Man, Nature and Environment

Pantone 342

Pantone 285

ISBN 978-961-237-723-6

789612 377236

Tracing flood histories is one example for the challenges of writing environmental histories in Central Europe. Two quite different sets of skills are needed. One set is the historian’s craft. The historian works at making sense of sources, constructing a compelling narrative from chaotic facts, tracing human appreciation of the Danube, human uses of the Danube, human interventions into the Danube … . The skills of the landscape ecologist, the hydrologist, the historical geographer, the geomorphologist and many other natural scientists are needed for the second building block. We need reconstructions of past riverine landscapes, ecosystems, of paleo-meanders and we need a chronology to answer questions of cause and effect – what was first, the intervention or the problem? Without knowing about the substrate of perceptions of historical actors, we cannot evaluate their perceptions for our narrative. How does the river the newspapers are talking about actually look like? Very different from how we perceive it today. Both are necessary, none is more important, both skills are of equal importance for an environmental history of the Danube River Basin. (Verena Winiwarter)

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zbirka48

(Miha Kosi)

Man, Nature and Environment between the Northern Adriatic and the Eastern Alps in Premodern Times

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In the immediate vicinity of the medieval Ljubljana there were extensive woodlands, stretching far into the hills in the southeast and northwest. … The greater part of Ljubljana’s supply with wood, however, came from areas further away, 15–20 kilometres from the city. … In the time of need, as during the threat from Ottoman incursions in 1478, when Ljubljana was strenghtening its fortifications, the king allowed the citizens unlimited use of wood from any forests in the immediate vicinity. … [A] unique source … dates back to 1510, the time of war between Austria and the Republic of Venice. Therein Emperor Maximilian … ordered his captain in Ljubljana that he should, together with the citizens, enclose or fence … forests and prohibit the cutting, so that the young trees could grow and the forests could flourish again, to provide for the needs of his city and castle in the future.

Man, Nature and Environment

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between the Northern Adriatic and the Eastern Alps in Premodern Times

9 771408 353005

36,00 €

48

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Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani

zbirka

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Zbirka zgodovinskega časopisa

Man, Nature and Environment Between the Northern Adriatic and the Eastern Alps in Premodern Times

Edited by Peter Štih and Žiga Zwitter

Ljubljana 2014

zbirka 48

ISSN 0000–0000

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ISSN 1408-3531 Peter Štih, Žiga Zwitter (editors) Man, Nature and Environment Between the Northern Adriatic and the Eastern Alps in Premodern Times *** Zbirka Zgodovinskega časopisa 48 *** Editor-in-Chief of the series: Peter Štih International editorial Board: Tina Bahovec, Bojan Balkovec, Borut Batagelj, Rajko Bratož, Ernst Bruckmüller, Liliana Ferrari, Ivo Goldstein, Žarko Lazarević, Dušan Mlacović, Božo Repe, Franc Rozman, Janez Stergar, Imre Szilágyi, Marta Verginella, Peter Vodopivec, Marija Wakounig. *** Peer reviewers: Harald Krahwinkler and Vasko Simoniti Design: Vesna Vidmar *** Published by: Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani (Ljubljana University Press, Faculty of Arts) (for the publisher: Branka Kalenić Ramšak, Dean of Faculty of Arts), Historical Association of Slovenia (for the publisher: Branko Šuštar, President of HAS). The publication was financially supported by: Slovenian Research Agency (projects Man, Nature and Environment between the Northern Adriatic and the Eastern Alps in the Premodern Times (J6-4087, 2011-2014, head: Peter Štih) and The adaptation patterns of human activities to the environmental changes after Last Glacial Maximum in Slovenia (J6-4016, 2011-2014, head: Dušan Plut)). *** Print: Littera Picta d.o.o., Ljubljana 2014 Print Run: 200 *** Authors are responsible for ensuring grammatical and scientific adequacy of the submissions.

CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikaciji Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana 94(4-191.2)(082) 502.11(4-191.2)(082) MAN, nature and environment between the northern Adriatic and the eastern Alps in premodern times / edited by Peter Štih and Žiga Zwitter. - Ljubljana : Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete =University Press, Faculty of Arts : Historical Association of Slovenia, 2014. - (Zbirka Zgodovinskega časopisa ; 48) ISBN 978-961-237-723-6 (Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete) 1. Štih, Peter 277728512

CONTENTS

Verena Winiwarter: The Emerging Long-Term View: Challenges and Opportunities of Writing Environmental Histories in Central Europe�� 8 Katarina Čufar, Matjaž Bizjak, Manja Kitek Kuzman, Maks Merela, Michael Grabner, and Robert Brus: Environmental History of Pišece Castle Reconstructed with the Aid of Wood Investigation, Dendrochronology and Written Sources�� 24 Peter Štih: Mensch und Wald in den Ostalpen (bis zur Großen Kolonisation)�� 36 Jelena Mrgić: Rocks, Waters, and Bushes–What did the Ragusan Commune Acquire from the Bosnian King in 1399? An Environmental History Approach�� 52 Donata Degrassi: Water, Wood, Minerals: The Resources of Friuli and Their Use Between the XIIIth and XVth Centuries�� 74 Dušan Mlacović: The Communes of the Northern Istria in the Late Middle Ages and Wood�� 86 Miha Kosi: Interaction Between the City and its Environment: The Case of Late Medieval Ljubljana�� 102 Matjaž Bizjak: Medieval Account Books as a Source for Environmental History�� 124 Günther Bernhard: Gubernialindizes, Patente und Kurrenden, Kalender, Fuggerzeitungen und Archivalien aus Grundherrschaftsarchiven als Quellen zur Umweltgeschichte des Alpen-Adria-Raumes in der Frühneuzeit�� 144 Boris Golec: Erze, Wasser, Feuer und Erdbeben als Mitgestalter des räumlichen, wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Antlitzes der Städte und Märkte im Land Krain in der vormodernen Epoche �� 156 Janez Mlinar: Das Eisenhüttenwesen und sein Einfluss auf Mensch und Natur in Spätmittelalter und Frühneuzeit: Beispiele aus dem westlichen Oberkrain�� 182 Marko Štuhec: Nature in Some Normative and Expressive Sources in the 17th and 18th Centuries in the Territory of Present-Day Slovenia�� 192 Peter Mikša: Exploring the Mountains – Triglav at the End of the 18th Century�� 202

Martin Knoll: Describing Socio-Natural Sites: How Early Modern Topographical Literature Deals with Alpine and Riverine Landscapes�� 216 Martin Schmid: Dealing with Dynamics: The Preindustrial Danube as an Interdisciplinary Challenge�� 228 András Vadas: A River Between Worlds: Environment, Society and War Along the River Raab/Rába (c. 1600–1660)�� 242 Hrvoje Petrić: Some Aspects of the Interrelationship Between Humans and the River Drava in the Pre-Industrial Times with an Emphasis on the Late 18th and Early 19th Century�� 260 Christian Rohr: Coping with Natural Hazards in the Southeast Alpine Region in the Middle Ages and in Early Modern Times�� 290 Žiga Zwitter: Water and Forest in 17th-Century Jauntal/Podjuna (Carinthia): The Analysis of Patrimonial Court Records and a Description of Tenants’ Holdings from the Seigneury of Eberndorf/Dobrla vas�� 314 Michael Grabner, Elisabeth Wächter, and Markus Jeitler: Historic Transport of Logs and Timber in Austria–and How to Trace Back Their Origin�� 352 Gernot Gallor: Das rechtliche Spannungsfeld zwischen Nutzung und Schutz des Waldes in der Neuzeit�� 362 Robert Brus and Domen Gajšek: The Introduction of Non-Native Tree Species to Present-Day Slovenia�� 380 Miha Seručnik: Countryside on the Brink of Modernity: Josephinian and Franciscan Cadastres as Sources for the Eco-History of Carniola�� 394 Index of Geographical Names�� 413

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P. MIKŠA: Exploring the Mountains ...

Peter Mikša

Exploring the Mountains – Triglav1 at the End of the 18th Century MIKŠA, Peter, PhD, Assist., University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of History, SI–1000 Ljubljana, Aškerčeva 2, peter. [email protected]

MIKŠA, Peter, dr., asist., Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za zgodovino, SI–1000 Ljubljana, Aškerčeva 2, peter.miksa@ ff.uni-lj.si

Exploring the Mountains – Triglav at the End of the 18th Century

Odkrivanje gora – Triglav konec 18. stoletja

The present-day Slovenian Alps aroused the interest of individual domestic and international natural scientists in the 18th century mostly due to the richness of their flora, fauna and geological features. Giovanni Antonio Scopoli, Baltazar (Belsazar) Hacquet and Žiga (Sigismund) Zois are credited with the discovery of these summits. At the end of the 18th century, Triglav, which was at the time already considered the highest mountain of the region, became the focal point of Hacquet’s research. His first attempt to ascend Triglav took place in 1777, however, he only reached the summit of Mali Triglav. ”Four brave men” undertook the first recorded ascent of the summit of Triglav in the framework of Baron Zois’ expedition as early as the following year.

Današnje slovenske Alpe so v 18. stoletju postale zelo zanimive za posamezne naravoslovce, tako domače kot tuje, zlasti zaradi bogastva flore, favne in geoloških posebnosti. Velike zasluge za odkritje teh vrhov regionalnemu področju, predvsem zahodni Evropi, gredo Giovanniju Antoniu Scopoliju in Baltazarju Hacquetu ter Žigi Zoisu. Fokus predvsem Hacqueta je postal konec 18. stoletja Triglav, ki je že tedaj veljal za najvišjo goro tega področja. Nanj se je prvič poskusil povzpeti leta 1777 a je prišel le na vrh Malega Triglava. Prvi so na vrhu Triglava v okviru raziskovalne odprave barona Zoisa že naslednje leto dokumentirano stali »štirje srčni možje«. Avtorski izvleček

Author’s Abstract 1 Mount Triglav (2,864 m) is the highest summit of the Julian Alps and Slovenia. To Slovenes, it represents a prime national symbol; it is also included in the coat-of-arms of the Republic of Slovenia. The first documented ascent of Triglav was on 26 August 1778 completed by Luka Korošec, Matevž Kos, Štefan Rožič and Lovrenc Willomitzer. The credit for establishing Triglav as a symbol of Slovenes goes already to Zois’ cultural circle (Valentin Vodnik, Anton Tomaž Linhart), but ultimately to Jakob Aljaž, who in 1895 purchased the summit of Triglav (16 m2) for 1 florin and built the Aljaž Tower on it; with this act of symbolically marking the Slovene territory, Aljaž decidedly inhibited the influence of German mountaineering societies in Slovene mountains (Mikša, Ajlec, Slovensko planinstvo, pp. 438-441). On the symbolic level, Triglav established itself during WWII as a symbol of the Liberation front. Following the war, Triglav also took the central position in the coat-of-arms of the Socialist Republic of Slovenia. In 1991, when Slovenia declared its independence, a stylized Triglav became the central element of the Republic of Slovenia’s coat-of-arms along with three golden stars, stemming from the coat-of-arms of the Counts of Celje, and the sea; Triglav thus landed also on the flag of the Republic of Slovenia.

Man, Nature and Environment Between the Northern Adriatic and the Eastern Alps in Premodern Times 203

In the 18th century, Slovene Alps aroused great interest among individual, local as well as international, naturalists especially due to the diversity of their flora, fauna and geological phenomena. Several scientists worked in Carniola at that period, for instance Giovanni Antonio Scopoli,2 a native of South Tyrol, and the Breton Balthasar (Belsazar) Hacquet;3 they both worked as physicians at Idrija and they were both exceedingly interested in botany, which represented a motive for their trips to the mountains. It is to Scopoli’s and Hacquet’s credit that the Eastern Alps were discovered by a broader regional area, by Western Europe in particular. At the end of the 18th century, Triglav became the focal point of Hacquet’s research, which was already in that period considered to be the highest mountain of the area. His first attempt of ascending Triglav dates back to 1777, however he only reached the summit of Mali Triglav. His first successful documented ascent was recorded already in the following year, when the inaccessible peak was reached by “four brave men” in the framework of Baron Žiga (Sigismund) Zois’ research expedition.4 It was also with his help that Triglav ended up in the centre of interest Giovanni Antonio Scopoli laid the groundwork for the modern scientific naturalist research of Carniola. As a physician in the Idrija mine Scopoli studied Carniolan vegetation and fauna and compiled material for his most important works. In 1755 and 1766, he travelled across a large part of Carniola and in 1758 he accomplished the first documented ascent of Storžič, which was in 1759 followed by the ascent of Grintovec in the Kamnik-Savinja Alps. In 1761 and 1762 he traversed the Bohinj-Tolmin mountains and reached the south foothills of Triglav above Velo polje. Scopoli’s fame brought to Idrija his successor Balthasar Hacquet, i.e. a physician, a naturalist and in his later years an ethnologist (Bufon, Scopoli Giovanni Antonio, pp. 256–258). 3 Indeed, it was Scopoli’s fame that brought to Idrija his successor Balthasar Hacquet, i.e. a physician, a naturalist and in his later years an ethnologist. “[…] I chose Carniola due to natural science and its well-known Idrija mercury mine, moreover the famous Scopoli lived there […]” (Lunazzi, Belsazar Hacquet, p. 88). Hacquet lived and worked in Idrija from 1766 to 1773 and then in Ljubljana until 1787 (Wester, Baltazar Hacquet, p. 12). 4 Žiga Zois (1747–1819) owned large ironworks in Carniola, several houses in Ljubljana and Trieste; he was also in possession of several castles. He supported the beginnings of Slovene national movement, had an extensive library and a mineral collection which later on became the most precious part of the Provincial Museum in Ljubljana and is today kept in the Slovenian Museum of Natural History in Ljubljana. His interest in geology and friendship with Hacquet resulted in his providing financial support for multiple ascents of the summit of Triglav. Hacquet’s companions came from Zois’ circle as well; he writes about them in Vol. 1 of his Oryctography (Oryctographia Carniolica published in four volumes from 1778 to 1789): “With Baron Zois’ help a sufficient number of brave people accompanied me although none of them could claim to have already climbed the summit of a mountain. My student, a connoisseur of mountains, who had been supported by the aforementioned ironworks owner on account of natural science 2

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of European naturalists due to his dispute with Johann Fichtel over the origin of different kinds of rocks. Images of Mountains on Maps from the 17th and 18th Century Before the interest in mountains flourished in the age of Enlightenment, the mountains had in the eyes of natural scientists been in full swing already in the Renaissance, especially owing to growing popularity of botany and glaciology, and later on also owing to two other research disciplines, namely geography and geology.5 Nevertheless, at that period the society still considered mountains to be “ugly warts that spoil the world of cultural plain”.6 Nature was considered beautiful and agreeable in the areas where it was “tame and drawn by means of a pair of compasses and a ruler,”7 mountains fell outside these ideals, as they were considered to be unformed, uncultivated, chaotic and above all, they represented a thoroughly mysterious world, in which man’s imagination placed numerous stories, myths and tales.8 One of the first to describe and record the first known ascents of lower Slovene mountains was the polymath Janez Vajkard Valvasor (Johann Weichard Valvasor) in his extensive survey of the province of Carniola entitled The Glory of the Duchy of Carniola, which was published in 1689. The work is of great scientific and artistic importance; it represents a significant source of data and contains several maps. Valvasor’s extensive piece of writing was not preceded by any similar written work which would describe the province of Carniola, let alone the Slovene alpine world. Before it, names of mountains, valleys and rivers emerged in the context of boundary stones of seigneuries, in cadastral documents, deeds of donation, etc. Valvasor did not devote any particular interest to trips to or to research of mountains; he mentioned them in passing and made general references to them while listing mountain ranges9, rivers, etc. He mentioned mountains also when he stated and and medicine, was on that day as eager to climb as the chamois hunters, who were climbing the mountain with us; it was a very windy day, the summit was covered with clouds.” (Hacquet, Oryctographia Carniolica, Vol 1, p. 27). This nameless student was Lovrenc Willomitzer. With Zois’ financial support, he became a trained surgeon and was given a post in Stara Fužina, but Zois also used him for natural science research in the Bohinj mountains. In 15 years, he sent more than 15,000 rock specimens to various European museums and scientists (Gspan-Prašelj, Zois Žiga, pp. 832–846). He maintained a lively correspondence with the most important natural scientists of that period. A part of the correspondence was published; the remaining parts are kept by the Archives of the Republic Slovenia, the National and University Library and the National Museum of Slovenia (Kidrič, Zoisova korespondenca 1808–1809; id., Zoisova korespondenca 1809–1810). 5 Mikša, Ajlec, Slovensko planinstvo, p. 12. 6 Batagelj, Izum smučarske tradicije, p. 76. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 E.g. in the chapter on the mountains in the Upper Carniola (Valvasor, Čast in slava, II, pp. 141–144).


discussed mountain passes and roads10, leading through high mountains and in the chapter on natural sights which are located in high mountains.11 The book’s graphics, consisting of maps and topographical graphics, stem from Valvasor’s notes and sketches. The most important map is that of the duchy of Carniola which was produced by Valvasor himself. Mountains are depicted by means of shadowed molehills and their positions are inexact. First and foremost, it has the merit of providing the reader with assistance in spatial awareness. Somewhat better are located Valvasor’s topographical graphics,12 accompanying the chapters on respective castles, monarsteries and urban settlements. One can see mighty castles with gardens set in the landscape, which is in some cases completed by a magnificent mountain range in the background.13 As Valvasor did not fit the summits and massifs with inscriptions, one can only make assumptions about their names. The field of cartography made strong progress in the 18th century. The motive behind this can be of political, administrative or military nature, and can be found in the desire for, or better yet, in the necessity for accurate measurements and ac10 He lists and discusses mountain passes or rather passable paths and roads in Chapter XIV of the book IV, where 10 of them are mentioned. Ljubelj (Loibl) seems to be his particular favourite. He either regarded it as his special discovery, or he, along with his drawing artists, was so familiar with it that they used it for orientation. It occurs in several places. Namely next to the aforementioned list of passable paths, it also appears on a drawing in book II and on the topographical graphics of Turjak and Wagensperg (ibid. II, p. 170; IV, pp. 557–560; XI, annexes between pp. 26–27 and 620–621). 11 Two of the probably most interesting examples of natural phenomena in the section On natural rarities of the province of Carniola, referring to mountains are Crain-Berg and Kerma. In book II (ibid. II, p. 141; IV, p. 558), Valvasor mentions a certain Crain-Berg, which is said to be rising above the village of Cronau and was usually referred to as Creina Mountain. According to the description of the hole through the mountain, leading from Upper Carniola to Bovec, he undoubtedly refers to Prisojnik along with its Okno. As he himself did not visit these places, he merely provides other people’s opinion, he mistook Okno for the neighbouring mountain pass Vršič with the ancient road from the Sava valley to the area of Tolmin. His description of the mountain Krma that is according to him located in the middle between Mojstrana and Bovec, so to speak, which enables us to assume that the name Krma conceals the Triglav massif itself, is even richer, however not as far as the description of the mountain is concerned, but rather due to its unusual phenomena, which are already stated in the title of the chapter, i.e. On the unusual characteristics of mount Krma. Valvasor writes: ”[...] what is far more peculiar is this: If at noon somebody cracks a whip on this mountain, a storm with thunder and lightning will follow directly, no matter how clear the day may be. As unusual and as unbelievable as this may sound to a sensible reader, it is not a rumour, it has been authenticated. The reader must not believe that this has been confirmed solely by reports of people who reside in the area. Namely in recent years, this has been witnessed by two gentlemen, Johann Baptista Patermann and Laurentius von Rechberg, both doctors of medicine.” (ibid. IV, p. 562). 12 As far as the alpine background is concerned, four panoramas deserve special attention; the sheets of castle Turjak/Auersperg, castle Ajmanov grad/Ehrenau, monastery Mekinje/Münkendorf and Bogenšperk/Wagensperg (ibid. XI, pp. 26–27, 128–129, 368–369, 620–621). 13 E.g. Brdo/Egg, Golnik/Gallenfels, Fužine/Kaltenbrunn, Kacenštajn (Begunje)/Katzenstein and Litija/Littai. As well as drawings of Lake Bled/Veldeser See with its castle and surroundings along with the background towards Pokljuka, of Lake Bohinj/Wocheiner See with the Savica waterfall, the Kokra/Kanker valley and drawings of Kamniška Bistrica/Steiner Feistritz (ibid. II., p. 136, 153, 159; XI, p. 129, 166, 295, 299, 343, 611).

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curately depicted territories. This is the period of inventions of various measuring devices, of devices for determining one’s position, and of the tendency to exchange know-how and achieve uniformity of systems of measurement. The second half of the century is also the period of the beginnings of triangulation methods for measurements of the surface which increased the accuracy of maps to a considerable extent.14 As far as the depiction of mountains in that period is concerned, one has to mention Florjančič’s map of Carniola from 1744.15 Zauchenberg’s map from 1712, which was commissioned by the Carniolan Provincial Diet, served as a model for it. The outlines of summits are of course not realistic, the orthographic imagery even less so, and the geographic position is approximate.16 When reviewing maps that were published in the 18th century, one cannot overlook Balthasar Hacquet and his work Oryctographia Carniolica, which was published in four volumes from 1778 to 1789. In this extensive work, he published the map entitled Krainska Deschela and the first known depiction of Triglav; namely, in Volume 3 of the aforementioned work, Hacquet presented a copper engraving17 of the highest mountain in Carniola, which he calls Veliki Terglau and was according to his measurements 1,549 Parisian fathoms high.18 In 1777, during the preparations for the publication of the Oryctography, he attempted the first documented ascent of the summit of Triglav, but he only succeeded in climbing Mali Triglav via Konjščica and Velo polje, and the aforementioned route was named the Bohinj ascent. His report on this mountain tour: “I was climbing up the rocks. In the beginning, I did not come across any bigger obstacle in the dihedral, where lots of fine grained scree and snow lay. Once that was behind me, I realised that my men had been telling the truth, when they had been claiming that few men or none whatsoever had come up there, at least none of the botanists, for I found plants that neither Scopoli nor anyone else had noticed and I shall describe them some time. As far as types of rocks are concerned, I only established limestone and ferrous clay […]. The following day, I was willing to attack the mountain with my companions from the other side as well; however, the weather did not permit it. So I contented myself with the study of mountainous components. However, I do hope that I shall return to measure its height on another occasion, when I am in possession of De Luc’s barometer.”19 Zorn, Gašperič, Vzpeti svet, p. 7. Ducatus Carnioliae Tabula Corographica. 16 This is a nearly 2 m2 large map at an approximate scale 1: 100,000 which represents the most complete map of Carniola up to that period. It is distinguished by the plasticity of its relief; hills are represented by molehills, high mountains by somewhat pointed elevations and shading. It also includes an additional map and a veduta of Ljubljana (Rus, Triglav, p. 89). 17 It is easily noticeable that the authors of the copper engraving made a mistake, as the impressions do not represent the actual image of Triglav and the surrounding summits, but a mirror image. Kredarica is thus located on the right when it should be on the left-hand side, while Mali Triglav which is on the left, is in reality on the right-hand side. Two figures are depicted in the right-hand bottom of the copper engraving. A small man wearing a townsmen’s coat is standing on the inner side, and next to him we see a sturdy herdsman wearing a wide brim hat, a rain coat made of lime bast, clogs with a clasp and a pole in his hand. 18 Parisian fathom is a French measurement unit which is equal to 6 Parisian ft. Parisian foot equals 32.48 cm which means that Parisian fathom equals 1.9588 m. Hacquet therefore estimated that Triglav is 3,018.7 m high (Wester, Balthasar Hacquet, p. 60). 19 Hacquet’s memories, excerpts published in Kugy, Pet stoletij Triglava, pp. 44–47. 14 15


Next to the principal data on the first attempts of ascending Triglav and the first successful ascents, another work, i.e. its supplement, is of vital importance for the comprehension of hikes in that period — Hacquet also penned the first instructions for mountaineers in the world.20 “In any case, climbers must be brave and not fearful of the deepest and steepest precipices. The so-called dizziness stems from fear; if one is to set oneself free from it, one should climb high towers, and gradually climb partly on open beams, partly on rooftops, etc. before climbing high mountains, by doing so one can get accustomed to climbing without fear. A climber must forsake all unnecessary matters, such as tobacco, vine, warm drinks, a soft bed, etc. and should be, if possible, unmarried, for he will be more courageous […].”21 His assessment of the most appropriate physique, eyesight and body in general is also very interesting: “A climber’s frame must be well grown and have no deformities. The most appropriate stature is that of 5 to 5 1/2 feet22. Taller people are not suited for several reasons: A person who is too tall rarely has stronger muscles than a small, stout one, and so they have no more strength, yet due to their height they must bear more than the latter, moreover, the taller the body is, the sooner it loses balance and runs the risk of tipping over; the longer its bones are, the easier they break […]. One’s eyesight must be good and far-reaching, for a short-sighted person runs at any given moment the danger of getting hurt or even breaking their neck. One’s lungs must lack any defect, one’s legs must be strong and persistent. Persistent legs are acquired in one’s youth by engaging in extensive walking, strong legs are mostly obtained by means of repeated cold baths. Nothing harms legs more than warm water, as hardened skin on one’s sole must never be removed, one should therefore at all times wear boots that cause it.”23 The Exploration and Conquest of Triglav Following the previously mentioned Hacquet’s failed attempt of reaching the summit of Triglav in 1777, Zois offered a reward to encourage the ascent of the summit as soon as possible. A year after Hacquet’s failure, Lovrenz Willomitzer set out to organise the ascent; he was given a post as a surgeon at Stara Fužina and was according to Hacquet “being kept by the ironworker24 at his expense on account of natural sciences and medicine.”25 He was accompanied by Luka Korošec, a mine worker from Gorjuše, Matevž Kos, a chamois hunter from Jereka, and Štefan Rožič, Neueste physikalisch-politische Reisen in den Jahren 1788—95 durch die Dacischen und Sarmatischen oder Nordlichen Karpathen« in 4 volumes, Nurnberg, 1790—1796. 21 Wester, Hacquetova navodila za gorolazce, p. 84. 22 150—165 cm. 23 Wester, Hacquetova navodila za gorolazce, p. 85. 24 Žiga Zois. 25 Willomitzer was to draw up a thorough report for Zois on his findings, since word had had it that substantial amounts of iron ore were supposed to be present in the rocks of Triglav, which was to be examined by an expert. Willomitzer supposedly wrote the report and it is included in Zois’ legacy (Mazi, Kdo je prvi stopil na vrh Triglava, pp. 245-251). 20

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a district hunter of the Bled nobility from Savica. Two out of three local guides were mine workers, which is a phenomenon and curiosity of Bohinj, as they were supposed to be better suited for such research path than poachers. The structure of the expedition is to be associated with the fact that at the time Baron Žiga Zois was in possession of blast furnaces at Bohinj and that alongside their research work they were also probably looking for information on possible iron ore deposits in high-lying positions beneath Triglav. The names of the first documented ascentionists of the summit of Triglav can be gathered from two accounts which provide conflicting numbers. We learn about the four first ascentionists not before three decades later from the account by Franz Xaver Johann Richter,26 a historian, geographer and author, who described the ascent by using Zois’ notes, which included the names of the four men.27 Richter published a series of articles in the Illyrisches Blatt (1821) entitled “Veldes und Wochein” (i.e. Bled and Bohinj). He described the lake and the Savica waterfall, then he concluded: “From Stara Fužina stretches a narrow valley to the northeast, with Triglav presenting itself in its background. The majority of those who climbed it chose this route. Therefore it is right to intertwine hither a short history of ascents of Triglav, as it was gathered from the records of the late Baron Zois.” He continued: “The first attempt to break through to the summit of Triglav and find a good route was ventured by Lovrenc Willonitzer,28 posted as a surgeon at Stara Fužina, with the assistance of the chamois hunter Rožič and the mine workers Matevž Kos from Jereka and Luka Korošec from Gorjuše. On 24 August 1778, they reached herders’ huts at Velo polje. On 25 August, they inspected the most convenient route to the heights of Zeleni plaz and for this purpose examined three parts of the mountain. Then on 26 August, they at first set off to the left and then almost diagonally from the southwest to the northeast and reached Zeleni plaz in five hours. The surgeon Willonitzer is said to have seen the plain of Ljubljana and the Mojstrana valley from there. He wrote to Baron Zois that from up there the sight of the horrendous depth was dreadful. Old snow seemed downright green; he also noticed a well, spewing noisily beneath him. In a good hour they climbed from Zeleni plaz along Gspan, Richter Franz Xav. Johann, pp. 97–101. The oldest records can be found in Richter’s legacy kept in the ARS, AS 992, , box 1, Der Triglav und die Wochein aus hinterlassenen Papieren des seeligen Sigmunde Zois, p. 33. Richter provided first published records in the newspaper Illyrisches Blatt, 11 May 1821, p. 76, almost 30 years after the first written record. Richter states that in his records he included a short history of ascents of Triglav as he summarized it according to the records of the late baron Zois. In one of his letters to Valentin Vodnik, a priest at Koprivnik, dated 4 October 1795, Žiga Zois says: “I am most delighted to enter your observations into my Bohinj manuscript.” He continues as follows: “[…] also enclose drawings of Triglav which I have in my possession, if needed, and I can indicate which ascents have been completed so far. I have collected a rather long string of them from 1776 onwards and I am getting exceedingly curious”. We learn from the aforementioned letter that in this “Bohinj manuscript”, as it is referred to, Zois chronologically listed all ascents from 1776 to at least 1795. 28 Richter in his manuscripts as well as his text about Bohinj, which was published in the Illyrisches Blatt, persistently refers to Willomitzer as Willonitzer. It is difficult to say why this was the case, however, he is the only one to use this variant. 26 27


the crest of the broad ridge of Kredarica in the direction of the west towards the last rock head of Triglav. The path there is in many places merely two feet wide and covered in crushed rocks. Upon reaching the last rock head of Triglav, Willonitzer’s companions started to hesitate. They figured that the summit was three quarters of an hour away. The weather was favourable, clear, without wind and not too cold. Willonitzer stated that up to fifty people might have stood at the summit, but he failed to discover any traces that would prove that anyone had ever trodden up there. They spent about two hours at the summit and engraved the following names into two rocks; Joseph II, Sigmund Zois, Balthasar Hacquet, Jožef Štefančič,29 Lovrenc Willonitzer, Christian Novak, Štefan Rožič, Matevž Kos, Luka Korošec. Then they wedged a hammer and a chisel into the crack and returned home that same day. Willonitzer claimed that from the summit he had seen all Carniolan and Carinthian mountains, the Gulf of Trieste, the Karst and the Lower Carniola, Styrian mountain chains, Klagenfurt along with its lake, the Ossiach monastery, Gailtal as far as Tyrol, Venetian mountains, Aquileia, the Bovec valley, Monte Lussari, Bela peč/ Weissenfels, Rateče and Dovje. On their descent, they marked the taken route, so they would find it more easily the following year.” In the preface of Volume 2 of his Oryctography, Hacquet wrote as follows: “The first ascent of the utmost summit of this mountain was achieved at the end of the previous year, in 1778, by two brave chamois hunters and one of my former students. As somebody had offered a financial reward for this daring accomplishment, these men had to engrave an inscription into the rocks in order to ensure that the ascent had been completed, which I myself discovered in some locations.”30 In Volume 3 of the same work, as he describes his second ascent31 of the summit Triglav, he says: “I remained on Velo polje for six hours to rest. Since the night was quite clear and I was accompanied by two brave mountaineers, one of them being Luka Korošec, who was the first person to ascend the summit possibly since the beginning of the world, I followed them after midnight from our rest point and at Who and what are Jožef Štefančič und Kristijan Novak, two unknown individuals, who are mentioned alongside the then well-known men of rank and the first ascentionists that were recorded at the summit during the first ascent? In 1758, Štefančič was the manager of the seigneury of Neuhaus. Up to 1774 he managed the seigneury of Altgutenberg near Tržič. When in 1774 the then-current administrator of the seigneury of Bled Franc Florjan Chrobath died, the Diocese of Brixen gifted the seigneury to the new leaseholder – i.e. the manager Jožef Štefančič. And this seigneury was spreading out across Bohinj (with the exception of the area Stara Fužina-Studor) to Triglav. Kristjan Novak (Christian Novag) managed Zois’ ironworks at Bohinjska Bistrica. (Ceklin, Štirje srčni možje, pp. 512-513). 30 Hacquet, Oryctographia Carniolica, Vol. 2, p. XXVIII. This happened on 3 August 1779, i.e. a year later, when Hacquet achieved the first ascent to the main summit. However, according to Richter, Hacquet probably did not reach the summit on that occasion, but he succeeded in climbing it in his third attempt in 1782: “[…] on 3 August they reached the overhanging rock wall beneath the last summit of the rock head, where danger begins. The exhausted professor complained that he felt dizzy and could not go on. He felt the spot was adequate enough for conducting the measurement of the altitude of Triglav and that the difference to the summit was insignificant. Hacquet was thus not at the highest head of Triglav, but merely beside it as he measured the altitude.” 31 In 1782. 29

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sunrise, after a continuous ascent, reached the first edge or crest of the Kredarica mountain which adjoins Triglav […]. It was not until 7 o’clock that I reached the highest summit or the rock spike of Triglav, which was that year to the north covered with frozen snow that was three fathoms higher, for the rocks, containing the engraved letters I. S. Z. H. (here I engraved a dotted semicircle) L. K. L. K. were four fathoms deeper, while ordinarily they are merely six feet away from the highest point […].”32 Table 1: Ascents and attempts of ascents of Triglav from 1777 up to the end of the 18th century33 1777 Baltazar Hacquet, along with several locals, attempts to climb Triglav, however, they merely reach Velo polje. 1778 24–26 August, the first ascent is completed by Luka Korošec, Matevž Kos, Štefan Rožič, Lovrenc Willomitzer. 1779 2 August, Hacquet ventures another attempt with Willomitzer and Matija Kos. Willomitzer and Kos reach the summit, Hacquet reaches Mali Triglav. The second ascent. 1782 23 August, Hacquet, along with Luka Korošec and another guide whose name is unknown, finally climbs Triglav. The third ascent. 1788 23 July, Hacquet attempts another ascent; he is believed not to have completed it. 1790 In July, Žerovnik, Matija Kos and a fisherman by the name of Nazaj (perhaps Nacni) reach the summit. The fourth ascent. 1792 In August, Primož N., a hunter from Radovljica, reaches the summit at night on his own.34 The fifth ascent. 1792 11 November, Žerovnik, Matija Kos and his son Anton Kos climb the summit. The sixth ascent. 1795 14–15 August, Valentin Vodnik, Pinhak, Franc Hohenwart, Matija and Anton Kos reach the summit. The seventh ascent. Table 2: Year of first ascents to selected Slovene summits and their first ascentionists.35 Storžič (2,132 m) 1758 Antonio Scopoli and unknown companions Grintovec (2,558 m) 1759 Antonio Scopoli and unknown companions Triglav (2,864 m) 1778 Luka Korošec, Matevž Kos, Štefan Rožič, Lovrenc Willomitzer Planjava (2,392 m 1793 Franz Hohenwart and unknown companions Mangart (2,679 m) 1794 Franz Hohenwart and unknown companions

Hacquet mentions two chamois hunters; Richter states two mine workers and a hunter. Whether these were the same individuals, is difficult to say, as Hacquet Hacquet, Oryctographia Carniolica, Vol. 3, pp. 93—94. Table 1 was prepared by means of data obtained from: Lovšin, V Triglavu, pp. 97–99. 34 “On 28 August, Primož N., a hunter of count Vincenc Thurn in Radovljica, did an extraordinary thing. He bet that he would set off to Triglav at dusk and set fire to a bundle of straw and bark on the summit. His bet was won. Between 8 and 9 o’clock in the evening, the staff of the Bistrica ironworks saw a fiery signal on the summit of Triglav. Later on, they saw the hunter’s light shining on the steep slope into depth. They wrote him a certificate for his achievement. The daring mountaineer died later on at a less dangerous spot.” (Debelak-Deržaj, Kronika Triglava, p. 272). In her articles from 1947 to 1949, Mira Debelak described in great detail the history of the conquest and climbs of Triglav. Cf. Debelak-Deržaj, Kronika Triglava. 35 Table 2 was prepared by means of data obtained from: Kajzelj, Drofenik, Naš alpinizem. 32 33


does not name them. Neither does he name Willomitzer directly, he is merely indicated as “his former student”. While Richter puts Willomitzer in the first position, he is placed last by Hacquet. The most peculiar is the discord between the initials that were supposed to be engraved into the rocks on the summit. Richter stated full names, while Hacquet discovered only initials: I. S. Z. H. L. K. L. K. Should this be the case, only the names of the emperor, of Zois (or also Štefančič – S) and of Hacquet would have been eternalized by the first letters of their first and family names, Luka Korošec – if he himself had been the engraver – would have engraved his initials twice, while Matevž Kos, among others, would have been missing.36 Since according to Hacquet, the apex of Triglav at the time of his ascent was not snowless, he must have dug snow to the engraved rocks. It appears that on snowless parts of rocks, or on those parts that were dug out from underneath snow, Hacquet made out, or was able to make out, only the first letters of the following first and family names, (which are cited according to Richter’s records). I. (Joseph II.), S(igmund) Z(ois), (Balthasar) H(acquet), L(orenz Willomitzer), (Matthaus) K(oss), L(ucas) K(oroschez) – other initials could have been covered with frozen snow, or the rock may have been at that period already damaged by lightning. We do not even know which – adjoining – letters were engraved next to the initials that Hacquet saw, or whether all letters were placed next to each other, or were they due to the shape of the rock on top of one another. Triglav amidst the Conflict on the Theory of Origin of Rocks At the end of the 18th century, Žiga Zois joined the debate on the origin of rocks. At that time two contradicting theories stood out against one another: the Neptunian on one hand and the Vulcanian theory on the other. The former (advertised by Abraham Gottlob Werner) claimed that all kinds of rock originate from the sea. However, doubts were raised about basalt which was according to Johann Karl Wilhelm von Voigt of volcanic origin. Thus the Vulcanian theory emerged which also exaggerated in most respects. A fervent adherent of the Vulcanian theory was Zois’ acquaintance Johann Ehrenreich von Fichtel from Sibiu in Transylvania.37 In chapters 1–5 of his work Mineralogische Aufsätze from 1794, he discusses fossils which he had obtained from Zois from Ljubljana. These fossils originated from Bohinj, from Zajezerska dolina and Velo polje, i.e. the foothills of Vršac and Triglav. He says that higher parts of the Triglav mountain chain – the rock spike of Triglav (Terglou) and the rock head of Vršac consist of massive primary limestone, allegedly of magmatic origin, while their lower strata consist of the multilayered limestone, which was the result of the sedimentation in the sea.38 As a proof, he 36 The first letters of their first names would have been as follows (in German): I. S. B. I. L. C. S. M. L., and of their family names I. Z. H. S. W. N. R. K. K. If we combine the first letters of their first and family names, we get the following order: I., S. Z., B. H., I. S., L. W., C. N., S. R., M. K., L. K. 37 Faninger, Baron Žiga Zois, p. 6; id., Sodelovanje barona Žiga Zoisa in Valentina Vodnika, p. 562. 38 Rus, Triglav v herojski dobi, pp. 96-97.

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mentiones fossils which he had been given by Zois, who had them gathered in the lower areas, at the foothills of Triglav, and then sent them to him to Sibiu. However, Zois did not agree with Fichtel. He was convinced that the limestone in the highest areas of the mountain range was of marine sediment as well. The fossils which he sent to Fichtel came from lower areas simply because he had not commissioned their gathering at greater heights. Zois, of course, needed some proof for his claims, especially as his friends were interested in his opinion on Fichtel’s theory. The interest of European naturalists was thus suddenly turned to Triglav. In order to obtain proof, Zois organised an expedition to Triglav in 1795. The leadership was entrusted to Valentin Vodnik, who was accompanied by count Franz Hohenwart and Jožef Pinhak. He assigned Andrej Legat and other well versed fossil seekers as their guides. They set off from Bohinjska Bistrica via Stara Fužina, Dedno polje and Ovčarija through the Triglav Lakes Valley to Vršac. Not only on their way, also on Vršac itself, did Vodnik and his group discover fossils in the limestone. This would certainly have sufficed for the rejection of Fichtel’s theory, however, the meticulous Zois was not satisfied with the stratification of the Triglav limestone. A month later, he sent a new expedition to the rock walls of Triglav again with Vodnik as one of its members. They discovered a sufficient amount of fossils to prove that also the surface of Triglav consists of limestone which had been at some point formed in the sea.39 Marking the expedition, Vodnik completed his poem Vršac, which is considered to be one of the most beautiful odes to the Slovene alpine world, and Vodnik is referred to as the founder of the Slovene alpine poetry. Vodnik must have been inspired by the beauty of the mountains, but one of the stanzas of the poem, which was written by the geologically trained poet, celebrates the triumph, that the expedition successfully completed the task for which it had set out. »Sklad na skladu se zdviguje, golih vrhov kamni zid. Večni mojster zaukazuje: Prid', zidar, se lès učit!«40

»Kahler Berge Felsenkerne Schicht auf Schicht sind aufgestuft. Komm du, Maurer, her und lerne! so der ew'ge Meister ruft!«

“Schicht auf Schicht”, i.e. layer on layer, refers to the finding that the Triglav limestone is multilayered and was therefore undoubtedly formed in the sea. And since we know how this expedition came about, it is not difficult to see that the term “Maurer” (i.e. mason) in the next verse refers to the geologist Fichtel.41 The History of the Measurement of Triglav Triglav’s altitude was measured on several occasions. The oldest measurement of Triglav is considered to be that which can be found on Janez Dizma Florjančič’s map of the province of Carniola in 1744, which states that Triglav measures 1,39942 Ibid., pp. 98-104. Ibid., p. 104. 41 Ibid., pp. 104-106. 42 Kambič, Analiza karte Kranjske, p. 31. 39 40


Parisian fathoms or 2,740 m. Florjančič measured Triglav’s altitude by means of an astrolabe which contained a precise alidade. This gadget was at the time used to determine the location of the Sun, the Moon, the planets and the stars and to solve problems of spherical astronomy in a graphical manner. The measurement is of great importance despite its inaccuracy, for it shows that Triglav was considered to be the highest mountain in Carniola already in that period. Balthasar Hacquet was the second to measure the altitude of Triglav. He describes the measurement in his Oryctography of Carniola as follows: “According to our late, assiduous fellow countryman Florjančič, who spared no effort and diligently drew great maps of our province, the mountain is 1,399 Parisian fathoms43 above the plain of Ljubljana. We do not know for certain the ratio of the sea level by Trieste to the horizon of our capital. Judging by the gradient of the Idrijca and the Soča – the measurements taken in Idrija show that Idrija has the same altitude as Ljubljana – I presume that the estimation of the Idrijca’s gradient, i.e. the difference in height between Idrija and the shore, is 300 fathoms.44 Hence our mountain measures 1,699 fathoms45 or 10,194 feet.”46 Hacquet measured Triglav in 1777 when he reached Mali Triglav. He was not satisfied with the approximate measure and set out to make a new one the following year. In 1778 he commissioned Jean André Deluc, a Swiss-born physicist, who had invented a two-armed barometer, to make and send him one of his barometers. He described his work as follows: “Before I had set out to the mountain, I measured the sea level by Rijeka or Fiume and the area of Ljubljana or Laybach where the large Upper Carniolan plain begins. Repeated observations led to the conclusion that on average the barometer showed 28’’.3 11/60,,, by the seaside and 27’’.6 1/6,,, at the beginning of the Upper Carniolan plain, whence it follows that if compared with the thermometer, the altitude measures 150 fathoms.47 I eventually measured the Terglou or Terklou mountain by means of the same instruments and concluded that the altitude (measured by means of a barometer) somewhat differed from the altitude that had been measured by Florjančič. I found the difference to be too insignificant to accuse the assiduous man of being incorrect, furthermore since experience shows that measurements accomplished by means of a barometer are not the most accurate. My barometer showed 22’’3 ½’’ and the thermometer showed 13 ¾ degrees Réaumur48. Therefore the altitude of the mountain almost equals that of the St. Gotthard pass, the location of the monastic settlement.”49 Further on he continues: “I thus compared my measurement with that which had been done by Florjančič and consider his to be as accurate as mine. I kept his quotation of altitude and corrected it by adding the altitude of 150 fathoms to 1,399 fathoms 3,018.7 metres. 587.5 metres. 45 3,326.6 metres. 46 Hacquet, Oryctographia Carniolica, Vol. 2, p. XXX. Loose translations of Hacquet's quotes in this chapter are based on: Deržaj, Zgodovina meritev. 47 293.8 metres. 48 A temperature scale in which the freezing point is set to 0°C and the boiling point to 80°C. 49 Hacquet, Oryctographia Carniolica, Vol. 2, p. XXIX. 43 44

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which adds up to 1,549 Parisian fathoms50, i.e. the number that I had had put to the copper engraving of the cover of my first book. I used an O which was overwritten by a P to denote Parisian fathoms. Since the text had been printed a year ago, I was unable to provide this explanation in the book.”51 Hacquet’s measurement of the altitude of Ljubljana was correct, for he set it at 150 Parisian fathoms, which equals 292.35 m (the present-day maps state its altitude at 293 m). He mismeasured the altitude of Triglav by 156 metres. The reason for his error lies in the fact that he did not measure the altitude of Triglav from its summit.52 The altitude was measured also by Valentin Stanič upon his ascent of Triglav on 23 September 1808. Stanič understood measurement methods very well, since he approximated the altitude of Grossglockner to mere 7 metres. In his account of the ascent he stated that he had conducted measures by means of a barometer and thermometer but unfortunately did not put down the numbers. Franz Sieber who reached the summit of Triglav on 22 July 1812 was the fourth to measure its altitude. He set it to 1,157.425 Parisian fathoms above the Bohinj valley. It is not known which altitude Sieber considered to be the altitude of the Bohinj valley, but if one takes into account the altitude of Srednja vas (590 m), the altitude of Triglav amounts to 2,839 m. No accurate measures had been conducted until Captain Antonio von Bosio, an Italian-born surveyor, otherwise known as the first systematic researcher of the antique Roman underworld, ascended Triglav. He measured the altitude of Triglav by measuring the surrounding summits. He set the altitude of Triglav to 9,067 Vienna feet which is equal to 2,865.172 meters on 6 July 1822 by taking sightings on angles of Matajur and Rodica. The altitude of Triglav was measured on numerous occasions in the following decades, but was not determined until 14 September 1861 when the military measuring expedition consisting of Breymann, Vergeiner and Merkl set it to 9,063 Vienna meters or 2,863.908 meters by means of trigonometric measurements. Their measurement is nowadays still valid, for the altitude of 2,864 m can be found on the present-day maps.53 References Archival source ARS – Archives of the Republic of Slovenia, Ljubljana (Slovenia): AS 992, Richter Franc Ksaver Janez: box 1. Edited sources Kidrič, France (Ed.), Zoisova korespondenca 1808–1809. Korespondenca pomembnih Slovencev. Vol 1. Ljubljana, 1939. 3,034.2 metres. Hacquet, Oryctographia Carniolica, Vol. 2, p. XXX. 52 Richter, Wohain. 11 May 1821, p. 76. See footnote 30. 53 Summarized according to: Deržaj, Zgodovina meritev, pp. 141–163. 50 51


Kidrič, France (Ed.), Zoisova korespondenca 1809–1810. Korespondenca pomembnih Slovencev. Vol. 2. Ljubljana, 1941. Richter, Franz Xaver, Wohain. Illyrisches Blatt, 11 May 1821. Issues 17–19. Literature Batagelj, Borut, Izum smučarske tradicije: kulturna zgodovina smučanja na Slovenskem do leta 1941. Ljubljana, 2009. Bufon, Zmagoslav, Scopoli Giovanni Antonio. Slovenski biografski leksikon, book 3: Raab– Švikaršič. Ljubljana, 1960–1971, pp. 256–258. Ceklin, Franc, Štirje srčni možje. Planinski vestnik 67, 11, 1967, pp. 512–153. Debelak-Deržaj, Mira Marko, Kronika Triglava. Gore in ljudje 2, 1947, 6–7–8, pp. 165–171, 9–10, pp. 219–221, 11–12, pp. 269–277. Debelak-Deržaj, Mira Marko, Kronika Triglava. Planinski vestnik 48, 1948, 3-4, pp. 104–112, 5–6, pp. 164–170, 7–8, pp. 230–245, 9–10, p. 299–304, 11-12, pp. 336–345. Debelak-Deržaj, Mira Marko, Kronika Triglava. Planinski vestnik 49, 1949, 2, pp. 45–55, 3, pp. 80–85, 4, pp. 114–118, 5–6–7, pp. 152–159, 8, pp. 197–209, 9, pp. 225–242. Deržaj, Matjaž, Zgodovina meritev višine Triglava. Strojin, Tone (Ed.): Triglav, gora naših gora. Maribor, 1980, pp. 141–163. Faninger, Ernest, Baron Žiga Zois in njegova zbirka mineralov. Scopolia 6, 1983, pp. 1–32. Faninger, Ernest, Sodelovanje barona Žiga Zoisa in Valentina Vodnika na področju geoloških znanosti. Geologija 37/38, 1994/95, pp. 561–564. Hacquet, Balthasar, Oryctographia Carniolica, oder Physikalische Erdbeschreibung des Herzogthums Krain, Istrien, und zum Theil der benachbarten Länder. Vol. 1–3. Leipzig, 1778, 1781, 1784. Gspan, Alfonz, Richter Franz Xav. Johann. Slovenski biografski leksikon, book 3: Raab–Švikaršič. Ljubljana, 1960–1971, pp. 97–101. Gspan-Prašelj, Nada, Zois Žiga. Slovenski biografski leksikon, book 15: Táborská–Žvanut. Ljubljana, 1980–1991, pp. 832–834. Kajzelj, Mirko, Drofenik, Herbert, Naš alpinizem. Ljubljana, 1932. Kambič, Primož, Analiza karte Kranjske J. D. Florjančiča iz leta 1744: Diploma thesis. Ljubljana, 2011. Kugy, Julius, Pet stoletij Triglava. Maribor, 1979. Lovšin, Evgen, V Triglavu in njegovi soseščini. Ljubljana, 1946. Lunazzi, Melania, Belsazar Hacquet: Dal Tricorno alle Dolomiti: Un viaffiatore del settecento. Belluno, 2010. Mazi, Vinko, Kdo je prvi stopil na vrh Triglava. Planinski vestnik 57, 5, 1957, pp. 245–251. Mikša, Peter, Ajlec, Kornelija, Slovensko planinstvo. Ljubljana, 2011. Rus, Jože, Triglav v herojski dobi geološke vede. Geografski vestnik 9, 1–4, 1933, pp. 94–106. Rus, Jože, Triglav, Geografski vestnik 2, 2–3, 1926, pp. 82–96. Valvasor, Janez Vajkard, Čast in slava vojvodine Kranjske. Vol. 1. Ljubljana, 2009. Wester, Josip, Baltazar Hacquet, prvi raziskovalec naših Alp. Ljubljana, 1954. Wester, Josip, Hacquetova navodila za gorolazce. Planinski vestnik 31, 4, 1931, pp. 84–87. Zorn, Matija, Gašperič, Primož, Vzpeti svet na starih zemljevidih ozemlja Slovenije. Planinski vestnik 116, 12, 2011, pp. 5–9.

Pantone 342

Pantone 285

ISBN 978-961-237-723-6

789612 377236

Tracing flood histories is one example for the challenges of writing environmental histories in Central Europe. Two quite different sets of skills are needed. One set is the historian’s craft. The historian works at making sense of sources, constructing a compelling narrative from chaotic facts, tracing human appreciation of the Danube, human uses of the Danube, human interventions into the Danube … . The skills of the landscape ecologist, the hydrologist, the historical geographer, the geomorphologist and many other natural scientists are needed for the second building block. We need reconstructions of past riverine landscapes, ecosystems, of paleo-meanders and we need a chronology to answer questions of cause and effect – what was first, the intervention or the problem? Without knowing about the substrate of perceptions of historical actors, we cannot evaluate their perceptions for our narrative. How does the river the newspapers are talking about actually look like? Very different from how we perceive it today. Both are necessary, none is more important, both skills are of equal importance for an environmental history of the Danube River Basin. (Verena Winiwarter)

Zbirka_ZC_Man_Nature_Environ.indd 1

zbirka48

(Miha Kosi)

Man, Nature and Environment between the Northern Adriatic and the Eastern Alps in Premodern Times

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In the immediate vicinity of the medieval Ljubljana there were extensive woodlands, stretching far into the hills in the southeast and northwest. … The greater part of Ljubljana’s supply with wood, however, came from areas further away, 15–20 kilometres from the city. … In the time of need, as during the threat from Ottoman incursions in 1478, when Ljubljana was strenghtening its fortifications, the king allowed the citizens unlimited use of wood from any forests in the immediate vicinity. … [A] unique source … dates back to 1510, the time of war between Austria and the Republic of Venice. Therein Emperor Maximilian … ordered his captain in Ljubljana that he should, together with the citizens, enclose or fence … forests and prohibit the cutting, so that the young trees could grow and the forests could flourish again, to provide for the needs of his city and castle in the future.

Man, Nature and Environment

9

between the Northern Adriatic and the Eastern Alps in Premodern Times

9 771408 353005

36,00 €

48

zbirka48

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3/3/15 10:08 AM