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J O U R N A L O F T H E A S S O C I AT I O N FOR THE STUDY OF ETHNICITY A N D N AT I O N A L I S M

AS EN

Nations and Nationalism 20 (3), 2014, 481–502. DOI: 10.1111/nana.12067

One image, multiple nationalisms: Face to Face and the Siege at Kanehsatà:ke RIMA WILKES and MICHAEL KEHL Department of Sociology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada

ABSTRACT. Iconic news photographs, particularly those taken during wars and national crises, provide visual synopses of important historical events – events about which stories of triumph and tragedy are superimposed. In this paper, we systematically trace the appearances and discussions of a single, iconic image, given the moniker Face to Face, over time. In the twenty plus years since its initial publication, media discourses around the image referenced Kanien’kehaka /Mohawk, Indigenous, Quebecois and Canadian nationalisms. We conclude that discourses surrounding war and conflict imagery can be read as reflecting plural nationalisms and that while a dominant meaning can be projected onto such imagery, this is neither singular nor fixed. KEYWORDS: Canada, Indigenous, Mohawk, war photography, Quebec

Figure 1. Face to Face: Shaney Komulainen. Canadian Press. 1990.

On the fifty-fourth day of the 1990 Siege at Kanehsatà:ke (Oka Crisis) pitting Kanien’kehaka (Mohawk) warriors against the Canadian army, a picture with the moniker Face to Face accompanied an Ottawa Citizen article about the current state of the events.1 Face to Face, captioned as ‘It’s your © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014

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Rima Wilkes and Michael Kehl

move’ and showing perimeter sentry Patrick Cloutier staring at Warrior Brad Larocque, generated an enormous amount of mainstream media interest. Giving little mention to the colonialism that underlay the Canadian government’s actions and rhetoric, many media accounts of the time instead focused on Cloutier, some going as far as interviewing his mother to ascertain how she could have produced such a fine son. However, in 2009, when the photo reappeared in Mark Reid’s edited collection entitled 100 Photos That Changed Canada, the written text that accompanied it stated that Face to Face served as a ‘reminder to all Canadians that despite solid steps – such as the 2008 federal apology for residential schools and the creation of a native land claims commission – there is still work to be done to bridge the gulf between aboriginals and non-aboriginals in Canada.’2 Two years later, the image was again reproduced, this time in Jonathan Anuik’s First in Canada: An Aboriginal Book of Days, with an introduction written by Assembly of First Nations National Chief Shawn A-in-chut Atleo. In this paper, we trace the appearance and reappearance of Face to Face within multiple media outlets over the past quarter century, an important task given its iconic status. Face to Face fits Hariman and Lucaites’ (2002: 366) definition of iconic imagery as ‘photographic images produced in print, electronic, or digital media that are widely recognized, are understood to be representations of historically significant events, activate strong emotional response, and are reproduced across a range of media, genres, or topics.’ On the one hand, as Fee (2008: 203) notes, Face to Face could be understood as colonial imagery, that is, imagery that ‘strips away a huge number of complications, so that what remains is a binary, the binary that ties an identity as a white settler Anglo-Canadian to the existence of an Aboriginal Other, who leans in threateningly from another-uncivilized-time-frame.’3 The repetition of the man-to-man combat binary embodied in Face to Face and in the texts that accompany it draw on us–them, self–other and civilised–uncivilised constructions integral for the creation and maintenance of dominant/imperial national identities (LaRocque 2010; Marvin and Ingle 1999). On the other hand, Face to Face, like other elements of material culture, cannot be understood in solely synchronic and singular terms. National identities and the contrasts used in their construction are inherently unstable and, for this reason, must be continually renegotiated and redeployed (Mawani 2009). A key means through which this occurs is via the use of material representations that serve to generate both an attachment to, and moral feeling about, the national group (Smith 2010). Photographs have long been used in this way, their content said to reflect and circumscribe the dominant national ‘us’ as well as the ‘them’ that is at the margins or excluded entirely (Fahmy 2007; Greenwood and Smith 2007; Ramos and Gosine 2002). This has especially been true when the subject matter is war and conflict. ‘We’ are rarely shown as the aggressor and the suffering that we have caused is downplayed, minimised or whitewashed © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014

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(Fahmy 2010; Fishman and Marvin 2003). When ‘our’ suffering is displayed, it will be in a more respectful manner than their suffering (Sontag 2004). This proposition has also been examined in relation to within-nation populations, most notably, in terms of the media’s offensive visual representation of black bodies in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina (see e.g. Fahmy, Kelly and Kim 2007). Still, there are a number of gaps in empirical work on the news media’s use of photographic imagery of war and conflict and its role in the construction of national ideologies. First, it is heavily focused on the United States (US); few studies of imagery from other contexts exist. This is important because it means that theorising about iconic photography is largely based on imagery from a particular dominant position within the larger global order. That is, non-dominant nationalism is more likely to be about nationhood than to be about dominance. Second, it is static, not so much in terms of theoretical understanding, but in terms of attention to the movement of imagery over time. Several studies analyse the content of multiple photographs at a single point in time (Huang and Fahmy 2011) or deconstruct the latent meanings of iconic images (Hariman and Lucaites 2003, 2004). While the latter group do show shifts in meaning over time and do include some illustrative quotes from later periods, the collection or tracing of the imagery is not systematic (see Perlmutter 2003 for a discussion). Face to Face, which is the photographic subject of this paper, was taken during the 1990 war/conflict/siege upon members of the Mohawk nation by the Quebecois/Canadian nations. It has won a Canadian Press Picture of the Year award for spot news photography. It has continued to appear and reappear in media outlets, indigenous nation, English-Canadian and French-Canadian, for more than three decades. Because the image keeps reappearing, it provides an ideal case with which to map the movement of imagery over time and to consider changing and different photographic meanings, particularly those related to the nation(s).

Photographs, the mass media and nationalism In the late 1830s, Louis Daguerre first made his technique for fixing images public, and the new medium was quickly embraced in France and Britain, eventually spreading across the globe (Becker 1974). Like all technology, photography became an instrument of a particular nineteenth century social order, in this case one based on wealth creation via land and resource accumulation and facilitated by an ideology of ‘progress’ in which the past and the present were disconnected from each other (McQuire 1998). Photography provided this means of thinking about time in terms of present and past and movement forward, and did so in large part by using people from the colonies as representations of the past (ibid.; Maxwell 2000). Anthropological and tourist photographs assisted in this end, reducing people to mere objects © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014

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of a racialising, scientific, and imperialist gaze (ibid.). This ‘way of seeing’, ‘founded upon the distinction of self/other, subject/object relations’ (Wexler 2000: 177), has been given extensive attention by scholars seeking to deconstruct the assumptions underlying early usages of photography (Rice 2011; Williams 2003). Their conclusion is that, almost from the outset, photography has been used as an instrument of nationalism. Photography was instrumental in the colonisation of North America. Williams (2003), for example, documents the way in which colonial surveyors’ dissemination of images of ‘uninhabited’ landscapes and of religious converts gave an impression of ‘vanishing’ indigenous peoples in the Pacific Northwest. Photography was also used to justify American Imperialism in Puerto Rico and the Philippines after the 1898 Spanish–American war (Rice 2011). Whereas photographs of the inhabitants of Puerto Rico in western dress and in western institutions showed that Puerto Rico was already on the road to civilisation, imagery showing peoples in loincloths demonstrated the ‘uncivilised’ nature of the peoples of the Philippines (ibid.). Either way, since neither were fully civilised, American occupation as a liberating force was justifiable. In the contemporary period, the relationship between photography and nationalism continues to be of interest, particularly as it manifests war and conflict imagery (Fahmy 2007; Fahmy and Kim 2008; Rose 2009). War and conflict imagery not only ‘invokes notions of ethnic identity and nationalist mythology’ but also highlights ‘important historical issues of national formation, cultural bias, and international and intercultural relations’ (Griffin 2010: 8). The messaging about identity occurs because only some images from some conflicts are selected as worthy of reportage. There is a potentially infinite number of images that could be selected to represent any given conflict but, ultimately, only a very few are chosen (Perlmutter 1998). From these, even fewer are ultimately destined to become iconic. There are many reasons why an image could become iconic but typically it has metonymy, that is, a particular essence that allows it to act as a stand-in for a larger event and primordiality, that is, it reflects culturally resonant themes such as David vs. Goliath (Perlmutter and Wagner 2004). Old Glory Goes Up on Mt. Suribachi (1945), for example, portrays three soldiers working together to raise the US flag and ends up standing in for the Second World War. The famous image does not recount an actual battle but instead shows a domesticated masculinity whereby the soldiers work together for a common purpose (Hariman and Lucaites (2002). That they are planting the flag suggests American territorial conquest, but one in which violence plays little role (ibid.). The image itself reflects service and equality and taps into primordial beliefs about brotherhood. Another iconic conflict image, Tank Man (1989), stood in for a series of events at Tiananmen Square, including a massacre of hundreds of students. This image not only reflects a David-vs.-Goliath theme but also references the modern primordial theme man vs. machine (Perlmutter 1998). © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014


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Figure 2. Old Glory Goes Up on Mt. Suribachi. Joe Rosenthal. 1945.

Figure 3. Tank Man. Jeff Widener. 1989.

Those images that become iconic nationalist representations also tend to both capture and reflect fundamental tensions within societies, particularly around citizenship and belonging. One such tension that is ubiquitous in modern societies surrounds race. Larry Burrow’s (1966) Vietnam era photograph Reaching Out shows a wounded soldier attempting to help another in the midst of a muddy quagmire. An earlier image (1945) shows Navy Officer and musician and friend Graham Washington Jackson, crying at Franklin D. Roosevelt’s funeral procession. The fact that these images show black servicemen who are emotionally attached to their White compatriots is probably no coincidence. The direction of affectation matters, suggesting not only that there is no race problem but also reinforcing a long-standing undercurrent of hierarchy and beliefs about race and loyalty in US society. Still, several caveats must be made to the above reading of photographs. It is very difficult to speak of imagery as reflecting a unitary meaning and nationalism. Such an understanding ignores the agency of © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014

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Figure 4. Roosevelt Funeral. Ed Clark. 1945.

Figure 5. Reaching Out. Larry Burrows. 1966.

readers and assumes a singular readership or national public (Newell 2011). While imagery can be read as produced by and for an imagined singular audience, this is not its only audience. Take for example, the Tank Man image. Whereas Western Press agents understood the image to be about the heroics of a single brave individual facing insurmountable odds, Chinese officials explained it very differently: as showing both the mercy and the restraint of the Chinese army (Perlmutter 1998). Furthermore, not only can there be multiple readings at any given time but the reading and understanding of imagery changes over time. ‘We’ do not read any particular past image in the same manner as publics living at particular epochs would have read it (Rose 2000). Thus, any image that continues to be reproduced is not read in exactly the same way as it was before. Earlier understanding of Old Glory Goes Up on Mt. Suribachi emphasised ‘liberal-democracy (embodied in © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014


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a group of anonymous figures)’ but more recently, the focus has shifted such that the image represents a theme of ‘liberal-democracy (in which the individual becomes the locus of representation)’ (Hariman and Lucaites 2002: 376 italics in original). More recently, this image has been used and placed next to imagery of well-known sports figures, and this now shifts the meaning of the image from one of anonymity to one of individual celebrity (ibid.). Drawing on this argument that photographic meaning is neither singular nor fixed as the starting point for our analysis, this paper builds on previous literature on the meaning of war and conflict imagery in two important ways. First, we introduce a new image to a literature that has been heavily dominated by a focus on US imagery and/or its use by US media outlets. Among the imagery, given extensive attention include Old Glory Goes Up on Mt. Suribachi (1945), Saigon Street Execution (1968), Girl Screaming over a Dead Body at Kent State (1970), Naked Little Girl and Other Children Fleeing Napalm Strike (1972), U.S. Sergeant Mourning Death of Fellow Soldier (1991) and Dead American Soldier Dragged through the Streets of Mogadishu (1993) (Hariman and Lucaites 2002, 2003; Perlmutter 1998; Tulloch and Warwick Blood 2012). Some exceptions include Dying Spanish Militiaman (1936) and Tank Man (1989), but the focus is still on their appearance within US news media (Perlmutter 1998). Face to Face, the image that we consider, was snapped by freelance photographer Shaney Komulainen on 1 September 1990, a point several months into the 1990 Oka Crisis.4 The image itself is considered as one, if not the most iconic Canadian image (Reid 2009; Webb 2008). Although a war photo, Face to Face is complicated by the fact that the war was on so-called ‘domestic’ soil and, rather than representing a tension around race, the photo is circumscribed by a tension surrounding indigeneity. This tension or uncertainty, as Painter (2010) so aptly notes in her discussion of national anthems and how they reflect the national subconscious in The History of White People, is certainly reflected in the single line from the English-language version of the Canadian national anthem referencing ‘Our home and native land’.5 This tension, which we argue is reflected in the image, is why some war imagery should be understood as reflecting multiple nationalisms. Second, we systematically trace a single image over time. While content analysis approaches to photographic meaning consider many images, each image is counted only once (Corrigall-Brown and Wilkes 2012; Fishman and Marvin 2003). This treats its meaning as both singular and fixed via a single set of codes. Although studies that take an iconographic approach do trace shifts in meaning, or at least allusions to the imagery over time (see Perlmutter 2003), none have done so in a systematic manner. That is, while later quotes and commentary may be included, no study has attempted to document each and every reference to a particular image. Taking advantage of Canadian Newsstand and the Google images searches, this paper provides the first study to collect and trace all media reproductions and references to © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014

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a single image over time, thereby allowing for a more detailed tracing of meaning changes. The crisis itself, a 78-day stand-off, was sparked when in March of 1990, the town of Oka Quebec’s municipal government acted on a plan to expand the local golf course onto land adjacent to Kanien’kehaka territory that included a burial ground (see Alfred 1995; Kalant 2004; Obomsawin et al. 1993). A small group of Warriors and their supporters set up barricades on the roads leading to the contested area and, in response, Jean Ouellette, the town’s mayor, called in officers from Quebec Provincial Police, who stormed the barricades on 11 July 1990. The Warriors, who were also armed, fought back and in the ensuing battle, police officer Marcel Lemay was killed. The police fell back, leaving behind several vehicles, which were subsequently overturned and used to reinforce the existing barricades. A stalemate ensued. At the same time, people from the nearby community of Kahnawà:ke set up an additional blockade at the Mercier Bridge – a commuter hub into Montreal. Enraged residents of the suburb of Chateauguay began what would turn into nightly riots at the entrance to the Mercier Bridge. Numerous demonstrations in support of the warriors of Kanehsatà:ke were held, including a cross-Canada caravan, which then set up a peace camp in Oka Park, as well as a multinational diffusion of road and rail blockades. By August, then Prime Minister Brian Mulroney ordered the mobilisation of 5,000 Canadian troops to take over for the Quebec Police. Arriving after the army’s barricades had gone up, Komulainen masqueraded as a town resident and slipped behind them with her cameras concealed under her jacket (National Post 3 November 1999). With light fading, she snuck through the woods to the front lines at the disputed area of Sacred Pines where she snapped the photo of the nose-to-nose stare between the two men. The image first appeared the next day (2 September 1990) on the front pages of The Ottawa Citizen, the Montreal Gazette and the Edmonton Journal. Captioned in the Citizen with the text ‘It’s your move: Canadian soldier and Mohawk Warrior come face to face in tense standoff at Kanesatake Saturday’, the accompanying article described the Canadian Force’s move further into the Kanehsatà:ke territory.6

Methods We begin by considering the visual semiotics of the image, including both the connotative elements of the image’s construction including ‘framing, gaze, lighting, and camera position’ as well as denotative elements such as the number of subjects, the placement of subjects and other objects in the image and their meanings (Lister and Wells 2001: 75). Next, we use an iconographic approach. Whereas semiotic analysis starts and ends with the image itself, iconographic approaches seek to understand the larger context in which © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014


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images are ‘produced and circulated’ (Van Leeuwen and Jewitt 2001: 92) This, in turn, requires moving away from the image to other non-visual sources and paying attention to the linguistic discourses used in the articles. We searched Eureka (French-language papers), Canadian Newsstand (English-language papers) and Google/Google Images for the image and reference to it using the following keywords: Shaney Komulainen, Patrick Cloutier, Face to Face/Face a Face, Ronald Cross, Brad Larocque/Laroque, photograph(e), soldier/soldat and warrior/guerrier. Using this process, we located the image and references to it in over 46 different newspaper, radio, television and internet sites (N = 236; 170 in English, 66 in French). These texts allowed us to consider the context and meanings attributed to the image at particular times and within particular sources. We read the entirety of each article, text or transcript, paying particular attention to elements and descriptors that referenced nation and national qualities for the different groups directly involved in the conflict: Canada, Quebec and Mohawks. Ultimately, our intention in using this approach to the texts is to identify and draw out salient nationalist themes (see Wilkes 2004, 2006; Wilkes et al. 2010 for a quantitative analysis and of nationalism in relation to similar events). Face to Face

Figure 6. Face to Face: Shaney Komulainen. Canadian Press. 1990.

The image is tightly framed around the two principal subjects who take up three-quarters of the shot. The subjects of the image are facing each other: neither is looking at the camera. It is difficult to tell whether the subjects were aware of the presence of the photographer, but she was either very close or using a powerful zoom. For this reason, there is an intimacy to the image as if the viewer occupies a third position in a triangle with the two principal subjects. Because the viewer is at arms’ length and looking directly at the subjects, the photo conveys a sense of equality between the viewer and the two men. Although this is not an extreme close-up, the distance of the shot is certainly © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014

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in the range of personal space for the two men and the viewer is invited to share in this intimacy. Looking at the image itself, several elements of its construction become immediately clear (Fee 2008). There is a physical disparity between the two men: the warrior is larger and stands tall over the soldier, forcing him to look upwards in order to meet his gaze. The warrior’s combat fatigues, boonie hat, bandana shielded face and sunglass-shrouded eyes combine to give the impression of a hardened mercenary, while the soldier’s youthful appearance, diminutive size and apprehensive gaze portray a young man trying his best to resist a superior force, but clearly out of his element. Both men are armed, but only the warrior’s weaponry is shown in the image. Clearly visible in the photo are both the knife carried on his left chest and the assault rifle slung over his left shoulder. The soldier’s rifle and sidearm by contrast remain hidden from view. The second masked figure in the background of the photo suggests that the soldier was outnumbered – two-to-one – although the actual conflict ratio was closer to 50 soldiers for every Warrior. Although we can tell little about what the masked figure looks like, the soldier figure in the image is white or, at the very least, very light-skinned. There are no women in the image. This particular representation of race and gender is not necessarily problematic in and of itself, but becomes more so once the details of the actual conflict are known. This was a Mohawk-Quebec/ Canada conflict. Because each subject of the image can be held as a stand-in for a larger group, the inclusion of what might be taken as a white face and only male bodies becomes more problematic. To portray a conflict between Canada/Quebec and an indigenous nation as a white–other conflict serves to represent Canadian military personnel as white-European. This hides the service of both indigenous people and people of colour to the Canadian military and obscures the benefits that all non-indigenous people, including people of colour, gain from their settlement of indigenous peoples’ lands (Barker 2009; Barsh 1997). That the subjects of the image are all male could be taken to denote that war is between men, although such an interpretation in this case would be extremely problematic. Indigenous women were at the forefront of the conflict as leaders within Mohawk society and, as such, as leaders in the initial negotiations with the Surete (Horn 1991). Women were also masked and armed at the barricades. Ellen Gabriel was the chief negotiator and spokesperson for the Kanehsatà:ke community throughout the entire series of events. In all, of the over one-third of the fifty or so key Mohawk participants in the immediate events were women. As noted by Shelley Fralic of the Vancouver Sun (30 August 2008), this female face of the events is absent in Face to Face. The reappearance of Face to Face When Face to Face first appeared, the initial take in the English-language media was that the image was emblematic of Canadian heroism and Canadian © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014


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peacekeeping. As a result, the soldier pictured in the image became an instant celebrity. Quickly identified as Private Patrick Cloutier, a 20-year-old from the Royal 22nd regiment, Cloutier’s apparently cool-headed restraint made him the new standard bearer for what was expected from all those charged with protecting the Canadian nation. The Globe and Mail referenced a comparison between Cloutier and ‘the man who stared down a Red Army tank in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square last year. (11 September 1990: A5) and the Province said that Cloutier had ‘demonstrated the behavior Canadians expect of all who enforce the law in this country: discipline’ (The Province 18 September 1990: 20). Through these and other references, English–Canadian media outlets used Cloutier as a shining example of Canadians’ embodied views of themselves as peaceful and just people. Some reporters even went as far as interviewing Cloutier’s mother, who insisted she always taught her son ‘to return people’s gaze fair and square’ (Toronto Star 16 September 1990). Headlines during this second week after Face to Face was taken include ‘Soldiers win respect, praise in public-relations battle’ (Globe and Mail 11 September 1990: A5); ‘The stare: private becomes unofficial hero of Oka standoff’ (Montreal Gazette 15 September 1990: A8) ‘In praise of passive resistance: Pte. Patrick Cloutier will be promoted for displaying calm in a tense confrontation’ (Ottawa Citizen 16 September 1990) and ‘A soldier does Canada proud’ (Vancouver Province 18 September 1990). When Private Cloutier soon received advanced promotion to the rank of Master Corporal, this too was widely discussed. The image was also widely disseminated within the French–Canadian media. Several of these accounts included subtle and not so subtle elements of Quebecois nationalism. The image’s first appearance in a September 4 La Presse article discusses the image and, like the English media, focuses on Cloutier. However, in contrast to a reference to Canadian peacekeeping, the article asks ‘and being considered a hero for thousands of Quebecers does it change something?’ (translation). Although Cloutier was a member of the Canadian army, he was also a Quebecer. French media immediately seized upon this fact, making expansive reference to his strong Quebecois roots. Thus, one article not only interviewed Cloutier’s mother but also his best friend from high school. Cloutier’s ‘real’ and ‘authentic’ Quebecois roots are established in that ‘His father, now retired, was a miner at Ste-Anne-des-Monts and in Murdochville’ (translation from La Presse 9 September 1990: B3). The physical size disparity in the two men is also mentioned more so than in the English sources. This, we argue, could be reflective of the size and power differential experienced by Quebec and the Quebecois in relation to Anglophone Canada/English-speaking North America. A September 9 article mentions that Cloutier was denied a place in Bantam hockey as a result of his small stature (translation La Presse 1990: B3). An October article states that ‘It is an image that will long be etched into our memories: the image of the little soldier – le petit soldat – staring unblinkingly at the angry Warrior’ (translation La Presse 20 October 1990: B3). © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014

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However, in the following years, these Canadian and Quebecois framings were destabilised. In 1992, Private Cloutier was caught using cocaine and sentenced to 45 days in prison. English headlines demoted Cloutier from ‘Canadian’ to ‘Army’ hero (‘Army’s Oka hero jailed for drugs’; Windsor Star 1 May 1992: A2; ‘Oka army ‘hero’ admits cocaine use’; Halifax Chronicle Herald 1 May 1992: A15). French headlines also increasingly used the term hero in quotations. Private Cloutier again garnered media interest in 1993 when he caused a drinking and driving accident which in turn led to his official discharge from the army. Finally, short of funds as a result of losing his job, in November 1995, Cloutier again made national headlines when he appeared in an adult/pornographic film based on the events at Oka called Quebec Sexy Girls 2: The Confrontation. In this film, Cloutier reprises his role as soldier but, instead of facing a larger masked male adversary, his opponent in the film is an actress said to be portraying the role of ‘an aboriginal woman who attempts to distract Cloutier from his soldierly duties’ (Hamilton Spectator 20 November 1995: A3). This plot and approach use racist and sexist stereotypes and commodify indigenous culture (see also Alloula 1987). A few years later, it came to light that the person the media had thought was the man behind the mask was someone else. Peter Edward’s 1999 Toronto Star article states that ‘the masked Warrior featured in the most famous media image of the Oka standoff, was identified as Lasagna – a mistake, according to another participant’ (September 12). This other participant, Warrior Kahn-Tineta Horn is described by Edwards as laughing ‘about the most famous media image of the Oka standoff – an awardwinning photo of a man identified as Lasagna glaring at soldier Patrick Cloutier’. Horn goes on to say that ‘It’s a great image but a little misleading. The man described as Lasagna in the photo was actually another native, believed to be from Western Canada’ (ibid.). The warrior was identified in later articles as Bradley Larocque, an economics student at the University of Saskatchewan with Anishinaabe heritage, who had joined the Warriors as a show of solidarity. In contrast to the lavish praise heaped upon Private Cloutier, mainstream media had little praise for Larocque despite his role in supporting the Mohawks of Kanehsatà:ke or for his restraint in the face of several hundred years of colonialism. This identity issue resurfaced a few months later when Ronald Cross, the Warrior taken to be the man in the image for so long, died suddenly at age 41. The Canadian peacekeeping theme resurfaced in some anniversary retrospectives about the crisis itself. A Kitchener Record article on the tenth anniversary of the crisis entitled ‘Divisions still remain 10 years after Oka crisis’ refers to Face to Face within the first three sentences stating that ‘some things have changed since the 78-day standoff, which included the enduring image of a Canadian soldier staring stonily at un unblinking Mohawk Warrior’. A Montreal Gazette retrospective concludes with a discussion of what has happened to key players in the crisis including Shaney Komulainen, Patrick Cloutier and Brad Laroque (8 July 2000), and an Ottawa Citizen article states © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014


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that ‘Pte Patrick Cloutier, 21 won the admiration of many Canadians when he stood nose-to-nose with a masked Warrior and didn’t blink’ (Ottawa Citizen 11 July 2000: A3 our italics). Many articles that accompanied the image in the years following the crisis more clearly referenced Mohawk nationalism. This occurred for two reasons: first, stories made more extensive use of interviews with participants connected to the events and second, there is coverage in indigenous-focused media.7 Thus, a Kingston Whig-Standard article that included the image quoted Kanien’kehaka professor Gerald (Taiaike) Alfred who said that ‘Mohawks now have political pull, or at least people pay attention to what’s done here, both native and non-native governments’ (8 July 1995: 26 our italics). Toronto Star journalist Peter Edwards interviewed only Mohawk participants in his retrospective (12 September 1999). Ian MacLeod of the Ottawa Citizen cited Kahn-Tineta Horn: ‘It was a watershed in aboriginal and Canadian government relations’ . . . Aboriginal people have always resisted this theft of our land but they were never able to actually, finally, say, ‘this is it, we’re not going to take it anymore’ (Ottawa Citizen 11 July 2000: A3; Windsor Star 15 July 2000: A1 our italics).8 The reflection of Mohawk nationalism was also evident in Quebec media. Bruno Bisson of La Presse reflected that the crisis represented a period when Quebecers suddenly realised the magnitude of native claims on ‘their’ territory and the determinations with which some would be willing to defend them (quotation in original; in translation 30 June 2000: A1). A Montreal Gazette article written by Eileen Travers on 8 July 2000 also refers to a Kanehsatà:ke resident who reflected that ‘The whole matter of the crisis raised basic existential questions like who we are as a people and what we should be doing as a nation. This whole idea has been politicised since the 19th century. The moment a native person is born, he’s politicised by definition. Kahnesatake is a pretty good illustration that explains Canadian politics regarding native affairs’ (our italics). In their 20-year retrospective on the Oka Crisis, Kahnawà:ke’s Eastern Door published several articles under the heading ‘Blast from the Past’, two of which referred to Face to Face. The first article, entitled ‘The Summer of 1990’ mentions Face to Face and described it occurring between a ‘soldier’ and ‘Mohawk warrior “Freddy Krueger” Larocque.’ Here, the warrior is named whereas the soldier is not. The article is not, however, accompanied by the image of Face to Face but is instead accompanied by an image taken by Montreal Gazette photographer John Kenney in early July 1990. The image’s caption described it as showing ‘Proud Mohawk warrior, the late Richard Nicholas, stands atop an SQ vehicle in protest of the expansion of the Oka gold Club on Native land during the 1990 Oka crisis’. The second article, entitled ‘Face to face, warrior versus Canadian army soldier’, focused on the image itself and contains an interview with photographer Shaney Komulainen. In this article, the ‘soldier vs. warrior’ binary that predominates in the mainstream press is presented in the title as: ‘Face to face, warrior versus Canadian army soldier.’ © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014

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Subsequently, the image was used in media accounts of postKanehsatà:ke/Oka conflicts between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples. Here, there is a tension, and national boundaries, while present, appear to be somewhat blurred. The Burnt Church conflict followed the destruction of thousands of Mi’kmaq lobster traps by non-native fishermen in light of a 1999 Supreme Court ruling that the Mi’kmaqs have the right to trap lobsters out of season (R. v. Marshall, [1999] 3 S.C.R. 456). A St Johns Telegram article referencing the conflict states that ‘as Oka fades into history, fate might be preparing a sequel’; the photo accompanies a description of an escalation of tensions between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples in the Burnt Church fishing crisis (2000: 17). The image’s caption states that ‘Canadian soldier Patrick Cloutier and Mohawk warrior come face to face in a tense standoff at the Kahnesatake reserve in Oka Que, Sept. 1, 1990. The images of the Oka crisis are still jarring, even 10 years later’. For who it is jarring is unclear. An article in the September 2003 issue of Windspeaker reported on a complaint that the Independent Member of Parliament Jim Pankiw was inciting racial hatred. Using tax dollars, the article details how Pankiw sent constituents a pamphlet entitled ‘Stop Indian Crime’ and included Face to Face on the back page with the caption ‘Indian terrorist confronts Canadian soldier at Oka, 1990’. John Melenchuk, the man who made the complaint, told Windspeaker reporter Paul Barnsley that when his young son saw the picture he ‘asked me, “Are you an Indian, dad?” I said, “No. I’m a Métis. I’m half Indian.” Then he asked me, “Are you a terrorist?” That’s when I decided I had to do something’ (Windspeaker 20 September 2003: 1). In this instance, the picture, or at least the written text, is overtly used as an object with which to incite racial hatred. Only one letter to the editor entitled ‘Pamphlet 50 years behind times’ about this story appeared in the mainstream media (in the Saskatoon-Star Phoenix on 13 December 2002). Six years later, the image would resurge again to describe the 2006 land reoccupation by members of Six Nations at Caledonia. Two days after the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) moved in to serve arrest warrants to twentyone of the protestors, the image began to reappear in both the national and local press. In the National Post (22 April 2006: A10), it accompanied an article describing how ‘the defiant red flag of the Warrior Society once again marks a line Mohawks have drawn in front of a disputed scrap of land’ (our italics). Later, the Hamilton Spectator (28 November 2009) used the image to accompany a piece outlining the plans among residents of Caledonia to start their own militia. Debating the pros and cons of creating a poorly trained paramilitary organisation to enforce the law, the article suggests Cloutier’s military training prevented the escalation of a stand-off in which neither side was prepared to back down and concludes by asking: ‘what if some member of the proposed “militia” lacking training, discipline and appreciation of military tradition, comes face to face with an angry protester from Six Nations? Would the outcome be the same?’ (ibid.: A11). © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014


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Most recently, Face to Face has appeared on a number of Indigenous nation media web outlets. Reporting in Indigenous Communities, founded by Anishinaabe journalist/Professor Duncan McCue, includes Face to Face in a section entitled ‘News Stereotypes of Aboriginal People’. The section, describing the stereotypical ways that indigenous people can make the news lists ‘1. Be a Warrior’ and writes that ‘A baby-faced soldier staring down a masked warrior. Shaney Komulainen’s snapshot during the Oka Crisis in 1990 so perfectly captured longstanding racial and national tensions that The Beaver magazine names it one of the top five news photos that changed Canada’. Activist kahtineta’s Mohawk Nation News included Face to Face in a 3 January 2013 post entitled ‘Canada at War, Oka 1990’. Here, the image is used as a backdrop for an article stating how ‘In 1990 when we objected to our burial and ceremonial grounds being turned into a golf course, Canada sent 5000 heavily armed para-military police, RCMP and soldiers to surround us’.9 Another directly challenges the image itself. The artist Skawennati has appropriated the image in Time Traveller™, her series of machinimas, which are movies made in an online 3D environment. The work, which moves from the first to the second frame juxtaposed below, provides a fundamental challenge to the idea that the understanding or any binary implied by Face to Face is in any way static or immutable. The viewer is positioned as the Warrior looking directly into the eyes of the soldier, thereby inviting viewers to see the imagery from a Mohawk nation perspective. Conclusion Different imagery emits different nationalisms. A single image can emit a changing nationalism. That this is so has been shown in research on war and

Figure 7. Two screenshots from TimeTraveller™ Episode 03, which depicts the Siege at Kanehsatà:ke/Oka crisis. The episode is viewable at http://www .timetravellertm.com/episodes (screenshots reprinted with permission). © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014

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conflict photographs and their messages of national pride, sorrow and triumph. This research makes heavy use of US imagery from the Gulf, Vietnam and Second World Wars. Imagery from other contexts is seldom considered. Furthermore, this work rarely, if ever, traces the multiple texts and references to a single image through time. In shifting the focus, the work in this paper shows that a single image can be read as emitting different nationalisms, each of which shift over time. Face to Face shows two men engaged in a face-to-face confrontation. It has become the principal photographic representation of the 1990 Siege/stand-off at Kanehsatà:ke. It is also considered to be one of the most iconic Canadian images. In this paper, we traced the spread of Face to Face through a variety of media, tracing the multiplicity of nationalism(s) affiliated with this image. This includes Canadian, Quebecois, Mohawk and Indigenous nationalisms. Still, there is no question that the Canadian nationalist reading dominates and the space devoted in our analyses to these media outlets also reflects this unevenness. This inequality mirrors the scale of the conflict itself: 2,500 plus soldiers with far more in reserve pitted against 50 Mohawks. That the photographic representation of the conflict was ultimately one that showed superior force on the part of the Mohawks of Kanehsatà:ke may have ultimately assisted each ‘side’, although this too was uneven, in promoting its own nationalism(s). In the Canadian case, the events at Oka fundamentally challenged nonindigenous Canadians’ own self-image of adhering to the values of broadmindedness, compassion and racial equality (Barsh 1995). Face to Face provided non-indigenous media and, by extension, non-indigenous people in Canada, with a means of shifting moral responsibility in the face of the conflict’s overt evidence of Canadian state imperialism. The image allowed for a reimagining of the events at Oka as reflecting Canada and Canadians’ imagined natural proclivity towards peacekeeping. Montreal Gazette journalist Francine Pelletier, who provided the only seriously critical analysis within the mainstream media of its own understanding of the image itself, noted this framing when she wrote that Face to Face was ‘The High Noon event of the Oka Crisis’ and that Cloutier was ‘the brave little soldier everyone loved to love, not to mention a spanking new symbol of peace and order’ (27 February 1993: B6). Specific media reports demonstrate that Face to Face represents peacekeeping for some non-indigenous Canadians who appear to have adopted the dominant media framing. For a 2005 Canada Day article entitled ‘Defining moments’, the Ottawa Citizen invited a group of prominent Canadians to identify the moment in Canada’s history that they would have wanted to witness (2 July 2005: B1). The article opens with an interview with actor Robert Holmes Thompson who states that: I think of the standoff at Kanesatake in 1990, when the Mohawk known as Lasagna was photographed in a tense stare-down with a Canadian soldier. It didn’t escalate to violence. It was actually defused. And so the visual image sits there so profoundly: two © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014


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cultures, two grievances, two methods, two different sorts of Canadians – original Canadians and arrived Canadians. In so many other places in the world, that would have ended in major bloodshed. Yet it didn’t. There’s something in the national psyche that is very reluctant to escalate into violence, whether it’s a decision not to join the Americans in the Iraq invasion, or to put weapons in space. We will send warriors if we must, be we’d rather send peacekeepers. So that was really an emblematic moment for me, of a culture that routinely tries to turn away from escalation and confrontation. (our italics).

This uncritical view that Face to Face reflects peacekeeping was echoed by the image’s photographer Shaney Komulainen who, in a 2008 interview with CBC televisions’ The National, stated that ‘We deal with things differently. We don’t try and confront everything by slapping in the face. . . . I think there’s a lot more negotiation that goes on instead of conflict’. Still, this particular form of Canadian nationalism has never been entirely stable even in the non-indigenous public. Shaney Komulainen has also expressed desire to see the land governed by the Mohawks of Kanehsatà:ke, and the same Ottawa Citizen article that opened with Thompson’s notion that Face to Face was emblematic of Canadian peacekeeping also interviewed cartoonist Lynn Johnston and Environmentalist David Suzuki, who drew attention to the genesis of residential schools and the landscape of the Fraser River prior to white migration. The use of the image within indigenous communities also exhibited instability, although of a different kind.10 In 2004, it was reported that an Ontario Provincial Police tactical unit was called to assist in an armed altercation at the reserve of the Chippewa of the Thames First Nation. After the principal suspect was removed from his home, it was recounted that unit members, while searching the home, defaced ‘two icons of native defiance – a flag and a famous photograph of a native confronting a Canadian soldier.’ (National Post 12 March 2004: 7). The article quotes Chief Kelly Riley who said that ‘The picture was clipped out of a newspaper and had a clear plastic cover over it to protect it. I think he had it up on the wall . . .’ Similarly, Face to Face was viewed as an important symbol by Wikwemikong writer Marcia Trudeau. She writes: ‘Heroes, I have some, you have some – and he does too’ and lists ‘Freddy Krueger (real name Brad Larocque, face to face stand-off with Canadian soldier during Oka standoff)’ as an example of a hero and refers to Face to Face as ‘an iconic photo that has come to symbolize the Oka standoff’. Here, the photo is held up as a reflection of multiple Mohawk and of indigenous (singular) and indigenous (plural) nationalisms (see also Doxtater 2010). At the outset of this article, we noted that Face to Face was included in two books: First in Canada: An Aboriginal Book of Days and 100 Photos that Changed Canada.11 Both include, although neither actually read, the image itself. Yet its inclusion in both, each of which is a nationalist project, shows that some war imagery cannot be read as expressing any kind of uniform or permanent set of meanings either within or across nations. An image that could initially be read as exhibiting one kind of nationalism could also be read as exhibiting one or more other nationalisms. As Ladner (2010: 306) writes in © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014

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her retrospective account on the events of 1990, ‘for many, the Indian summer of 1990 was a transformative moment marked by a standoff eerily similar to others around the world where students stood face to face with tanks and nations stood face to face with a military force and the corporate interests that they were to defend (our italics)’. In the case of Face to Face, it is not that multiple nationalisms exist in reaction to, or in rejection of, dominant nationalism (see Coulthard 2007). Instead, it is that, as Robidoux (2006) notes, the image was never read in that way to begin with. Acknowledgements We thank Carole Blackburn, Elaine Coburn, Claire Durand, Margery Fee, Skawennati Fragnito, Howard Ramos, Becki Ross and the anonymous reviewers for their assistance and advice. The UBC is located on traditional unceded Musqueam Territory.

Notes 1 The series of events has been referred to as the ‘Oka Crisis’, the ‘Mohawk Crisis’, the ‘Siege at Kanehsatà:ke’, ‘the resistance at Kanehsatà:ke’, and ‘the “standoff at Kanehsatà:ke and Kahnaw à:ke”’ (for discussion of these terms, see Monture 2010; Ladner and Simpson 2010: 9; Valaskakis 1993). Alfred (1999: xxv) notes that the word Mohawk ‘is an Anglicized version of an archaic Algonkian word meaning “cannibal monster” ’ and says that ‘Our own word for ourselves is ‘Kanien’kehaka’, meaning “people of the flint” ’. Here, where possible, we follow Alfred as well as Ladner and Simpson (2010: 9) who encourage using ‘the resistance at Kanehsatà:ke’, and ‘the “standoff at Kanehsatà:ke and Kahnaw à:ke”’ as a means of language decolonisation. Still, there remain many other problems with our use of language and terminology, including but not limited to, our use of English and the particular words used (for example was the conflict ‘between’ groups or ‘upon’ one group?), which frames the portrayal and discussion of events provided in this paper (see Monture 2010). 2 A number of assumptions permeating the 100 Photos’ description of Face to Face including its acceptance of the premise that indigenous people should have to ‘claim’ their own land and its implication that the problem is necessarily at the individual rather than at the structural level. 3 Canada as well as Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and the United States are often referred to as ‘settler-colonies’ and ‘break-away settler colonies’ on the grounds that after formalised independence from Britain, the colonising population remained (Quayson 2012; Sidaway 2000; see also Stasiulis and Yuval-Davis 1995 on alternative forms of these binaries). Here, we take the position that Canada is an empire (Christie 2002; Coulthard 2007; and see also Coulthard 2007 and Donald 2012 for a critique of the over-focus on colonialism as defining indigenous nations). 4 Key books on media and nationalism in Canada such as Anderson and Robertson’s (2011) Seeing Red, Fleras’s (2011) The Media Gaze and Henry and Tator’s (2002) Discourses of Domination focus on newspapers articles rather than photographs. 5 Painter writes that in the United States, the fundamental tension was over slavery, hence, the last line in The Star Spangled Banner: ‘The land of the free’. 6 While the military portrayed itself as a mediator, as Razack (2004) notes, the Canadian army replaced the Surete and this is not mediation. © The author(s) 2014. Nations and Nationalism © ASEN/John Wiley & Sons Ltd 2014


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7 Indigenous mass media forms were by and large outlawed as a result of colonial government policies that were not rescinded until the 1960s (Avison and Meadows 2000). 8 Both articles describe the Warriors as engaging in armed smuggling of cigarettes across the United States–Canada border. As Simpson (2008: 213) notes in her analysis of the role of law in the suppression of indigenous sovereignty: ‘in the context of one settler society – Canada – indigenous trade practice, predicated upon indigenous historical and legal experiences in territories the Canadians claim as their own, became “smuggling”’. 9 See http://mohawknationnews.com/blog/2013/01/03/mnn-canada-at-war-oka-1990/ 10 By beginning with an image that is a priori known to be important in the making of Canadian nationalism, our analysis can be critiqued on the grounds that it perpetuates Eurocentrism (see e.g. LaRocque 2010) in that the material objects/interests of the coloniser are placed at the centre of analysis. Face to Face may be less important in indigenous media than other photographs such as the Tom Hansen image showing Warrior Richard Nicholas atop an overturned Surete de Quebec vehicle (see Appendix 1). 11 See Meyer and Rohlinger (2012) on the importance of books and social movements.

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Appendix 1 Proud Warrior. Tom Hansen. 1990
