List of Abbreviations . .... 2 Uganda Electoral Commission http://www.ec.or.ug/political.html cited November 15, 2007. ...... âFor example, our party president is one of the richest people in this country, but the state of the political party is appalling ...
Political Parties and Intra-Party Democracy in Uganda Challenges and Opportunities for Democratic Consolidation
Josh Maiyo
The Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy Working Paper November 2007
List of Abbreviations ADC CCM CHADEMA CP DP DSU FAD FDC FHRI FRONASA KY LC NDC NEC NRM PAFO UPC UYD
Annual Delegates Conference Chama Cha Mapinduzi (Tanzania Ruling party) Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo Conservative Party (Uganda) Democratic Party Danmarks Socialdemokratiske Ungdom (Danish for Social Democratic Youth of Denmark) Foundation for African Development (Uganda) Forum for Democratic Change Foundation for Human Rights Initiative (Uganda) Front for National Salvation Kabaka Yakka (Party) Local Council National Delegates’ Conference National Executive Committee National Resistance Movement Parliamentary Advocacy Forum Uganda Peoples Congress Uganda Young Democrats
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Table of Contents
List of Abbreviations .............................................................................................................................. 2 1
Introduction .................................................................................................................................. 4
2
Methodology................................................................................................................................. 5
3
External Environment ................................................................................................................... 6
4
5
3.1
Country context ................................................................................................................. 6
3.2
Political Party System ........................................................................................................ 9
Mapping Political Parties ........................................................................................................... 11 4.1
Founding principles, orientation and ideology ...................................................................11
4.2
Membership .....................................................................................................................14
4.3
Leadership Selection .........................................................................................................15
4.4
Candidate Selection and Campaigns .................................................................................19
4.5
External Relations ............................................................................................................22
4.6
Funding ............................................................................................................................24
Conclusions and recommendations ............................................................................................ 27
References ............................................................................................................................................. 29
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1
Introduction
Uganda’s democratic transition from a non-party ‘movement’ to a multiparty political system has variously been hailed a great success and in some cases a big sham. Proponents of the optimistic view cite incremental changes in the democratisation processes in the last three elections in 1996, 2001 and notably in 2006 (Chege, Nordlund, & Rukambe, 2007). The constitutional referendum of July 2005 brought an end to almost 20 years of the movement system which placed a ban on political party activity, and in its place ushered in a new era of free multiparty politics (Nordlund & Salih, 2007; J. A. Okuku, 2005). Subsequently, the political parties and organisations act (2005) was passed by parliament. The act stipulates among other things the rules for registration of political parties and organisations, a code of conduct and provisions for a National Consultative Forum for political parties and organisation (GoU, 2005). Critics of the process however see it as a non-transition in light of president Museveni’s move to have the constitution changed to remove presidential term limits (Mugaju & Oloka-Onyango, 2000). According to university law professor Joe Oloka-Onyango, “it’s a transition without a transition. Transition from Museveni the 3rd to Museveni the 4th and the hangover is very much there even in terms of the movement.” 1 In light of these arguments, what then is the political situation as currently obtains in Uganda with regard to the much-touted transition to multiparty democracy? What is the current environment in which political parties operate as agents of the democratisation process? And what are the circumstances internal to these parties that determine their effectiveness in the transition process? This paper seeks to answer these questions by first examining the overall country context impacts on the processes of democratic consolidation. Such indicators as the overall political, constitutional and legal environment pertaining to political parties will be examined in relation to its impact on political parties’ activity. The foregoing pertains to the role of governmental and state agents and institutions in the political process as well as legal and constitutional provisions regulating the conduct of political parties and political activity in the country. Secondly, it examines the processes of institutionalisation and internal organisation within political parties. The latter pays close attention to the ideological, organisational and structural characteristics of the selected parties with a view to identifying factors that determine their effectiveness or otherwise as agents of political mobilisation in the society. According to the electoral commission, now charged with the task of registering and regulating political parties, 33 political parties and organisations have so far been registered following the lifting of the ban on party political activity. 2 Hence, parties which had been in limbo for almost twenty years had to register a fresh, both old and new parties faced new challenges and opportunities for institutional reorganisation as well as external mobilisation. Within the span of less than a year, they had to reintroduce themselves to the public, explain their party platform and programmes and broaden their membership base ahead of the 2006 civic, parliamentary and presidential elections (Makara, Tukahebwa, & Byarugaba, 2003). After this introduction, the second part of the paper deals with the methodology and considerations for case selection and data collection. Chapter three analyses the external environment affecting political party activity in the country. It briefly examines linkages between socio-economic factors and their 1 2
Dr. Oloka-Onyango interview, September 11, 2007. Uganda Electoral Commission http://www.ec.or.ug/political.html cited November 15, 2007.
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effects on the democratisation process. It also examines perceptions regarding the overall political environment and the legal and constitutional provisions as presently obtains in Uganda. Chapter four examines in detail the empirical findings regarding internal party organisation and structures of selected political parties with regard to party formation, ideology, leadership structures, electoral activity, external relations and funding. Finally, the paper concludes that in view of the dominance of the ruling party, the authoritarian tendencies of the state and the personalised nature of leadership leading to entrenched patronage and clientelist politics, the overall political environment for a successful democratic consolidation in Uganda is wanting. Political parties therefore need to further strengthen their institutional and structural capacity, improve their reach, penetration and appeal to the wider electorate and improve processes of transparency, accountability and representativity within the party systems.
2
Methodology
This report is based on primary and secondary research conducted in Uganda. For the purposes of data collection, the four major parliamentary political parties were selected as case studies: a. b. c. d.
National Resistance Movement (NRM) Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) Democratic Party (DP)
The data was obtained through structured interviews with officials from the selected political parties. In each party, at least three respondents were interviewed, one of whom was a youth and the other a women’s representative at the national level. At the same time, political scientists and commentators, journalists and electoral commission officials were interviewed. A detailed questionnaire on internal party organisation was handed out to each political party which then designated a party official or officials to fill it in. Finally, more primary and secondary data was obtained from published documents such as the country’s constitution and party documents such as manifesto, party constitution, party platform, code of conduct and electoral guidelines. This research adopts a qualitative approach. It is more of an exploratory research that seeks to establish the state of internal party democracy among political parties in Uganda. The focus is therefore to collect primary and secondary data with a view to establishing external and internal factors that determine processes of decision making and membership participation within political parties in Uganda. The raw data is then analysed in order to establish a general cross-cutting pattern that applies to most political parties in the country and hence elucidate key elements regarding the party-political environment in the country. This could then form the basis for further detailed inquiry into specific aspects of intra-party democracy in Uganda.
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3
External Environment 3.1
Country context
Three issues characterise the country context in which political parties operate in Uganda; the overall socio-economic conditions, the general political history and culture, and the constitutional and specific legal framework governing political activity in the country. Economy The link and indeed correlation between a country’s socio-economic development and democratisation has been extensively researched and discussed (Randall & Svåsand, 2002). By all counts, Uganda has made significant recovery in terms of its economy, security, human rights and general stability since the 1970’s and 80’s. President Museveni has been credited with restoring the country’s institutions and reducing poverty levels with bold economic reforms and assistance from the international donor community (Kuteesa, Tumusiime-Mutebile, Whitworth, & Williamson, 2009). These socio-economic improvements are reflected in the increased democratisation under the movement system and now in the multiparty political dispensation. Looking at the past three elections as an indicator, the total turnout has been remarkably high with no less than 70% turn out in all three elections. Although Uganda exhibits all the characteristics of a dominant party system, the strength of the ruling party NRM has steadily declined from a high of 75.5% of the vote for president Museveni in the 1996 elections against 22.3% for the closest opposition contender to 59.26% against 37.39% in the 2006 elections. Still the country suffers from significantly high levels of rural poverty. About 80% of the country’s population live in rural areas and depend on a very under developed agricultural economy for subsistence. Uganda’s economy has been growing at a rate of no less than 6% for the last ten years, but this has had little impact on rural livelihoods. While its GDP per-capita has steadily grown to about 280 dollars (2006 World Bank estimates), a much higher level than in the Eighties, it is still at half of Sub-Saharan African average income of 600 dollars per year (World Bank, 2006). The combination of low incomes for the majority of the population, low education levels, underdeveloped infrastructure, low levels of civic education and engagement and the prevalence of a large rural population, exacerbated by a 20-year civil conflict in the north has curtailed the significantly compromised the country’s ability to consolidate a democratic culture. In the absence of a thriving middle class and vibrant civil society engaged in the political process, coupled with entrenched patrimonialism and state patronage, political parties have found little traction upon which to build a solid and critical mass among the population (Berman, 1998; J. Okuku, 2002).
Political History Uganda’s post-independence political history leaves an undesired track record of defaulting from its democratic foundations. To date, the country has never had a peaceful transfer of power from one leader to another. Its experiment with democracy from independence in 1962 when it inherited a parliamentary system with a coalition government at independence was short lived. Within four years after independence, the 1962 constitution was abrogated, the Kabaka who was then president was 6
forced onto exile and the 1966 ‘pigeonhole’ constitution was forced upon parliament. The constitution was enacted in 1967 making Uganda a republic (Mutibwa, 1992).3 Prior to this, it would seem that political parties had been doomed right from 1964 when according to Benson Tusasirwe, they were ruthlessly suppressed and undermined, floor crossing became the norm as MP’S were bribed, threatened and induced with cabinet positions and in 1966 the state of emergency was used “to completely emasculate what had remained of the DP” (Tusasirwe, 2006, p. 84). Finally in 1969, political parties were banned by statutory instrument, such that by the time Idi Amin Dada overthrew Obote and instituted his brutal military regime; political parties had virtually ceased to exist and did not come to life until 2005. The brief period of the Obote II regime between 1980 and 1985 was characterised more by allegations of vote rigging and intimidation as well as more militarism and civil war than multiparty democratic activity. By the time Museveni came to power in 1986, banning all political activity and instituting the non-party movement system, this only served to perpetuate what had had been the norm during the Obote I and Amin years (Ahluwalia & Zegeye, 2002). Political parties and political party activity became the scapegoat for the country’s bloody history of civil strife. The excuse that parties were partisan and sectarian and divided the country along ethnic, religious and other parochial lines was used as an excuse to ban them from being politically active (Kabwegyere, 2000; J. Okuku, 2002). The practice of seeking to delegitimise political parties therefore became entrenched in the social consciousness of many Ugandans, and this persists to date, especially among the younger generation that has been indoctrinated for years though an NRMsponsored education system designed to promote the concept of individual merit in public life as opposed to mobilisation and organisation along common interests, aspirations and ideologies represented by political party structures(Mugaju & Oloka-Onyango, 2000). Uganda’s political history of civil conflict and the resulting two-decade ban on political party activity has also had a toll on the parties. According to DP president Ssebaana Kizito 4, the older parties have been severely affected by the inability to hold regular elections, recruit new members and fundraise. They lost many of their vibrant and ambitious leaders who deserted the parties for the NRM, or simply left politics. Others died and were not replaced while the young generation has grown up without any appreciation, knowledge, understating or experience in multiparty political organisation. For DP deputy Organising Secretary Deo Njoki, the deterioration was more in the parties’ institutional framework and capacity which completely broke down over the years. Their capacity to function effectively as credible institutions for effective democratic representation and governance has thus been severely curtailed. Legal and Constitutional environment In July 2005 Ugandans voted in a referendum to return the country to a multiparty political system. Subsequently, parliament ratified the constitutional amendment by enacting the Political Parties and Organisations Act number 18 in November 2005. In February 2006, the country held its first multiparty elections in more than 20 years. The contest saw six candidates vying for the presidency on different party tickets. About 33 registered political parties contested for parliamentary and civic seats.
Copies of the draft constitution were placed in the pigeonholes of Members of Parliament who were then compelled to vote on and ratify it without even reading it. 4 John Ssebaana Kizito, DP President, Interviewed Wed Sep 12, 2007 3
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The Act provides the constitutional framework within which political parties can function; it spells out the legal guidelines and safeguards underpinning the operations of political parties. For instance, it sets conditions and procedures for registration of political parties, with the Electoral Commission entrusted with their registration and regulation. Under the provisions of the Act, the Electoral Commission has the power to deny registration or apply to the high court requesting deregistration of a political party if it does not comply with the stringent requirements provided under the act. The act also spells out the code of conduct for political parties including stipulations for its internal organisation, declaration of assets and liabilities, filing of annual financial returns as well as limitations on foreign funding (GoU, 2005). The constitutional framework as depicted in the Act has however come in for much criticism. Some of the shortcomings cited include the extremely low and stringent limitations on foreign funding (J. A. Okuku, 2005). It’s also been criticized for vesting on the government, and by extension the party in power through the minister for interior, the responsibility to interpret the law regarding what foreign sources shall be deemed non-eligible to provide funding for political parties. 5 The lack of a provision in the Act for public funding is also seen as a significant failure to create a level environment necessary for the growth of strong, competitive and viable political parties. This is more so crucial in light of the more than 20 years in which the parties have been in limbo, unable to mobilize, organise and raise funds. The lack of public funding is also interpreted as a deliberate strategy to further weaken and stunt the growth of the opposition in light of the ruling party’s access to state resources and its inheritance of the NRM movement structures that were simply co-opted by the successor NRM party, thus giving it enormous advantage over the opposition. 6 This argument is underscored by the fact that the lines between the government and the party are not clearly defined. For instance, the party official who filled in the questionnaire for the NRM is actually employed by the government, draws a government salary and works for both the office of the president and the prime minister. Parties and the State The legal and constitutional provisions notwithstanding, political observers in Uganda concede that there was and still exists a wide gap between the law, rhetoric, and practice of multiparty democracy.7 The regime of President Museveni is perceived as having introduced multiparty democracy, not of its own appreciation of the role of political parties in strengthening democratic governance, but largely as a result of both external and internal pressure from development partners and local civil society groups.8 According to this view, Museveni and the NRM do not believe that political parties should be the engine of democratisation. While it may be true that the NRM government was in the forefront in campaigning for reintroduction of multiparty democracy ahead of the 2005 referendum, the motivation behind the government’s move and its commitment to multiparty democracy has been put to question (J. A. Okuku, 2005). This argument was reinforced in the framing of the referendum question on returning the country to a multiparty democracy which stated “"Do you agree to open up the political space to allow those Dr. J. Oloka-Onyango, Interviewed Sep 14, 2007 Andrew Mwenda, Interview Wed Sep 26, 2007 7 Dr. Sylvia Tamale, Interview Friday Sep 20, 2007) 8 Dr. Ssali Simba, Interview Sep. 13, 2007 5 6
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who wish to join different organisations/parties to do so to compete for political power?" This has been interpreted to mean that the 'Movementists', the ardent supporters of the movement system, only wanted to release internal pressure by using the referendum to endorse their desire to let go of multiparty proponents from within the system (J. A. Okuku, 2005).9 Interviews with NRM supporters also reveal that there is still a significant following that believe that multiparty political systems are not necessarily the best forms of democratic practice. It is largely seen as an imposition of the west and according to them, “we can still have democracy by other means” 10 While publicly supporting the change to a multiparty system, some NRM insiders confess to have opposed the move citing the fear of dividing the country along sectarian lines, the same rationale given by President Museveni for banning political party activity when he took over power in 1986. 11 It is on the basis of this that a large cross section of the opposition believes that the ruling party and by extension the government see political parties as an inconvenience and trouble makers rather than indispensable and valuable agents of democratisation and representative governance. There is therefore a lack of good will and trust between the ruling party and government on the one hand and the opposition on the other. The government is seen as being totalitarian and repressive and is still very much steeped in the movement system culture and thinking. The deployment of state institutions, particularly the military and the police to prevent, disrupt and disperse opposition rallies, sometimes violently and fatally, in contravention of the national constitution is seen as further testimony of an administration that is intolerant to a transition to a multiparty democracy. 12 All the foregoing issues therefore have a significant bearing on the strength of the country’s overall democratic character. The next section examines how the parties have fared on in the country’s party and electoral politics.
3.2
Political Party System
Uganda has a parliamentary democracy with a simple majority or first past the post electoral system. While the candidates now run on party tickets, the electoral system has not changed significantly from that pertaining during the movement system in which individual merit was the basis for contestation of elective positions (Mugaju & Oloka-Onyango, 2000). Six political parties are represented in the country’s 8th parliament, but the NRM is by far the largest, thus rendering Uganda a dominant party system comparable to the dominant position of CCM in Tanzania, though Uganda’s case can be described as a dominant authoritarian party system (Chege et al., 2007). Article 78(1) of the 1995 Constitution prescribes the composition of Parliament as consisting of four categories of representation: a. Members directly elected to represent constituencies (215); b. One woman representative for every district (80); c. Such numbers of representatives of the army (10), youth (5), workers (5), persons with disabilities (5) and other groups as Parliament may determine; d. The Vice-President and Ministers who, if not already elected Members of Parliament, shall be ex-officio members (ex-officio-13) without the right to vote on any issue requiring a vote in Parliament. The table below shows the composition of the 8th Parliament following the announcement of results Alice Alaso, FDC Secretary General, (Interviewed Sep 18, 2007) Agaba Abbas, NRM Youth Chairman (Interviewed Sunday Sep 16, 2007) 11 Ibid 12 Wafula Ogutu, FDC spokesperson Interview Sep 27, 2007) 9
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9
from the 2006 general elections.
Summary of the 23 February 2006 National Assembly of Uganda election results
Parties
Votes % Constituency seats
District Indirect woman seats reps.
Total seats
National Resistance Movement
142
49
14
205
Forum for Democratic Change
27
10
-
37
Uganda People's Congress
9
-
-
9
Democratic Party
8
-
-
8
Conservative Party
1
-
-
1
Justice Forum
1
-
-
1
Independents
26
10
1
37
1
-
-
1
Vacant
Uganda People's Defence Force Representatives
10
Ex-officio members
10
Total (turnout 72 %)
215
69
15
Table 1: Election results for 2006 general election. Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union
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319
Whereas political parties form the mainstay of political organisation and representation, the level of institutionalisation of political parties as instruments of contesting for and attaining political power is still relatively weak. Makerere university political scientist Dr. Ssali Simba argues that for instance, president Museveni does not even respect the party he has created by virtue of the fact that during the 2006 elections, he set up parallel structures for his campaigns, ran by close associates from the military. It is these parallel structures, other than the civilian party taskforce that are credited with ensuring his victory in the elections. 13 Similarly, Jimmy Akena, a leading MP for UPC and son of the late president Milton Obote stresses the need for a major shift in the social consciousness of Ugandan civil and political classes to truly embrace a multiparty democracy. He argues that it will take time and hard work to build a truly democratic pluralist political culture in a society that has been without functioning political parties for more than 20 years. Party technocrats such as DP’s Deo Njoki and UPC’s Chris Opoka-Okumu also concur that the greatest need is to rebuild political parties along sound ideals and principles, to give its new following a clear world view and direction by entrenching these in clear and relevant ideologies and party programmes as well as building strong strictures of inclusion and effective representation. The resilience and ability of the older parties to weather the storm and survive the 20-year ban that was meant to drive them out of existence has been cited as a clear victory and their most significant achievement.14 The following chapter seeks to examine in further detail the organizational and structural state of the four leading political parties and the challenges and strategies they have adopted in order to manage processes of internal transition and transformation.
4 4.1
Mapping Political Parties
Founding principles, orientation and ideology
Political parties in Uganda can be divided into two broad categories; the older pre-independence parties and the new post movement parties. UPC and DP fall within the former while FDC, CP, JEEMA and other non-parliamentary parties fall in the latter category. The NRM can be said to fall under the post movement category, although it is viewed as a continuation of the movement ideology, but simply re-branded as a political party. The first category of parties has been characterised, justifiably or not as being old-style, unresponsive to the aspirations of a modern, young dynamic electorate and modern realities of political organisation and governance. They are also perceived to be rife with internal factional infighting due to their inability to organise, have elections and change leadership for almost 20 years.15 Factional infighting and disagreements have in some cases been so strong as to threaten the unity of some parties. The DP for instance recognized and addressed this issue during a party retreat in April 2006.16 These independence parties were founded along the principles of political liberation from colonial rule. They have however been criticised for having sectarian tendencies. The DP is perceived as historically representing the interests of the Buganda (central region) and Catholics, while the UPC is seen as having protestant leanings and drawing the bulk of its support from the north and eastern parts Dr. Ssali Simba, Interview Sep. 13, 2007 Jimmy Akena, interview Sep. 13, 2007 15 Dr. J. Oloka-Onyango Interview Sep 14, 2007) 16 Democratic Party Strategic plan 2006-2011, page 7-8. 13 14
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of the country. 17 Members and leaders of these parties alike refute these claims as largely simplifications and overstatements of a much more complex political structure with numerous intervening variables. Their critics however concede that over time, these parties had broadened their support base beyond their initial origins and in the process acquired a more nationalist character. 18 Ironically, the ban on political party activity on the grounds of perpetuating sectarianism and civil conflict, only served to diminish the gains made over the years and in turn shrunk the parties’ support back to their original bases. In recognition of these challenges, each of the parties have developed a strategic plan from 2006 to 2011. The policy documents were mostly developed by interim officials at the national level such as the national executive committees and then ratified at a delegates’ conference. Although all the parties indicate that the availability and use of surveys among members, opinion polling and other public domain surveys and barometers, they could not provide specific examples of the use of any of these instruments. The party strategic plans of virtually all the parties with the exception of NRM, concentrate more on aspects of internal organisation, institutional restructuring and broadening and strengthening the membership base, fundraising and undertaking a clear definition of the parties’ policy and ideological positions. In doing so, parties attempt to reconcile the ideals that inspired their initial foundation with the realities of a modern and ever changing political environment. Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) The formation of UPC resulted from a merger between the Uganda National Congress and Uganda Peoples Union to form the Uganda Peoples Congress. It sees itself as a liberation party, guiding the country to independence from British colonial rule. It also has a strong Pan-African orientation. Its ideology is guided by nationalist social democratic principles of social justice, equity and fair play. 19 It drew the bulk of its support from trade unions and now has its focus on peasants, workers, farmers, youth and women. According to its strategic plan 2006-2011, its priority is to redefine its party position, its ideals and principles and re-brand and revamp its image. According to party MP Jimmy Akena, there is need for a significant shift in the country’s political consciousness from individualism as promoted under the individual merit politics of the movement system to institutionalized, policy and ideology oriented political organisation in order for a truly multiparty democratic system to function. Democratic Party (DP) Founded in 1954, the DP on the other hand is seen as a centre right party with strong support for liberal economic principles. The party concedes that its historical foundations lie in the mobilization of “young catholic intellectuals and civil servants who felt themselves marginalized and excluded by the Anglican based colonial government. The pressure group meant to champion their interests eventually developed into a political party” 20 While it also drew some of its support from farmers, trade unions and civil servants, this support base has thinned over the years due to restrictions on party activity. Its identity and support base has however broadened beyond the Buganda ethnic group and the catholic base to acquire a more nationalist outlook. Wafula Ogutu, FDC spokesperson Interview Sep 27, 2007) Wafula Ogutu, FDC spokesperson Interview Sep 27, 2007. 19 Chris Opoka-Okumu, UPC Assistant Secretary General, Interview Sep. 21, 2007. 20 Deo Njoki, DP Organising secretary, questionnaire 17 18
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Although it sees its mission as advancing the interests of the socio-economically marginalized, it describes itself as a centre right party; a position that has the party leadership at loggerheads with its strong and influential youth wing, the Uganda Young Democrats (UYD). The UYD is instead in favour of a more left leaning direction for the party and its strong position has caused significant challenges in terms of internal cohesion and coherence within the DP. National Resistance Movement (NRM) The NRM was registered as a political organisation in October 2003, succeeding the movement system which had been in place since 1986 when president Museveni took over power. The ideology and policy position of the NRM has its roots in the Front for National Salvation or FRONASA a political organisation headed by Museveni from 1971 to 1979. The NRM therefore casts itself as a “national liberation movement with a national, broad based, inclusive, democratic non-sectarian, multi-ideological, multi-interest, progressive mass organisation.” 21 The movement’s previous adoption of the principle of individual merit in seeking public office means party loyalty and institutional affiliation is lacking. Despite its self-image, the party is largely seen as ideologically on the right and this view is evident the implementation of its policy in government with a preference for free market enterprise and increased privatization. 22 NRM also has a strong Pan Africanist orientation evident in the Museveni government’s commitment to strengthening regional organisations such as the East African Community and, the AU and its troop contribution to the Peace keeping mission in Somalia. It is interesting to note that NRM was registered as a political organisation (party) in 2003, yet the country was still constitutionally and legally under the movement system until the referendum in 2005. The overlap between NRM the party and NRM the system seems to strengthen perceptions that the movement was indeed a single party political system in all but name. It also lends credence to criticisms that the NRM party assumed state structures and institutions set up under the movement system to its own advantage. Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) The FDC came into being as a result of a merger between the Parliamentary Advocacy Forum PAFO (a pressure group of members of parliament advocating for return to multipartysm), the Reform Agenda, a civil society pressure group, and an existing political party, the National Democratic Front. The party was then registered in 2004 on a platform of championing for “democracy and good governance, constitutionalism, protection and promotion of fundamental freedoms, social and economic justice. As part of its strategy for social change, the party espouses the promotion of equal opportunities for the marginalized, women, and youth as well as the promotion of the rule of law, peace and security, conflict resolution and the development of war ravaged northern parts of the country.” 23 The party has worked closely with civil society groups as well as the business sector and has thus developed ideological leanings towards the right. While the leadership hesitates to have the party branded either way, the youth of the party have voiced strong criticism of the party’s right of centre
David Mafabi, NRM Questionnaire response Jimmy Akena, Andrew Mwenda Interviews 23 Alice Alaso, FDC secretary General questionnaire response 21 22
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approach with strong support for a liberal economic policy. National Youth Chairman Samuel Makokha is convinced the party is aligning itself with external global governance and economic norms that are in disconnect with social and economic realities in Uganda. He fears that it will be difficult to sell this ideological position to party rank and file and is optimistic for a review of the party position in future delegates conferences. From the foregoing, there is a clear generational divide in terms of desired ideological and policy direction within the political parties. The youth across the board express a preference for more left leaning social and economic policies while in general, the party leadership except for the UPC have adopted and institutionalised right of centre ideological positions.
4.2
Membership
While the Political parties and organisations act does not make any stipulations regarding party membership, almost all parties have regulations on party membership. In some cases, but not all, the party constitution sets out rights, responsibilities and obligations for their members. All the parties studied, with the exception of FDC refer to the existence of a membership register organised at three levels; Branch, District and National level or headquarters. Interestingly though, none of the parties could actually produce any documentation to support the existence of a membership list nor any exact figures. Despite the alleged existence of a national data centre, the NRM could not produce any figures to support this. Some of the figures given are completely arbitrary. DP for instance cites a membership of 100 in 1962, 300 in 1980 and 1000 in 2005. FDC on the other hand estimates its membership at 70 thousand and assumes that the 37.5% of presidential vote it received in the 2005 election is a fair reflection of its membership, which may not necessarily be the case. UPC concedes that its membership has declined significantly over the years when parties were prohibited from engaging in political activities including mobilisation and membership recruitment drives. Accordingly, several reasons are given for the dismal membership levels compared to the vibrant 60’s and 70’s. Many older members simply defected to the NRM for economic reasons due to increased poverty and dependency on state patronage. In some cases, individuals even to date are expected to show NRM membership cards in order to get employment or recommendation from district government officials for employment in government sponsored projects. The parties’ lack of institutional structures and penetration countrywide and lack of resources for mobilisation severely limits their capacity to carry out effective membership recruitment drives. With the exception of the NRM, all other parties charge a fee of one thousand Uganda shillings for basic membership (either annual or one-off subscription) and up to 100 thousand in the case of DP for life membership. FDC has a similar provision for silver or gold membership as well. It is worth noting however that due to massive rural poverty, many voters cannot even afford to pay the membership fee and opposition parties see NRM’s giving out its membership cards for free as a further strategy to undercut their appeal among the masses. Lack of political activity within the parties and externally among the electorate has adversely affected the external credibility and internal democracy within parties. The role of party membership on the formulation of party policies and selection of candidates is virtually non-existent. Although stipulations exist regarding the members’ roles, rights and responsibilities, these have not actually
14
been implemented in practice. Most parties have had only one delegate’s conference since 2005 and these simply served to endorse and legitimise party platforms, election manifestos and office holders who either set up the new parties or those that kept the old ones alive over the years. While membership recruitment is delegated to the branch or district levels, most parties, except for NRM do not have structures beyond the major urban centres and in some cases, only in their regional strongholds (DP in central and UPC in the north and east of the country). The frequency and effectiveness of party communication has also been affected by the lack of infrastructural capacity. Although all parties give indications of vibrant communication both ways between the party and its membership at all levels, a quick check reveals that apart from FDC and NRM; most of the others do not have functioning websites and email addresses by which to communicate with its membership. With limited resources to hold public rallies and delegates conferences, even physical communication afforded through such forums are limited and sporadic. Although elaborate disciplinary mechanisms have been put in place, it is safe to say that most parties are more concerned with recruiting and retaining members than seeking to discipline errant ones, simply because there is no capacity, manpower and resources to engage in the exercise. All parties therefore have prioritised membership recruitment drives, mobilisation and sensitization, and policy propagation as a key element of their strategic plans for the coming years. The role of party caucuses such as women and youth wings are crucial in achieving these goals, but except for the DP’s UYD, there is not much evidence to suggest that there is much focus in revamping and strengthening these institutions except for their mobilisation during elections.
4.3
Leadership Selection
Political party structures in Uganda are organised in varying degrees along the country’s administrative units. Election of party officials in principle takes a bottom-up approach starting from the lowest administrative unit, the Village, then on to the Parish, Sub-county, County, Sub-district, District and ultimately the National level. Some parties adopt a parliamentary approach where delegates are elected to a parliamentary constituency council. The country is divided into 80 main local council administrative units or Districts across four administrative Regions. Most districts are named after their main commercial and administrative towns. The principal and most influential elected official at the district level is the LC5 chairperson. Across all parties, executive power rests with the National Executive Committee or NEC which is normally elected at the national delegates’ conference (NDC). The NDC is the highest decision making organ of the party which meets every at regular intervals as provided for in the party’s constitution. Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) The highest decision making organ of the party is the Annual Delegates Conference (ADC) whose membership is elected by the parliamentary constituency conference. According to the party constitution, the ADC meets annually and is tasked with laying down the broad basic policy of the party as well as enacting or amending the party’s constitution. The ADC also elects the party president. UPC is unique among Ugandan political parties in that it’s the only party that vests significant power in the office of the party president. The UPC party president has the power to
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appoint or fire the party’s Central Executive Committee which is the most powerful executive organ of the party. The CEC is chaired by the president and is composed of the Vice President, Treasurer and his/her assistant, Secretary General and his/her assistant, National chairman and his/her assistant. The party also has a national council composed of members of the central executive committee and one member per parliamentary constituency to be elected by the parliamentary constituency executive committee. Its duties include implementation of the party policies, organise, guide and supervise party activities at all lower levels, fundraising and control of the party’s finances as well as establishment of a cadre of party staff at the national headquarters and constituency offices. The national council also serves as the party’s disciplinary organ overseeing the conduct of both ordinary members and the central executive committee. The UPC has however come in for some criticism both internally and externally for its leadership style. Former president Milton Obote remained leader of the party for life until his death in exile in Zambia on 10th October 2005. Thereafter, his wife Miria Kalule Obote was elected party leader. This has sparked accusations of nepotism, gerontocracy and dynastic tendencies. A party official whose identity shall not be disclosed for fear of reprisals within the party confided that, “…we have managed to transit form the single party movement system. But their [party leaders’] thinking and outlook as individuals, they have not moved and are still stuck in the old way of doing things. The leadership has not yet adapted to the new ways of doing politics in a modern global environment. Secondly, the kind of leadership we are having and their style of management tends to be centred or focused on other interests. They have their own personal interests which may be parallel from those of the party. That’s why in my own view, once the district structures become empowered and the youth structures also get empowered, it will help to check that kind of thinking and cause certain re adjustments in terms of management and focus.”
In trying to explain the state of affairs, party MP Jimmy Akena, a member of the central committee and son of party leader Miria Obote and late party leader and President Milton Obote argues that the party’s leadership selection process and structure is designed to closely mirror that of government as stipulated in the country’s constitution. Party organising secretary Chris Opoka-Okumu on the other hand explains the party’s lack of a comprehensive policy to include and integrate the youth in leadership structures by asserting that the younger generation in Uganda have grown up in a non-party political environment and thus have “no experience in the art of state craft” and lack a clear understanding of the operation of politics and political parties. In his view, the youth still need to learn a lot form the elders in the party. This view contradicts the party position that there is an amendment awaiting ratification at an upcoming ADC in which 40% and 60% of all party positions will be reserved for women and youth. This position is more incongruent in the sense that by so doing, 100% of party positions will be occupied by only women and the youth. This leads party official Patrick Aroma, to be doubtful as to the effectiveness of the strategy, though he appreciates that the lack of specific quotas for the youth has allowed the youth to contest and be elected to party positions from the grassroots to the national level on their own individual merit, thus guaranteeing their legitimacy within the party.
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Democratic Party (DP) The organizational structure of the DP closely mirrors the administrative structure of the country. The supreme organ of the party is the National Delegates Conference (NDC) which is composed of all members of the National Executive Committee, all chairpersons of the District Executive Committee, all district women’s and youth leaders, and one delegate from each parliamentary constituency. Unlike the UPC, DP’s NDC meets every three years and among others responsibilities, has the power to elect the party’ national executive committee, the party women and youth organisation’s national executive committees. The party has a detailed set or rules and regulations (elections guide) governing the electoral processes within the party from the village to the national level. It also has a code of conduct and disciplinary procedure stipulating the rules of conduct for party members, possible disciplinary offences and measures ranging from reprimands to suspension or expulsion from the party as well as an appeals procedure. The DP is therefore, at least constitutionally, seen to be more democratic. Furthermore, the party has proposed a new set of amendments to its constitution to further strengthen internal democracy. Key among these are proposals to reduce the powers of the national chairman to exempt him/her from chairing the NEC meetings. The party is also reviewing the unilateral powers of the NEC to approve or reject the candidature of any member to stand for parliamentary elections on the party’s ticket. Third, proposals have been made to require party officials holding elective political offices to relinquish their official party positions to increase democratic space and representation as well as effectiveness within the party. The party has one of the most dynamic youth movements in the country, the Uganda Young Democrats (UYD). Formed in 1995 before the reintroduction of multiparty democracy, UYD became a powerful mobilizing tool for all the youth across the political divide, who were disenchanted with the movement system. The pressure group was influential in channelling the aspirations of a new generation of Ugandans with strong ideals and convictions regarding the desired political direction of the country. Imbued with strong leadership, passionate idealism and relative freedom, the youth movement found it difficult to fit within the narrow confines of a political party once parties were free to operate. This led to long drawn power struggles between the UYD and the mother party DP. While the most serious issues may have been resolved for now, tensions still remain regarding the desired ideological direction the party should take, with the youth pulling to the left and the party leadership holding on to a centre right position. UYD official Sulaiman Serwada illustrates this divide by asserting that “For example, our party president is one of the richest people in this country, but the state of the political party is appalling. Most of the party leaders are rich individuals who have capitalistic minds; they have accumulated and want a model that protects their wealth. We believe that should come to an end, we believe in narrowing the gap between the rich and poor. This system of accumulation by a few should come to an end. We should move as a group. That’s why we have a problem with our mother party and hence we are now just affiliated, but not exactly under the party simply because of that ideological divide.”24
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Sulaiman Kidandala Serwada, interview Sep 18, 2007.
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National Resistance Movement (NRM) The National Conference is the supreme organ of the party which meets twice during a 5-year term. It is composed of the NRM members of parliament, members of the national executive committees of all organs, members of district executive committees and district councils as well as chairpersons of the sub-country conferences. The composition of the NRM national conference seems to be the most representative at least in terms of accommodating the lowest tier of party structure. Among other functions, it elects the national chairperson and his/her deputy, the secretary general and his/her deputy, national treasurer as well as the party’s presidential candidate. Compared to the DP and UPC constitutions, the NRM national conference goes further in as far as electing all of the top leadership of the party. It however gives the chairperson the prerogative to invite at least 20 individuals to the national conference and 5 to the national executive council, a provision which can be abused dispense patronage or cronyism. The party’s National Executive Council serves as the standing committee of the national conference which is tasked with formulating party policies and implementing its programmes, approving the party’s budget and nominates candidates for top party positions such as president, chairperson and deputy, secretary general and deputy as well as treasurer. The party also has a Central Executive Committee composed of the NEC as well as the chairpersons of the party’s parliamentary caucus, chairpersons of commissions and an unspecified number of national secretaries. This is the top policy formulating and implementing organ of the party. It supervises the daily functioning of the party and appoints party functionaries to propagate its policies as well as setting the rules and regulations for all party organs and offices. Additionally, the party also has provisions for several committees including a defence and security commission, Electoral commission, Ethics and discipline commission, Finance commission and a Social and Economic Planning commission. Structurally, the party has a National Secretariat, District Conference, Constituency or Municipality executive committee, a sub-county, town council or municipal division conference and executive committee, a parish conference and executive committee, branch executive committee and finally the cell. In terms of leadership selection, candidates offer themselves for election from the lowest levels of the party and any subsequent elections to the next level are done by the committees comprising the level immediately below. The party has a 40% quota of office positions for women at all levels of the party. In order to broaden its representation among different social classes, the party has provisions for a historical leaders’ forum, women’s league, youth league, league for people with disabilities, workers league, elders league, entrepreneurs league, veterans league as well as parliamentary, district council and sub-county caucuses. While this elaborate system seems to provide for increased representation for different social groups, the manner in which the present NRM government has utilised these structures has come in for criticism as simply enlarging networks of corruption, dispensation of patronage and draining of meagre state resources that could be better used to diminish poverty levels in the country.
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Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) Procedures for elections to party positions in the FDC are spelled out in some detail in the party’s electoral guidelines 2005. It provides for the official positions to be contested, and the procedure by which candidates present themselves or are nominated for election at all the levels from the village, parish, sub- County, constituency, district and national levels. Representation at the lower levels are within committees while the county/constituency and district levels are represented by conferences and the ultimately, then National delegates conference. Positions at each party level include representation for people with disability, youth, women and workers among others. The National Executive Committee is responsible for the daily management of party affairs. They are elected by the National delegates’ conference. The election process begins at the village level by electing an executive which then elects representatives for the next higher level all the way to the district committee which together with two other delegates elected by the county executive form the national delegates conference. The party’s constitution provides for 40% of all elected posts to be occupied by women. This is not the case for the youth, however, the constitution provides for the position of a youth league chair at all levels of the party structures and the national youth leader sits at the National Executive Committee. Next to the National delegates’ conference, the next highest organ of the party is the National Council which is elected by the national delegates’ conference which meets twice in an electoral cycle, which is after every two and a half years. Just as in all other parties, the decisions of the National or Annual Delegates conference are binding on the party. A standing committee of discipline convened by the secretary general and the vice-chairperson of the party is provided for to deal with matters pertaining to ethical conduct of party members and officials. It was not immediately possible to establish the extent to which these provisions are applied within the party since little information was provided by the party regarding these procedures. A copy of the party’s constitution was not immediately available. With the exception of the FDC, my interviews revealed a level of disenchantment among the youth leaders and representatives with the status quo in their parties. This was largely attributed to the leadership of the party and the ideological direction as well as leadership style of the party leaders. The youth representatives expressed a desire for change in the leadership style. At the same time, party technocrats and members of parliament recognised the urgency for restructuring, revamping and renewing the older parties as well as re-energising the party rank and file. There is almost unanimous agreement that the internal management of the parties’ transition processes will significantly impact on their external performance as much as the external processes of political transition in the country.
4.4
Candidate Selection and Campaigns
The rules and regulations for electing parliamentary and presidential candidates within the parties closely mirror those laid down in the country’s constitution. Article 102 of the country’s constitution include among others that a presidential candidate shall be a Ugandan citizen of no less than 35 years and no more than 75 years of age and must be qualified to be a member of parliament. Requirements for parliamentary candidates as spelled out under article 80 of the constitution include citizenship, minimum educational qualifications and must be a registered voter. Procedurally however, the parties deviate slightly in the nomination processes for both presidential and parliamentary candidates.
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Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) For the FDC for instance, a person makes an individual announcement of intention to run, must fill a nomination form and be seconded by at least 20 people at the National Delegates Conference before voting through secret ballot. The winner is declared by a simple majority. The minimum age limit for parliamentary candidates is 18 years while that of the LC5 or district chairperson in 32. No maximum age limit is imposed and the constitution does not set any limits for the number of times a candidate can hold elective office. There are also no provisions for quotas for the youth or women representatives although the party encourages and supports candidates to vie for 5 of the youth and 80 women seats provided for in the national constitution. The party’s policy committee is responsible for the development of its manifesto while a national campaign taskforce is charged with the development of a campaign strategy. The candidates are expected to campaign for the party in addition to personal campaigns. Although the party did not boycott the last general election in 2006, it contested the results in court citing massive irregularities, allegations of electoral violence, vote rigging and other abuses. National Resistance Movement (NRM) The NRM constitution in Article 39 (2) simply states that the party’s presidential candidate shall be elected by the National Conference. No further details regarding the procedures for nomination and election are provided except that all elections are subject to the provisions of the country’s constitution. The party constitution further provides that the term of office of elected members of all organs shall be five years. It is however silent on how many times an individual can run for and hold an elective position and neither does it provide guidelines on elections for structures below the district level. A select committee of the party, through consultations, produces a draft of the party’s election manifesto. This is then debated and adopted by the party’s National Conference. A national task force is then set up to oversee the party’s campaign strategy. Democratic Party (DP) Persons applying for the position of the DP presidential candidate must have had active membership of the party for at least 10 years. Aspiring presidential and parliamentary candidates alike must submit their application to the NEC which has the discretion to either approve or reject any such application. Applicants for parliamentary candidature must apply through the district executive committees of their area, there after the names of all approved applicants are forwarded to the respective constituency executive committees. A constituency delegates’ conference will then be convened to hold primaries for the party’s parliamentary candidates and the results forwarded to the NEC. Similarly, an applicant for the party’s presidential candidature may apply to the NEC at least one year before the National Delegates Conference. The NEC then selects at least two candidates to be forwarded to the NDC for election as the party’s presidential candidate. The NDC then carries out the election by secret ballot. In the case of parliamentary candidates, the candidate with the highest number of votes is adopted at the party’s candidate, but a presidential candidate must garner at least 51% of the total delegates’ conference vote. The party’s election guide only provides that youth and women’s representatives be elected at every level of the party hierarchy. It however does not make any provisions for quotas for women and youth in parliamentary and civic elections. While the party supports parliamentary candidates that present themselves to run for seats reserved for special interest groups in the national parliament, there are no clear guidelines on how these are selected or nominated.
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The party’s election manifesto is developed by a special committee set up by the NEC to solicit views and make a draft which is then presented to the NDC for discussion and adoption. The party’s campaign agenda is set out in its manifesto and strategic plan and its candidates are expected to campaign on behalf of the party as well. DP boycotted and declined to recognise results of the 2001 presidential elections on grounds of bad electoral laws and processes. The party works with an independent but affiliated political foundation which conducts civic education. The party did not however disclose the identity of the foundation. Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) The UPC constitution provides for a Presidential Electoral Commission appointed by the president. The commission is tasked with processing and approving applications for membership to the national assembly. The commission does this on behalf of the National Council. Supervision of both national and district council elections is done by the Parliamentary Constituency Executive Committee. The constitution also stipulates that the Annual Delegates Conference (ADC) is the sole body that elects the party president. It does not however elaborate on the manner of nomination or presentation of candidates and eventual election procedures. Party officials interviewed elaborate that aspirants for both parliamentary and presidential elections should not be older that 70 years of age and shall express their intention to run to the presidential election commission at the party headquarters. Contenders for the presidential election need to have a proposed by at least one person and secondment by at least two and pay one million Uganda Shillings to meet the minimum requirements. Candidate for parliamentary elections on the other hand are elected by the parliamentary constituency conference once their names have been cleared by the NEC. According to the 2006 party strategic plan, 40% of all party positions will be earmarked for women while 60% for the youth at all party levels. Local council 1 (LC1) elections will be conducted by the Branch Executive Committee while the Parliamentary Executive committee is responsible for Local Council 3 (LC3) elections and the District or LC5 chairmanship elections will be handled by the party headquarters which convenes a parliamentary constituency conference for this purpose. The strategic plan also makes provisions for representation of people with disabilities and workers across all party structures. A constitutional amendment has also been introduced to limit the presidential candidate to only two terms of 5 years in office. Limitations in practice While all the parties have constitutional provisions for a varied degree of representation within the party structures, it is often the case that these have not been effectively implemented in practice. The older parties specifically DP and UPC are struggling with internal and external criticism of poor and unresponsive and unrepresentative leadership. Some parties for instance do not have representation in all parts of the country and where they do, they may not have all the structures in place or may not have successfully conducted elections for representatives at all levels. While this may be reason to cast some parties as sectarian, DP president John Kizito dismisses such accusations. “I don’t think that if one party has got strength from one region, that should not be a reason to condemn it because you start building a base from where you are best known. Even in Europe, you can say SPD is very strong in Bavaria, but are you talking about Germany as being sectarian?” His organising secretary concedes that there are significant challenges in this area.
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“We however have some gaps in the structures, but are conscious of these gaps and limitations and are working backwards to close these gaps. Immediately we finished our elections, we came up with a 5year strategic plan which we are implementing gradually. Key of which is to revive our constitution, now awaiting promulgation. Then we are embarking on membership recruitment. With the amendments made, we are going to begin again a fresh. In a year’s time, we want to have an NDC to elect a new set of leaders at national level or renew the mandate of the current leadership.”
Of the leadership and ideological wrangles in the party, he credits the latest party elections for quelling some of the discontent that has been brewing over the years. “Differences of opinion are normal in a democratic institution. We have had vibrancy especially from the youth angles with different alternatives of running, leadership and direction of the party. With difference of opinion, there is bound to be some friction, but what’s important is how to resolve them. In the past, this has threatened to tear the party apart, but since the NDC made new elections in 2005 up to national level, we have not had any problems.”
FDC secretary General Alice Alaso concedes that the structures have not had the ability to go down to the village levels. “While we have the village executives, even at the village level, the chairperson of these leagues also sits at the village executive. The trouble is that we have been hampered in setting up our structures, so in some villages the structures do not exist. Therefore, adequate mobilization has not been done for women and the youth effectively, but we try.” The DP president also points out that one of the constraints to effective party organisation and leadership selection at all levels is lack of financing. Since most parties depend largely on the sale of party cards to raise funds, the high levels of rural poverty makes it difficult to raise sufficient amounts of money to finance most party programmes as “most members would like to have party cards free of charge, so we find it difficult to organise as well as we should”. The issue of funding will be explored in detrain later in this paper. For UPC’s Patrick Aroma however, the solution to a stuffy and unresponsive party leadership is to have a vibrant party base. “Once the district structures become empowered and the youth structures also get empowered, it will help to check that kind of thinking and cause certain re adjustments in terms of management and focus.”
4.5
External Relations
The Political Parties and Organisations Act 2005 provides for the creation of a consultative forum for political parties and organisation at the national level. This provision has however not been implemented and thus there is no formal structure for inter party dialogue and cooperation in Uganda. However, there have been some ad hoc arrangements among opposition parties and between the opposition and ruling party in the last few years. Group of 6 (G6) The G6, a group of the 6 leading opposition parties was formed in 2005 to spearhead pressure on the government for electoral reforms and ensuring a level playing field ahead of the 2006 general election. The parties however failed to agree on a joint presidential candidate as some such as the FDC had hoped for. The coalition could not hold together after the elections and according to FDC’s spokesperson Wafula Ogutu, “the two old parties, UPC and DP, wrote that they were pulling out of the arrangement. So, the alliance collapsed, but we are still working with JEEMA and the Conservative Party.” Part of the disagreement among the G6 was resistance from the older parties to
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back the FDC presidential candidate as the sole challenger of president Museveni, but despite this, Wafula Ogutu is optimistic about on-going discussions and possibilities for future cooperation. “We have had and are having discussions with them. We want to agree on a programme for the next number of years and beyond the election. Even if we do not win, it’s about long term issues that will benefit the people in the long term.” National Consultative Forum The government and by extension the ruling party has been criticised for its reluctance to operationalise the formation of the consultative forum as provided for in the constitution. Instead, the president called for informal inter-parties’ dialogue forum involving all the party leaders. FDC was opposed to this ad-hoc arrangement and continued to advocate for the creation of the national consultative forum. The main reason for its opposition was the fact that decisions of the inter-parties’ forum were not legally binding and the government could not be trusted to keep its word. Other parties such as DP and UPC however did participate and in explaining their initial support for the presidential initiative, UPC’s Chris Opoka-Okumu asserts that the consultative forum was limited in its operational scope only to electoral matters, hence it didn’t cover as wide a scope as the informal initiative. “We had agreed to discuss everything under the sun.” This arrangement however soon collapsed as well because of what UPC’s Patrick Aroma terms as a lack of confidence in the governing party’s commitment to the whole process. “We later realised that President Museveni was not genuine and wanted to use the forum to show the international committee that he could engage with the opposition.” NRM Deputy Secretary General Dorothy Hyuha stresses the benefits of parliamentary inter-party cooperation afforded by the different house committees in which all political parties are represented, working together on policy issues to be implemented by government. In her view, this does not only involve the opposition in policy and decision making together with the ruling party, but more so provides opportunity for cross party dialogue and sharing of ideas. FDC’s Alice Alaso who chairs the parliamentary welfare committee however doubts the effectiveness of the opposition in these committees owing to their small minority and lack of voting strength in parliament. Youth While the leadership of political parties may be seen to be pulling apart, the youth across the party divide seem to share stronger affiliations with each other. Uganda Young Democrats’ (UYD) Sulaiman Kidandala attributes this to a shared history in the sense that almost all youth party leaders across the country were natured in the UYD as student leaders at universities and other higher institutions. This is because at its inception in 1995, UYD was a non-partisan platform for all youth who cherished and agitated for political pluralism. There was also the non-partisan, government sponsored National Youth Council (NYC) which helped to groom young people in leadership skills. The NYC has since fallen dormant since the introduction of multiparty democracy and creation of distinct youth wings in each party. International Linkages Structurally therefore, there seems to be more linkages between the parties and international partners as opposed to local cooperation at a national level. For instance, with the exception of NRM which doesn’t give any record of affiliation with any international partners, almost all the other parties have
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had linkages with the International Republican Institute (IRI), the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and the International Democratic Union. In addition to these, UPC has had linkages with The Liberal International, The Socialist International and the Congress Party in India, the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa, The Orange Democratic Movement in Kenya, CCM in Tanzania and the Labour Party UK. The nature of these relationships range from policy support, public relations and future possibilities for campaign funding. FDC on the other hand has contacts with the Conservative Party UK and which supports it for funding and training purposes. While it responds negatively regarding cooperation with civil society, FDC actually came into being as a result of a merger between two pressure groups and a pre-existing political party. The Democratic Party ranks cooperation with more African parties than any other parties in Uganda. Some of its international contacts include the Democratic Party (Kenya and USA), Conservative Party (UK), CHADEMA (Tanzania) and NDP (Ghana). These contacts have in some cases provided campaign support, training and funding. Contacts with international organisations are sporadic and on the basis of need. Nationally though, in 1996, the party cooperated with UPC, and CP in fronting a common presidential candidate. In 2001, it boycotted the election, but supported the candidature of FDC’s Dr. Kizza Besigye. It has also cooperated with such organisations as FAD, FHRI, as well as the Catholic Church on civic education and human rights training and advocacy. DP’s youth wing, the UYD has developed strong links and contacts for training in the field of ideological development with international partners such as the Norwegian Labour youth, DSU in Denmark, Sinistra in Italy. It is also a member of the International Union of Socialist Youth. The NRM youth wing on the other had reports contacts and exchange visits with the Communist parties of China and the Peoples Democratic Republic of North Korea as well as Libya. The failure of substantive inter party cooperation in Uganda has been attributed to a tendency by political parties to make alliances, not on issues such as economic, political or governance issues, but mostly based on the removal of the incumbent government and on electoral reforms, which results in narrow and short lived goals. This perception is supported by law professor Oloka-Onyango, who sees political parties in Uganda as having narrowly defined their objectives as capturing state power, thus when outside of state power, they have nothing else to do. They are not corporate entities in terms of being able to continue to exist and operate in a situation where they are not in state power. veteran journalist Andrew Mwenda argues that this narrow focus and short term view of their role in Uganda’s political scene as that of removing president Museveni from power means they have not seen their role as one of creating an arena politically that can be used for contestation of public policy. “If you look at their struggle for power, they do not present any specific policy agenda to benefit any specific constituency in Uganda and that has significantly undermined their credibility and ability to organise.”
4.6
Funding
The political parties and organisations act 2005 does not provide for public funding of political parties. Article 18 of the act only stipulates limitations on the amount of funding parties can obtain from foreign sources as well as penalties for non-compliance. Party leaders say discussion have been going on regarding the possibility of state funding but little progress has been made. According to DP’s Deo Njoki, the NRM government is “starting to behave like they may accept, but they are aware
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that once parties build their capacity to challenge it, then that’s not their desire and the government has no will to support this development. They know that this will empower their enemy and thus have no will for it.” The president’s advisor on political affairs, David Mafabi concedes that there is unanimous agreement on the needs for public funding, but has not been worked out are the modalities. Proposals have been put forward for funding on the basis of the number of seats a party holds in parliament. This has not gone down well with the opposition, eliciting strong reaction from UPC’s Jimmy Akena “I have heard rumours going around that party funding should be representative of the current seats in parliament. The current seats in parliament can be explained on this 20 year one party system which still continues where the members of the ruling party had the resources and the government machinery, hence that advantage. By funding it directly on that proportion, you are not going to enhance democracy.” While discussion continues, sources open to parties include individual donations from party members or business community and sale of party cards. This has however not been a viable option for most opposition parties due to allegations of government intimidation, violence and curtailment of freedoms of association. FDC Secretary General captures the situation thus: “As a party, our activates are difficult in the sense that when we try to raise funds locally, any business man who is seen to be allied to or contributing funds to us, gets their business clamped down. Again, when we try to raise funds by selling party cards, every time we try to launch, the police and the army are there to close and beat us up and disperse the people. And the establishment knows as long as we don’t have any money, we cannot implement our strategic plan. So, we are bogged down, not because we do not try, but they have made sure that we don’t raise money.
In a situation where the party has weak institutional structures, has not been able to mobilize and enlarge its membership base for 20 years and majority of the country’s rural masses live under the poverty line, it is not feasible to raise significant amounts of funds to finance party activities. Most parties are therefore bankrolled by party leaders.25 This scenario has significant implications on internal party democracy since considerations for individuals’ capacity to finance the party and run their own presidential campaign may come to play when a party decides who to elect for leadership positions. It is therefore not surprising that the section regarding funding in the questionnaire was retuned blank by almost all parties. There are virtually no spending limits in all electoral processes across all parties in the country. Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) For the FDC, there are no stipulated amounts of money candidates are required to contribute to the party in order to secure nominations and neither are they required to raise any campaign funds for the party. Any available funds have in the past been distributed to individual candidates at the discretion of the National Campaign Taskforce, ostensibly for printing of campaign posters. The case applies to all levels of the party from the national to the local councils. Unlike the other parties, FDC provided an audited statement of its accounts giving a breakdown of its fixed assets and their valuation as well as amounts of cash deposits, trade and other payables. It gives 25
Deo Njoki, DP organising secretary
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a detailed breakdown of its income and expenditure over the last financial year including support to special groups such as youth and women, though the amounts are quite low. The party lists its fundraising strategies to include solicitation for individual donations, fundraising drives and sale of membership cards. So far, it’s the only party that has filed its returns with the electoral commission as required by law. It also declares that party accounts are made public at every delegates’ conference or council meeting. It also clarifies that any individual at any time can visit the party headquarters and inspects the party’s financial reports. The audited accounts are also made available to the electoral commission annually. Democratic Party (DP) The DP presidential candidate is required to contribute one million Uganda Shillings (about US$ 700) as a nomination fee. The campaigns are however funded from individual sources as the candidates receive almost no funding from the party. The party does not disclose any income obtained in the last financial/election year and neither does it provide a breakdown of funding disbursed to the party’s youth and women’s wings. The party wings are however listed as having drawn their budgets. The party lists its main sources of funding as being membership fees, fundraising activities, individual donations and donations from associations, though it doesn’t name these as requested in the questionnaire. Proposed strategies for fundraising are similar to already existing sources already listed. The party lists its sole asset as a plot of land under development in Kampala city. The party lists its main expenditures as transportation, National Delegates Conference and Election campaigns, though it doesn’t give a breakdown of how much it spends on either of these. The party indicates that financial reports and budgets are presented by the NEC to the NDC annually for approval. This is however inconsistent with what the party indicates elsewhere that the NDC only meets once in three years. Of its campaign finance reports, the party indicates that it presents its financial and audited statements to the National Election Commission on an annual basis. Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) The UPC presidential candidate is required to contribute One million Uganda Shillings (UShs.), Parliamentary candidates UShs. 200,000. District (LC5) candidate UShs. 50,000 and lower levels UShs. 30,000. The candidates receive no funding from the party and neither are they required to raise any funds for the party’s campaigns. The party lists its total income in the last financial year at UShs.200 million solely from the Milton Obote foundation, although it also indicates that it received 10 million from individual donations and another 20 million from fundraising activities. No specific funding is provided for women or youth activities since the party has none. Some of the funding strategies listed include donations from the diaspora, business community, support from sister parties (international) and fundraising activities. The party describes itself as a beneficiary of the Milton Obote Foundation and subsequently lays claim to all assets and subsidiaries of the foundation. There is however a dispute on the matter and the case is pending in court. The party doesn’t give a breakdown of its financial spending, but gives a list of the main expenditures on basic party administration. No mention is made of any financial reports or campaign finance reports.
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National Resistance Movement (NRM) This NRM provided the least information possible on this section of the questionnaire. There was no response on the question of spending limits for elections. It also indicates that there is no amount of funding that candidates are required to bring to the party in order to secure candidacy. Funding for campaign purposes is distributed by the National Secretariat, but no figures are given, only that its modest funding and that exact amount is still under study. Candidates are also not required to raise any campaign funds for the party and neither do local and regional branches raise funds for their own campaigns. The party could not specify its total annual income nor provide amounts allocated to the youth and women’s wings. The party’s main source of funding is listed as individual donations, but no fundraising strategies are given except that it is still an evolving issue. The party could also not disclose any assets it may hold or a breakdown of its expenditure. Also, questions regarding its financial reports and their availability went unanswered. Discussions with the electoral commission however revel that the party has not submitted its audited accounts as required by law.
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Conclusions and recommendations
Political parties in Uganda face a number of challenges and opportunities for broadening and consolidating the democratic gains in the country. The overall country context, with regard to its relatively low levels of socio-economic development severely limits the conduct of democratic practice in the country. High levels or rural and urban poverty, low literacy levels, poor infrastructure as well as conflict and insecurity in the north and eastern parts of the country also has consequences on the pace of democratic consolidation. Under such conditions, the emergence of a politically conscious middle class and a vibrant civil society vital to the success of democracy is severely curtailed. The lack of an entrenched democratic culture owing to the country’s tortured political history characterised by authoritarianism, militarism and civil strife has led to a social consciousness wary of any perceptions of partisan affiliations associated with sectarianism and hence delegitimises political parties. Ironically, the country is as much polarised along regional and ethnic lines as before, except that this has been contained and now finds expression, not through violence and militarism, but channelled through vibrant media debates, restoration of cultural chieftaincies and kingships and political contestation. The authoritarian and often repressive nature of the state and the use of patronage, deployment of force against opposition political activity through militarism and manipulation of state institutions such as the judiciary and the electoral commission as well as the constitution itself contribute to a generally hostile environment for free and fair political competition in the country. Under such conditions, political parties exhibit weak organisational ability, low levels of institutionalisation and weak links to the society they seek to represent. For further democratic consolidation to take root in Uganda therefore, several measures have to be undertaken with regard to the overall political situation as well as within the political parties themselves. In order for the overall political environment to change, the governing party needs to take deliberate steps to encourage confidence building and trust with the opposition to facilitate dialogue on matters of national interest. The deepening of constitutionalism and the rule of law will enhance confidence in the democratic
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process and strengthen other institutions of democracy in the country, thus giving confidence to political actors by guaranteeing fundamental freedoms of expression and association. While provisions exist for institutionalisation of democracy, such institutions have either not been put in place (such as the Political parties and organisations consultative forum) or constituted in an unrepresentative manner (such as the electoral commission) or totally abused by the state (such as the judiciary and security forces). Provisions therefore need to be made in the political parties and organisations act for public funding of political parties. The Electoral Commission Act also needs to be reviewed regarding its composition and procedures of appointment of commissioners. This will create an institution that inspires confidence and is perceived by both sides of the political divide to be impartial and competent. Political parties on the other hand need to undergo further internal reorganisation. Most of them have already put in place necessary structures and action plans, but these measures do not go far enough. There is need to strengthen their institutional capacity to function as autonomous organisations and not fiefdoms of individual leaders who tend to use them as personal vehicles for competing for power. In order to achieve this, parties need to streamline their internal electoral procedures and increase space and participation of party membership and other marginalised groups in decision making. Party leadership needs to be open and responsive to their membership and to be seen as such in order to inspire confidence among the electorate. In order to strengthen their links to the society, parties need to broaden their structures throughout the country and strengthening the role of regional and local party organs. Capacity building for party staff and officials need particular attention in order to improve professionalism and institutional effectiveness. Structural reorganisation should not only be limited to opposition parties. For the ruling party, there needs to be a clear separation between the party and the state. The existence of parallel structures, the use of state resources for party activity should be streamlined. There is also need to distinguish between party programmes and government projects. While most parties make statements on ideological and programmatic positions, these have not been effectively articulated in party documents and publications and in communication with party membership. The legitimacy of political parties can thus be tested on the extent to which they are seen to embody and represent the aspirations of the majority of the society they purport to represent. Parties therefore need to be empowered with the ability to carry out surveys among its membership and improve the frequency and quality of intra communication in order to be better in touch with its membership. Resource mobilisation is a vital link in making all these aspirations possible. Public funding is one such avenue, but parties also need to step up their fundraising strategies by creating stronger linkages with the business community, workers and trades unions, farmers’ cooperatives and other social organisations from which they can tap membership and funding possibilities. The stringent regulations on foreign funding for political parties should be scrapped completely. As confidence building increases between the state and the parties and political parties are seen as vital instruments of governance but not as agents of destabilisation, the need to regulate and limit foreign funding should not exist. A great deal of civic education is needed in order to educate a body politic that has been without viable political parties for over 20 or more years. As many political party officials, members of parliament and political commentators observe, there is a high level of civic disengagement from the
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political process and a tendency to perceive political activity as polarising and divisive. Overwhelming presence and impact of the military in the country’s political culture is also a matter that needs to be reviewed in view of the high level of intimidation and fear this instils in the citizenry. Democracy literature is replete with arguments that democratisation processes are very much a reflection of social dynamics of political organisation and systems of power structure within societies and how these have evolved over time. While Uganda needs to evolve its own democratic systems reflective of the unique circumstances pertaining in the country, the basic principles of freedom of expression, association, organisation and contestation of power should not only be nurtured, but also protected and enhanced for the society to attain optimum levels of effective representation and democratic governance.
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