). With the end of the MDGs and the launch of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, more needs to be done to fight global poverty, hunger, malnutrition, and thereby reduce food insecurity (Caron 2015). As population continue to increase and global food production continue to decrease due to climate variability and other bio-geophysical factors, such as, increase prevalence of diseases, climatic and environmental constraints associated with conflicts, severe weather conditions, water scarcity, energy, and the increases of food prices all impact smallholders’ livelihoods who live at the margins of society and are the immediate victims (Anderson et al. 2012). Thus, the discussions on global food security should not exclusively focus on climate change and agriculture, but also food systems and GEC (Gregory et al. 2005, Ericksen 2007, Ingram 2009, Vermeulen et al. 2012). Food availability, accessibility, stability, and utilization constitute the four main pillars of the food security discourse (FAO et al. 2014). Food security should not be exclusively discussed in the context of climate change and agriculture, but should encompass other sectors relevant to ensure a food secure world in which assesses, monitors and respond to all threats that could cause food insecurity. Research has linked food 65
insecurity to a wide range of change factors, which include climate change variability, conflicts, environmental change and degradation, increases of food prices, land policies and tenure systems, GEC amongst others (Ehrlich et al. 1993, Gregory et al. 2005, Ericksen 2008a). Food security is also impacted by the increases in food prices, which contributes an additional 100 million people globally that are chronically hungry (Mehra and Rojas 2006). Water scarcities, land tenure systems, soil fertility decline, UXO amongst others are some of the major causes of food insecurity (Gregory et al. 2005, Mehra and Rojas 2006). For example, studies report that vast portions of land in northern Lao PDR are degraded due to population pressure, land use change, shifting cultivation, and other forms of GEC (Ducourtieux et al. 2005, Lestrelin and Giordano 2007, Lestrelin 2010). Reports also indicate that the basic infrastructures needed to support people in northern Lao PDR are poorly maintained including access to markets, roads and other services compared to the lowland areas and the southern plains (Ducourtieux et al. 2005, Lestrelin and Giodano 2007, Lestrelin 2010). Food security should be an element of targeted development priority to sustained economic growth and development. Agricultural development is a key component of the national economic growth and development, which aims at enhancing the food security needs of the poorest, while improving productivity and investments in farming communities in rural areas to be resilient to climate change, GEC and other risks factors. Reports indicate that in order to achieve economic growth and development, emphasis should be focused on food security and food systems, which aims at maintaining and fostering sustained political systems and a commitment to the fight and eradicate hunger 66
and poverty (Ericksen 2007, FAO et al. 2014). The political commitment is essential to reduce hunger and poverty because it serves as the integral part of other important components such as the economy, agriculture, and the environment conservation and protection (FAO et al. 2014). The fight against hunger and poverty should be holistic and should encompass all components previously discussed. Global food insecurity is a complex problem, which leads to several physical challenges and constraints as a direct result of overlapping processes from multiple sources both human-induced and naturally occurring (FAO et al. 2014). Thus, the fight against food insecurity should also be considered as a fight against hunger, poverty, climate change, and GEC. The four fundamental dimensions of food security include food availability, accessibility, stability, and utilization (FAO et al. 2014). For each dimension, specific indicators were developed to assess the level of achievement to address food security gaps and barriers (FAO et al. 2014). Each dimensions of food security is briefly discussed within the context of climate change, GEC and food systems. 2.2.2.1.1. Food Availability Food availability broadly refers to the quantity, quality and diversity of food products that are readily available to a given individual or household. Food availability can be measured or assessed by specific indicators, which include the sufficiency of the nutritional energy supply, the proportion of food energy that are derived from cereals, roots and tubers; the average protein intakes from both plants and animal sources and the average cost (value) of food production (FAO et al. 2014). Food availability also entails food production, distribution and exchange (Gregory et al. 2005). Food exchange refers to 67
the exchange of food for another food item or food for cash (Gregory et al. 2005, Ecker and Breisinger 2012). Food exchange requires efficient trade networks and market institutions, which could inversely impact food security at the national, regional and global stages (Ecker and Breisinger 2012). Given that the per capita supply of food is insufficient to meet the global demand of food for each individual warrant the complexity of global food security and points to reason why food accessibility is an important dimension (Tweeten 1999). Figure 8 shows the per capita food production variability from 1993 to 2013 in Lao PDR. The per capita food production variability shows that the issues of food insecurity and poverty were relatively constant from 2004 to 2006 and peaked in 2007 and started to rapidly decline in 2008 until the end of 2012.
Figure 8: Per Capita Food Production Variability of Lao PDR Source: UNEP, 2015 68
Similarly, the per capita food production trends can also be noticed in other countries bordering Lao PDR, such a Thailand, Myanmar, Cambodia, and Viet Nam. Figure 9 shows the per capita food production variability in Lao PDR compared with Thailand, Myanmar, Cambodia, and Viet Nam excluding PRC. Viet Nam and Thailand shows more favorable per capita food production variability than Myanmar, Lao PDR and Cambodia. The evidence suggests that Cambodia and Lao PDR both have the highest per capita food production variability. What this means is that, the higher the per capita food production variability constant over time is one factor amongst others, which indicates trends that could potentially need to food insecurity ultimately impacting the food systems.
Figure 9: The per capital food production variability -SEA Source: UNEP, 2015
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Agricultural production or farming is the main source of food products in Lao PDR. In rural areas in Lao PDR, agriculture is the single major source of income and support systems of farming households along with NTFP and other forms of off-farm activities, which drive income to the family (Suhardiman et al. 2013, Maokhamphiou 2014). In the Great Mekong Sub-regions (GMS) agriculture has long contributed significantly to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Reports also indicate that due to climate change, GEC, land degradation, poor soil fertility, and farming systems, crop yield continue to decrease (ADB 2004). Figure 10 shows the agricultural value added as a percent of the GDP in Lao PDR, Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand, and Viet Nam.
Figure 10: Agriculture Value Added -Percent of GDP in the GMS Source: UNEP, 2015
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Reports indicate that about 80 percent of the population of Lao PDR lives in rural areas where poverty is a major issue (Ribolzi et al. 2011, Cavallo et al. 2013). Since 1992 the percent of the population that live below $1.25 per daily consumption continue to steadily decline. Figure 11 shows the percentage of population below $1.25 per day consumption in Lao PDR and bordering countries. The evidence demonstrates that 30 percent of the population of Lao PDR live below $1.25 per day consumption compare to about 2% in Viet Nam and significantly lower in Thailand. Viet Nam and Thailand both have rapidly developed over the last few decades in areas of infrastructure, roads, industrial agriculture, trade, investments, and hydropower. Viet Nam and Thailand have the lowest percentage of their population living below $1.25 per day.
Figure 11: Percentage of Population below $1.25 USD per Day Consumption Source: UNEP, 2015 71
2.2.2.1.2. Food Accessibility The food accessibility dimension involves both the physical and economic access to food security. The physical access to food entails all the physical features that are necessarily needed to facilitate food access, which include infrastructures; that is, roads density, railways, and transportation (FAO et al. 2014). Food access also involves affordability, allocation and preferences (Gregory et al. 2005). The affordability is critical to ensure that food is readily available and accessible at the household level irrespective of the household’s socio-economic status, race, gender, ethnicity, and other conditions that could impact food access, which could contribute to poverty and hunger. Food access is critical to ensure food security and food systems that is significant to eradicate hunger and poverty most especially in the developing world where other factors such as, politics, the economy and market forces, civil and environmental conflicts, GEC, and climate change all serve to impact food accessibility. These factors contribute to the increasing food demands and supplies, thus, rendering food affordability impossible especially for the vulnerable households who cannot afford the high prices for food items and whose farming activities continue to be impacted by climate and GEC. Food affordability does not only takes into account the financial ability to access food, but also include the ability to access the needed food item preferences irrespective of the households’ socioeconomic and bio-geophysical characteristics (Gregory et al. 2005). Examples of bio-geophysical features that could impact food accessibility include, but are not limited to the terrain, road networks, climatic patterns, water availability, and suitable agricultural land amongst others. These factors long with the socioeconomic, cultural, and 72
political landscapes could further impact food accessibility at the district, provincial, and national levels. Thus, approaches to address aspects of food accessibility should not only be a national focus, but also incorporate into regional food security policies dimensions. In developing countries, food affordability is crucial to ensure food security due to the high unemployment rate, increasing poverty levels in urban areas, and population growth, which put more pressure on limited natural and physical resources. The choice of food affordability at the household level in rural areas is a competition, which is based on trade-offs between other equally relevant decisions that the rural poor households with limited access to available services and resources have to contain. That is, rural poor households that are vulnerable to food insecure lives because they have to decide whether the next households’ financial resources should be spent on education, healthcare, access to safe drinking water or the continual investment in farming. With limited financial resources, rural poor farming households in developing countries have to make decisions added to the challenges pose by the market, climate, GEC, and other change factors. The ability to afford the needed family dietary and nutritional needs is constrained by decisions the family has to consider within the limits and scopes of their available resources. Food affordability is crucial to improve rural poor households that are situated at the margins of national development agendas and are the main victims of development policies, which illegally exploit their lands, water and forest resources at the expense of economic growth and development (Vandergeest 2003, Evrard and Goudineau 2004, Ducourtieux et al. 2005, Fujita and Thongmanivong 2006). In Lao PDR for example, the introduction of various land reform policies over the last few decades have resulted in mass 73
displacement of rural ethnic minorities and incapacitate them of their potential to actively engage in farming activities once considered to be the main source of income and food affordability (Vandergeest 2003, Evrard and Goudineau 2004). The introduction of benefits sharing development concept in Lao PDR and as in other developing countries provides the context for the continual extraction and exploitation of natural resources from rural poor communities supported by the nation-state in collaboration with trans-national corporations and development organizations as a commitment to sharing the benefits (Daviau 2006, MRC 2013). The question to what extend the benefits sharing concept is effective in reducing rural poverty and hunger to ensure food security remains highly questionable and understudied. In the case of hydropower dam development projects, the effectiveness of benefits sharing method becomes even more complicated and complex when discussing communities upstream and downstream of the proposed development site that should be consider under the deal. Large portion of the conversations of the coverage of resources allocated for the benefits sharing systems are held between the GoL and developed partners with in most instances exclusive of local rural poor communities. The benefits sharing system also serves as a form of corporate social responsibility and thus accountability and transparency should be a vital role not only during the distribution of allocated benefits resources, but should involve rural poor communities during the initial discussions. The participation of rural poor communities outside of the actual discussion has been narrowly focus on baseline households’ surveys, focus groups discussions, and in some instances interviews held with few selected individuals from the affected rural poor 74
communities. While the benefits sharing method has provided some incentives for rural poor farming communities impacted by planned development operations in an effort to share the benefits extracted from those communities more needs to be done to ensure that the GoL and partner development entities are transparent and accountable in the appropriation, allocation, selection, and distribution of resources. Lao PDR’s land reform policy targeted towards the relocation of entire rural farming communities from strategic development sites tend to negatively impact their capacity to a food security. Studies have indicated that the forced relocation of rural ethnic minorities from forested areas to what is consider Focal Sites, has in fact led to various problems, which include increase poverty rates, mental and emotional distress, trauma, food insecurity, amongst others (Vandergeest 2003, Evrard and Goudineau 2004, Boillat et al. 2015). The fight to eradicate slash-and-burn farming practice as the main cause of deforestation and other forms of environmental degradation, when in fact, it is not, further impairs rural farming households the ability to cultivate enough food to ensure that the family has enough food for both consumption and marketing of surpluses (Roder 1997, Evrard and Goudineau 2004). The allocation and preferences of food access is paramount to ensure that the household food nutritional needs are met, which meets their cultural and social wellbeing. Climate change poses significant risk to not just food production and availability, but also how vulnerable rural poor households’ access allocated food items that are preferential to their dietary and nutritional needs and preferences. In Lao PDR, agricultural productivity is the single most salient means of food production and accessibility and the only means 75
through which rural farmers are able to acquire needed food items. Most smallholder farmers produce enough food for the sustenance of their families and sell surpluses into local markets to generate some income for the households’ needs. Rural poor households are experiencing hardships due to several change factors to their family’s food needs. High food prices due to increase costs of human and material resources associated with production, processing and distribution of food and other factors such as soil fertility decline, climate change variability and risks, GEC, market availability, and transportation restrict rural households the ability to afford the needed nutritional requirements to live safely and healthily. Eckar and Breisinger (2012) noted that hunger and malnutrition occurred not because of food scarcity, but rather due to food affordability and accessibility. Food access largely depends on the family’s financial ability to purchase the needed food requirement for their households (Garrett and Ruel 1999). If a given household has enough resources at hand, part of the available resources can be used to purchase food during periods of low productivity (Tweeten 1999). Alternative discourse such as the food systems theory to food security suggests that food access can be impacted by the food systems processes, which include production, processing, packaging, distribution, retailing, and consumption (Ericksen 2007, Ericksen et al. 2009). Food systems proponents argue that food systems could be negatively impacted by change factors, including but not limited to climate change and GEC, which could lead to severe consequences, such as food insecurity (Dahlberg 2005, Gregory et al. 2005, Ericksen 2007, Ingram 2009, Vermeulen et al. 2012). Thus, a household may have the financial capacity to purchase food items for the household’s consumption; however, their 76
financial capacity to survive could be impacted by the lack of food items on the local market or due to inflicted prices of food items. In this case, the family may have the financial ability, but may be limited or constrained by the scarcity of food on the available market along with high demands from other consumers. Proponents of the food system theory of food security argued that any impact along the food systems line could have severe impact on rural poor households’ capacity to access the needed food items (Gregory et al. 2005, Ericksen 2007, Ingram 2009, Vermeulen et al. 2012). Food accessibility can be divided into two major groups depending on how food is accessed as either direct access or economic access. Direct access of food involves food that are produced by members of a household or family community with the available human and material resources of the households (FAO 1997, Garrett and Ruel 1999). Economic access also refers to when food items are purchased with the finances of the household (FAO 1997, Garrett and Ruel 1999). Rural poor communities in developing countries, such as Lao PDR sourced households’ food and income mainly through a mixture of agricultural activities, such as crop and animal production with farming animals bringing in the largest sum of household income. A given farming household could be impacted by direct and economic access of food at any point in time. Access to food is a condition that is crucial for human and national development (Cook and Frank 2008). Reports indicate that access to food is paramount to both children and adults for their emotional, psychological, cognitive, and developmental needs (Ehrlich et al. 1993, Cook and Frank 2008). Food can be available, but direct and indirect forces could impact access to food by a particular household or community. Understanding the processes to 77
access food and the barriers that prevent people is one of the major challenges of global food security and food systems (Ehrlich et al. 1993). The problems of starvation, hunger, and malnutrition mostly in LDC and developing countries are functions of food systems that are impacted by climate change, GEC, economic instability, conflicts, agriculture amongst others (Gregory et al. 2005, Ericksen et al. 2009, Vermeulen et al. 2012). Indeed food accessibility is a paramount component to ensure food security; food systems can either reinforce food security or cause food insecurity, if the food systems processes are impacted by climate change, GEC, and other change factors that can have unintended impacts on food security. It is against this background that the discussion on food security should focus on other factors, such as, GEC and food systems rather than solely the conventional discussions around climate change, agriculture, and poverty (Gregory et al. 2005, Ericksen 2007, 2008b, a, Ericksen et al. 2009). In Lao PDR, rice is the main stable food items alongside other crops that are grown for consumption and to supplement households’ financial needs by selling surpluses. Most farming households in rural Lao PDR, which constitute about 70 percent of the population rely on integrated agricultural productivity for their livelihoods (FAO 2011, Cavallo et al. 2013). Climate change, GEC, land reform policy, high prices for agricultural inputs including tools, agrochemicals and fertility alongside with soil degradation, and other change forces are constraining rural farmers’ resilience to provide the food requirements for their families, which lead to poverty, hunger and other challenges.
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2.2.2.1.3. Food Stability Food stability is also one of the four main dimensions of global food security (FAO et al. 2014). Food stability means that each household has constant supply of food overtime and that issues that could impact their ability to access food are a function of several change factors, which include economic, social, political, climatic, and environmental forces (Ehrlich et al. 1993, FAO et al. 2014). To ensure that poverty and hunger can be reduced globally, a stable source of food supply need to be realized by all rural households irrespective of their socioeconomic status. Poverty contributes to and reinforces hunger. Global hunger cannot be reduced or eradicated when there is poverty and also poverty cannot be reduced when the number of hungry people keeps increasing globally. An essential part to ensure that global hunger can be reduced means poverty at the other end of the spectrum needs to be reduced because poverty and hunger are different faces of the same coin. The number of hungry people in developing countries continues to increase because the density and poverty rates in developing countries are high, which is a function of population growth. Report suggests that population growth is expected to increase in developing counties where the proportion of hungry people is on the rise (FAO et al. 2014). Thus, to ensure that food security can be achieved in the developing world, it is paramount to ensure food stability at the household levels, which means that all systems, including food systems, the economy, social, political, climatic, and environmental should be supportive; such that, constant source of food are readily available and accessible by all households irrespective of their economic potential to be able to purchase food. The process to ensure 79
that rural households have constant access to stable food supply should involve all stakeholders in the public and private sectors. Governments’ institutions and policies as well as partnered organizations should ensure that households’ food needs are met on a daily basis by providing the necessary resources and services essential to meet the households’ nutritional needs. Stable sources of food supply are essential to fight rural poverty and hunger. Food stability is mainly focus on individuals who are extremely vulnerable that their condition could hinder them the ability to have constant and consistent access to food and other related resources (Schmidhuber and Tubiello 2007). Part of the process of governments to ensure stable food supply is to address issues that can hinder individuals and households ability to have access to stable food resources physically and financially. Food stability can be classified into two sub-categories, which are based on measureable indicators of food insecurity risks as well as external systems that could directly impact food stability. These two metrics can be used to measure households’ levels of food stability vulnerability and risks. The first sub-category of food stability are factors used to measure and monitor exposure to food insecurity risks (FAO et al. 2014). Some examples of tools used to measure and monitor exposure to food insecurity risks include, cereal dependency ratio, total irrigated land area and the value of the staple food imports as a percentage of all the merchandise exports (FAO et al. 2014). The second sub-category of food stability are external factors used to measure and monitor food insecurity risks associated with major economic, social and political vitality and instability that could hinder food stability (FAO et al. 2014). Even though access to food is the most important of all the four dimensions, 80
food stability at the household levels account for the most crucial and critical dimension when it comes to ensuring the households’ stable food and nutritional security needs. Studies have shown that climate change is one of the main drivers of global food insecurity, hunger, poverty, undernourishment, and malnutrition, which are evidently linked to climate change and GEC (Schmidhuber and Tubiello 2007, Ericksen 2008a). The food security and climate change literatures tend to exclusively focus on the links between agriculture and climate change without a comprehensive analysis of other change factors that could contribute towards food insecurity (Ericksen 2007, 2008b, a). Other change factors such as GEC (e.g. diseases outbreaks, conflicts, water scarcity, etc.) impacts food systems, which directly impact food production (Gregory et al. 2005). Global environmental change has also shown to impact food security and food systems, which could severely hinder the households’ food stability potential. Food stability also means that the household is able to provide the needed food substances for their sustenance either through physically engaging in agricultural productivity at the household level or by purchasing the households’ food needs. GEC has shown to not only impact food production and the livelihoods of households in rural areas that are already vulnerable to extreme climatic and environmental events (Ericksen 2008a, b, Ericksen et al. 2009). The process to ensure global food security in the presence of GEC requires an integrated food systems approach, which is not solely focus on the technical and non-technical fixes between agriculture and climate change, but a wide range of systems which contribute or are impacted by global environmental change and climate change (Ericksen 2008b, Ericksen et al. 2009). The fight against global food 81
security, poverty, and hunger should be holistic and integrated such that all factors essential to address these issues are adequately taken into account in the process of policy formulation and implementation. The discussion between food security and climate change should be a multi-disciplinary in context and application, and should include all relevant sectors of the economy to find a sustainable and measureable solution and outcome to food insecurity (Gregory et al. 2005, Ericksen 2007, Ingram 2009, FAO et al. 2014). Food systems in this study refer to all the processes that directly or indirectly link to food production and consumption. Food systems involves production, processing, packaging and storing, distribution, retailing and pricing, and consumption (Ericksen 2008b, Ericksen et al. 2009). These processes of food systems also significantly contribute to food insecurity when impacted by change factors, such as, the economy, climatic and environmental events (Ericksen et al. 2009). Thus, a holistic and more integrative approach to food security should include climate and global environmental change, agriculture, and food systems because these concepts and processes all impact each other (Ericksen 2007, 2008b, Ericksen et al. 2009). In Lao PDR, rural households’ food stability is depended on several factors, which include financial resources, human resources, land, agricultural activities, and other offfarm processes, which could contribute to the households’ income and other needs. The stable food in Lao PDR is rice mainly grown in lowland or in paddy rice fields year round mainly in the lowland along the Mekong River Basin and upland seasonally. With increases in the intensity, frequency, and duration of climatic and GEC events, the ability of rural households to access the stable food supply is a great challenge. Most rural 82
households in the Vientiane Province and in other parts of Lao PDR rely on rain-fed agriculture for their livelihoods (Johnston et al. 2010, Pavelic et al. 2010, Johnston et al. 2012a). Climate change and GEC are two of the main factors, which continue to impact rural smallholders’ resilience to enhance their production to secure their household food stability. These challenges are couple with the lack of financial credit and capital, soil fertility decline, surface water scarcity during the hot-dry season, poor agricultural yield due to inadequate farming approaches and methods all serve to negatively impact smallholders’ ability to provide stable food for their households. Food stability in Lao PDR is critical to ensure that vulnerable population, such as, rural ethnic minorities who are the victims of the progressive land allocation reform policy and the subsequent involuntary displacement as a result should be targeted with programs and services to enhance their resiliencies. Those in urban areas with limited social and economic capital necessary to support and facilitate the constant supply of stable food for their households should also be targeted. Progress has been made in the area of sustainable groundwater irrigation to improve agricultural productivity during the hot-dry season (Johnston et al. 2010, Pavelic et al. 2010, Pavelic et al. 2014). Reports also indicate that smallholders’ experienced severe and prolong drought and in other instances intense precipitation, which caused flooding (Johnston et al. 2010, Pavelic et al. 2010, FAO 2011, Johnston et al. 2012a, Pavelic et al. 2014). These climatic and GEC factors not only contribute to food insecurity, but also severely impact food systems causing food stability to be unattainable. The forced relocation of ethnic minorities from their original settlements to Focal Sites with the goal of enhancing national 83
development and the conservation of NPA has led to unexpected social and environmental implications against ethnic minorities (Evrard and Goudineau 2004, Satoshi 2004, Baird and Shoemaker 2005, 2007, Delang and Toro 2011, Boillat et al. 2015). Some examples include the increased rate of poverty amongst rural ethnic minorities that are resettled in resettlement villages, insufficient agricultural land allocated to each farming households, stress, and anxiety. The factors previously discussed have direct impact on food stability and until solutions are put in place to address each factor, rural ethnic minorities will continue to be the primary victims of food insecurity (Ericksen 2008b, Lasco et al. 2011). 2.2.2.1.4. Food Utilization As previously discussed, food availability, food accessibility and food stability are important components to ensure food security. In fact, food utilization cannot be attained until all three dimensions named and discussed previously are satisfactorily achieved. To that end, the first three dimensions of food security are primarily focused around the households’ food production and acquisition potential that are essential to attain and sustain healthy and safe lives (FAO et al. 2014). Food utilization is not only concern with how food is utilized to ensure food security, but is also geared towards the enhancement of healthy and safe lives (FAO et al. 2014). The ways in which food are utilized could either improve the health and wellbeing of individuals and their households or could lead to unintended negative health outcomes. In essence, available, accessible and stable foods do not always mean nutritional, healthy and safe food. According to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), food utilization is defined as the process through which food is properly used, processed and stored along with the existence and application 84
of adequate knowledge of nutrition and child care as well as the existence of sufficient health and sanitation infrastructures and services (USAID 1992). Nutrition is a term that is sometimes interchangeably used with food utilization. One can argued that food utilization is the most relevant dimension of food security at individual level of food consumption and highlights the sociocultural, economic, and environmental constraints that inform the way food is utilized. Although food utilization is of particular relevance in the fight against undernourishments and malnutrition, access to a stable food supply trumps food utilization when it comes to the fight against hunger mostly in humanitarian situations. The reason being that during humanitarian response to hunger emergency in conflict zones, the initial response would more likely focus around addressing acute hunger; that is, the provision of more calories to surgically improve physical strengthen. This in no ways legitimizes that food distributed during humanitarian response to hunger emergency in conflict zones do not contain adequate nutrition to foster safe and healthy lives. The initial goal at this point is to bring hunger at a neutral point such that the situation is neutralized before focusing on the more individualized nutritional needs and preferences essential to each affected person towards recovery. Food utilization is mainly concern with the nutritional value of food, which also involves how the food was processed and stored as well as the health and sanitation aspects, which relates to nutrition. According to the food systems approach, food utilization is concern with the nutritional value of food, social values as well as food safety (Ericksen 2007, Ericksen et al. 2009). Food utilization can be assessed at the individual level and scale up to the household levels as well by assessing specific indicators, such as, 85
the individual or household dietary diversity, the prevalence of malnutrition as well as child care practices (USAID 1992). Report suggests that nearly a third of children in developing countries are underweight, which has being linked to poor nutritional uptake as a result of food utilization preferences, which account for approximately 60 percent of child deaths globally (WorldBank 2006b). However, most of the deaths occur in developing and least developed countries where malnutrition associated with food utilization continue to be an increasingly difficult public health concern. Food utilization is the last dimension of food security, which focuses on how foods are use for human consumption with emphasis on the nutritional, societal, and safety values (Ehrlich et al. 1993, Gregory et al. 2005, FAO et al. 2014). Studies indicate that climate and GEC are projected to impact individuals’ ability to utilize food effectively and efficiently as more extreme climatic events occur, which could impact food systems and food security (Gregory et al. 2005, Schmidhuber and Tubiello 2007). Food utilization can generally be classified into two broader groups. The first group focuses on aspects of food utilization that impacts individuals’ ability to utilize food, which include access to water and sanitation (FAO et al. 2014). The second group of food utilization is concern with outcomes of poor food utilization, which involves the nutritional failures of children under the age of 5, such as stunting, wasting and underweight (FAO et al. 2014). The aspects of food utilization along with measureable indicators of the other dimensions of food security are of vital concern to developing countries that are more vulnerable to extreme climatic events and GEC (Ehrlich et al. 1993, Ericksen 2008b, a).
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Poverty couple with the number of hungry people raises key questions of how food is utilized at the household and individual levels to contribute to nutrition. The social implications of food utilization is very important and should be given more attention across the political and policy decision making spectrum because it deals with complex and challenging sociocultural aspects of food uses that are usually left unstudied due to its sensitivity and subjectivity (Ericksen et al. 2009). The sociocultural aspects that are crucial to secure that households utilize food effectively and efficiently include social capital, human capital, political capital, employment, income, wealth, and what constitute acceptable norms (Ericksen et al. 2009). Thus, the ability of households to have available food, access to food, and food stability does not necessitate that food will be utilized effectively; such that, it meets both the nutritional, societal and safety values of the household (Ericksen 2008a, Ericksen et al. 2009, FAO et al. 2014). Studies show that the ineffective utilization of food in developing countries account for undernourishment, obesity, non-communicable diseases, and malnutrition, which could eventually lead to death (Gregory et al. 2005, Schmidhuber and Tubiello 2007, FAO et al. 2014). Comparatively, while malnutrition is unlikely to occur in developed countries as a public health issue, obesity seems to be on the rise and also speaks into the ineffective utilization of food. As indicated earlier, food utilization takes into account how food was processed, stored and consumed to improve health and safety. Thus, obesity is a major public health problem in the United States of America is partly due to food consumption and the lack of physical exercise along with other factors including genetic.
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2.2.3. The Role of Biochar in Agricultural Research for Development in Lao PDR There are growing evidences, which suggest the economic and environmental benefits of biochar use in agriculture to enhance soil quality and quantity, improve crop growth, yield and soil organic matter (SOM), remediate degraded soils, reduce soil nutrients leaching, improves soil water retention, while storing carbon, which contributes negative carbon emissions (Lehmann et al. 2011a, Mekuria et al. 2013, Mukherjee and Lal 2013, Renuka et al. 2013, Ros et al. 2013, Smith 2015b). Further research needs to be conducted on the suitable agricultural feedstock essential for sustainable biochar production with high quality biochar properties relevant to improve soil, the appropriate temperature and duration of pyrolysis process and the stability of biochar in the soil (Woolf et al. 2010, Gurwick et al. 2013, Mašek et al. 2013). Studies demonstrate that biochar addition to soil contributes to negative emissions, which has been hailed to have promising potential to sequester carbon essential to mitigate climate change (Paustian et al. 1997, Lal and Bruce 1999, Lal 2004a, Woolf 2008, Woolf et al. 2010). Though biochar has the potential to mitigate climate change, carbon sequestered through biochar addition to soil constitutes a fragment of the global emissions (Paustian et al. 1997, Woolf et al. 2010). Biochar has so many advantages, but it would be misleading to consider biochar as the only solution out there to solve the global climate problem (Laird 2008, Smith 2015b). Biochar should not be viewed as the only means to address climate change, but as part of an integrated system aim to reduce GHG emissions. Other systems and approaches to fight climate change by reducing GHG emissions should be invested and considered in collaboration with biochar. Investment in biochar research 88
for development should be considered in view of the win-win-win scope of biochar addition in soil, which significantly reduce emissions, while improving soil quality and quantity and enhance agricultural productivity, which contributes to the food, climate and environmental security. The investment in biochar research should be focused towards developing countries that mainly rely on agricultural productivity for a significant portion of the GDP and are susceptible to climate change risks and vulnerability (O'Brien et al. 2008, Gornall et al. 2010, FAO 2011). The thermo-decomposition of fossil fuels for energy generation, transportation, agricultural production, and other uses are the main drivers of anthropogenic GHG emissions, which contribute to climate change and global warming (Lal et al. 2011, Schmidt et al. 2011, Vermeulen et al. 2012). Global GHG emissions can be effectively mitigated with the collective and integrated implementation of emissions regulation and strategies at the public and private levels and should include all possible sources of emissions both upstream and downstream, processes and technologies that are put in place to reduce GHG emissions (Molina et al. 2009, Brick and Lyutse 2010). Biochar is one of several methods to sequester carbon through geologic means (Woolf et al. 2010, Gurwick et al. 2012, Renuka et al. 2013). Other approaches to mitigate GHG emissions include carbon capture and storage (IEA 2012, Hashimoto 2013), geo-engineering to revert climate change by confining emitted GHG (Bengtsson 2006, Knight and Gardens 2010), regenerative and precision agriculture with emphasis on sustainable food systems (Dahlberg 2005, Pretty 2008, Hellwinckel and Ugarte 2009), and biochar use in agriculture
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to store carbon in more stable forms (Woolf 2008, Woolf et al. 2010, Gurwick et al. 2013, Mašek et al. 2013). Indeed, there are other methods currently being considered to sustainably capture and store carbon, while producing food more sustainably that would have far lesser environmental, ecological and climate implications (Caron 2015). The investment in biochar research for development is critical to understand the long-term effects of biochar on soil physio-biochemical properties, compositions and the overall impacts on agricultural productivity (Lehmann et al. 2006, Lehmann and Joseph 2009, Liang et al. 2010, Lehmann et al. 2011b, Spokas et al. 2011, Cimo et al. 2014). The investment in biochar research is also important to gather the empirical field-based evidences and to conduct statistical and predictive analyses relevant to inform effective environmental policies. Information from biochar research and development is also instrumental to inform future opportunities and challenges that may exist to facilitate the development of appropriate technologies and policies on environmental quality and management, climate change mitigation, food systems and security, the costs-benefits evaluation of biochar use in agriculture and climate mitigation (McLaughlin et al. 2010, Woolf et al. 2010, Lubell et al. 2011, Dennis et al. 2013, Schultz 2013). The use of biochar to improve soil quality, plant growth and yield along with enhancing soil quality and quantity has shown to have promising potential (Woolf 2008, Woolf et al. 2010, Ippolito et al. 2012). The major challenges with biochar use in agriculture and climate change mitigation is the scale at which biochar should be applied to the soil to reduce emissions (IBI 2010, Brennan et al. 2014, Sharma-Sindhar 2014). The appropriate feedstock essential to provide 90
high quality biochar rich in soil nutrients and the stability of biochar in the soil are still well understudied (Stone et al. 2010, Spokas et al. 2011, Chintala et al. 2014, SharmaSindhar 2014). These challenges are also pose with other barriers when it comes to biochar research for development in LDC like Lao PDR, which rely predominantly on agricultural productivity for economic growth and development (GoL 2004, MONRE 2013). The challenges of biochar remain contested at the heart of agenda of several ongoing research projects (Gurwick et al. 2013, Mašek et al. 2013). The evidences from several studies have shown not only the agronomic benefits of biochar use in soil, but its general impacts on soil quality, SOM, soil water availability (SWA), and soil nutrients status (Van Zwieten et al. 2008, Woolf 2008, Tejerina 2010, Woolf et al. 2010, Khura et al. 2015). Sustainable biochar production requires that biomass use in the pyrolysis process are only sourced from on-farm agricultural waste; such that, no other biomasses are used in the production of biochar and its associate products (IBI 2013). A multi-national study conducted in Lao PDR, Viet Nam, Thailand, and Myanmar with funding from the ADB evaluated the agricultural biomasses potential for sustainable biochar and bio-energy production, research and development in the SEA countries, which assessed each country’s agricultural feedstock potential for both large and small scale biochar production (ADB 2013). The study concluded that Lao PDR in particular has a significant amount of farm animals (cattle) and crop (rice) biomasses, which can be used to produce biochar without converting other biomasses into biochar and other bio-energy products (ADB 2013). The abundance of agricultural feedstock or wastes in Lao PDR, which includes rice husk, rice straw, cattle, and chicken manure serves as an opportunity 91
with the appropriate technology and investment to promote and enhance biochar-based research for development in Lao PDR and neighboring countries (ADB 2013). For example, use of biochar in soil has been empirically linked to foster several advantages including but not limited to improving soil nutrient status (Nigussie et al. 2012, Spokas et al. 2012), impacts crop yield (Lentz and Ippolito 2012, Alburquerque et al. 2013, Mutezo 2013), restores soil organic carbon (SOC) (Lal 2004b, a, Lehmann 2007, Lehmann and Joseph 2009), enhances plant growth parameters (Howard 2012), remediates degraded soils of organic compounds (Delwiche et al. 2014), and retains soil moisture content (Asai et al. 2009b, Conte and Nestle 2015). Studies indicate that the nutrients characterization of biochar to increase soil quality varies amongst biochar and is a function of the type of biomass used in the pyrolysis process, the temperature at which the thermos-decomposed occurred, and the duration of the pyrolysis process (Gaskin et al. 2008, Lynch and Joseph 2010, Sorenson 2010, Woolf et al. 2010, Prakongkep et al. 2013). Studies found that, while biochar use in agricultural research has a promising potential to promote sustainable food systems, food security, environmental quality, and mitigate climate change by sequestering carbon in agricultural soils (Lehmann 2007, Steiner et al. 2007, Lehmann 2010, Lehmann et al. 2010, Woolf et al. 2010, Joseph et al. 2013). There is still a need to invest in long-term multi-year biochar research to understand the long-term effects and stability of biochar in agricultural soils, biochar soil-water interactions, biochar use to reduce soil-water salinity, scaling biochar use in soil sustainably such that the food and energy security needs of humanity and the
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environment are not jeopardize in view of the crisis initiated by biofuel use in the renewable energy sector (Sharma-Sindhar 2014). Several studies have been conducted in Lao PDR to primarily assess the biomassbiochar potential as well as the economic and environmental benefits of biochar use in agricultural research (Asai et al. 2009b, a, Hugill 2011, ADB 2013, Mekuria et al. 2013, Hu et al. 2014, Vinh et al. 2014). The continue interest in biochar agricultural research and development is gaining a lot of attention by scientists across multiple disciplines in the areas of agriculture, environment, hydrology, climate change, and international sustainable development. While biochar research is gaining significant attention and momentum amongst scientists, there are still works that need to be done. While there are continual interests in biochar research for development to mitigate climate change, improve agricultural productivity and food security, there are gaps in the literature when it comes to policies and regulatory standards to regulate how biochar is used in soil mitigate climate change, while ensuring environmental quality, agricultural productivity, and food security. Policy-makers rely on empirical evidence from experimental field research on biochar to make decisions. The investment in research and development of biochar-related technologies and research are essential components that need to be thoroughly considered in the context of agricultural development and economic growth. In Lao PDR, biochar research for development is still in its infancy stages with fewer micro-level investments from the private sectors through international organizations and government institutions (Hugill 2011, ADB 2013). 93
2.2.3.1. Biochar, Food Security and Climate Change Studies have shown that climate and global environmental change (GEC) pose significant risks to food systems and food security (Tilman et al. 2001, Gregory et al. 2005, Ericksen 2007, Woolf 2008, Ingram 2009, Vermeulen et al. 2012). Climate change variability such as inconsistent rainfall, prolong drought, declining soil moisture and soil nutrients status couple with increasing global mean surface temperature all served to impact agricultural productivity and livelihoods (Lobell et al. 2008, Pavelic et al. 2010, FAO 2011, Lal et al. 2011, Johnston et al. 2012a, MONRE 2013). The effects of climate change, GEC and other change factors are predicted to impact developing countries already struggling with major social, financial and environmental challenges, such as, financial crisis due to corruption and poor governance, increasing population growth, inadequate health and sanitation infrastructures, civil conflicts and forced displacement, and environmental degradation due to mining, deforestation and commercial agriculture (Steininger et al. 2001, Tune and Chandler 2006, Malhi et al. 2007, Godfray et al. 2010b). Progresses continue to be made to reduce GHG emissions and to revert the global average surface temperature and biochar has shown to have promising potential to mitigate climate change, while enhancing soil quality, crop growth and yield (Chan et al. 2008, Woolf et al. 2010, Genesio et al. 2012). In developing countries, population is estimated to increase significantly, while resources needed to sustain the growing population are severely constrained by climate change, GEC, economic recessions, and other change factors (Schmidhuber and Tubiello 2007, Ericksen 2008b, Detraz 2011, Dyoulgerov et al. 2011). Studies suggest that 94
developing countries could be faced with major climatic, environmental and economic crisis, which could severely impact vulnerable and susceptible food systems and the natural resource base, which could lead to negative outcomes, such as, significant decline in agricultural productivity, persistent and more severe drought events, degraded soils, increase poverty levels, sporadic outbreaks of diseases, and high cost of living due to scarce and limited resources (Gregory et al. 2005, Godfray et al. 2010a, Godfray et al. 2010b, Arezki and Bruckner 2011, Mata 2012). Studies also indicate that human-induced carbon dioxide (CO2) and other GHG emissions contribute to warming, which eventually lead to severe climatic and environmental changes, which impact food systems and food security (Schmidhuber and Tubiello 2007, Hansen et al. 2008, Woolf 2008, WRI 2013). The impact of climate change, GEC and other change factors on food systems and food security is further amplified by forced displacement or migration of people from mostly rural to urban areas (Morton et al. 2007). Current policy in the areas of disaster preparedness, response and recovery seems to focus primarily on the impacts of disaster rather than the attempt to address the sources of the problem (Lonergan 1998, Salehyan 2005, Morton et al. 2007). Climate and GEC could pose significant challenge to global migration, if global mean surface temperature continues to increase due to anthropogenic GHG emissions. In recent years, environmental crisis, political upheavals and social unrests have added more burdens to combat climate change (Adelman 2001, Salehyan 2005). The fight against climate change should encompass other sectors of the economy as well the cultural and social landscapes as these are interrelated (Fischer et al. 2005, Oreskes 2005). The 95
impact of climate change on global food security should not be viewed exclusively in the context agriculture and climate change (Gregory et al. 2005, Ericksen 2007, 2008b, Ericksen et al. 2009). Climate change is considered one of humanity’s nightmares due to the widespread vulnerability and risks. Studies have demonstrated that biochar could play an essential role to positively mitigate climate change vulnerability and risks by storing carbon in the soil, while contributing to food security by ensuring that food production is sustainable, efficient and safe for the environment. The role of biochar to ensure food security to mitigate climate change has being extensively investigated by several studies (Woolf et al. 2010, Mičeková 2012, Alburquerque et al. 2013, Filiberto and Gaunt 2013, Preston and Leng 2013). 2.2.3.2. Biochar Research for Development and Policy Implications Biochar research for development is relevant for the development and formation of policy, regulatory standards and technologies to enhance soil quality and quantity, improve crop growth and yield, to mitigate climate change, and to remediate degraded soils. Biochar research is critical to ensure sustainable food security and food systems, environmental conservation and to reduce anthropogenic-induced emissions. Lots of researches have been conducted in the field of biochar; however, biochar policy and regulatory standards are still in the developing stages, which makes it challenging and complicated to effectively implement strategies at the national and global levels to enhance crop yield, while sequestering carbon. Further research needs to be conducted to understand the stability of biochar in soil ecosystems over a longer period and how that contributes to climate change mitigation. 96
Globally, significant progress has been made in biochar research and development, which is attributed to the fight against climate change, GEC, poverty reduction and food security (Chan et al. 2007, Sohi et al. 2008, Shackley et al. 2010, Ippolito et al. 2012, Dennis et al. 2013). Though researches on biochar use in agriculture and climate change mitigation demonstrate promising potential (Lal 2004a, Laird 2008, Woolf et al. 2010), investment in biochar research, development and technological advancement to make the technology available to both rural and urban areas is critical to the formation and advancement of policies and regulatory strategies for sustainable biochar use to combat climate change and enhance agricultural productivity. Studies have demonstrated that biochar use in agriculture, climate change mitigation and GEC could lead to far lesser emissions compare to an economy that is driven by the reliance on fossil fuel for economic growth and development (Hellwinckel and Ugarte 2009, Delwiche et al. 2014, Peake et al. 2014). Investment in biochar research for development is gaining gradual global momentum with several studies being conducted at smaller scales in developed, developing and least developed countries with the goal to promote global food security and combat climate change (Asai et al. 2009b, Hugill 2011, Mekuria et al. 2012). In Lao PDR, investment in biochar research for development is focus to ensure food security through climate-smart agriculture, sustainable biochar production to mitigate polluted soils, sequester soil carbon stock, soils restoration, soil water retention, while reducing soil nutrients leaching (Asai et al. 2009a, Noguera et al. 2010, Hugill 2011, Mekuria et al. 2012, Mekuria et al. 2013). Good policy on environmental sustainability and 97
ecosystems management relies heavily on sound empirical studies. Lao PDR along with other ASEAN countries has the capacity to sustainably produce biochar from agricultural residues at a larger scale (ADB 2013). The feasibility of biochar technological availability in rural communities without economic capital and financial credit is still poorly understood. Biochar production technologies have to take into account the financial capability of rural households and communities who are targeted to adopt the technology because rural farmers in developing countries made up 70 per cent of the population who rely on farming. In Lao PDR is a classic example (UNDP 2010c, Dyoulgerov et al. 2011, Keomany 2011). For biochar systems to be sustainable not only should biomasses be acquired the right way as outlined by the IBI (IBI 2010, 2013) Biochar technologies should be locally accessible and local farmers are able to afford the system. to make the biochar technology available to rural communities who are at the forefront of abrupt climate vulnerability and risks (Dyoulgerov et al. 2011, FAO 2011). The research on biochar stability in soil, the scale at which biochar can be applied to soil to enhance productivity couple with sustainable biochar production, technological development, policy and regulatory frameworks, and the cost-benefits evaluation are still understudied with diverse information (IBI 2010, 2013). Different institutions have different approaches on selected technologies used to produce, process and apply biochar to soil. While the diversification of biochar technologies could have positive impacts on the advancement of biochar use to improve agricultural productivity and mitigate climate change, it is essential to have policy and 98
regulatory standards in place to ensure that biochar technologies are used appropriately and the deployment of biochar technologies in rural settings do not economically exploit those rural communities. Local technologies that are used for sustainable biochar production and application to soils are acknowledged; such that, rural smallholders are accredited for their authentic contribution to climate change mitigation and adaptation, sustainable agricultural productivity, food security, and livelihoods enhancement. 2.3. Chapter Summary In this chapter, we discussed that economic development and growth in Lao PDR is driven mainly on agricultural development and the agricultural sector plays a crucial role in rural livelihoods as about 70 per cent of the rural population depend on farming for their livelihoods. Climate change vulnerability and risk pose significant harm to rural smallholders and their livelihoods in Lao PDR through changes in annual and seasonal precipitation events, prolong and persistent drought, land reforms, deforestation, environmental changes, development-induced displaced and forced migration, poverty, and food insecurity.
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