Migrant Women, Work Participation and Urban ...

Migrant Women, Work Participation and Urban Experiences LAKSHMI LINGAM Migration studies have just begun to take cognisance of the gender dimension in migration. Most studies highlight women's contribution to the household in any pattern of migration. The present paper attempts to elucidate the relationship of the type of migration and factors determining women's work participation, earnings and mobility. Theurban experience of women according to age and stage in the life cycle, has also been covered. Dr. Lakshmi Lingam, is Reader in the Unit for Women's Studies, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai.

Introduction Studies on population movements or migration adopt an 'individualistic' or 'structural' approach to understanding or explaining the phenomena (Brydon and Chant, 1989). Individualistic approach pays exclusive attention to cost-benefit issues such as rural-urban wage differentials, employment opportunities, and so on. The 'structural' approach in turn, attempts to understand migration either from a 'functionalist' perspective where migrants are seen as innovators, and entrepreneurs, and somehow more 'modern'; or the 'Marxist' perspective where migration is seen as an important link in the chain of exploitative links between countries, regions and classes. While the micro-economic approach captures the essence of individual rational choices, the structural approach throws light on the economy and the socio-political matrix that provides the context for economising behaviour (Wood, 1981). Therefore, an understanding of migration needs to encompass both these parameters. The present paper attempts to throw light on rural-urban migration patterns of Telugu speaking people from distinct agro-ecological regions of Andhra Pradesh to Mumbai. Through an analysis of the variations in reasons for migration, occupations, earnings, mobility

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and the urban experience, the paper attempts to highlight the structural aspects pertaining to the availability of work, urban amenities and the dynamic character of household behaviour. This paper draws its observations from a larger study by the author (Lingam, L. 1995). Sample and Methodology The study sample constituted first generation Andhra migrants with 434 women and 79 men chosen from 513 households residing in four different slum locations on pavement and construction sites in Mumbai. The sample locations were identified based on the listing of Telugu schools provided by the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC). The Telugu schools are located in practically all the wards in Mumbai. Visits to the schools and contact with school attending Telugu children was made, to gather the names of residential locations where Andhra migrants lived. Since municipal schools cater to the poor and lower middle income households, this method of identifying residential locations was found useful. Snow balling technique also was used to move from one location to another, and to identify pavement dwellers and migrants on construction sites. Sample households were identified after conducting certain key informant interviews. These interviews gave the required inputs to understand the contours of the slum location, the density and spread of migrant households, their areas of origin, and duration of years in Mumbai, and so on. The households were chosen keeping these variables in perspective. Interviews with an interview schedule and few focus group discussions were conducted for collecting data. The data was collected during the years 1991-92. Characteristics of Migrants The sample consisted of 513 households, with 434 female and 79 male respondents, living in different slum locations, on pavements and construction sites. Majority of the sample consisted of Scheduled Caste households followed by other backward castes and artisans. Threefourths of the migrants are below 35 years of age. The majority of the women are married. More than half of the migrants have not acquired any formal education. A gender disaggregation of the data indicates that 63 per cent of the women are illiterate compared to only 28 per cent of the men. Two-thirds of the migrant households are nuclear. Majority of the migrants were engaged in agricultural activities in their native villages. The inadequate wages and low returns in agriculture coupled with the desire to change their life situation had driven these

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migrants to Mumbai. Majority of the households (76 per cent) have at least one male earner and 26 per cent of the households have at least one female earner. The emphasis on children's education is evident from the fact that 98 per cent of the children (below 18 years) are not engaged in any income earning work. Social Networks The social networks facilitate the absorption of the migrant family in the labour market and assimilation into the life of the city. The type of access to housing and employment of men and women is related to the social networks and years of living in Mumbai. Except the second generation migrants or women married into a 'settled' migrant's family, all other migrants take time to attain spatial mobility, that is move from an impermanent to permanent settlement in Mumbai. The household is predominantly nuclear, or supplementary nuclear (with an extra member who is a relative or non-relative). A few joint households have been observed among the old migrants. Mumbai: The Point of Destination Mumbai, characterised as 'quintessentially a colonial city' (Patel and Thorner, 1995) is the second largest metropolitan city in India with nearly a ten million population of which half live in slums. The industrialisation that commenced during the British period had attained growth, since the Independence of India. The increase in trade, commerce and services had generated employment opportunities and correspondingly an increase in population through migration. There is a steady influx of predominantly rural people from within and outside the state (Maharashtra) in search of livelihood. Mumbai constitutes the 'island' city, which is the original city, and the suburbs and extended suburbs stretch along the two transport axes to the north to Vasai, to the north-east to Thane and towards the eastern suburbs along the Central Railway line. At present, there are 38 districts in the island city, and 50 districts in the suburbs. The municipal wards in the island, suburbs and extended suburbs are clubbed under the broad heads of South, Central and North zones of Mumbai respectively. Zone-wise Distribution of Migrants The different time periods of arrival to Mumbai, absorption in the labour market and proximity to social networks reflect in the differential

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concentration of migrants from the three agro-ecological regions of Andhra Pradesh, namely, Telangana, Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema , in the residential locations of South, Central Andhra and Northern zones of Mumbai, respectively. The slum2 pockets where Telugu-speaking migrants reside were identified in each of the zones, for the purpose of this study. The South zone consists of the oldest migrants to the city from Andhra Pradesh who have a traditional connection to construction work, work in the port and the textile industry. Though not all Telugu-speaking migrants work in the construction sector they are known by a generic name as kamathis ('kam matti ki': work related to mud). The majority of the residents interviewed for this study in Kamathipura belong to the 'Padmasali' community from Telangana districts of Andhra Pradesh, that traditionally pursued handloom weaving at the point of origin and moved to work as mill workers in the textile mills of Mumbai. The residents of the 'chawls' or tenement houses that crowd the cotton mills of Parel and stretch to Worli constitute predominantly the members of this community. The residential locations at Mazgaon and Wadala that are close to the docks have migrants from the coastal districts of Andhra who moved in to carry out head loading and other 'unskilled' jobs at the Mumbai Port Trust. The Central zone, which consists of wards extending on the Western and Central lines of the Railway corridors, has migrants from Telangana and Rayalaseema regions of Andhra Pradesh. These migrants are engaged predominantly in the tertiary occupations of the formal and informal sector. The slum pockets from the North zone, which consists of the extended suburbs of Mumbai, houses relatively recent migrants to the city engaged in work in the small-scale sector industries like shoes, pens and plastics. These settlements have lesser number of old members in the family. Area of Origin and Migration Patterns The variations in the agro-ecological conditions at the area of origin has a significant influence on the reasons, intentions, aspirations and patterns in migration; which in turn seem to strongly influence the type of work pursued by men and women and the socioeconomic status of the household. The agricultural and the socioeconomic situation at the point of origin condition the aspirations of migrants. In response to queries on reasons for migration, the migrants reported economic reasons in a large majority of cases. However, the qualitative differences in the reasons expressed for migration, place these reasons at


two levels. One set of reasons, which could be called 'survival reasons' namely, inadequate work, no work, insufficient work to support family, and so on originate from the poor agro-ecological conditions in the semi-arid tracts. The next set of reasons which could be called as 'developmental reasons' namely, nature of work unsatisfactory, to seek better job/income, offered a better job, and so on, connote the aspiration for mobility. The migrants from regions where there is assured agricultural wage work or employment in small agro-based industries, express their reasons for migration in this manner. Women migrants mention their marriage to a migrant or to a member of a migrant family or the migration of their parents, as important reasons for their migration. These are essentially 'associational'. However, women who obviously can observe the economic significance of migration, also mention economic reasons along with associational reasons. The data is presented in Table 1. The region-wise differences in 'survival' and 'developmental' reasons can clearly be observed in the responses of the men. Women mention associational reasons first, followed by unsatisfactory nature of work as the prime push factor from the rural areas. TABLE 1 Region-wise and Sex-wise Distribution of Reasons for Migration

The migrants from the drought-prone districts of Rayalaseema region, essentially engage in seasonal family migration. During the lean season for construction activities in Mumbai, that is monsoons,

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these families return to their native villages to carry out rain-fed cultivation on their small holdings. The migrants from the Coastal districts whose literacy levels are higher than men from other regions, generally engage in single male migration. The male migrant either gets married after acquiring some employment in Mumbai, or brings his wife and children after establishing a steady source of income-earning and living space. The migrants from Telangana constitute artisan castes and agricultural castes. The migration of artisans, specifically handloom weavers, to work in the textile industry is perhaps as old as the industry itself. The majority of the residents living in three among 120 buildings, in the famous B.D.D. chawls, Worli, hail from Telangana region. These migrants engage in 'relay migration' which spans from one generation to the next. The migrants that attain old age and lose their source of livelihood or employment return to the village, paving the way for their son/sons to settle in the same home/tenement. Therefore, linkages with the village or the city are never severed. Women's Work as a Household Strategy Migration studies with a focus on women, unwaveringly highlight women's income/ wage earning work as integral to the understanding of household survival strategy. In her study on women in the bastis of Delhi, Singh (1977) presents a broad view of the consequences of urban poverty for women and the family. The study indicates a highly complex occupational specialisation based on religion, caste and region of origin. The significant findings are (Kasturi, 1990): • the seeming relationship of the woman's traditional economic role in the family and the likelihood of her being able to adapt her skills to the urban situation; • the concept of ritual pollution associated with traditional caste occupations carried over to urban occupations; and • the low level of income and extraordinary work burden of women. Studies on Tamil migrants in Delhi highlight the significance of women's earnings to the survival of the household (Rani and Kaul, 1986). Women contribute to the process of migration by: • participating in income-earning work as family migrants; or • by assisting the male migrants by taking charge of sustaining the household at the area of origin; or


•

by performing the functions of settling down, and assimilating into the urban life situation as housewives. Changes in the sexual division of labour and women's work participation in the public or private spheres is a necessary outcome of all patterns of migration. While women's work participation is determined by the level of literacy, availability of marketable skills and access to the labour market; in the case of migrant women it is also observed to be closely related to the type of migration and the upward or downward mobility experienced by the household. These aspects are discussed in detail below. Type of Migration and Women's Work Work participation rates among women migrants who come to the city along with the family on their own or with a middleman for purposes of seeking work or to a work site, is higher compared to women who migrate for associational reasons. For example, construction workers generally migrate from rural areas as a family unit. Among women who migrate to the city as associational migrants there are two types. The first type comprises women married to a male migrant, who have found a foothold in the city. These women show a marked preference to stay as housewives or engage only in home-based production. The second type of women assist male migration by remaining in the village for a period of two to five or more years and migrate to the city along with children to a relatively secure housing and income earning situation. Women from this category are workers at the place of origin and, in general, seek work after migrating to the city. Household Mobility and Women's Work As the duration of residence in Mumbai increases, the men in general, achieve mobility towards a relatively secure employment and earning. Women move in and out of the labour market based on the performance of the household in terms of economic stability. Thus women's domestic work and income-earning work have equal significance to the migrant households. Women contribute more time to domestic work, where male incomes are regular and above sustenance levels, that is at least Rs.2000/- a month for a family of four to five members. Women carry out domestic work, maintain clean homes and concentrate a great deal on children's education. For example women dropping/ picking up children and their heavy bags to/from school,

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managing through the traffic and busy roads, is an ubiquitous feature on busy roads adjacent to slums in Mumbai. Women allocate more time to income-earning work where male incomes are low, irregular or inadequate. Some women residents of B.D.D Chawls, the location that predominantly houses mill workers, moved into an active income-earning work, like running a khanawali (mess for single male boarders), tailoring garments, rolling beedies (cigars), and so on after their men have lost employment due to the textile mills closure. Women are the major earners in these households. Women, thus, move in and out of the labour market based on the perceived need and financial requirement of the household. Women's work in the private sphere or in the public sphere is dependent on the migrant family's location in the socioeconomic matrix (Bardhan, 1989-90). At the lower economic level, the primary goal of the household is to survive. Therefore, women's labour among family migrants, seasonal migrants and women headed households is crucial for survival. Among settled migrants, with relatively assured incomes, the goal is of diversifying and upgrading occupation (especially male occupation), investing in children's education, acquiring status goods and accepting a small family norm. Women, therefore, engage typically in what Papanek terms 'family status production' (Papanek, 1989). Male and Female Occupations and Earnings The urban informal sector economy provides more avenues of employment for men when compared to women. It has been observed that within the same occupation category, women earn less than men. Moreover, male workers have opportunities to upgrade their skills and achieve horizontal and vertical mobility in the labour market. Women stagnate at the same level or drop out. The occupational distribution of male and female workers is presented in Table 2. An examination of the occupational classification indicates that the majority of male workers (22.9 per cent) are in the industrial/government/commercial services as against only 5.2 per cent of women workers who are in this sector. The construction and transport and communication sectors have 19.2 per cent and 17.9 per cent of male workers, respectively. In the case of women workers an almost equal percentage of workers are in construction, tailoring and garments, sales and petty business and home-based work (beedi-rolling, paper bag making, and


so on. Fourteen per cent women are working as domestic helps. This observation corroborates with macro-data analysis by Premi (1980), Sreelakshmamma (1994), and primary studies by Acharya and Jose (1991), Kasturi (1990), and Gulati, (1994). TABLE 2 Percentage Distribution of Male and Female Workers by Occupation and Average Monthly Incomes

holds **AMI — Average Monthly Income

The difference in male and female earnings is related to low wages, low skill base and low level of market operations that women engage in. The construction sector has an almost equal percentage of male and female workers. However, majority of the women (96 per cent) earn less than Rs. 1000/- in contrast to only 22 per cent men who earn this amount. Women construction workers remain as head loaders whereas men have an opportunity to move up to become a helper, a mason, a supervisor, a labour agent and occasionally a contractor. Therefore, the range of incomes are spread out in the case of male workers. Tailoring and garment-making which is carried out as a home-based production has the majority of women workers located in the occupation. They work long hours along with carrying out the domestic responsibilities. Women stagnate as tailors, whereas men have the

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opportunity to increase the scale of operations, hire workers, open a tailoring shop and so on, if they gain access to the required capital. While there are no male home-based piece rate workers like beedi-rollers in the study, there are no female self employed skilled workers like plumbers, electricians, painters and so on. It may be observed that the highest mean income for both men and women is in the different occupations of the industrial, Government, professional and administration classification. However, here too, the women earn half to one-third of the male incomes because of their low levels of education and skill base. They occupy the lower cadres in this sector. Men and women engaged in sales, petty business and hotel work (as waiters, stewards, door boys, cleaners, and so on), earn the highest average incomes in the informal sector. Transport and communication, construction, tailoring and skilled services where the majority of the male workers are concentrated provide an average income of Rs. 1850/-. The least paying occupation for male workers is domestic service and for women it is piece-rate home-based work, for example, rolling beedis, threading beads and so on. However, lack of better opportunities, skill and familial factors limit women to homebased production. Gender and Occupational Mobility The comparative occupational mobility data is presented in Table 3. It indicates that majority of the men and women (91 per cent) have remained in the same occupation. The notion of upward mobility for men and women is the movement from the informal sector to the formal sector. Women who generally have low levels of education and lack skill base cannot achieve this aspiration. TABLE 3 Comparative Occupational Mobility among Males and Females


Among the men who achieved upward mobility, the majority moved towards the ranks of semi-permanent and permanent categories of work. In the case of women, the movement is towards casual work and self-employment from the category of housewives. This entry of women into the lower rungs of the labour market, needs to be seen in the context of the necessity of women's contribution to the survival of the migrant households. Downward mobility for men was due to loss of permanent employment or decline towards casual labour. In the case of women, this mobility is a movement towards becoming a housewife. In the economic sense, though this 'downward' mobility leads to a decline in the work participation rates, however, in the perception of women this provides a higher status, a respite from back breaking low paid work. The ranking of occupational choices would be permanent employment or 'service', as they call it, or be housewives. Women's Urban Experience Women's experience of urban life, especially in a city like Mumbai, is intricately related to access to housing, urban amenities and the social environment at the place of residence. The qualitative differences in the life situation of women living in slums, pavements and construction sites, demonstrate the subtle stratification of the urban poor and the experiences of women as migrants and as urban poor. Women living in settled slums expressed that their domestic life was comfortable in Mumbai as compared to the life in the villages. They mentioned, 'We do not have to walk distances to collect firewood and fetch water. We cook on kerosene stoves and water is available at the doorsteps'. Women spend time standing in serpentine queues for kerosene from the ration shop, but they prefer this to collecting firewood in the village. Women who do not possess ration cards, like the construction workers and pavement dwellers, are forced to pay a high price for kerosene, for purposes of cooking and lighting. Many of them gather twigs and flammable garbage for cooking. There is a differential access to and distribution of water, a basic necessity, in Mumbai. Water shortage is first felt in locations where there are several families dependent on few standposts. An inordinate amount of time and energy is spent by women and children in fetching water for their households. However, excepting the residents of pavements and certain 'new' or 'unauthorised' slums, the other women expressed their satisfaction in receiving water at the doorsteps. Pavement dwellers attempt to meet their water needs by fetching water from

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public parks, bus and train stations, and public water standposts. However, the respondents in the study who live on pavements in a middle class residential area at Dockyard, bribe the watchmen of the housing societies or barter fish (which they headload) for water from the middle class residents. All women living in slums expressed dissatisfaction with the availability and maintenance of sanitation facilities. The BMC maintains public toilets located in 'notified' slums. These are too few, unclean and unhygienic. Women engaged in remunerative work outside the house clearly articulate the need for child care services. They leave small children in the care of older siblings or at home alone with an assurance from a neighbouring woman. Women mentioned that they preferred to work as domestic maids in a nearby locality, because it gave them the flexibility to drop in and breastfeed or attend to domestic work. The women on the pavements lead the most insecure lives. There is always a threat of loss of belongings, savings and provisions in spite of leaving an older member or child as guard when elders leave for work. In one location, the migrant pavement dwellers mentioned that they kept their savings in the nearest bank to avoid thefts. However, women mentioned their anxiety about children straying on to the busy roads. Their children also seem to be more susceptible to respiratory problems due to continuous inhalation of vehicular pollution. Based on the age and stage in the life cycle of migrants, the urban experience also differs. In this study the experience of women born in Mumbai or migrated to Mumbai as young children; women-headed households; and adolescent girls (aged 10-18 years) was closely observed. Women Born in Mumbai or Migrated as Young Children The women who are born in Mumbai or have migrated as young children (21 in the sample) with their families belong to the age range of 21—36 years. The majority among these are between 20-25 years. Except two women who are illiterate, the majority (13) have education only up to the primary level. Four women have studied up to secondary and two to high school level. In spite of living in an urban context, the majority (14) of these women were married before the age of 15 years. Few women (6) were married between 16-20 years. Only one women was married at the age of 22 years. Fifty per cent (10) of the women had consanguineous marriages (8 close and 2 distant relation) and fifty


per cent (10) had non-consanguineous marriages. Majority of these women (17) are not engaged in any economically remunerative activity. The remaining four women are engaged in home-based activities such as tailoring, running a mess and a petty vending shop. Most of these women aspire to remain as housewives or seek employment in the formal sector. Since they lack the education or skills for formal sector employment, they pay a lot of attention to the education of their children, especially male children. The majority of the women, who are also in the peak reproductive stage, have 2-3 children. Only one woman has four children. One-third (7) of the women have gone in for sterilisation (tubectomy), whereas two-thirds (13) have not accepted any family planning method. The disaggregated data, however, indicated that women with three children are more likely to accept sterilisation. A small family, that is, at least three children, is an acceptable norm among these couples and also to a certain extent among the present generation migrants from rural areas. Women-headed Households The women-headed households among the total migrant families (513) in this study are 19 (3.7 per cent). These women are managing their households along with their grown-up children. The age range of this group is 31-68 years. Excepting one woman who has separated from her husband and one woman whose husband lives in the village, majority of the women are widows. Compared to the total sample where the illiteracy is 63 per cent among women, 89.5 per cent (17 of the 19) women, headed households are illiterate. All these women, excepting one, were associational migrants, who migrated to Mumbai after marriage. One woman construction worker, aged 48, has migrated from the village along with her grown-up sons to work on construction sites. It could be expected that women who migrate as associational migrants, would return to their natal village on the death of the husband. The study however, observes the contrary. While there could be several reasons for this decision, the significant commonality between all these women is the ownership of a tenement in a chawl or in a slum. Only three women are living in rented accommodations. An ownership to a kholi (room) in a chawl/ tenement is a major stake in a city like Mumbai. Women stay with their children and retain their claim, to transfer it to their sons. In contrast to the female work participation rate for the entire sample (26.5 per cent), women-headed households have a higher work participation (74 per cent). Fourteen

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of the 19 women are engaged in remunerative work as domestic helps, construction workers, home based workers and permanent employees (as ayahs and attendants). Corresponding to the type of occupation, their incomes range from Rs.200/- to Rs. 1800/- per month. Seven women earn below Rs.500/-, four women earn between Rs.501/- to Rs. 1000/- per month and, two women above Rs. 1001. The majority of the women-heads have low earnings and are also poorer compared to households run by men. Adolescent Girls The reproductive history data collected from migrant women indicates that female infant and child-deaths were less in this sample compared to male infant and children in all groups, with the exception of the age group 5-9 years. Evidently, the chances of survival for girls in these migrant households is high. However, the differential allocation of household resources, specifically education and market skills, places young girls and women at a significant disadvantage in the urban job market. Girls are socialised to accept inequality. They carry out or share most of the domestic work along with their mothers and other female siblings. There were totally 21 girls in the age group 10-18 years in the 513 sample households, after discounting the girls who are not in Mumbai or have left home after marriage. Considering that education up to the secondary level is available at the Municipal Telugu schools, it is observed that the majority of the girls are illiterate (16 out of 21). Three girls have studied up to the secondary and two girls upto the high school level. There are 12 girls in the age range 10-15 years and nine girls in the 16-18 years range. While the majority of the girls (16) stay at home, five girls are engaged in home based production. They earn incomes ranging from Rs. 100/- to Rs.300/- per month. Most of the adolescent girls who also discontinue education at an early age are married by their 17th year. It has been observed that adolescent girls are either kept at home with several controls on their movement and interactions, or sent to the village for being socialised to the ways of living in the village, such as fetching water, collecting fuel wood, learning agricultural work and cooking food on karrala poyya (wood fuel stove) rather than on the kerosene stove. Girls who have migrated with their families to Mumbai or have been born there, hope to be married to an individual living and working in Mumbai. Occasionally, families extend support to a young male relative — a prospective groom


from the village and perform the wedding of their daughter after he finds employment. The pavement dwellers leave their adolescent girls in the village. Migrants who work on construction sites do not bring their adolescent girls. When they bring them, they work under the watchful eye of the mother or an older kin group member. They are never left alone. Women from settled slums mentioned, 'We do not want our family to be blemished by the bad name a daughter can bring. We interact with our neighbours but we do not want our daughter to marry a boy from another region, religion and caste'. Conclusion Migration studies need to closely examine the structural changes and the corresponding household strategies to sustain, maintain and reproduce. Women's work within the public and private spheres, either as associational migrants or women left behind, is a crucial aspect of household strategies. Women, thus, move in and out of the labour market based on the perceived need and requirement of the household. Migrant women's urban experience varies according to the access to housing, urban amenities, security and dignity. In essence, the city provides reprieve from rural poverty and the village provides reprieve from monotony and alienation accumulated in the city. The rural-urban linkage is maintained.

1.

2.

NOTES The Telangana and Rayalaseema districts of Andhra Pradesh are poorer in terms of agricultural productivity, availability of work and other sources of income as compared to the coastal districts. The majority of the districts in the coastal belt receive canal irrigation and are known, as the 'rice bowl' of Andhra Pradesh. Prominent among these are the East and West Godavari, Krishna and Guntur districts. The survey of the BMC in late fifties (Desai and Pillai, 1970: 154) considered tenement slums, and not the huts only, while defining a slum. The survey adopted a three-fold classification of slums: Chawls (areas with permanent multi-storeyed buildings built long ago according to the standards prevailing then, but which are today in a deteriorated condition. This type of slum is possibly unique to Mumbai mainly; Patrachawls (areas with semi-permanent structures both authorised and unauthorised often built of corrugated iron-shed and commonly known as 'patrachawls', patra meaning tin-sheet or some such material) and; Zopadpattis (areas commonly referred to as squatter settlements, shanty towns or hutment colonies, consisting of hovels made of variety of hard and soft materials like pieces of wood, rag, tin-sheets, mud, brick and any such thing that comes in handy).

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Lakshmi Lingam The B.D.D. chawls were built in 1920 by the Mumbai Development Directorate. Each chawl is a three storeyed cube-like structure made of solid stone and has 80 rooms. There are 120 such structures in Worli, with 87 others spread over Naigaum, Delisle Road and Sewree.

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Migrant Women, Work Participation and Urban Experiences Sreelakshmamma, K. 1994

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Women in the Urban Indian Labour Force: A Study. In M. K. Rao (Ed.), Growth of Urban Informal Sector and Economic Development, Volume 1, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 231-242. Structural Changes and Household Strategies: A Conceptual Framework for the Study of Rural Migration, Human Organization, 40(4), 338-344.