XXCE
T MONDAY 13 AUGUST 2018 VOL. XXXVII NO. 38
DIVINE MIGHT
T
he line between the pilgrim and the mob seems to be blurring in New India. An unruly group of kanwariyas — devotees of Shiva who participate in the annual Kanwar Yatra, an important pilgrimage — allegedly battered a car and assaulted its occupants after a minor altercation in Delhi. The police’s intervention was remarkably mellow. The men in uniform reportedly tried to reason with the rampaging kanwariyas. A first information report was filed, but against ‘unknown persons’. Elsewhere, in Uttar Pradesh, the police intervention to maintain peace and order has been distinctly partisan. In a village in Bareilly that had witnessed violence between the yatris and some Muslims last year, ‘red cards’ have been issued as a warning to residents. Some others have also been forced to sign symbolic bonds. Curiously, only Muslim families have decided to flee in the face of such vigilance. It can be said that the police were merely emulating their political masters. In Uttar Pradesh, the monk-turned-chief minister has been remarkably accommodating of the kanwariyas, even though some of the places through which the yatra passes have been known to experience disturbances. Inauspicious trees that lined the path of the devotees were felled last year; the sale of meat is usually discouraged en route by the authorities; the pilgrims also receive special treats such as food and music; the chief minister even spent a tidy sum taking to the skies to shower petals on the kanwariyas, an act that has been replicated by senior policemen this year. A pilgrimage can be an arduous trek. Mr Adityanath was perhaps striving to lessen the load of a captive vote-bank. The problem, evidently, lies in this milking of religion by politicians. The concessions allowed to kanwariyas seem to have instilled a sense of impunity among the more adventurous lot. Could it be that this, precisely, is the intent of their benefactors? The rule of law is pivotal to a civilized polity. Violating it, through tacit encouragement from the government of the day, can set a dangerous precedent for Indian democracy. Pilgrims from all faiths certainly have the right to assemble publicly or to take out processions. But under no circumstances can they be allowed to indulge in vandalism and destroy property — public or private. This is exactly the point that the Supreme Court made while admonishing the vandalism of kanwariyas. The administration must now act strongly and impartially to rein in the hooligans.
BIGGER PICTURE
O
ne good decision can correct the bad ones that have preceded it. Recently, the state government of Sikkim announced that drug abuse is to be treated as an illness rather than an offence. Those consuming drugs — patients — will be provided therapy instead of being penalized. This change, if brought into effect, would be a much-needed revision to the Sikkim Anti-Drugs Act, 2006 which criminalizes drug abuse and makes users liable to be jailed, fined and even disqualified from applying to government jobs. The rehabilitation mechanisms under the existing law are insufficient: there has been no allocation of government funds for the treatment, aftercare and social reintegration of addicts; imprisoning them for long periods of time has only hindered the process of recovery. Moreover, a lack of awareness, coupled with social stigma leading to discrimination, has driven many to the streets and even suicide. Thus, the proposed changes are welcome since they encourage visibility for a problem that has assumed a staggering scale now — seven out of 10 teenagers in Sikkim are reportedly engaged in substance abuse. But at the same time, the law also needs to take cognizance of the illicit drug trafficking racket in India. People in states with international borders — like Sikkim — can access drugs easily because the regions afford passages for smuggling. This is facilitated by inefficient border patrol. Given the commercial ramifications of this trade — one kilogram of heroin sold for Rs 98 lakh in 2017 — this laxity is hardly surprising. Centres for de-addiction lack even basic medicines. And a paucity of government-run long-stay homes means that hospitals have no option but to discharge drug users right after their withdrawal symptoms stop. Forcing them to go back to the environment they came from increases the risk of relapse. That is not all. There are only about 4,000 psychiatrists in India and not all of them are involved in de-addiction treatment. Thus, the changed law should accommodate the need for better infrastructure. Drug abuse, rather than being an individual problem, is rooted in the socio-political churnings of the time. Poverty, unemployment, inadequate medical facilities and forced prostitution are some of the reasons why people resort to drugs. It is, therefore, important to address the broader structural problems that drive people to addictives. Only then can a solution be achieved.
SCRIPSI There is no document of civilization that is not also a document of barbarism WALTER BENJAMIN
Close encounters of the Buddhist kind
MAYANK MISHRA
Nooks of the past T
he last few decades, especially since the time of B.R. Ambedkar’s birth centenary, have seen active interest in recovering Dalit history. Scholars and activists have shown alacrity in seeking the origins of a modern Dalit identity. An outcome of this search has been the discovery of Iyothee Thass Pandithar (18451914), the radical Dalit thinker who has now become a household name, at least in Tamil Nadu. A native doctor by profession, he was an intellectual and activist, who anticipated Ambedkar by two generations. In the 1890s, Iyothee Thass forged a radical identity for Dalits arguing that they were the original Buddhists who were stigmatized as ‘Untouchables’ by Brahminism for resisting the caste system. At a time when Buddhism was in practical oblivion in India and what little was known of it was mediated by Orientalist antiquarians, he reinterpreted Indian and Tamil history through Buddhism. The weekly Oru Paisa Tamilan (later Tamilan) that he edited between 1907 and until his death in 1914 was the primary vehicle of his ideas. His movement, to revive Buddhism, radicalized significant numbers of Dalits, especially among the working classes in the Kolar Gold Fields. Iyothee Thass is now an inspiration for a new generation of Dalit activists and thinkers in Tamil Nadu. The recent rediscovery of Dharmanand Kosambi (1876-1947) is of a different order. Although a major figure in the Marathi cultural world, Dharmanand was known to the outside world primarily as the father of the distinguished historian and mathematician among other things, D.D. Kosambi. Some years ago, Meera Kosambi, the daughter of D.D. Kosambi and granddaughter of Dharmanand Kosambi, translated and put together the various writings of her grandfather into a volume. A pioneering feminist scholar and sociologist in her own right, her editions of the senior Kosambi’s writings opened up a new chapter in the intellectual history of modern India. In her own words, “To Dharmanand goes the credit for reviving Buddhism as a living religion in twentieth-century India, long after it disappeared from the country, living behind only magnificent ruins as a mute testimony to its glorious existence. In reviving Buddhism, he
A.R. VENKATACHALAPATHY
B not only reintroduced the doctrine and practice of the religion but also established its relevance to contemporary social and political ideologies.” Some achievement indeed. A self-taught man, Dharmanand Kosambi mastered Pali, Sanskrit, and English, taught Buddhism at Calcutta, Harvard and Moscow. His critical edition of the Visuddhimagga, a Pali text that distils the essence of the Buddhist Tripitaka, for the Harvard Oriental Classics series remains a gold standard. In the 1920s, he was inspired by Gandhi, taught at his Gujarat Vidyapeeth, and in 1947, in spite of Gandhi’s exhortations, fasted to death following the Jain tradition of sallekhanaa at Gandhi’s ashram in Wardha. What fate drew these two diverse figures, one a Gaud Saraswath Brahmin born in Goa, and another a Dalit born in the hills of Nil-
giris, together? From the autobiography of Dharmanand Kosambi, Nivedan, we now know the two had met, and on more than one occasion. Dharmanand Kosambi’s quest for Buddhism had taken him all over India and even Sri Lanka, Burma and Nepal. In 1903, he spent over six months in Chennai where he encountered three important figures in the revival of Buddhism in south India: M. Singaravelu Chettiar (1860-1946), also known as the first communist of south India; P. Lakshminarasu (1860/61-1934), author of The Essence of Buddhism (republished in 1948 with a foreword by Ambedkar); and Iyothee Thass Pandithar. After reaching Colombo with Singaravelu’s help and studying at the Vidyodaya Vidyalaya, founded by Hikkeduwe Sri Sumangala Thera, Kosambi returned to Chennai in late March 1903. Let us now hear in his own
Frank voice ■ Sir — Nobel laureate and literature’s favourite fall guy, V.S. Naipaul, passed away at the age of 85. Naipaul’s writing can evoke mixed feelings in a reader. An admiration of his books could seldom be straightforward. Some may say this is foolish, a writer and his work need to be seen in isolation from each other. But it would be difficult to do this with Naipaul; his writing bears an unmistakable stamp of the frankness — often hurtful — that the author was infamous for. Yet, it would be a mistake to compress a gifted writer down to his politics. His skills as an observer are too great to be ignored. Naipaul’s unsympathetic view of postcolonial life — not for him the upbeat Carribean novel of uplift — may have made him unpopular. But as one critic had once pointed out, Naipaul’s rage was not owing to his inability to feel the native’s plight, his anger stemmed from the fact that he felt it too keenly. He could well be called a self-styled heir to Joseph Conrad. Naipaul’s work contained a multitude of subtle, overlapping meanings, making it difficult to fit him in a category. In many ways he represented the shifting and transitory nature of the century he wrote in. The controversies surrounding him notwithstanding, his death is a loss for the literary community. Rima Roy, Calcutta
Giant leaps ■ Sir — August 5 turned out to be a red-letter day for Indian football. India’s Under-20 soccer team registered a remarkable 2-1 win over Argentina U-20 in the Cotif Cup in Valencia. And on the same day, India’s
words Dharmanand Kosambi’s encounter with Buddhism in Chennai and Iyothee Thass. “A Buddhist society called the ‘Madras Mahabodhi Sabha’ already existed in Madras, with Professor Lakshminarasu Naidu as president and Singaravelu as secretary. This Sabha did nothing other than celebrate Vaishakh Purnima… A number of Pariahs (Ati Shudras) had embraced Buddhism in Madras city. Their leader was Pandit Ayodhidas. But he and the members of the Mahabodhi Sabha did not get along. About two months after I came to Madras, all these Buddhists united. They rented a small house in Rayapet [Royapettah], named it Bauddhashram, and installed me there.” After six months in Chennai Kosambi was tired and felt like an exile, and decided to proceed to Burma. “About the middle of October 1903... I left for Burma. Pandit Ayodhidas and others came to the harbour to see me off. A Madrasi acquaintance of theirs was to go by the same steamer. Pandit Ayodhidas introduced me to him and told me that he would look after me during the voyage.”
Sinking feeling ■ Sir — The West Bengal government has done a commendable job in beautifying the Patuli jheel area in Calcutta. It has even set up a floating market as a part of the drive. While the media have highlighted how the market is one of a kind, they have failed to draw attention to the fact that on any given day, the place is swarming with mosquitoes. Local residents are having a tough time tackling this menace. An overcrowding of shops in the area means that the water is not drained out properly. Given that the spectre of dengue and other such diseases are never far away, the authorities should really do something about this problem.
Malavika Basu, Calcutta U-16 football side stunned reigning Asian U-16 champions, Iraq, 1-0 in the West Asian Football Federation championship. The U-20 victory was more memorable, as the boys in blue snatched the win in spite of being reduced to 10 players in the 40th minute. Deepak Tangri and Anwar Ali gave the Asian side a 2-0 lead, before Alan Marinelli pulled one back for the South Americans. One fully agrees with the India U-20 coach, Floyd Pinto, that this victory “will definitely earn Indian football more respect in the world of football” (“This victory will earn India respect: Pinto”, Aug 7). The recent victories prove that with the right support and exposure, our footballers can compete with the best in the world. Ironically, when Indian football is just beginning to
show some spunk, the Indian Olympic Association has taken the decision to not send a football team to the next Asian Games. Bidyut Kumar Chatterjee, Faridabad ■ Sir — It was heartening to learn that India’s U-20 football team beat Argentina in the Cotif cup in Spain and our U-16 footballers defeated Iraq at the Waff meet in Jordan recently. In fact, this is the first-ever victory for an Indian football team against Argentina at any level. Such performances by the colts are an indication that Indian football is on the right track. Our players now need more overseas assignments to further develop their game. Also, Indian football authorities may explore the feasibility of holding a national football league
rief as these two references are, they are nevertheless valuable. At this time, the future Harvard professor did not know enough English to even get by. What language the two used to communicate is not clear but evidently they did. Who would have imagined that a Maharashtrian Buddhist scholar would meet Iyothee Thass and much less write about him, little known as he was at that time? Nivedan, in its original Marathi, was serialized intermittently during 1912-16, and published in book form in 1924. Therefore, at the time of its writing, and publication, in all probability Dharmanand Kosambi was unaware of Iyothee Thass’s death — much less of his posthumous recognition and importance. One can only hope that more such information will turn up in the coming years, throwing shafts of light on the obscure but nevertheless important nooks of our intellectual past.
The author is a historian and Tamil writer based in Chennai
exclusively for U-16 and U-20 boys.
ously, and help India scale more footballing heights.
Khokan Das, Calcutta
Pulak Bhattacharya, Calcutta
■ Sir — The recent victories of Indian soccer teams brought back fond memories of the 1951 and 1962 Asian Games. India had won gold in football in both these editions of the competition. The U-16 and U-20 wins will undoubtedly lift the spirit of Indian football fans all over again. Today, soccer aficionados in the country mostly follow football leagues played in European nations. One hopes they would start thronging the stadiums here as Indian football begins to earn more laurels. Smarajit Basu, Calcutta ■ Sir — Our U-16 and U-20 boys have demonstrated that India has the potential to become a major contender in world football. In the 1960s, I have watched football games being played in the Maidan area in Calcutta. In those days, football was a popular sport in the country. But things changed rapidly after the Indian cricket team won the 1983 World Cup. Since then, cricket has become the most-followed sport in India. Now that Indian football is on an upswing, corporate sponsors should pump in money into the game to give it a further push. That would make many youngsters take up football seri-
Parting shot ■ Sir — The publication of the draft National Register of Citizens in Assam has turned out to be a controversial issue (“The dilemma”, Aug 1). But that politics over it has already started should not come as a surprise. Assam has experienced severe turmoil since the 1960s over the issue of influx of people from West Bengal, Bihar and Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan). The rate of influx increased around the time of the Bangladesh liberation war in 1971. In 1985, the Asom Gana Parishad swept the assembly elections by taking a stern position against immigration. Given this backdrop, the publication of the final draft of the NRC — which has left out about 40 lakh applicants — has given political parties some fresh fodder in the run up to the 2019 general elections. It seems that the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Trinamul Congress are hoping to reap a rich political harvest by exploiting the issue. The assurances of the Union home minister, therefore, have not been able to allay the fears of those who have not been included in the NRC. The Congress and some of the other national parties are yet to spell out a clear stand on the NRC debate. One sincerely hopes that all political parties will arrive at a consensus for the sake of the nation. Jahar Saha, Calcutta
▼
Rare frankness
Letters should be sent to: T 6 Prafulla Sarkar Street, Calcutta 700001
[email protected]
FIFTH COLUMN
WAR ON TRADE
F
ree trade policies were promulgated during Ronald Reagan’s presidency. But Reagan was not always an advocate of free trade. Japan then was regarded as a threat to the American auto industry. Reagan, supposedly an upholder of free trade, imposed a 100 per cent tariff on select Japanese electronic products. Is history repeating itself? Donald Trump has asserted that “the deals we have with other countries are unbelievably bad... Everything’s a deficit.” Incidentally, the United States of America has a trade surplus with most other countries. China is an exception. The trade deficit with China is a large sum of $337 billion. Trump has responded by imposing a tariff of $50 billion on Chinese goods after announcing sanctions on steel and aluminium imports. Trump invoked a rarely used 1974 trade law to promulgate the decree. Reagan had used the law several times too. Trump has made trade a political issue, and has incessantly attacked China for the slower growth rate of and declining jobs in the US as well as for the manipulation of the dollar. China’s meteoric rise has threatened the hegemony of the US, which sees China as a strategic competitor. China, on the other hand, sees the US trade embargo as an attempt to deter its ambitious ‘Made in China 2025’ plan that seeks to reconfigure the Chinese economy from being labour intensive to being technologically innovative pertaining to robotics, aerospace, pharmaceuticals and such like. It is pertinent to note that the US has imposed a tariff on industries that form a part of Made in China 2025. Industrial giants in America have long complained about intellectual property theft and conditionalities imposed by the Chinese government to rope in local manufacturers before allowing industrial bases in China. They have also alleged that intellectual property theft and technology transfers are forcing American industries to lose their competitive edge in terms of innovation and expertise. However, China has refuted these allegations. According to the US, Made in China 2025 would put American industries at a disadvantage. However, it should be noted that many developing countries have devised policies to give an impetus to the engine of growth. However, this is not to suggest that the increasing trade deficit between the US and China should be ignored. But imposing tariffs does not really serve as a solution either. The US-China ‘trade war’ is not something that will affect these two countries only. It will have global repercussions. It may even lead to changes in global production chains. The world economy is highly integrated as multinational companies have production units spread across the globe. The factors for comparative advantage are determined by the availability of raw material, technological expertise and the cost of land and labour. China is weak in manufacturing chips and relies heavily on the US. (In 2016, China imported electronic chips worth 227 billion dollars.) Barriers and tariffs may lead to disruptions in global supply chains as companies these days do not concentrate their production bases in one country only. This trend may compel American and European multinationals to revisit their investments, mergers and acquisitions, and foreign direct investments which, in turn, may ignite a reversal. The World Trade Organization was created to ensure free trade. The rationale was to deter countries from imposing trade barriers and implementing protectionist policies. The imposition of tariffs is a myopic and knee-jerk reaction on the part of the US to contain its swelling trade deficit vis-à-vis China. The conditions put forth by the US on China, such as protecting intellectual property rights, will not yield substantial results unless China sees these policies or conditions to be favourable to growth. Barriers in a bilateral arrangement undermine the relevance of global institutions like the WTO whose members have pledged to resolve differences under the dispute settlement mechanism.
