of Publicity in the Progressive Era - EBSCOhost

KEVIN STOKER AND BRAD L. RAWLINS

The "Light" of Publicity in the Progressive Era From Searchlight to Flashlight This article examines the connotative evolution of the term "publicity. "An historical analysis of articles imtten in magatînes, journals, and nempapers from 1890 to 1930 illustrates bow corporations and government co-opted ideas of the progressive movement into self servingpructices. Progressives vieuêdpublicity as a moral reform that would open politics and business to public scrutiny and help prevent corruption. Over time, publicity evolved into a communication strategyfor corporations seekingpublic approval This studyfound that the changefrom a "broad searchlight" of publicity to a "narrowflashlight" of positive information in the hands of public relations experts allowed business and government to shape public opinion rather than be influenced by it.

uring the progressive era, a mix of businessmen, social reformers, and educators sought to restore moral and civic purit)' by reforming business, society, and government, Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Richard Hofstadter snid progressives wanted baek the economic independence and political freedom destroyed by great corporations and corrupt political machines and their leaders, but they also recognized that these organizations were there to stay and could benefit society.' They resolved to make business and politics more accountable to the people by using publicity to expose abuses. Prominent New York City banker Henry Clews, writing in 1906, typified the progressives' attitude toward publicity:

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1920s, such optimism about publicity had died out. Instead of praising publicit)', journalism professor Roscoe C.E. Brown condemned it as a weapon used by corporations to control public opinion. For him, publicity was another form of propaganda used by "great corporations" whose representatives "stand guard at many sources of news, fending off the too keen inquirer and leaving the newspaper the choice of letting itself be spoon-fed or going empty."^ In less than thirty years, the definition of publicity had changed from a broad searchlight for exposing excess and corruption to a controlled flashlight illuminating only chose practices that corporations wanted tlie public to see. ]ust as the surrounding area becomes darker as the eye adjusts to the narrow target of a flashlight's beam, the new profession of public relations transformed publicity into a strategic weapon for deflecting public scrutiny away from some business practices while calling attention to more favorable actions.

We arc now on ilic liigh road to the correction of a multitude of abuses and the country is to be congratulated upon this salutary movctnent for improvement and reform in our business Kevin Stoker (left) and Brad L. Rawlins methods. Our are assistant professors in the Department greai remedy is of Communications at Brigham Young PUBLICITY', and University. They share research interests the enforcement in the ethics of journalism and public reof the law, , , , So lations, transparency, and history. let us have more light—the light of

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Instead of the progressivc definition of publicity- as something with tlie intrinsic value of correcting corporate wrongdoing, the then fledgling practice of public relations exploited publicity as a means to influence and win public favor. This article iden-

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tifies how the meaning of publicity changed from "public interest in public affairs" to "putting over" something improperly under the guise of news/ The time period studied runs from the 1890s, when journalists, business reformers, and social activists began writing about the merits of publicity, to the late 1920s, when the term was mure often used to describe the work of publicity agents. Of special interest is the relationship between publicity and the progressive era, which historians have identified as running from 1900 to the start of World War 1 in Iuirope. To chronicle the evolution of publicity, the study focused on almost 100 articles published during four time periods: prior to the progressive movement

opinion.' Progressive social acti\nsts and muckraking journalists did not associate the term with "today's connotation of mendacious cunning" but saw it as a "righteous weapon" for fighting social ills, wrote social historian Stuart Rwen in 1996.'"* President Wilson, elected in 1912, took no action to stop publicity in his first term but asserted more control over informadon in his second term. During World War 1, he created a wartime Committee on Public Information headed by journalist George Creel.'^ The committee's intent. Creel wrote in April 1917, was to disseminate and suppress information in a way that it would not be noticed or resented.""' His from 1890 to 1899; during its first decade "spectacular accomplishments," wrote from 1900 to 1911; in the first adminispublic relations historian Scott M. Cutlip, "The success of the 1893 tration of progressive President Woodrow contributed to the increased use of pubWilson from 1912 to 1916; and at the end to sway public opinion.'"' Chicago World^s Fair showed licit}'By of the era from 1917 to 1930.^ Most of 1919, publicity became less inforthe articles were gathered from the Perimative and more manipulative.'** Writing the effectiveness odical Gtiide to Literature under the subject for the American Economic Renew., a jourheading of publicity. Others were drawn of new printing technologies nalist identified 1919 as the year that pubfrom the archives of the New York Times lic utilities began to mobilize publicity to and other newspapers. The article will bein producing the pamphlets, create favorable public opinion for prigin by reviewing the secondary literature vate ownership of utilities.''^ Two years written on the subject and then look at later, Atlanta publicists Edward Y, Clarke booklets, engravings, and the writing from each decade during the and Elizabeth "Bessie" Tyler used pubforty-year period examined in the study. brochures that attracted licity to capitalize on native fears and promote the Ku Kiux KJan, building it into a The success of the 1893 Chicago visitors from across the globe. 3 million-mem her organization in only World's Fair showed the effectiveness of three years. In 1923, a business professor new printing technologies in producing the Much of the success was argued that railroads could overcome past pamphlets, booklets, engravings, and bropublicity their misdeeds by disseminatchures that attracted visitors from across attributable to the widespread ing moreofnews and advertising that the the globe.'' Much of the success was atpublic wanted and understood.^" tributable to the widespread influence of influence of newspapers, Throughout the 1920s, the nation's utility newspapers, Vvhich increased in circulation which increased in circulation companies fought public ownership from 2.6 million in 1870 to 15 million by through a massive publicity campaign that 1900.^ Newspapers, like other businesses, included buying news coverage and influfrom 2.6million in 1870 consolidated to increase profits and elimiencing school curricula. Then, the decade nate competition. As a result, some reportended on a "jarring note" for public relato 15 miUion by 1900. *' ers found more lucrative work in the extions when Congress uncovered the propanding publicit}' and advertising business. paganda campaign by the public utilities.'' Two journalists founded the first publicity bureau in Boston in 1900, and six more were formed between 1900 and 1918 with the trend Over the course of four decades, the meaning of publicit)' continuing in the booming 1920s.'* The best-known publicist of his changed from moral cure to social plague. The secondary literature time, Ivy Lee, started a publicity' ftrm with George Parker in 1903.'' suggests that the shift in the meaning took place with the creation Three years later, tliey issued a "Declaration of Principles" to news- and success of the Creel Committee during World War 1. But did paper editors, proclaiming they represented businesses and public this radical shift occur only because of America's two years of war institutions "to supply the press and the public of the United States or did other factors contribute to the change? The literature also prompt and accurate information concerning subjects which it is indicates that the prevailing public attitudes greatly influenced of value and interest to the public to know about."'" Other publi- publicit}''s meaning. Did the meaiiing of publicity change with public cists at the turn of the century joined movements advocating social opinion? An analysis of magazine and newspaper articles published and economic reforms designed to curb the growing power of cor- from 1890 to 1930 provides some answers. porate trusts. Wall Street, political machines, and other systems of Early writers about publicity used the term to describe P.T. influence and wealth." Barnum-like promotion, government-mandated disclosure, journal-

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ublicity became a rallying cry for progressive politicians, such as New York Governor Theodore Roosevelt, who clearly believed publicity would help expose and curb corporate abuses. After the assassination of President William McKinley in 1901, Vice President Roosevelt assumed the presidency. He emphasized publicity as essential in a federal policy toward big business because it was an alternative to more stringent regulations.'^ He also used publicity as a strategic weapon for influencing public

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ism, and book publishing. The power of publicit}' to influence people across the world grabbed the nation's attention in the early 1890s with the successful promotion of the Chicago World's Fair. Moses Handy, a Chicago newspaperman, was named chief of the Department of Publicity and Promotion. As the "managing editor" of the publicity bureau, he mobilized writers and artists to write letters, cover stories, and create lithographs, and stories appeared in newspapers around the world, despite hesitation from the European press, which initially demanded payment before publication. In an

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1893 evaluation of Handy's work, a newspaperman praised him for providing fifty typewriters with operators and hard copies of speeches and prayers made during the fair. He said the fair was "a triumph of scientific newspaper methods applied to the promotion of a public enterprise,"" This praise for Handy's promotion work stands in sharp contrast to the negative labels that journalists thirty years later would apply to publicity-.

on to wanting a column before finally demanding an entire page. "There is hardly a detail of private life, from the cradle to the grave, which is not now regarded as appropriate for publication, provided only the newspapers arc persuaded to take an interest in it. The interest of the public is taken for granted."^' The Outlook went a step further, calling newspaper publicity an invasion of privacy which constituted "the most offensive form of tyranny which the world has ever known." The magazine described publicity as "aggressive vulgarity" that dominated most newspapers.'^

Nineteenth-century writers also saw publicity as a weapon wielded by government to fight political corruption. In 1891 The Ndtt'on comcndcd that a new anti-lobby law in Massachusetts dem.'\s the 1890s drew to a close, advocates and opponents of onstrated the value of publicity in "restraining and regulating" the publicity increasingly believed that it direcdy influenced public opinion. In the age of the press, even monarevils of lobbying.^^ "Prevention by pubchies, once more or less absolute, had to licity is possible," the state's governor de"Not everyone agreed conform to public opinion, "bending wiLh clared. "The fear of publicity, and through ir without submitting to it," wrote Gabriel it of defeat, may stop improper practices that publicity was always Tarde in 1898.'' In his words, "The press by making them worse than useless."''' and invigorates conversations.. .. Writing a year later, Herbert Welsh bea good thing, especially when unifies Every morning the papers give their publieved publicity could clean up the politilics die conversations of the day."^' These cal corruption caused by the Civil War. He judging the private lives conversations affected even those who did urged politicians to publicize the sources not read newspapers "but who, talking to of and uses for political donations and of literary figures. those who do, are forced to follow the praised government for creating election groove of their borrowed thoughts. One laws to regulate political campaigns. "The Some worried pen suffices to set off a million tongues."-'^ moment that public sentiment demands high ethical standards in political life," he that the press'preoccupation The "prolonged and accumulated action of the press," Tarde continued, made poswrote, "then will they be applied and then with crime and the courts sible universal suffrage and parliamentary will political acts be judged by them."-'' A year later The Nation reported that would negatively affect publicity had made the Post Office and As the new century began, concerns the Civil Service Commission more acthe young who are not under about publicity's threat to privacy virtucountable to the public, "It is such exally vanished as progressives dwelt more amples, chosen at random from among stern moral control.'" on its blessings than its evils. Publicity became more closely associated with dismany, which give force to the general rule that light and air hurt no one who does not deserve to be hurt," It closure and dissemination. One writer referred to journalism as the said honest politicians "walked and worked in the broadest sun- profession of the publicist, calling the creation of the Pulitzer School shine," but closed doors left the public to infer that "the facts are of journalism at Columbia University an experiment at creating professional publicists.^' Progressive business leaders and social worse than they really are."-'' The same was true for business, wrote University of Michigan reformers also enhanced the legitimacy of publicity by continuing economist Henry Carter Adams in 1893, Ousted from Cornell for to promote its use in social and political reform. In business and "radical" ideas about corporate financial transparency, he defined politics, publicity meant public accountability for those institutions publicity as public inspection and control, the "first step toward and people enjoying special privileges in the political system. correcting corporate abuses." He argued that the two regulating principles governing society were competiuon and politics. When effective competition existed, there was little need to assert the political principle. Corporate entities created by law, however, were not adequately controlled by competition, and only the political principle, the will of the people wielded through publicit}', could contnjl corporations and assure transparency in corporate affairs.-'

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Writing in 1902, Michigan economist Adams defined publicity as making public those things that affect the community. He argued for standardization of accounting to allow uniformity and increase public understanding. Publicity could control trusts and force them to fulfill their moral obligation to disclose financial and operating accounts to public scrutiny, he said, "The fundamental purpose of publicity is to establish in the community a condition of confidence.'"** Trained at |ohn Hopkins and in Germany, Adams advocated regulation of railroads and the legalization of trade unions. The German connection might help explain Adams's progressive views on publicity. In i902 7'/;fA.W;o« contended that CJermany and France were far ahead of the United States in requiring publicity about corporate accounting practices.'''

ot everyone agreed that publicity was always a good thing, especially when judging the private lives of literary figures,-" Some worried that the press' preoccupation with crime and the courts would negatively affect the "young who are not under stern moral control."-' People were disposed "to dwell on the blessings which it [publicity] brings, and to forget that this I .ike Adams, many progressives advocated publicity as a means safeguard of justice may become a source of pollution, and of of regulating industries granted special protection by the public. evils even greater than those which it prevents," wrote John Frank Haigh DLxon, writing in Atlantic Alonthly in 1905, argued that MacDonell in 1896. He feared the publicit}- had become a "fetich" express companies (railroads) enjoyed the fruits of limited compe\sic\ and an end in itself that simply served people's voyeuristic ten- tition even though they were common carriers, and therefore they dencies.^' Century Illustrated Maga'^îne agreed, predicting that the should be subject to the principle of publicity. In that same year public's craving for publicity started with a paragraph and moved Il.L. Bridgeman wrote that the public gave monopolies to certain

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"quasi public" corporations, and thus it had a right to information He later advocated "complete and effective publicity of corporate if it chose to assert that right. As for the ownership of private affairs" as a remedy for regaitiing public confidence.^' individuals, that was subordinate to the corporations' relationship to the public. "First of all comes the public relation, and the policy ven opponents of muckraking journalism had to admit that the press had helped uncover illegal practices in several inof railroad management must be settled by what will serve the public fdustries. In 1906, banker Henry Clews noted that the insurbest, not what will be of most advantage to private stockholders," Bridgeman said.'"' For example. The Nation praised the United States ance, banking, and mercantile firms were then under investigation Steel Corporation for voluntary publicity of its quarterly state- for illegal practices and would remain under a cloud unless they ments.'" Progressives believed that whether it was government cleared themselves through full examination and publicity.^' He felt mandated or voluntary, publicity could cure malignant corporate this would weed out the irregularities nursed in secret that impaired behavior. They also referred to publicity as a "moral disinfectant" good practice. Thus, only the insolvent and crooked had anything that would forge social change through the to fear from publicity. Specifically, Clews power of public opinion.*identified the need to publicly cleanse the "Muckraking journalists But political reformer Perry Belmont insurance companies to satisfy policyholders and the public. The searching light of worried about corporations using politihave often been considered publicity would "compel the 'crooks,' cal contributions to influence public opinion. Writing in the North American Rfview reformers because their stories 'grafters,' 'rebaters' and 'competition crushers' of the business world, who have in 1901, he contended that political conschemed in the darkness, and shunned the tributions by corporations should be reled to social and poUtical light, to come out into open view, and this stricted, and the source and amount of publicity alone would be a perfect cure change. They embodied potitical contributions should be made for many great evils."" Insurance trustpublic. He did not mean to restrict the the very definition ees who "canncjt bear the light or are open freedom of individuals to contribute to to criticism . . , should be ventilated, and the political process. "There is, however, of progressive publicity— exposed, without fear or favor."" no inherent individual right to secrecy in

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By 1908, business began to pay atrespect to activities influencing the great exposing business tention. World's Work noted that executives court of public opinion," he wrote. "The from Standard Oil and the (Colorado and turning on of the light cannot be deemed and political corruption." Southern Railroad had publicly declared an unconstitutional increase in Federal or the error of keeping their affairs secret. State control."" The magazine sympathized with the corporations' desire to keep In using the term publicity, Belmont meant newspapers and periodicals, not "the tons of pamphlets usually distributed during their affairs private, but the public considered corporations as pubelections."" The press played a critical role in focusing light on lic institutions and would look suspiciously on those denying pubsociety's ills, but progressives questioned the sincerit)' of the press lic access. "For there is an inevitable prying quality in public opinas partners in the reform movement. In 1906 The Otitbok referred ion, which has no doubt been made very acute by the prying quality to publicit}- as a "searchlight," bnnging to light new objects and of our newspapers for a generation—-an illegitimate curiosity that lifting the veil of privacy on others.'' But the magazine feared that goes beyond the public's rights," the magazine said.^'' instead of being used as "an instrument for moral reform and ethiAs the clandestine corporate maneuvers were made public, cal re-organization, the metaphor was being discredited by its im- reformers used these disclosures to advocate greater public control of corporations. The control of information had been 'ATested from proper use and overemphasis. corporate hands, and leaders adroit in dealing with social dynamics realized that the game had changed. While many institutions may The searchlight to discover the posidon of » ship and die possible not have been comfortable with the new rules, they knew they had dangers that surround it is of immense value; the searchlight used to to play along to survive. In the spring of 1909, Frank Trumbull, amuse a crowd of passengers on the deck of a steamer on a pleasant president of the Colorado and Southern Railroad, advocated apsummer evening m;iy be diverting, but it can hardiy be regarded as aid to pealing directly to the public. "For a long time the people heard safetj- in making the voyage."' only one side of the railroad question," he wrote. "Now that railroad officials have for some time been putting forward the other The Outlook advocated the use of publicity to prepare the way for side, the work of the railroads is better understood, and is, I am constructive legislation and ethical change, but it warned against sure, being appreciated more and more."" using it simply to tear down existing institutions for the sake of public entertainment. This ob\iously was a reference to the use of publicit}' by muckraking publications to attract readers and sell advertising, not as a weapon for progressive reform.'*' Muckraking journalists have often been considered reformers because their stories led to social and political change. They embodied the very definition of progressive publicity—exposing business and political corruption.*" In 1906, muckraking journalist David Graham Phillips helped end the potitical careers of some senators with his stories about "The Treason of the Senate.'"''' Four years later. President Theodore Roosevelt condemned Phillips' muckraking expose but acknowledged that something had to be done.

Trumbull was about nine years late in realizing the need for appealing directly to the public. The public utilities industry had hired Boston's Municipal Ownership Publicity Bureau, generally considered the first of its kind when founded in 1900. The bureau made its mark by promoting private ownership of public utilities. Progressives took note of corporate efforts to use publicity bureaus and other methods to indirecdy influence public opinion but apparently did not associate these backdoor methods with true publicity. Indeed, the McClun's Maga^ne contended that nothing would cure these abuses of publicity except convincing "business men themselves that they don't pay—that the popular contempt


for underhand work of this kind is too cosdy to make it In 1909 a Boston publication. The Arena, also criticized corporate efforts to indirectly influence public opinion in two articles exposing the practices of the Publicit)' Bureau, which then had offices in Boston, New York, Washington, and Chicago. Headed by former journalists George Michaelis and |ames Drummond Ellsworth, the bureau sent out articles and news items aimed at "prejudicing the public against municipal ownership of any of these utilities."" The bureau issued opinion pieces, edited reports, and "half-truths" that were often misleading and paid advertising rates to have rhe information published as news. For example, the following letter was sent out during a battle between the consolidated Cias (Company of Boston and the Public Franchise League: "F.nclosed you will find copy for a reading-matter ad to be used in your paper. It is understood that this will be set up as news matter, in news type, with a news head, and without advertising marks of any sort. Please send your bill at the lowest net cash retests to the undersigned."^'* The bureau also contracted with the American Press Association to furnish monthly reading material to newspapers in exchange for a fee. A letter from the treasurer of the APA outlined the arrangement, indicating that any company that wanted this service should work through the bureau in such a way that the "company does no[ appear in the matter at all." For only S20 per year per paper, the American Press Association argued that companies could greatly benefit from "the constant presentation of facts and arguments in tavor of private ownership."^'''

"Social reformers clearly saw publicity as informing the public and persuading it to adopt their point of view. In 1905, W.H. Baldwin, Jr., chairman of a committee organized to reform government's condoning of prostitution and gambling, argued that an informed public would act to correct society's ills."

Publishers were often willing partners in this budding relationsliip between advertising and favorable publicity. In a 1909 letter, H.W. Pool, advertising manager of Moociy's Magazine, wrote to the Publicity Bureau's Ellsworth offering AT&T the back cover of an upcoming issue of the magazine for S75. An article "highly complimentary to your company" was dangled as bait. Pool summarized the benefits of the exchange when he wrote: "We believe that support from you from an advertising standpoint would prove mutually advantageous."''" Some of the newspapers charged from $1.50 to $5 a line to print the ardcles because they would not appear as advertisements but as editorials or as reading matter,''' Attorneys general in Ohio and Kansas found that some of the articles sold for S500 to $1,000, and "when one remembers that the prosperous newspaper in the Kansas towns clears probably not over $2,500 a year, the temptation in the plum was obvi-

n light of the publicit}' bureau's tactics, it is not clear whether progressive business leaders viewed publicity as transparent or simply persuading the public to accept the organization's point of view. Banker and one-time journalist Thomas Lamont noted that his old boss, financier J.P. Morgan, advocated greater public accountability from the late 1800s until his death in 1913. Then the most powerful financier in the country, Morgan emphasized the proper use of publicit}' in business, often saying, "Hereafter busi-

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ness must be done in glass pockets." According to Lamont, Morgan meant "that the old days of secretiveness and the 'public-bedamned' spirit in 'corporate management had gone by, never to return.'"'-^ Social reformers clearly saw publicit)' as informing the public and persuading it to adopt their point of view. In 1905, W.H. Baldwin, Ir., chairman of a committee organized to reform government's condoning of prostitution and gambling, argued that an informed public would act to correct societ}''s ills. "When the public fully understands any problem which affects seriously the civic life, the intelligent sentiment of the community is not slow to express itself, and better results are sure to follow," he wrote. The press, he added, could be counted on as strong supporters in any sensible reform effort.'"* Arthur Vance, editor of the Woman's Home Companion, wrote in 1909 that the .'Vnd-Child Slavery League enlisted 2,000 of the most prominent newspapers to help with a campaign for child labor reform. Muckraking magazine reporters also drew politicians' attention to the issue. He felt that no great reform could be accomplished without public sentiment: "It is possible, of course, to persuade legislatures and congresses to pass laws, but laws are never adequately enforced unless backed by public sentiment," Publicity produced public sentiment, and when used for a good cause, it worked like advertising.''^ Campaigns in the early 1900s to improve educadon, reduce lynching in the South, fight tuberculosis and cancer, and increase awareness of the woman suffrage movement were other examples of the power of publicity to make society more just and enlightened."'

Meeting in Boston in 1909, the National Conference of Charities and Correction sponsored a symposium entitled, "What Constitutes Right Publicit}-?" At the meeting, John Kingsbury, Commissioner of the Department of (Charities in New York City, argued that any means used to get publicity was justified if advocating moral reform. When writing a "sad case" for the press, one should emphasize "the real facts" by playing up harrowing human details. "If nothing but some of the methods of yellow journalism will succeed in getting before the people the simple facts which must be widely disseminated before we can hope for great progress in public health work," he wrote, "then yellow journalism is right publicity' in this line." Indeed, he argued that publicity only differed from commercial advertising because it must tell the truth and be moral. "Within these limits I would almost say no means of securing publicity is undignified or unrefined."" Kingsbury contended that ignorance primarily inhibited progress in public health and urged the use of publicity to enable humanit}' to recognize the need for good hygiene and sanitation. If given "$100,000 Co spend on stamping out disease I venture to say we could do more with it and relieve more suffering in the long run by putting it into publicity ,., tlian we could by spending it in home relief or hospitals," he said.''" Speaking at the same conference as Kingsbury, William C. Graves, executive secretary of the Illinois State Board of Charities, said, "Publicity, as I see it, serves two

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fundamental purposes. It helps you get something you want. It helps you protect what you possess.'"''' Graves gave a detailed description of the process of getting what one wanted from the press:

cess by buying influence through pohtical machines and closeddoor agreements. He argued ihat the way to reform the legisladve process was to give "more open publicity to every act" and deal with issues in the open chamber rather than in committee rooms. "The light must be let in on all processes of law-making," he said." Reacdng to public sentiment for more reforms, progressive Keep the newspapers supplied with material. First use your facts. leaders used government bureaucracy to stop the flow of money Then get clergymen to preach advocadng the needed change. Have clubs from big business to political machines that had long controlled of I'adous kinds adopt resolutions endorsing the campaign. Have leclures, illustrated with lantern slides. All these procedures arc news and elections in the nation's urban centers. Disclosures of political and further, ill themselves, are valuable forms of publicity. Print and circucorporate wrongdoing, along with laws aOowing direct primary eleclate a bulletin, if the campaign funds permit. Use every avenue of puiidons and limiting corporate-campaign contribudons, combined to topple party bosses and corrupt business leaders. At the state level, progressives "Wilson's inauguration 1 n protecting what one possessed. Graves helped create commissions to regulate railemphasized being a worthy steward. "If roads and other udlities that had relied as president in January 1913 on lobbying and outright bribery to inyou are honest and capable, publicity will fluence state legislatures and local governbe your staunchest friend at all times." put a progressive back ment.''' There is no substitute, he added, for publicity in building and protecting public and r'!\'en newspapers became a target for in the White House and "publicit)'" reforms. In 1912, Congress atprivate institutional work.^' tached a rider to the post office bill that Albert Shaw, editor of the Rei'ieu-- of marked a renewed emphasis required "the very publicadons wliich live Keviews, also urged reformers, "(jet the on using publicity to shed by turning the search-light of publicity newspapers with you." The newspaperupon everybody and everything" to pubman, he said, had an "immense variet}' of Ught on business and politics. lish facts concerning their ownership and concerns" in handling items of public incirculation and to mark all paid matter as terest and news value. "He does not inThe New Jersey governor "advertisements."^' "The threat is not to tend to neglect the things that concern the exclude the newspapers if a certain thing real betterment and advancement of the and former president is published, but if sometliing which is communit}'," he wrote. "Is it not a part of desired is not published," wrote the New of Princeton University your duty to aid him and co-operate with York hvening Post. It acknowledged each him?"" He said reformers would find newspaper's moral responsibility to the had campaigned against newspapers receptive to causes that safepublic but argued that newspapers were guarded the physical and moral welfare of not "public-ser\'ice corporations.'"" The monopolies and trusts and children, hut they should avoid undue and Chicago Trihune also opposed the legislafalse publicity. Ciood movements, he implored Americans to help tion but admitted that it was good for govadded, had been ruined by the love of ernment to regulate business to prevent notoriety.^' Thus, social reformers were him make things right. *' abuses and "good policy to compel pubnot much different than corporations uslicity of the ownership of newspapers and ing publicity to achieve corporate goals. to show up purchased news and editorials. In this age of regulation Except for a few calls for transparency in business and politics, of industry let the newspapers stand on an equality with other busiprogressives in business and social organizations advocated the use nesses,"™ of publicity because public support was critical in achieving their References to publicity for the next four years continued to goals. focus on business regulation. )ames R, Cjarfield, former secretary ilson's inauguration as president in January 1913 put a of the interior, said publicity would take away the temptadon for progressive back in the White House and marked a re- "industrial combinations" to do wrong. "Publicity is the foundanewed emphasis on using publicity' to shed light on busi- don of honest dealing and of the right reladon between industry ness and politics. The New Jersey governor and former president and the public welfare," he wrote, "Publicity takes away both tlie of Princeton University had campaigned against monopolies and opportunity and the temptadon to do wrong. Publicity makes postrusts and implored Americans to help him make things right. "In sible an intelligent public opinion, based upon the facts."** Martha order to do this, a first nccessit}' is to open the doors and let in the ]. Fuller, chairman of the Committee on Advertising for the Houselight on all affairs which the people have a right to know about," he mves \jagm Magaiîne in New York, saw publicit}' as a equalizer for wrote in 1913.^"* He viewed openness as the key to ethical action in putting the consumer on etjual footing with retailers. "Consumers are now learning to use the weapon of the business man, publicity, government and in business. People, he argued, behaved themselves to protect themselves and are finding that it is much more efficient when they were out in the open among their neighbors. "I'ublicity than the so-called strong arm of the law and an indispensable ally is one of the purifying elements of politics," he continued. "The of the latter," he said.*" best thing that you can do vîth anything that is crooked is to lift it Businessman Waddill Catchings believed that all business in up where people can see that it is crooked, and then it will either straighten itself out or disappear." Wilson believed diat business 1914 was done in die dark, and it was not just the public, investors, interests should enjoy the benefits and protections afforded by leg- and journalists who could not see what was being done, Publicit}' isladon, but they did not have a right to corrupt the polidcal pro- had improved control and regulation of railroads and stopped some

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corrupt railroad practices, and he envisioned publicity having a simi- fusing public opinion. While he said that publicity agents "on the lar effect on business by improving compeddon and standards of whole were a very able body of men," he was not as convinced conduct."- But he prophetically warned that if corporations used about their abilit}' to be truthful.'"' publicity to "make public only what it sees fit to make public, or In response to such criticism, W.W. Harris, an associate of Lee, what it wants its competitors to know, or what it is not afraid to let was allfjwed to defend publicity in Editor ^ Publisher \n 1920. He the public know, then naturaUy, publicity would be no remedy at argued that "modern publicity" involved bringing to the newspaall." l^ffective publicity, according to Catchings, would make public per "free goods which the newspaper in turn sells over its counter, minutes and records, assets, costs, income, income sources, pur- and which it would cost dearly to get unaided, even if it were poschases, purchase prices, sales, sales prices, customers, employees sible—and often it would not be.'"'" There was no question that the and officers, salaries, and liabilities and expenditures. "If the com- goods were free, but there was a quesdon as to the actual value of munity is to depend upon publicity as A remedy, publicity must be the information. full publicity," he said," A case study illuminating the power By the late 1910s and early 1920s, of free publicity to influence public opin"Some in the newspaper ion came from a 1918 editorial published progressives had achieved a string of sigby a Chicago trade journal. Engineering and nificant reforms: the 1913 Income Tax industry were worried Contracting. The ardcle noted how Thomas Amendment, prohibition, women's suffrage, direct election of senators, food and about the impact of publicity F.dison's invendons, such as the incandescent light bulb, achieved success while drug legislation, improved prison condil.uther Burbank's had failed. The differin shaping public opinion. tions, and child labor laws. The number ence, according to the editorial, was of articles associating publicity with busiIn 1919, Editor & PubUsher Edison's use of publicit}-, "particularly that ness and political reform began tapering kind of publicity that may be called eduoff after 1910 before all but disappearing wrote that the propaganda cational advertising," to sell the product.'''" by 1917. Catchings' plea for open busiFor Creel, who headed the Commitness pracdces was replaced by a series of machine of World War I tee on Public Informadon in World War articles hailing publicity's influence on 1, the product was the "absolute justice public opinion. In 1916, William H, Allen, ^forced the recognition of America's cause, the absolute selflessdirector of the Insdtute tor Public Serness of America's aims." When the Euof publicity as the greatest vice in New York, urged schools to make ropean war began in August 1914, it better use of "official publicity" because threatened to divide the American popupower in the world.'" the public paid more attention to public lation, which was composed of descenofficials.*^ A trade publication for social dants and immigrants from countries embroiled in the conflict. agencies. The Sun.'ej,noK(i in 1917 that social organizations struggled I^'earing a division that "would be fatal to our peace of mind," Wilto raise money and suggested a step-by-step process on how to son advocated neutrality. "We must be impardal in thought as well obtain newspaper publicity."^ A vice president of the National Bank as in action, must put a curb upon our sentiments as well as upon of Commerce in New York applauded the power of "organized every transaction that might be construed as a preference of one publicity" in raising liberty Loans. "It is only within the last year or part)' to the struggle before another," he told Congress on August tw(j that public men have come to see that progress and publicity 14, 1914,''''When the United States entered the war in 1917, Wilson arc inseparable," Guy Emerson wrote. "You can have publicity with- appointed Creel to lead the administration's fight to build support t)ut progress, but you cannot have progress without publicity.""'' A for the war effort at home and promote the justice of the Amerivocational education leader advocated a "policy of pubiicit}' of busi- can cause abroad. A former editor and reporter, he mobilized the ness facts" to inform the public and shape public opinion on mat- weapons of his trade: daily newspapers, the press, pamphlets, films, ters affecting the public welfare. "^ art, speeches, books, and advertising.''' Relying on a staff made up of former journalists and publicists, the Creel Committee accomree publicity strained relationships between publicit)' bureaus plished "miracles," wrote an observer in November 1917. It filled and newspapers from 1917 to 1921, according to Susan the cridcal need of centralizing the government's publicity operaLucarelli, The source of the tension was primarily economic. tions during the war, not only by encouraging voluntary censorship In 1916, the cost of "every item used in newspaper making went by the press but trying to regulate the flow of informadon from up" because of a scarcity of newsprint and pressure from the the government. The committee, wrote Donald Wilhelm, was cregovernment to continue to publicize the Liberty Loan campaign ated at a dme of change "in the character and number of Washingwithout paid advertising. Two trade journals in particular, ThePot/rth ton newspapermen.'"^^ With more journalists in the capital than Estate and Editor &" Publisher, argued against accepting publicit)' in ever before, the demand for information increased, and many of newspapers because it was taking away from adverdsing revenue. the older journalists took issue with having to go through Creel's They also discouraged the "prostitution of their columns by die committee to get access to government news stories. These ill feelprofessional publicity sharks." This led to the newspaper industry ings remained after the war, but Creel defended his efforts, even launching a campaign against the "spacegrabbers."^" publishing his own account of the committee's work. "It was a At the same time, some in the newspaper industry were wor- plain publicity proposidon, a vast enterprise in salesmanship, the ried about the impact of publicity in shaping public opinion, ln world's greatest adventure in advertising," Creel wrote in 1920.''*'

F

1919, Btlitor & Publisher wiotc that the propaganda machine of World War I "forced the recognition of publicity as the greatest After World War I, articles associating pubUcity with reform power in the world."*Mn \^2Q,Neii'York IFor/^êditor Frank I. Cobb were replaced by those criticizing or defending the work of press expressed concern that publicit}' agents had the intention of con- agents and corporate publicists. In 1920, the Literary Digest noted


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the "Wily Press Agent" adopted the philosophy of progressive reformers: any tactic used to publicize good cause was justified by the resuldng reform. "The work of the press-agent must be judged largely by the cause in which he exerts himself. If it's a good cause, many of the methods employed to give it publicit)' may be excused," [he magazine said.'' Whereas journaUsts had once used this kind of utiUtarian justification to defend questionable tactics for uncovering political and corporate wrongdoing, corporate public relations agents now adopted these same arguments to vaUdatc their use of publicit},''"

derstanding situations that might otherwise be confusing. But the pubUcity man still only allowed the reporter and the public to see what the he wanted them to see. "He is censor and propagandist, responsible only to his employers, and to the whole truth responsible only as it accords with the employers' conception of his own interests," he wrote. The facts of modern Ufe, he argued, did not spontaneously take shape but required interested parties to formulate and organize them for pubUc consumption. Among these interested parties, according to Lippmann, were the press agents and pubUcists.'"-

While press critics argued that press agents made it harder for PubUc relations boomed during the 1920s, and the term "pubthe public to get the truth, "enuepreneurs licity" became solely associated with the of public opinion" contended that they \\f>rk of press agents and pubUcists."" "While press critics argued did just the opposite. They made With only a few exceptions, most of the newsgathering easier and once inaccessible articles deaUng with pubUcity revolved that press agents made it business executives more accessible to the around the work of press agents, influpublic. Sure, there were abuses, but, like encing public opinion, and getting good harder for the public those working in other professions, their news in the newspapers. PubUcit}' started ranks included both good and bad and to become synonymous with propaganda, to get the truth, many in between. This comparison to and whether that was good or bad deother professions, such as law, allowed pended on where one stood. Trade pubU'entrepreneurs of public press agents n> justify partisan pubUcity cadons, pardcularly Industrial Management., or "prima-facie truth" as a product of r>A'o opinion* contended began touting publicity as a key business sides of an argument, not meant to be strategy for taking advantage of the ecothat they did just the opposite. nomic boom of the post-war years. A new taken as the complete truth. The press' responsibility was to judge the merits of passion swept the country, not motivated They made newsgathering both sides of an issue. "If he [tht: reporter] by moral reform but by progress. F,dward is liizy or incompetent or prejudiced he E. Purinton, writing for the Independent, easier and once inaccessible gave may be frustrated by the publicit)' man, voice to this passion when he debut in similar fashion a judge might be clared that business, "properly conceived, business executives more thwarted by a lawyer," wrote an observer managed, and conducted," could redeem in 1920, "But the sin would be that of the the human race: "What is the fmestgame? accessible to the public. individual and not of the system.'"''' Business. The soundest science? Business. The uuest art? Business. The fullest eduSure, there were abuses, "A new journalism is abroad in the cadon? Business. The fairest opportunity? land," noted journaUsm educator Brown Business. The cleanest philanthropy? Busibut, like those working in November 1921. He likened this "menness. The sanest religion? Business.""" ace" to "the parasitic fungi, whose spores in other professions, their penetrating the cells of their host change And business depended upon pubits substance to their own tissues." For ranks included both good and licity to sell more products. How-to arhim, the parasite was propaganda transticles on publicit)' began appearing in trade mitted by well paid press agents who inbad and many in between." publications, focusing on how to obtain fected newspapers with "ready-made inpositive publicity for industry. "The right telligence" aimed at influencing public sort of newspaper pubUcit)- can be made opinion. "What they want is free adverdsing, otherwise 'pubUcity,' the biggest sort of an asset in the successful conduct of a big plant," for some scheme or opinion of their own," he continued, "and the an IndttstrialManagement ^'UKS-T exclaimed in 1921."" A few months press agent's offering, either by distortion, suppression, unwarranted later, the president of E.F. Houghton and Company, writing in the emphasis, or sheer invention, achieves not a judicial summing up same pubUcation, contended that industrial pubUcit}' should create of the facts, but an attorney's special plea for his cUent."""' demand for "those products which, all things considered, are the Four months later, the North American Ri-wVa^printed a response most desirable and easiest to sell." He then explained how in-house to Brown from Atherton Brownelt, who noted that by "menace" publicit)' needed tt) be sustained, focuseJ, and truthful,""' Brown meant publicity. Brownell claimed that publicity told the story that adverdsing could not tell, and journaUsts would not tell ther trade publications heralded pubUcity efforts in proor would not tell well. "Bad news flies fast—it meets the reporter [ moting social work, passing bond issues for mental hospimore than half way," he wrote. "Good news is often retiring and tals and public schools, and winning support for pubUc conceals itself The function of the real pubUcit)' man is to give it health campaigns."" Clyde R. Miller, director of the Division of wings." He admitted that some press agents exploited newspapers PubUcations for the Board of Education in Cleveland, Ohio, wonunder the guise of news, but out of those "fantastic beginnings has dered why professional educators had been slow in appreciating emerged a profession that in the long run benefits the pubUc and the value of publicity'. "Why don't our pubUc school systems take a newspapers, alike,""" lesson from our progressive businessmen?""* By progressive, he In his 1922 book Public Opimon, Walter Lippmann wrote that did not mean reform. In this case, he looked at the way business the publicity man clarified facts for reporters and assisted in un- used pubUcity to promote commerce and win public approval. The

O

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defining principle of the 1920s was progress, not progressivism. PubUc UtiUty Informadon noted that without public support pubPublic relations pioneer Edward Bernays recognized this shift Uc utilities could not get the money needed to build power plants in emphasis when he identified pubUcity as the force needed to and sell power at fair rates. "As the business expands the need for move pubUc opinion in the effort to combat a retrogressive society'. cultivating this public attitude becomes all the more acute.""^ According [o him society was bound by prejudices and limited by Once the unbridled optimism of the post-war economic boom false taboos that were "illogical, emotional, and hampering to was replaced by the stark reaUties of the Depression, enterprising progress.""" He saw his efforts and those of his colleagues as a way journaUsts and government investigators helped uncover business to tap into pubUc opinion and its will "to live, to progress, to move excesses. In the late 1920s, the Federal Trade Coinmission investiin the direction of ultimate social and individual benefit."'"' gated the propaganda activities of utiUty companies in thirt)'-six Old progressives, wridng for The Nation, still worried about states, starting with Samuel Insull and the IlUnois Committee on business and poUdcs pracdced behind closed doors. Tn 1924, The PubUc Utility Tnformadon. The movement to "inform" the public /s Washington, D.C, correspondent about the blessings of pnvate ownership called for "public judgment and pubUcit)' such tacdcs as using "scores of "Once the unbridled optimism included and a compulsion to go right." f-le warned, university professors on confidential pay "The great aid to all evils is privacy.""' rolls, committees of power-company of the post-war economic Three years later, journalist Thomas owners who censored pubUc-school textLamont noted that some well known corbooks, national editorial services in careboom was replaced porations were beginning to reap the benful disguise, millions of pamphlets ditto, efits from opening themselves up to puband grand dames of the women's clubs by the stark realities Uc inspecdon, but they were sdll in the cruising about the country on power-trust mintinty. "American business men must subsidies.'" *' * As the government and press of the Depression, reaUze the benefit, even the necessity, of exposed the pervasive pubUcity and prostill greater pubUcit}' than exists today, as paganda of the pubUc utiUties, they did enterprising journalists to the affairs of those corporations which not suggest more pubUcity as a remedy. and government investigators Soon poUticians were emphasizing "remthey handle, and the shares of which are owned by the great American investment edies rather than abuses," and the regulahelped uncover pubUc." Corporations such as General tory agencies and commissions created by Motors and U.S. Steel had showed ecothe reformers were becoming influenced business excesses. nomic, as well as social, benefits from dimore by the businesses they were designed vulging information about their financial to regulate than those initiating the reguIn the late 1920s, deaUngs and investments. He said more ladon.'" corporations needed to follow suit or per- the Federal Trade Commission By the end of the 1920s, a Congresish."sional invesdgadon of nearly a decadeinvestigated the propaganda long misinformation and propaganda Corporations had aUready begun following suit but not in the way Lamont inby the National Electric Light activities of utility companies campaign tended. They hired former journalists, Association gave pubUcity and, according pubUcists, and press agents to strategically to Bernays, the new profession of pubUc in thirty-six states." use publicit)' to increase sales. By 1924, relations, a bad name."' As part of its camBernays pubUshed the first book on pubpaign to win pubUc support for private Uc reladons, heralding the new occupation of public relations coun- ownership of utilities, the association paid newspapers for publicsel."^ "The pubUc reladons counsel is merely our old friend the it}' that appeared as editorial content and paid educators from grade press agent," wrote Herman ], Mankiewicz of the Neif York Times. schools to colleges to promote its propaganda in curricula and "If u'ith the change of name, there is to come a change of ethics classes. By 1928, the social value of pubUcity no longer was in openand manners of the press agent, people will be deUghted to caU ing the operations of business to pubUc inspection. Instead, it rested him a pubUc reladons counsel or sweet Utde buttercup or anything in the pubUc reladons counsel's abiUt}' to gain pubUc acceptance of he wishes."""' facts of social value that might not have otherwise gained public Advocates of this new field wanted to move away from the "wily" press agent reputadon. Public opinion was a means for promodng the greater good of industry, and any harm to the pubUc was moraUy jusdfiable to reduce the potendal harm to the company. Press agents jusdfied their existence as a "natural by-product of democracy.""^ But as the termspubUcit}', press agents, and pubUcists gained negative connotative baggage, pubUc reladons advocates began to avoid even using them, "The business of handling pubUc reladons as a specialty received many a black eye before its devotees learned these few fundamentals," wrote F'red Saunders in Industrial Management. He said the pubUc relations man evolved "not through philanthropic motives but because he became a business necessity." The pubUc also had evolved, becoming more discerning and skeptical. If business did not tell the truth, the public would hold it accountable."^ The director of the IlUnois Committee on


attendon. Wridng about the new profession of pubUc reladons counsel, Bernays said, "While he, of course, may represent men and individuals who have gained great acceptance in the pubUc mind, he may represent new ideas of value not yet accepted.'"-' He sounded a lot Uke the social reformers. Using pubUcity to engineer pubUc consent was jusdfied when one represented a good cause or a new idea of value.

T;

(hus, various definidons of pubUcity existed throughout the period studied. However, by the 1920s, most writers had adopted the contemporary definition of strategic promotion and media placement. An analysis of the primary source material suggests that four factors contributed to shift pubUcity's definition from an illuminating searchUght to a more narrowly focused flashUght.

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l-'irst, progressives used mass communication with the expectation that pubUc scrutiny would force insdrudons to purify themselves. Some business leaders and corporations pubUcly embraced transparency but interpreted it to mean doing a better job of obtaining positive publicity. Even the social reformers took a strategic view of pubUcity, arguing that for the public to help bring about reform, it needed to be informed. Once again, the public and pubUcity were means to accompUshing the communicator's ends, not necessarily the pubUc's desires. Those writers who saw pubUcity as intrinsicaUy valuable, such as New York banker Clews and Michigan professor Adams, placed too much faith in information's power to produce pubUc action. Richard McC'ormick noted that the muckrakers and their readers were willing to accept remedies that only partiaUy dealt with the problems exposed by the journaUsts.'^ Second, the progressives never caUed for the dissolution of corporations or trusts. They worked within the system, fully expecting the public to force industriaUsts to correct corrupt practices exposed to the Ught of pubUcity, and they appealed to those with power and wealth to use it responsibly. The progressives' information campaigns were successful in showing the public how the rich and powerful were abusing this social responsibiUty, but they did not lead to many long-lasting reforms. Maybe this is why cries for pubUcity during Wilson's first term included more demands for government reguladon. Since the systems and structures that contributed to the consoUdation of wealth and power remained reladveiy untouched, the progressives won several batdes but ended up losing the war. Third, the progressive movement was a training ground for future corporate publicists. Perhaps one of the greatest ironies of the period was progressive President Wilson creating the Committee of PubUc Information, headed by crusading journalist and progressive ally Creel. Hiring other journalists, publicists, and fundraisers, he mounted a hugely successful pubUcity campaign to win support for the war effort. Many of the comtnittee's staffers, according to Hofstadter, "had learned their trade drumming up enthusiasm for the progressive reforms and providing articles for the muckraking magazines."'^' These staffers, including Bernays, would later become key players in defining and estabUshing the practice of pubUc reladons. Ultimately, the progressives enUghtened corporations about the value of pubUcity. These corporations had better and more abundant resources to use pubUcity, and by the 1920s were instructing others on how to get pubUcity and how to effectively use it. Fourth, social reformers justified their use of pubUcit)' as a means to bring about good ends. In the 1920s, corporations used the same utilitarian defense, beUeving what promoted industrial progress and expansion served die best interests of the pubUc. Thus, pubUcity lost what Utde intrinsic value was given to it by progressives. The goal was no longer to expose pubUc evils but to gain "right" publicity. Indeed, it appears that throughout most of the forty years examined in this study, publicity's dominant meaning was to influence pubUc opinion. Even those caUing for more transparency in business and poUtics beUeved that making the informadon pubUc would lead to pubUc and legisladve acdon. Therefore, what changed was not so much pubUcity's definidon but its associations. When pubUcit}- was used to advocate social, poUdcal, and business reforms, it maintained a posidve connotation and image. But when the calls for reform ended, it simply became another weapon for manipulating pubUc opinion. PubUcity then became associated with big business, professional propagandists, and government, which, ironicaUy, were the things it was once meant to reform.

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NOTES ' Richard Hofstadter, The A^ of Reform (New York: Viniage Books, 1955), 3, 165-66, Hofstadter noted that the progressive movement began in many states and communities in 1890 and bccamt a nadonwide movement after 1901, but it only lasted until about 1914, Progressives, he wrote, wanted stability and looked to reform the exisdng social order to achieve their goals. - Henry Clews, "Publiciry and Reform in Business," Annah of Amtriean Aciiiiemy of Political and Social Sdence,]\As 1906, 154, ' Roscoe C,E, Brown, "The Menace of Journalism," North American Keiieu; November 1921,611. ' See Herbert Welsh. "Campaign Committees: Publicity as a Cure for Corruption," Forum. September 1892.38; and Atherton Brownell, "Publicity—And Its Ethics," hiordj American Fji-ieu; Pcbruary 1922, 197. Public reladons currtndy defines publicity as "disseminadng planned messages through selected media lo further the organic a doti's interests," Sec Dennis Wilcox et al,, Public Relations Strale^s andTaetics, 7th cd, {Boston: Allyii and Bacon, 2003), 8. '' As Hofstadtcr noted, die roots of die progressK-e era began in the 1890s, and that decade also offered the first e\'idcnce of pubUcity as a category in the periodical literature. The split in the progressive era emerged fcom the ardclcs with the first decade of ardcles generally expressing conftdence in an informed public taking action to reform business, poUtics, and society. During Wilson's first term, however, ihc focus largely shifted to government reguladon as a soKirion, I'inally, after 1916, the number of articles and the variety' of meanings dramatically decreased, and pubUcit;' assumed the meaning cotnmonly associated with the term today, ' Claire Badaracco, "PubUcity and Modern Influence," Public Relations Review 3 (1990): 5-18, Badaracco's research was the lead article in an issue devoted to the historical ramifications of publicit)'. " Michael Emery, Edwin Emery, and Nancy Roberts, The Prtss und America: An Interpretiif History of the Mass Merlin, fnh cd, {Boston: Ailyn and Bacon, 2000), 157. " Scoit Cutlip, The Unseen Power: Public Relations. A History (Hillsdalc: N,J,: Lawrence Hrlhaum Associates. 1994), 1-103, Cudip provides a great amount of detail on the pardcular ageneies, iheir founders, and their clientele. His is by far the most comprehensive history of pubUc reladons to date, though it sometimes is weighed down by its detail. " Alan R, Raucher, "Public Relations in Business: ,\ Business of l'ubUc Reladons," Public Relations Review 3 (1990): 19-26, Cine of the pioneers of the public reladons field. Ivy I^c. drifted from journalism EO public reladons in search of more money and opportunity. His career is ciied as both exemplary and quesdonable, I iis 1906 "Declaration of Pnnciples" has become a standard for pubUc reladons ethics, but his execudon of those principles while represendng ihe Pennsylvania Railroad and John D. Rockefellcrhavecomeunderscrutiny. In thelatc 1930s he was criticized for his association with a German firm tied to the Nazis. Sec Stuart Ewen, PR!A Social History of Spin (New York: Basic Books, 1996). 74-75. 81; Cudip. Tht Unseen Power, and Marvin N, Olasky, Corporate Public Relation.!: A Nesf Uistoricat Perspectiiv (Hillsdale, N,J,: Lawrence Earlbaum Associates. 19S7). 50-51, '" ,\lfred McClung Lee, Tfie Daify Newspaper in America: The Evolution of a Social Imtnment {New York: Macmiilan, 1937), 440, '' Robert H. Wiebe. The Search for Order {New York: Htll & NX'ang. 1967), 164. '- Arthur M, Johnson, "1 heodore Roosevelt and the Bureau of Corporadons," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 45, 4 (March 1959): 571-90. " Stephen R, Ponder, "Congressional Resistance, 1905-1913: Congress and the Roosevelt ^Kdministradon's PR Men," Coiiiiress &• The Presidency 13, 2 (Autumn 1986): 177-86, Congress tried to stop federal agencies from hiring publicists, but they got around t)ie rules by simply changing the ddes of their pubUcists, See Stephen Ponder, "Progressive Drive to Shape Pubbc Opinion, 1898-1913," Public Relations iWwB' 16. 3 {Fall 1990): 94-103; and Stephen Ponder, "'Publicity in rhe Interest of the People': Theodore Roosevelt's Conservation Crusade," Presidential Studies f^""frtr/j'2O, 3{1990): 547-55, " E w e n , PR'48, 54, '^ Stephen Ponder, "Presidential Pubbcity and Execudve Power: Woodrow Wilson and the Centralizmg of Government Informadon," American Journalism 2. 3 {Summer i 994): 257-69, '" Ibid., 265, Creel and others in the administradon did not view the CPI as counter to the progressive philosophy of open government, but an analysis of CPI records indicated that Creel censored as much as he disseminated. See Cedric Larson


and James R, Mock, "The Lost Files of the Creel Committee of 1917-1919," Public Opinion rjujrterl) 3 January 1939): 5-39. '" Cutlip, T/ie Unseen Power, 105-09, Cutlip credited pubUcitv' in helping to radfy federal amendments for nadonal prohibition in 1917 and woman suffrage {vodng dghts) in 1920, Several books on pubhcity also were published during the 1920s, including J,H, ].ong, Public Relations. A Handbook of Publicity (New ^'tjrk: McGrawHill, 1924). '* Don S, Kirschner. "'Publicity Properly Applied': The Selling of Expertise in America, 1900-1929.'Vlwm.ynJ/W/w 19, 1 (1978): 65-78, " Ernest Gruening, "Power and Propaganda." Ameriian I'.conomic Review 21 (March 1931): 202-41. •"' Peter Lciningcr. "The Case for Railroad Publicity," University Journal of Husi« « / l , 4 {.\ugus[ 1923): 432-40, -' Cullip, The Unseen Power, J 08-09, " William Inglchcart, "What ihc PubUcitj- Department Did for the Columbian Exposition," Uppincott's Monthly. April 1893, 478-83, ^ "PubUcit)' and the Lobby," TheNation. Aug, 20, 1891, 136, '•" Ciovernor RusseU, quoted in Ibid, -'' Herbert Welsh, "C-ampaign Committees: Publicity as a Curt- for Corruption," Porum, September 1892,38, -'• "The Posr-Offices and Publicitj-," The Nation, April 13.1893, 268-69. '" Henry C, Adams, "Publicity and Corporate Abuses." Michigan Political Science Association. W)'i. 118-19, -' See "The Itch for Publicity," The Nation, April 6, 1893, 249; and "Discretion and Publicity," L/w«?4?f, June 24, 1899, 807-20, -"'Edward E, Hale. "A Record of Progress," LfW .-I i/^yW, May 1896.323-27. •*'John Macdonell, "The Fetich of Publicity," Nineteenth Century, April 1896, 647-54, " "The Craze for PubUcity," Century Illustrated Magj^îne, February 1896. 631, '- "The Passion for PubUcity, The Outlook, Apnl 25, 1896. 737-39, " Gabriel Tarde, "Opinion and Conversanon," in Terry N, Clark, ed., On Communication and Social InJJuence {Chicago: L'niversitj- of Chicago Press. 1969), 305-06, "Ibid.,312. ' ' Ibid,, 304, Tarde's views have been more recendy echoed in studies on media agenda setting. "• Ibid,, 305-06, '" ;\rthur Reed KimbaU, "The Profession of Publicist," Atlantic Monthly', July 1903, 804-11. Pulitzer provided the founding gift for the School of ]ournaUsm at Columbia University in 1903, but ihe school did not officially open until 1912, a year after his death, " Henry C, Adams, "What Is PubUcity?" North American Reiieu; December 1902,896.902. '•' "Publicit)' of Accounts Abroad," The Natio>t,}m. 2,1902, 6-7, *' R,L, Hddgeman, "PubUcity for Protected Interests," The New England. December 1905,459-67. This was the earliest usage of the term "pubUc reladon" foutid among the articles analy^ted in ihis study, " "Voluntary Publiciw," The Nation, }an. 29, 1904. 44, •*' The comments by Henry Demarest IJoyd, editor of the Chicago Tribune, were in an Atlantic Monthly article, "The Story of a Great Monopoly," The ardcle was mentioned in Henry Demarest Lloyd, Ijirds of Industry {1910; reprint. New York: Arno Press. 1973), 4 4 , " Perry Belmont, "Publicity and Election Expenditures," North American Keview, December 1901, 185, Belmont was president of the Nadonal Publicity I^w Organi/adon, ^ Ibid,. 184, ' ' "The SearchUght: Use and Abuse," The Outlook, Apnl 14, 1906, 830-31, *" Ibid,, 830. '" Ibid,. 831. Light as a metaphor for pubUcity could be traced back to President Andrew Jackson, In 1833, he condemned the secret poLdcal contribudons made by the nadonal bank in its efforts to persuade Congress to renew its charter, "Tliose who act justly do not shun the light, nor do they refuse explanations when the propriety of their conduct is brought into qtiesdon," he said in a communicadon to his cabinet. This is quoted in Belmont, '"Publicity and Election Expenditures," 170, '" See Hofstadter, Tht Age of Reform, 186-214. *'' See Ricliard B, Kielbowicz, "The Media and Reform," in William David Sloan and James D, Startt, eds., Vhe Media in America: A History 4th ed, fluscaloosa, Ala,; Vision Press, 1999) 301-10; and Frank Luther hioit, American Joumatism (Ncv/


York: MacmiUan, 1950), 575, Phillips directed his attack at Sen, Nelson W .Mdrich of Rhode Island, leader of the Old Guard Republicans, accusing him of being a pawn for wealthy corporate interests who wielded his polidcal power to check social legisladon, "When Aldrich is getdng orders, there is of course never any witness," Phillips wrote. See David Graham Phillips, "The PoUdcal Trust," Annals of America 13 (Chicago: Encyclopedia Briiaiinica. 1968), 50, In a 1909 inter\'iew with the New Haren Register, Roosevelt said the nation's laws could not keep up with corporate cunning See Ibid, *'See Theodore Roosevelt, The Ncu' Nationalism (New York: Outlook, 1910), 3-33; and The Annats of America, 251, Roosevelt applauded efforts to shed Ughi on corrupuon in business and polidcs, bui disapproved of any efforts that challenged the business system, *' Clews, "Publicity and Reform in Business." 153, "Ibid,, 154, "Ibid,, 145, ^ "The Passing of Corporate Secrecy," World's \l"ork. February 1908, 9837-38, " Quoted in "The Open Corporation," IVorld's itV*, March 1909, 11386-88, ^ "Manufacturing Public Opinion." McClure'sMaga:îne, l-ebruary- 1906, 452. '" "The Makingof PubUc CJpinion," The Arena, }\Ay 1909. 440-41. '"Quoted in Ibid.. 441. ^'' William Kittle, "News Bureaus and Newspapers Advocating Corporation Interests" The Arena, iuiy 1909,441 '*' H.W Pool to James D, BUsworth, Sepi, 7, 1909, which was quoted in Ewen, /'K,'96, '' "Manufacturing Public Opinion." McClure'sMagazim, February 1906, 451. "= Ibid,, 452, ''•' Thomas Lamont. "PubUcity far Industrial Corporadons," Industrial Management, September 1927. 5. " WH, Baldwin, "Publicity as a Means of Social Reform," North American Rnvew, February 1905, 845-53. Baldwin was chairman of New York's Committee of Eifteen, At the bottom of the ardcle's first page, a footnote said die ardcle was wdtteii before the Nov. 5 elecdon in which the forces allied against the party in power won a decisive victory, '* Arihur T. Vance. "The Value of PubUcit}-in licfocm," Annals of the American Academjof Political and Social Science 29 Qanuary 1907): 89, 91. ''•' See William H, Allen, "Education Through Official PubUcity," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (September 1916): 284-90; Edward Bernays, "Manipuladng Public tJpinion: "I'he Why and the How," American Journal o/ Soiiology 33 {May 1928): 958-71; and "Pubbcity, Pubbc Opinion, and the WQy Press Agent," Uterary Digest, Oct, 2, 1920, 58-62, " John A, Kingsbury, "Right PubUcity and Public Health Work," in Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Correction (Boston: Press of G e a H. Ellis, 1909), 333. *" Ibid,, 337. "" William C. Graves, "Right PubUcity For Institudonal Work, PubUc and Private." in Ibid,, 341, ""Ibid,, 342. " Ibid,. 343, 345, ^' Albert Shaw, "The Opportuiiit)' of the PubUcist in Reladon to Efforts for Social Betterment," Ln Ibid,, 313-32, " Ibid,, 330. '•• Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom (New York: Doubleday, 19L3), 111. " I b i d , , 115-25, ''' Richard L, McCormick. "The Discovery that Business Corrupts PoUdcs: A Reappraisal of the Origins of Progressivism," American Historical Review 86 (April 1981): 247-74. ~ "Newspapers Opposing PubUcit)'," IJterary Digest, Oct. 12, 1912, 607-08, "" The Neit' York Evening Post is quoted in "Newspapers Opposing PubUeity," 607-08, The paper's distinedon between newspapers and pubUc service corporations had some legidmacy. Miles M. Dawson, a New York attorney, idendfied industrial corporations as pubUc service corporadons and advocated the use of pubUcity to regulate interstate commerce. See Miles M, Dawson, "Publicity of Accounts of Industrial Corporadons," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Saence 42 {Iuly]9I2): 98-107, ' ' The Chicago Tribune is quoted in "Newspapers Opposing PubUcit)'," 608, *" James R, darfield, "Publicity in Affairs of Industrial Combinations," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science A2 {Jtiiy 1912): 140-46.

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"' Martha J, Fuller, "PubUcit)' as a Preventive of Abuses by the Retailer," Anruary 1922, 188-99. nals of American Academy of Political and Social Science 50 (November 1913): 83-85. '"- Walter Lippman, PubSc Opinion (1922; reprint. New York: Free Press. 1965). *'Waddill Catchings, "If Business Were .\11 in the Open." W'orld's Work, March 218, 1914,540-47, '"' Several books were published during the 1920s with instructions on how to use publicit)' to achieve organizadonal goals, PubUc reladons histonan Scott M, Cutlip "' Ibid,, 542, Us ted Publicity: Some oj the Things It it and Is Not, by Ivy Lcc; Publicity by former news*' William 11, Allen, "Educadon Through Official PubUcity," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (il (September 1916): 284-90, AUcn was papermen R.H, Wilder and K.L, BueU; Pubtic Relations a Handfmk of Pubtidty by J.H, Lxjng of the Nadonal Automobile Chamber of Commerce; The New.rpaper and Reliihe director of the Insdtute for Public Service in New York, " Elwood Sireet, "Where's the Money Coming From?" The Survey, Oct, 13, gious Publiaty by Richard Beall Niese, news editor of the Nashmlte Tennes.'ean\ Publicity by Hayes Robins; and Pubtidty Methods for Engineers hy the American Association of 1917,36-39. Engineers, See CutUp, 109-10, " G u y Emerson, "PubUcit)' as a Rccogni7xd Business Eorce." The Nation, March 28, 1918, 367-68, Emerson was vice president of the National Bank of Commerce "" See Edward E, Purinton, "Big Ideas for Big Business," independent, .April 16, in New York. 1921; reprinted as "Business as the Savior of the Communit)-"--1/mui(( o/"--Iwmtw 14 *" Edward D, Jones, "Publicity as a Policy," Annals of the American Academy of (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1968), 298-303. PoUticai and Social Science S5 (iêpicmbei 1919): 314-20, |ones worked with ihe Federal ' " Frank H. Williams, "'I'he Right Sort of Publicity for the Plant." industrial Board for Vocadonal EducaDon m Washington, DC, Management, ]An. 1, 1921,32, '"" Charles E. Carpenter, "Industrial PubUcit)- and the House Organ," industrial '* Susan i.ucarelli. " T h e N e w s p a p e r Industry's Campaign Against Management, Apnl 1, 1921, 247-49, Spacegrabbers, \'i\l-\92\" JournahmQuarterly 10 (1993): 885. *'' "Higham Says War Eorced World lo Recognize Power of Publicity." hditor '"' See "They See it in the Paper," and "How the Facts Did It," rheSurvey,'C}ec. 1^ Publisher, ]UIM: 1919,7. 15. 1923. 335-37; B,L, Carlton. "Publicity as a Means of Promoting Efficiency in "" "Frank I, Cobb Urges 'The Restoration Of The Free Play Of PubUc Cipin[ leahh Work." American City. July 1920,56; and Clyde R, Miller. "A School PubUcit)' ion,"' Editor ai-Publisher, }an. 8.1920, 5-6, Program," American City, September 1921. 207-08, " '"Modern Publicit)'' Meets Modern Need, Says Defender," Editor d" Pub"" Miller. "A School PubUcity Program," 207, lisher, May 22, 1920, 26, Edison also played a critical role in developing the technol"" Bernays, "Manipuladng Pubtic Opinion," 971. ogy for powering his Ught bulbs. He owned 1,093 patents, which is still a L'nited ""Ibid, States record. '" Wîliiam Hard, "Glass Walls," The Nation, May 20. 1924. 607-08. "-Thomas Lamont, "PubUcity for Industrial Corporadons."/Ww/Zna/MaBijî"' This came from an editodal in the Engineering and Contracting on Mzy 29, ment, -September 1927. 3, 1918, It was quoted in the Uteniry Digest on )\ily 6, 1918, 34-35. " See Woodrow Wilson, 63rd Congress, Ind Session, Senate Document No, " ' Edward Bernays, Ctystatti!(tng Public Opinion (New York: Boni & IJveright. 566; and reprinted in "Appeal foiêutzahty," Annals of America, 491-S}2; 1924), '" The Creel Report: Complete Report of the Chairman of the Committee on Public Injor- "•* Herman (, Mankiewicz. "The Viriuous Press Agent." New York Times, April mation, 1917, I9IH, 1919 (1920; reprmt. New York: Da Capo Press, 1972), 1. 6. 1924, " Donald Wilhelm, "The Government's Own Publicity Work," Review of Re"^ "PubUdty, Public Opinion, and the Wily Press Agent." 58. views, November 1917, 507-11. "" Fred Saunders, "The Modern Idea of PubUc Reladons." IndustrialManag;. "' George Creel, How We Advertised America (New Yoik: Harper & Brothers, ment, December 1927, 353-54, 1920; reprint. New York: Ariio Press, 1972), 4, "" See Ernest Gruening, "Power and Propaganda," American Economic Associa''' From "PubUcit)', Public Opinion, and the Wily Press jVgent," 58-62. tion 2\ (March 1931): 204. "" "Manufacturing Public Opinion," New Republic, D e c 9,1931,102, '* Cutlip, The Unseen Power, 109-111. CutUp quoted from several books on pub' " McCormick. "The Discovery that Business Corrupts Politics," 273-74. licity published in the 1920s, One defined publicity as "the organized and deliberate ''" See Cutlip, The Unseen Power, 108. Cutlip quoted Bernays as sa)'ing, "The effort to enlist the support of the public for an idea, sponsored by any given group new profession received a bad name ftom which ir did not free itself for years," for any gi\-en purpose," See CutUp, The Vnseen Power, 109, '•" Edward Bernays, "This Business of Propaganda," The independent. Sept, 1, '^ "PubUcity. PubUc Opinion, and the Wily Press Agent," 58, 1928,198-99. "" Roscoe C.E, Brown, "The Menace to )ourna!ism," North American Remw, November 1921,610-19. ' " McCormick, "The Discovery diat Business Corrupts Polidcs," 273, '"' Atherton BrowneU, "PubUciry—and its Ethics," Notih American Review, Feb'-' Ibid.. 275.

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