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Research Institute of Sustainable Humanosphere, Kyoto University .... C-017 TECHNICAL SOLUTIONS TO MULTI-TRANSPORTATION NETWORK SPACE .... EnE-022 ACETOSOLV PULPING MODELLING OF OIL PALM FROND FIBERS ..... related to tourism areas. its meaning the sea and beach areas become less ...

ISSN 1884-8850


International Conference The 186th Symposium on Sustainable Humanosphere

Kihada Hall, Uji Campus, Kyoto University Kyoto, 8-10 October 2011

Sustainable Future for Human Security

Organized by PPI Kyoto

PPI Kansai

Co-hosted by

Supported by

KBRI - Tokyo KJRI - Osaka

PPI Jepang

The Second International Conference on Sustainable Future for Human Security (SustaiN’2011) The 186th Symposium on Sustainable Humanosphere

Kihada Hall - Uji Campus, Kyoto University 8-10 October, 2011

Organized by Indonesian Student Association (ISA) Kyoto Indonesian Student Association (ISA) Kansai

Co-hosted by Global Center of Excellence on Energy Science, Kyoto University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University Global Center of Excellence on Human Security Engineering, Kyoto University Research Institute of Sustainable Humanosphere, Kyoto University

PROCEEDING OF SUSTAIN 2011 INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE - [ISSN 1884-8850] ©2011 - Indonesian Student Association (ISA) Kyoto, Japan Information: e-mail: [email protected] website:

INTRODUCTION We are living in an important historical point. The rise of Asia had brought waves of optimism across Asian nations. This brings many opportunities to shape a sustainable future for human security in Asia. However, there are still many problems and challenges lie in various aspects and levels, from community to governance, from politics to economy, and from global to local. The shift of pendulum generated some consequences; some of them lead to natural resources depletion, shortage of carbon based energy, shortage of food and water, as well as over-utilization of natural and human resources. The future economic and technology heavily rely on either the proper utilization of Asian natural resources, or well-prepared human resources. To create breakthroughs for ensuring the prosperous future of the Asian people, deep understanding of problems and the dynamics shaping them is at paramount importance. Thus, students and scholars are at the forefront of this process. Learning from the advanced West is important. However, it is clear that “one size fits all” is not always applicable. Asia, with its unique and vibrant culture, history, and sociopolitical contexts, offers various different kinds of wisdom and solutions. It depends on us to answer this intellectual challenge. Thus, we believe that building a network of students and scholars working on various aspects and levels of challenges for the future of Asia with various academic backgrounds is an important step to find creative and fresh answers. However, scholarly understanding of challenges and their creative answers to problems should not stop at books, journals, and conferences. They should inspire policies and actions, both by the government and civil society. We should create bridges to bring ideas to realities. Therefore, to answer above some mentioned issues, an international annual conference 2010 was carried out by the Indonesian Student Association (ISA) in Kyoto, Japan. Regarding related issues and its effort to continue provide international gathering, this year ISA continue and organize this event entitled ‘The 2nd International Conference on Sustainable Future for Human Security’ (SUSTAIN 2011).


COMMITTEE Advisory Board Muhammad Lutfi, Indonesian Ambassador in Japan Ibnu Hadi, Indonesian Consulate General in Japan Eddy Sulaeman Yusuf, Head of Indonesian Bank, Tokyo Representative Office

International Scientific Committee Dr. Nuki Agya Utama (Chairperson) Japan Prof. Susumu Yoshikawa Japan Prof. Rinaldy Dalimi Indonesia Prof. Sudharto P. Hadi Indonesia Assoc. Prof. Ben Mclellan Australia-Japan Asst. Prof. Miguel Esteban UK-Japan Asst. Prof. Taro Sonobe Japan Dr. Per Stromberg Japan Dr. Alex Gasparatos Spain-Japan Dr. Hady Hadiyanto Indonesia Asst. Prof. Khoirul Anwar Japan Dr. Sidik Permana Indonesia-Japan Dr. Qi Zhang China-Japan Dr. Nattapong Chaiwato Thailand

Steering Committee Suharman Hamzah (Chairperson) Dr. Arif Bramantoro Dr. Eliani Ardi Dr. Hagus Tarno Dr. Lisman Suryanegara Dr. Moch. Rahmat Sule Dr. N. Agya Utama Dr. Retno Kusumaningtyas Dr. Ruliyana Susanti Dr. Susanti Alawiyah Dr. Yudi Irmawan Syafwina Agus Trihartono Chairman of PPI Kansai


Organizing Committee: Chairperson Vice Chairperson Secretary Treasurer Website Manager Program Manager Secretariat Manager Documentation Manager Sponsorship Manager Supporting Manager F&B Manager Public Relation Manager

: Yulianto P. Prihatmaji : Sofwan A. B. C. : M. Ery Wijaya : Hatma Suryatmojo : Rizky Januar AKbar : Robby Permata : Slamet Widodo : Puji Harsanto : Prawira F. Belgiawan : Oktana : Sritayani : Dedy Eka Priyanto


(Kyoto University) (Ritsumeikan University) (Kyoto University) (Kyoto University) (Ritsumeikan University) (Kyoto University) (Kyoto University) (Kyoto University) (Kyoto University) (Ritsumeikan University) (Kyoto University) (Kyoto University)

ACKNOWLEDGMENT The committee would like to acknowledge the Global Center of Excellence on Energy Science, Kyoto University, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, Global Center of Excellence on Human Security Engineering, Kyoto University, Research Institute of Sustainable Humanosphere, Kyoto University as co-hosts of International Scientific Conference on Sustainable Future for Human Security (SustaiN’2011). Special thankful to Embassy of the Republic of Indonesia-Japan, Consulate General of the Republic of Indonesia in Osaka, Central Bank of Indonesia, and Garuda Indonesia for supporting this conference.












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EXPERIMENTAL STUDY OF DIESEL MIGRATION IN POROUS MEDIA BY THE SIMPLIFIED IMAGE ANALYSIS METHOD Suwasan Sudsaeng, Giancarlo Flores, Suched Likitlersuang, Siam Yimsiri, Takeshi Katsumi and Toru Inui INCORPORATING ROAD HIERARCHY INTO PEDESTRIAN INDEX Nabila Abdul Ghani and Muhammad Zaly Shah Muhammad Hussien 3D SNMR MODELING FOR GROUNDWATER PROSPECTING AND PROTECTION Warsa, Hendra Grandis, Djoko Santoso and Ugur Yaramanci


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BUILD SYNERGIES FOR ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY THROUGH CONSCIENCE AND CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILTY. Darmawan Achmad*, Ishak Ramli and Galuh Mira Saktiana Permanent Lecturer of Economics faculty, Tarumanagara University Jakarta Indonesia *Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT The environmental conditions of in Indonesia had damage is dramatically, either that are caused by external and internal forces. External factors are triggered by forest fires, illegal logging or natural disasters, while the internal factors are caused by the development of industrialization, exploitation of mining materials beyond the limits of decency, activities agro-business that are less coordinated, not consisten in law enforcement etc.The Environmental conditions as above, the government should force companies to not only think about the level of profitability, but also must be concerned with social issues. The main purpose of this study was to monitor the effect of industrial growth the mining and forest logging toward the welfare of local communities. Furthermore, researchers will estimate the extent of damage and loss of biological resources for the survival of the next generation. This study provides empirical evidence that, excessive excavation of mineral resources and forest logging without considerate of environmental sustainability, not just eliminate people's livelihood, but increasingly uncomfortable their survival, since often a wild animal disturb they at night. Thus can be concluded that the development of industrialization in a particular region, precisely become a cause of increasing for suffering to the local community. For condition the Indonesian state, implementation of CSR is are not always aligned with the vision and mission. The weakness of law enforcement made Indonesia as an ideal state that treats CSR as a cosmetic. To achieve success in implementing CSR programs, required a strong commitment, active participation, and the sincerity of all parties to implement environmental sustainability program. Therefore, CSR programs become so important because the human obligation to remain responsible for the preservation ecosystem environments, primarily for the benefit of other human beings in the next generations. Keywords: Environmental damage, Natural disasters, Corporate Social Responsibility, community empowerment and Sustainable Development. INTRODUCTION The Indonesian state was blessed with natural resources are abundant, whether it is biological or non biological. But the abundance of these resources can not be enjoyed by all levels of society. The proof is in spite of the natural resources almost drained run out, most people are still shackled by poverty, ignorance and alienation in his own country. Even many people who were driven from their own land. Customary rights are often marginalized, natural resources extracted blindly, while the lives of the people around him did not move from a marginal position. Concrete reality that is very obvious is that Indonesia has lost its original forest by 75 percent. Deforestation in Indonesia is not controlled for decades has led to shrinking tropical forests on a large scale. The rate of forest destruction period 1985-1997 was recorded 1.6 million hectares per year, while in 1997-2000 period was 3.8 million hectares and in the period 2000-2008 was 2.1 million hectares per year. These conditions make Indonesia as one of the places with the highest deforestation rates in the world. Based on the results of the interpretation of Landsat imagery in 2000 there were 101.73 million hectares of forest and degraded land, covering 59.62 hectares of which are in forest areas. [MoF Planning Agency, 2003] With the loss of forest land, so large areas of Indonesia has become the region vulnerable to disasters, whether drought, floods or landslides. Since 1997 until

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mid-2008, recorded 5801 incidents had occurred with the number of victims of the disaster 147,366 people died, including 129,508 people affected by the tsunami with the loss of trillions of rupiah, while 85 percent of non-tsunami victims from the earthquake, floods, droughts and landslides caused by the destruction of forests [Bakornas Penanggulangan Bencana, 2008]. The biggest losses as a result of forest destruction, in addition to decreased the capacity of the soil water availability, also great influential on lose animals and plants that became the pride of the nation. For rural communities more severe the suffering of them, because when the dry season they suffer from drought, conversely when rainy season they are plagued by floods and landslides. In the Urban region, environmental quality increasingly serious caused by trash, liquid sewage even the air pollution the participate polluting the river, water, land and air. Deforestation is very influential on carbon sequestration by trees, consequently the increase of carbon emissions by 20%, and change the local micro-climate and hydrological cycle, thus affecting soil fertility. Whereas soil contains 24 billion tons of carbon and Indonesia forest CO2 emissions contributed for 2.6 billion tons per year, although it contains 19 billion tons of carbon. If we are to observe carefully, we are can ensured that the main pollutant sources are forest fires, household waste, mining waste,industries and transportation waste. During 1985 - 2000 the number of vehicles for transportation increased from 1.2 million to 19 million. In the year 1985 - 1997 of 20 million hectares of forest burned and be burned, and in 1997-1998 the forest area that burned and be burned is 10 million acres. The Mining Industries contribute in of waste such as tailings and mercury in large amounts, while other industries contributing the waste liquid (black liquor) because the system of waste recycling is not available, incomplete, also contribute emission CO2 as much as 275 million tons per year. The Neglecting of environmental issues at the level of perspective and the implementation of public policy seems to have become a chronic disease that is very difficult to regenerate. Over the years of environmental degradation in Indonesia is getting worse. Indications of this damage can be seen from the high ecological disaster that occurred until the end of 2009. Call it a series of catastrophic floods in Jakarta and other big cities in Java, Sulawesi and Kalimantan. The series of earthquakes caused by the collision or the shifting plates at several places in Indonesia, including Padang Ciamis and, landslide until a tornado that devastated several the major cities of the province. However, this condition does not arouse the government to act decisively in order to consistent in maintaining environmental sustainability In the most environmental cases, no visible law enforcement efforts to protect the ecosystem, environmental case settlement, is still limited to things that are conventional, such as completing administrative matters and provide compensation, while the rehabilitation of the environment remains as a solution that is often avoided even often overlooked. The absence of strict legal action against perpetrators of pollution, prolonged settlement for the compensation to the victims who is the embodiment of the principle of strict liability (strict liability) as the demands of the Law No.23/1997 on Environmental Management is often disappointing. Although environmental settlement are not seen a serious, even the government was already providing various facilities & incentives to company to extend its production, even though those company has been doing excessive exploitation that caused various losses the for society, so that condition of the environment that before as a source of livelihood community are now on the verge of collapse, even many of the facts reveals that environmental protection efforts that promote economic growth (conventional) face the large obstacles for them, they are Increasingly marginalized and their rights to get livelihoods sources is increasingly vanished. They are become the most of hit disaster vulnerable group because they were as recipient of the most large environmental impact including the ecological disaster that occurred. The worst effects the most visible of illegal logging among others include : 1) Causing of habitat wild animals in the forest became increasingly extinct. 2) The previous area of forest that functioning as a reservoir of carbondioxide from atmorfer, are combinate with water and light energy to produce organic materials are now increasingly threatened. 3) Forest-dwelling animals, like tigers, lions, snakes, wild boar, elephants and others came out of the woods and enter to residential areas to prey on livestock and even pounce some of the members of ~ 19 ~


the community in the region. This condition occurs because the food supply chain they are disconnected, so look for food outside the forest. Another impact of illegal logging is flash floods which flows to the sea with bringing mud and pieces of logs, that caused the sendimentasi high at sea and damage of coral reefs. Damage of coral reefs will suffer huge losses, both in terms of the environmental and economic sectors which related to tourism areas. its meaning the sea and beach areas become less attractive, especially for diving tours, which will eventually cause a decline in the number of responses fishermen fish, because fish migrate to other areas where is unspoiled coral reefs. So in general that the uncontrolled illegal logging activity has indeed created a condition that is exacerbating socio-economic communities as well as opening opportunities for the creation of process of impoverishment of a systematic society. The further for the case the mining industry indicated that credence given to the holder of the license rights of the mining industry, in the last two decades has given rise to ecological damage such as reduced river discharge and ground water, sea water pollution, soil degradation through sedimentation is now increasingly troubling. Adverse effect is sustained in the long run is the exploration of gold and copper mining not only changes the degree of the quality of natural resources and environment (triggering denude the land) but also will create pockets of poverty. On active poverty was caused by loss of resources to sustain life and accepting the adverse effects of water around their residence which contaminated by mercury waste. Passive poverty occurs because the loss of access to be involved in the decision making process and the utilization of available resources around them. Active and passive widespread poverty which is the major cause of poverty is characterized by massive starvation amid luxury, mass dropout the amid the wasting the education budget, the mass suffering amid extravagant and wasteful lifestyles from the financiers. This fact occurs in almost all areas where the mining industry sector investors to explore gold, copper and various kinds of precious stones, minerals, metals, tin, nickel, and others. In the last a decade appear again decentralization of power through regional autonomy, and all the autonomous regions are faced on the demands of routine operational funding & development fund, which have been forcing Head regional took the initiative to utilize the potential of natural resources in order to achieve short term goals, consequently the problem of maintain sustainable environment, balance of the ecosystem and ecological preservation be forced no longer a consideration. Understanding of regional autonomy that was wrong, either by officials or by member of the community led to the implementation of regional autonomy are opaque increasingly to prospects the protection of the life environmental. Thus it can be interpreted that the implementation of regional autonomy tends to be a failure, especially in the environmental field. Examples of such failures as evidenced by the destruction of forests in Kalimantan, Sumatra and Java, and damage to several rivers such as the Citarum, Solo, Kali Konto, and several other places. Decentralization policy was initially expected to be a correction device to improve the environment so the quality of the ecosystem become healthy, government organization more flexible, responsive, efficient, effective, innovative and able to foster community participation in the process of development. But after seeing the pattern of the unprofessional handling, it was difficult to be able to improve the situation. Another the case with the island of Bangka, The Community, on initially complacent with what they already has such a rich ocean, forests, abundant minerals, natural panoramic beauty and so on. All parties was complacent with the pride that without full awareness to cultivate and use it for the welfare of the people and the responsibility to maintain its sustainability. Now the potential of such property has been largely exploited to meet the specific needs of the ruling circles and big financier. The investment proposals are clearly displayed for the interests of the people, but in the implementation of the community only as a cover to achieve the goal. This situation is compounded by lack of awareness and responsibility entrepreneur towards sustainability business ecosystem. So likewise the condition of the Government of Tulungagung district, East Java, issued regulations to exploit mineral deposits of marble, when the material is located on forest land owned by Perhutani. In fact there are some districts that issued the Regulations on the designation of marine areas and so on. This is certainly a challenge that must be addressed before natural resources become more damaged. ~ 20 ~


Disaster in Indonesia in 2008

Source : The main factor of this catastrophe, in addition to weak law enforcement, regulatory governing the environment just mere jewelry the legislation, also due to its development vision is not oriented to the long-term interests. Each policy is more concerned on short-term interests and for a moment, without thinking of the next generations. Local governments should realize that good environmental management will to give birth of healthy environment. The quality is good and healthy environment will result in a healthier society and ultimately will produce the local government with work ethos of community to be proud of. To achieve the above conditions require entrepreneur to in run their business with more environmentally responsible. The emergence of disasters due to exploitation of natural resources overload, should be open the awareness of businessman to begin to change the paradigm, that the wealth of natural resources not only to be dug continuously without contributing to the rehabilitation efforts. its mean that the natural resources please are used for business purposes, but a form of concern for the harmony of ecosystems still must be considered seriously. Thus the corporation is no longer as an entity that only selfish, but a business entity is obliged to adapt culturally to their environment. To achieve these goals, the nation is now Indonesia require a massive movement in order to create a better environment. It takes hard work to defend community rights over the environment. Although still in an obsession, but this process should continue to be encouraged & increasingly extended to form a movement that became part of the style, outlook on life and policies, as well as taking the real part to stop the damage to the environment. Implementation of these principles of corporate social responsibility in Article 15 letter (b) of Act No. 25 of 2007 states that corporate social responsibility is a responsibility inherent on each investor to continue creating a relationship harmonious, balanced, in accordance with environmental norms and local culture. Thus, in the management of natural resources, environmental damage incurred, can be anticipated by the businessman with a cost budget of recovery. Article 74 of Law Number 40 Year 2007 regarding Limited Liability Company stated that the company that runs its business activities relating to natural resources, shall exercise social responsibility towards the environment. Social responsibility towards the environment as referred to in ~ 21 ~


paragraph above is an obligation that counted as operating costs, the implementation is carried out with due regard to the appropriateness and reasonableness. Company which does not carry out the obligations referred to in above paragraph should be punishable in accordance with the provisions of the legislation. In Article 5 of Law Number 24 Year 2007 on Disaster expressly states "The central government and regional governments in charge of disaster management." Article 6 stated that responsibility covers all aspects of the starting reduction of hazard and guide risk reduction of disaster with development programs up to the safety aspects of life, property, maintenance documents authentic and credible than the threat and impact of disasters. The question is whom is in charge of the heavy burden of all aspects relating to prevention and protection against to disaster? the remember this issue was born as a result of incomplete regulation in terms of exploitation of natural resources, the human being safety and property they are actually the responsibility of all parties, especially those that have the capacity and capability to do so. Either party has the capacity and capability it is the business world, because in many aspects, especially technical, access, funding even in many cases, they are more qualified than the government. Thus will be very relevant, if the bulk of the responsibility must addressed to the company in the form of "Corporate Social Responsibility " activities. The success parameter of a company in view of Corporate Social Responsibility is to prioritizes the moral and ethical principles, it meant to reach a best result without harming the community. One of the moral principle that is often used is the golden rules, which teaches that a person or a party to treat others the same as what they want to be treated. That way, a company that works with the prioritizes moral and ethical principles will provide the greatest benefit to society. That commitment to the implementation of the maximum and effective CSR will generate a positive image for the company, and became a necessity for a businesses, along the concept is implemented as its substance. John Doorley and Helio Fred Garcia (2007) in Reputation Management: The Key to Successful Public Relations and Corporate Communications describes: "Reputation is the end result performance and behavior consistent , which then consistently also communicated to the public." For the practitioners of communication, in the end what was raised Alison Theaker (2001) that "Public Relations is about reputation - the result of what you do, what you say and what others say about you," should be translated in their entirety. It meant that a performance and good achievement is as important as behaving transparently. Achievement and good performance will not add value if it is not known to the public, and most importantly of performance is an attempt to communicate it to the public in order to establish a positive reputation, in order to create the image that supports the sustainability of the company's operations. conversely of communication in any form, will not be able to replace or cover up poor performance. Another phenomenon seen today shows most entrepreneurs agree that both profitability and social responsibility, both are the goals to be company achieved. Although it was realized that these two often mutually contradictory. The shareholders certainly hope the company can increase profitability, but sometimes this desire will to become conflict of interest for stakeholders, who want to optimize the company's existence, especially as related to social responsibility. In other words, there are always disputes between economic profits and social responsibility THE DEVELOPMENT OF CSR ACTIVITIES. In the decade of the 1990s up to the present issues concerning the application of "CSR" has evolved into a critical discourse between governments, corporations and civil society. The development discourse is stimulated by the increasing pressure on multinational companies which exploiting natural resources. Discourses that developed eventually narrowed on three schools of thought, each basing his thinking on CSR practices & experiences that took place during this time. Three groups are thinking, Neo-liberal group that to focus its view of CSR as an initiative that came from his own company based on conditions of business risk and public appreciation toward CSR activities that have been implemented. The second group is called as the group Led State that focus its thinking on the role of state and government at national and international levels in implementing the CSR program, through

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the implementation of regulation both unilateral and multilateral cooperation. While the third group to focus thinking on the role of nonprofit organizations on profit oriented in carrying out CSR programs. Thought of the above three groups each containing weaknesses, especially when associated with the development process at large. Neo-liberal group think for example, considered to have failed to resolve the problem of misallocation of productive resources caused by the implementation of CSR programs. Thought group thinking "the Led State" considered to have failed in encouraging the emergence of political support from the government and parliament reversed the government's own involvement. While the thought of the Third is deemed to fail in encouraging the development of personal initiative to be involved directly in the implementation of CSR programs. Reputedly the group third of thought over each had been evolved with its own variations. In the New Order period, the group thought "State Led" had sticking out and grow. Government at the time, issued a Presidential Directive which requires each state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to set aside 2% of his business profits to be allocated in the CSR program. The role of New Order the government's in encouraging the implementation of CSR is also touching the private sector, specially conglomerate business groups that dominate business activity in the homeland. Some times the major business groups are collected and are encouraged to set aside some of the profits or special budget for CSR programs. "Led State" dominated the thought is now echoed back after the legalization of Limited Liability Company Act of 2007, where in article 74 requires the company, particularly on those engaged in mining, applying the activity as well as providing a special budget to finance the CSR program. Admittedly, that CSR activities heared again in the last decade. Demands of society and democratic development as well as the swift currents of globalization has encouraged awareness of the industrial world to carry out social responsibility. Actually, the concept model of CSR has long been regulated in the law corporate sphere. But from the results of a survey conducted by Suprapto in 2005 toward 375 companies in Jakarta showed that 166 company (44.27%) stated the did not do CSR activities, 209 (55.73%) companies do CSR is nuanced familial. Of these 209 groups above , 116 companies gave donations to religious institutions, 50 companies became donors to the social foundation, 4 companies had participated in community development and the other 39 do not have a concrete activity. This condition indicates that the CSR undertaken by the company is very dependent on the willingness of the management company concerned. The results of the Company Rating Program (PROPER) 2004-2005 Ministry of Environment reveals that of 466 companies which monitored there were 72 companies report card gets black, 150 red, 221 blue, 23 green, and no one has a gold ranking. The picture is showing so many companies that received report cards black and red. This phenomenon indicates that they do not have plans to implement social responsibility, even if one is doing CSR. the implementation is only at the level of prestige and to compete, so it is not able to contribute that has a significant influence on improvement of community life. This condition occurs because corporate CEOs still believe that CSR as a parasite that can burden the cost of capital maintenance. Referring to article 74 of Law No.. 40 In 2007, CSR is a theoretical basis of the need for a company to build a harmonious relationship with the community Tempatan. In theory, CSR can be defined as a company's moral responsibility towards its stakeholders, particularly the communities surrounding the area where operations. With or without the rule of law, a company still must uphold morality, so that the position of CSR as the standard operation of the company which can be one of the parties which contributed to reduction the burden of suffering community. The common target another of CSR were as a corporate strategy that integrates the implementation of triple bottom line (people-planet-profit = society, the environment & economy) towards business and sustainable development. Formulation of Triple Bottom Line meant that the community is dependent on the economy, society and economy depend on the environment, even the global ecosystem. The third component of Triple Bottom Line is not stable, but dynamic depending on conditions and social pressures, political, economic and environmental, as well as possible the conflicts interest. In the article "How Should Civil Society (and the Government) Respond to 'Corporate Social Responsibility'?" had been assessed that the motivation to accept the concept of CSR as a business policy just merely cosmetic, superficial, and partial. CSR is made to give a corporate image that ~ 23 ~


responds to the social interest. However, the realization of accommodative less CSR is hard to bear fundamental changes in corporate business policies. The above phenomenon, perhaps as a reflection of the CSR implementation situation in Indonesia. In terms of diversity and elaboration of the program with respect to efforts to increase public welfare and maintenance of the environment, then the concept of CSR is considered as an activity that is based on voluntary principles. The nature of this CSR voluntary , associated with weak law enforcement, making Indonesia as a country that is ideal for corporation who are treating CSR as cosmetic. Importantly, the Social Annual Report appear glossy, complete with a photo display of social activities and fund development programs community that have been realized. However, dispite the large amounts of funds have been disbursed, formed CSR management, strategies and programs had been made, reality demands in the form of a demo of the community/activist non governmental organizations is remain ongoing. With the enactment of Law Number 40 Year 2007 regarding Limited Liability Company, corporations in Indonesia is actually in a position quite clear to implement CSR program. The problem is that the tendency of the implementation of CSR is highly dependent on the chief executive officer (CEO) of corporations. This means that CSR policies are not automatically aligned with corporate vision and mission. If the CEO has the moral consciousness and the business the human face , large corporations are likely to implement CSR policies are feasible. Conversely, if the orientation CEO dwell only on the interests of shareholders and the satisfaction of personal achievement, so policy on CSR may simply cosmetic. CONDITIONS OF CSR IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES The currently indeed is not yet available formulation who can to show the relationship of CSR practices on company profits, so that too many business groups, skeptical and considers CSR did not give any impact on the achievement of business, they view that CSR is only a component of cost that reduces profits, so as not to attract to be realized. The entrepreneurs should be realize that the practice of CSR will have a positive impact if viewed as a long term investment. Because by doing sustainable CSR practices, companies will have a place in the hearts of the public. By contrast, in developed countries, awareness about the importance of implementing CSR is becoming a global trend, in line with the increasingly widespread public awareness about to products environmentally friendly who are manufactured with attention to social norms and principles of human rights. Many banks in Europe the implement the lending policy in granting to companies which implementing CSR just fine. even European bank only give loans to the plantation company in Asia if there is guarantee of the company, where is when opening the land for plantations is no accompanied by burning the forest. Other global trends in CSR implementation in the field of capital markets is the application of an index that includes the category of stocks that have been conducting of CSR. New York Stock Exchange has the Dow Jones Sustainability Index (DJSI) for shares of companies that have a value of corporate sustainability categorized with one of the criteria is the practice of CSR. Similarly, the London Stock Exchange that have Socially Responsible Investment (SRI) Index and the Financial Times Stock Exchange (FTSE) which has the FTSE4Good since 2001. This initiative started followed by stock exchange authorities in Asia, as in Hanseng Stock Exchange and Singapore Stock Exchange. Consequence of these indices spur global investors such as pension funds and insurance companies will only invest their funds in companies that are included in the above index. In Britain, have been long the company tied up by a code of business ethics. Because there are many rules and laws governing business practices in the country, therefore it is not required special law CSR. just to know, the company in the UK is not separated from public observation (community and state) that must be transparent in its business practices. The public may do open protest to the company if the company to the detriment of society / consumer / labor / environment. Seeing this development, three years ago, after the Companies Act 2006 was requires companies which already listed on stock exchanges to report not only performance, but social and environmental performance. The report should be open for public access and questionable. Thus, companies are urged to be more responsible.

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[S-003] FORMING SOCIAL CAPITAL FOR COMMUNITY If the CSR program is run with sincerely , Entrepreneur will be able to increase the accumulation of social capital and improve the welfare of society. The definition of social capital is included elements of mutual trust, cohesiveness, altruism, mutual aid and social collaboration that has a major influence on economic growth. Through various mechanisms, social capital will be able to increase the sense of responsibility to the public interest, strengthening community harmony and reduced levels of violence and crime. For long-term goals, social capital accumulation will provide positive benefits for companies and society in general. Harmonization of the company's relationships with the community will establish the harmony of social life around the operational activity. Next will be formed strong cohesiveness between companies and communities, and strong cohesiveness collaboration will strengthen social, so citizens will feel disturbed if the corporate interests getting interference. Fertilization of social capital is at once can help accelerate the improvement of public welfare. Harmonization of corporate social relationships with the community will be realized if the public both directly or indirectly the enjoy the economic benefits of corporate existence. Further the Collaboration & harmonization of regulations in CSR program oriented to the principle of "Sustainable Development" will bear a strong synergy when implemented consistently accompanied by law enforcement. In order for CSR's role in shaping social capital can take place effectively, currently takes the role of government to influence the growth of mutual trust, cohesiveness, altruism, mutual cooperation, participation, social collaboration within a community. Government involvement here can form a refinement of regulations, code of conduct for the management and facilities/incentives that can encourage companies to enhance its role in fostering social capital. Thus, CSR obligations due to pressure of regulatory, then the rule would reinforce the concept of sustainable development who are oriented to reinforce the maintenance of environmental and empower socio-economic society. With the process of mutual engage each other and influencing each other, meaning the government and citizens responsible for the continuity of the CSR program. So CSR is not solely the responsibility of the company, because in reality on the ground, implementation of CSR programs should still be controlled by the government and local communities. Because anyhow in the running CSR activities, company's often confront the limits of financial capability and economic resources. This responsibility is necessary to be emphasized his understanding to the public in order not to forget the responsibility to themselves. Surely the community remain responsible for over the life of their own, to environmental sustainability and social responsibility of its economy. This condition is necessary to be emphasized that the responsibility for the welfare of community life can not be transferred completely to the shoulders of the company. Society still must take responsibility to reach as well as embody individual welfare by working hard. Likewise, the government is not likely the move responsibility to the public welfare to the company, due to hand over the implementation of sustainable development entirely to the company, means it have charged the company with obligation beyond the capabilities . Emphasis and this assertion needs to be understood by local communities and local governments so that the CSR had no effect on the occurrence of moral degradation in the form of laziness and loss of zest for life. Because CSR is not an activity is based philanthropic and compassion. CSR did not aim to educate and familiarize local people become lazy with live dependent on the help and compassion of others. While at the same time they do not have the responsibility and initiative to improve conditions of them life. CSR nor intends to take over the responsibility of individual communities to achieve a better standard of living. Through CSR are expected be educated local community and encouraged to be more enterprising and diligent work to improve the quality of life and welfare. Thus, CSR should avoid the effects of relax who pampering community. Therefore, CSR that lead to takeover the responsibility of society and government, is actually an act of duping that indirectly has plunged the population in the abyss of ignorance and laziness. The impact the advanced of this duping process is the weakness of social capital in the community concerned. Factor of social capital formation in the form of cohesiveness, mutual cooperation, participation, mutual trust, social collaboration, and responsibility for the public interest

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will be eroded bit by bit unnoticed by the community itself. The Negative impacts should be avoided, therefore misguided application of CSR that will be become a process duping to citizens, should also be prevented. The socialization process of understanding the concept of CSR is that community should be able to improve their standard of living and a higher welfare as real result of their hard work and perseverance of their own. While the CSR program is run by business people is as additional supplement to help them improve their social economic life and safeguard preserving the natural environment CONCLUSION CSR concept basically aims to clarify the responsibilities of the company in achieving sustainable development objectives, this concept emphasized how important the role of CSR as an arm of the company to participate in the development process. In order to maintain the continuity of development, the design CSR program should be sustainable , not partial. which of course requires a commitment decisiveness officials company to escort the its implementation Therefore the World Bank said, CSR as a means to achieve economic development, education and local public health, countermeasures natural disaster, as well as environmental preservation undertaken together with the government. Thus, each firm has an extensive social obligations and always attached to each business them activity. Social responsibility could not be separated from the company's existence and will not be able to break away from the surrounding environment, both of social environment of local communities and the natural environment. Damage to the social life of society and the natural environment can certainly be inconvenient or even stop the production process the company, which will ultimately thwart the maximization of shareholders gains. Economic benefits from the existence of an enterprise will only last a moment and perceived narrowly by shareholders, while a negative result because the company's treatment of nature, environment and society will take place in a very long time. With a deep understanding, in general CSR has a function and a very strategic role for the company, ie as part of risk management in the form of social safety valve. Through CSR the companies can build a reputation, such as improving corporate image, the image of its shareholders, the company's brand positioning, and corporate business sectors. Therefore it should be stressed that CSR is different with social donations. CSR must be executed in a program by give attention at the needs and long-term program sustainability. While the social charitable giving is more impact momentary and temporary , The company's management decision to implement CSR programs on an ongoing basis,is a rational decision. For the implementation of CSR programs will effect a circle of gold that will be enjoyed by the company and its stakeholders. Through CSR, welfare and socio-economic life of the community to be more guaranteed. This condition in turn will ensure smooth operation of the entire process production and marketing of the company's production, while safeguarding the natural environment other than guarantee ensure smooth production process but also the ensure availability of supplies of raw materials that originating from nature. Public welfare will encourage increased purchasing power of them, thereby strengthening the absorptive capacity to the firm's market production, whereas the preservation of the factors of production as well as process fluency production which awake will be can increase efficiency. Both these factors will increase the potential for corporate profits, consequently will enhance the company's ability in allocate a portion of its profits to finance various CSR activities at the years following. Benefits the application of CSR are that implemented based on ethical values have been much enjoyed by various multinational companies from European countries. Willingness of European multinational companies to implement CSR on their own initiative have helped create market differentiation over their competitors from Japan and the USA. besides that will be supports the company's efforts in managing the workforce, maintain customer loyalty, create brand strength, save costs, reduce risks of social and business, and build business credibility in the eyes of the public as well as stock investors.

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Because it's the executives of multinational corporations in Europe increasingly convinced that companies that have social and environmental preservation performance of stronger will be able to achieve better performance than companies that do not have a concern for social responsibility. The Adidas, The Nestle, and Volkswagen are just a few examples of multinational companies from Europe who managed to harness CSR for the development on business networks. The research results in the Indonesia Stock Exchange toward the issuer who carry out CSR program showed, that the CSR activity was positively correlated with company performance and stock returns. Because CSR consists of a series of programs that consider the interests of all company's stakeholders in the long-term, thus CSR can not be viewed as a social burden but rather as a social investment of company. In the long term positive benefits of sustainable CSR program will support the activities of the company's business. Long-term benefits of this will increased confidence of investors in the stock market over the company's prospects in the future. The positive business prospects by itself will open the chances of rising the value of investing in the stock exchange that traded at this time. References [1] Albarade. L.2008. Corporate responsibility, governance and accountability: from self-regulation to co-regulation, Corporate Governance, Vol. 8.4 2008, pp 430-439. [2] Albarade, L. The government‟s role in promoting corporate responsibility: a comparative, Corporate Governance, Vol. 8.4 2008, pp 386-400 [3] Alqadrie, I.S., Ngusmanto, Budiarto, T. dan Erdi. 2002. Decentraliztaion policy of forestry sector and their impacts on sustainable forests and local livelihoods in district Kapuas Hulu, West Kalimantan. Cifor, Bogor, Indonesia dan Universitas Tanjung Pura, Pontianak, Kalimantan Barat, Indonesia. [4] [Bakornas Penanggulangan Bencana, 2008]. Diakses Agustus 2009. [5] Barbara Kivat. 2008. A Brief History of Crative Capitalism. Majalah Times 11 Agustus 2008, Vol 172 No. 5 2008. [6] Betsy Atkins. 2008. Is Corporate Social Responsibility Responsible? Commentary on Fobes Magazine. [7] Bill Gates. 2008. How to Fix Capitalism. Majalah Times 11 Agustus 2008, Vol 172 No. 5 2008. The Economist. 17 Januari 2008. Ethical capitalism: How good should your business be? [8] Galbreath, J. 2009. Building corporate social responsibility into strategy, Garaduate School of Business, Curtin University of Technology, Perth, Australia, European Business Review, Vol. pp. 109-127 [9] Hoffman. R.C., 2007. Corporate social responsibility inovasi the 1920s: an institutional Perspective, Journal of Management History pp. 55-73, Perdue School of Business, Salisbury University, Salisbury, Maryland, USA . [10] Jamali, D. 2008. A Stakeholder Approach to Corporate Social Responsibility: A Fresh Perspective into Theory and Practice, Journal of Business Ethics, 82: pp. 213–231 [11] John Mackey and T.J. Rodgers. 2005. Rethinking the Social Responsibility of Business. A Reason debate featuring Milton Friedman. [12] Kementrian Negara Ristek., 2009. Enam Fokus Program Kementrian Negara Riset dan Teknologi, [13] McManus, T.2007. The business strategy corporate social responsibility “mash-up” Department of Management and General Business, Frank G. Zarb School of Business New York [14] Meehan. 2006. Corporate social responsibility: the 3C-SR model, International Journal of Social Economics, Vol. 33 No. 5/6. pp. 386-398. [15] Milton Friedman. 1970. The Social Responsibility of Business is to Increase its Profits! The New York Times Magazine, September 13, 1970. Copyright @ 1970 by The New York Times Company. [16] Pearce and Robinson. 2005. Formulation, Implementation, and Control of Competitive Strategy. New York: McGraw-Hill Irwin. [17] Pradjoto (2007). Tanggung jawab Sosial Korporasi, Kompas 23 Juli 2007, http://www. kompas. com/kompas-cetak/0707/23/utama/3711215.

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[18] Republik Indonesia, 2007. Undang-undang Republik Indonesia No. 40 Tahun 2007, tentang Perseroan Terbatas, Mentri Hukum Dan Hak Asasi Manusia Republik Indoensia, Jakarta. [19] Robin, F. 2008. Why community cocial responsibility should be popularised but not imposed, Corporate Governance, Vol. 8, No. 3. pp. 330 – 341. [20] Svendensen, 2000. Measuring The Business Value Of stakeholder Relationships, Part One. The Center for Innovation Management, Simon Fraser University. [21] The Economist. 17 Januari 2008. Ethical capitalism: How good should your business be?

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SUSTAINABILITY PARADIGM IN THE ARENA OF POVERTY ALLEVIATION THROUGH MICROCREDIT PROGRAMS IN BANGLADESH Gulsan Ara Parvin1* and Kazi Farzana Shumi2 Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University 2 International Islamic University Chittagong (IIUC), Bangladesh 1

*Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT According to the Brundtland Report- ―Our Common Future‖ elimination of poverty especially from Third World is the first out of the four prime principles of global sustainability. But microcredit program, which is considered as one of the effective tools for poverty alleviation is still far behind to alleviate poverty in a sustainable manner. Despite having positive impacts, microcredit programs are criticized for making the poor dependent on the credit program rather raising their capacity to be self-reliant and thus to ensure sustainable poverty alleviation. This study has highlighted some salient characteristics of potential microcredit program to induce sustainable benefits for the poor. Along with the indication of probable factors needed to be considered in inducing sustainable benefits, this paper has formulated a conceptual road map to facilitate inducing sustainable benefits through microcredit programs. Keywords: sustainability, poverty alleviation, microcredit programs INTRODUCTION Glance over the history of sustainability reveals its first emergence in the global arena at United Nations Conference on Human Environment, in 1972. Initially, cleaning up the environment, pollution and natural resources depletion were the principal components of sustainability [1]. It proves that sustainability emerged with the environmental issues. In order to upgrade the environment as well as to protect nature from depletion, antigrowth agenda was adopted. In fact, it introduced a conflict between developed and developing economies, since lack of access to basic needs is the prime problem in developing countries rather over consumption. Brundtland Report- ―Our Common Future‖ tried to resolve this conflict. For the first time this report incorporated poverty issue with sustainability. In this report, elimination of poverty, especially from Third World is considered as the top one among the four prime principles of global sustainability. Likewise Brundtland Report, later on the Earth Summit in 1992, World Summit for Social development in 1995, Beijing Conference in 1995, Habitat II in 1996, and Rio+5 in 1997, Millennium Development Goals adopted in 2000, all these highlighted similar thinking and views of numbers of scholars and policy makers who realized the intimate association between poverty, environment and overall global sustainable development. Poverty is recognized as one of the principal reasons for environmental degradation and depletion of natural resources, since poor are left with no option other than to destroy their environment [2], [3], [4]. On the other hand, employment generation for the poor through microcredit program is considered as one of the effective tools for poverty eradication in most of the developing countries [5], [6]. Microcredit program has been praised for its success in empowering women and alleviation of poverty. On the other hand, skeptics suggest that rather than addressing the causes of poverty, micro-credit programs are dealing only with the symptoms of it [7]. It is also claimed that small enterprises supported by micro-credit programs have limited growth potential and are not favored by market forces, resulting in no substantial impact on the poor. Furthermore, some evidence suggests that micro-credit programs consume scarce resources without significantly affecting long-term outcomes. The result is that these programs make the poor economically dependent on the program itself and the poorest of the poor yet to benefit [8], [9], [10], [11]. In spite of being praised for achieving success in alleviating poverty to some extent, a huge number of shortcomings and criticism ~ 29 ~


associated with microcredit program created confusion regarding its role in eradicating poverty in a sustainable manner. Recently sustainability issue is being incorporated with microcredit approaches. For instances, World Bank has conducted few studies on sustainability and performance of Grameen Bank, BRAC, and such other credit programs of Bangladesh Government (e.g. Rural Development-RD 12 Project). But in most cases, concern is given mostly to the sustainability of the program itself neglecting the beneficiaries‘ perspective. Whereas, instead of making the poor dependent on the credit program itself it is necessary to raise their capacity to be self-reliant as well as to ensure sustainability of the benefits induced by the programs. ―Sustainable Livelihood‖ strategy adopted by UNDP is supposed to be an effective approach in this regard. A review of different literatures related with sustainable development has been made with a view to address various concepts and views related to sustainable development and dimensions of sustainability. Since poverty is multidimensional and sustainable development is a holistic approach, poverty alleviation in a sustainable manner deserves integrated comprehensive approach that is lacking in traditional microcredit programs of Bangladesh. Therefore, recently the approach is criticized in inducing long lasting, sustainable benefits for the poor. This study is an attempt to develop a conceptual model of a microcredit program that is expected to induce long lasting benefits for the poor and thus it would enhance the attempt of sustainable poverty alleviation. It also attempts to indicate probable factors needed to be considered in inducing sustainable benefits. Along with the intensive literature review related to sustainable development, poverty alleviation and microcredit program this study conducted Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) and Focused Group Discussion (FGD) with the beneficiaries of different microcredit programs. Based on the conceptual framework developed by literature review and the perceptions of the microcredit beneficiaries this paper aims to formulate the conceptual model of microcredit program to induce sustainable benefits for the poor. CONCEPTUALIZATION OF SUSTAINABILITY Environmental consequences of economic development, technological innovations, natural resources depletion and poverty have raised growing concern towards sustainable development. In recent decades, sustainability or sustainable development has been used as one of the most frequently used terms in environment and development studies. Since its emergence the concept is extending its periphery and embracing a wide rage on views and aspects. Scholars, researchers, professionals, and policy makers in almost all development fields are blending as well as twisting the concept of sustainability in their own way. Therefore, hundreds of definitions are cited in different studies and researches though majority of those are environment oriented. An overview of those diversified concepts is required before analyzing the sustainability paradigm in the arena of poverty alleviation through microcredit programs. The simplest way to introduce sustainability is to denote the meaning of the term ―sustain‖. To sustain means ―to maintain; keep in existence; keep going; prolong [12], [13]‖. In a similar way Pearce and Atkinson (1998) suggested sustainability as a development path that ensure non-declining per capita well-being over some time horizon. But sustainability will not contribute much in human society if it is restricted or applied only in this sense. One of the most popular concepts of sustainability has been highlighted in Brundtland Commission Report, ―Our Common Future‖ [4]. The report viewed sustainability as ―development that meets the needs of the present generation without compromising the ability of future generation to meet their own needs.‖ In fact, sustainable development is not a targeted level of development to be reached rather it is a vision and constant process of change. Sustainable development allows and sustains all kind of changes in a society and its environment, technology and culture, values and aspirations. This dynamic concept must welcome continuous, viable and vigorous development where exploitation of resources, the direction of investments, the orientation of technologies, and institutional change are all in harmony and enhance both current and future potential to meet human needs and aspirations. Intergenerational equity and environment are at the core of most of the concepts of sustainability. Naess (1995), Castle (1993), and Kline (1995) all have advocated to limit the use of ~ 30 ~


natural resources in order to minimize environmental impact so that future generation can attain a higher degree of health in a sound environment, well-being, and economic security [14]. Furthermore, most of the concepts of sustainability have greater implication in developed economies [15]. As socio-economic, political and environmental structures of developing economies differ from developed one, sustainability also comprises different connotation for developing countries. In recent efforts scholars and policy makers have incorporated a wider perspective in conceptualizing sustainability, which has justice for both developed and developing countries. In broad terms the concept of sustainable development encompasses an enabling approach rather than solely a path of change. This enabling approach relies on the equity and access to the productive capacity, especially for the poor. In fact, the World Commission‘s Report prioritizes the poor to ensure sustainable development [16]. It is important to note that, since poverty and low level of economic growth are the main problems of developing countries, sustainable development efforts of these countries are primarily concern about sustainable livelihood approach. This approach addresses multidimensional nature of poverty and aims to promote  improved access of the poor to high quality education, information, technologies and training and better nutrition and health (human capital);  a more supportive and cohesive social environment (social capital);  more secure access to, and better management of, natural resources (natural capital);  Better access to basic and facilitating infrastructures (physical capital);  More secure access to financial resources (financial capital); and  policy and institutional environment that supports multiple livelihood strategies(institutional capital); and  equitable access to competitive market for all Achievement of all the abovementioned aims would develop human, social, natural, physical financial and institutional capitals of the mass population of developing counties and thus ensure sustainable development [17]. For the less developed countries in fact, sustainable development should denote the process of improving living condition of the poorer majority of mankind while avoiding the destruction of natural resources, so that increase of production and improvements in living conditions can be sustained in the longer term. Here, the primary goal of sustainable development is to promote the capabilities of people in the present without compromising the capabilities of future generation [18]. By taking regards to the above mentioned concept, this research revolves around the concept of sustainability where sustainability of the benefit induced by the microcredit programs denote the promotion of accessibility and enabling environment for the poor and longevity of the benefits for future generations without causing any adverse effect on mankind and on world‘s total social, economic and environment system. However, this concept has quite resemblance with the sustainable livelihood concept of Chember, Conway and Carney [19]. They mentioned that this is a situation when the livelihood of the poor can cope with and recover from stress and shocks and maintain or enhance capabilities assets both now and in the future, without undermining the natural resource base. Therefore, poor people, and their access to basic services and facilities, resources, infrastructures and institutions that address multidimensional nature of poverty and enabled the poor are the prerequisites components of a microcredit program to induce sustainable benefits (fig.2). DIMENSION OF SUSTAINABILITY Initially the concept of sustainability emerged as a concerning issue of developed countries. Natural resources depletion, massive waste generation and eventually environmental degradation have been the prime problems in almost all developed countries since last century due to their unlimited consumption and luxurious life leading. Therefore, most of the existing and initial studies on sustainability tend to focus on a single perspective, which is environment and ecology [13], [15]. Brundtland Report published in 1987 and later the action program of Earth Summit, 1992, Agenda 21 have encouraged the whole world to incorporate social, economic, and institutional perspectives in every sustainable development exercises. Thereafter, numerous scholars and policy makers have recommended a holistic approach of sustainability efforts [12], [19], [20], [21]. Figure 1 depicts a ~ 31 ~


holistic model of sustainable development showing different dimensions and the existing interlinks among the various dimensions. Social Dimension

Economic Dimension

Sustainable Development

Institutional Dimension

Environmental Dimension

Figure 1. Interdependencies of different dimensions of sustainability Both academicians and decision makers have realized that sustainable development seeks to integrate economic development, social concerns and environmental protection in a mutually reinforcing manner, rather than advancing one at the expense of the other which will lead to ultimate unsustainability of any development efforts in the long run [22]. It has also been advocated that sustainability efforts should incorporate another dimension, which is institutional efficiency, since it is the agreed and applied way of all development policies and strategies [23]. In fact, in every society all the abovementioned dimensions collectively form a comprehensive system through their mutual interaction and interdependencies while each has a certain measure of autonomy too. Therefore, any attempt or aim to avail sustainable development requires embracing every dimensions of sustainability giving appropriate priority to each. . Likewise, poverty alleviation through microcredit programs demands holistic approach addressing social, economic, physical, environmental and institutional aspects of poverty in order to induce sustainable benefits for the poor. CONCEPTUAL MODEL OF MICROCREDITPROGRAM Being one of the least developed countries Bangladesh faces numerous problems simultaneously. Alleviation of pervasive poverty, provision of basic human necessities to all, stabilization of population, stimulation of economic growth, and conservation of natural resources for sustainable development are among the most common problems. But often these problems contradict with each other. Therefore, to achieve overall development in a sustainable manner, comprehensive approach is a foremost requirement. Including poverty alleviation every sector of development should follow such comprehensive approach through addressing every dimension of sustainability. Holistic approach for sustainable poverty alleviation Poverty means not only to a condition of barely sustaining physical needs, but also to a lack of access to goods, services and infrastructure such as energy, education, skill, sanitation, healthcare, communication and shelter [24], [25]. UNDP Poverty Report 2000 emphasizes in attacking ―human poverty‖ than addressing to the ―income poverty‖ only with a view to avail long lasting impacts on poverty alleviation. Asian Development Bank [26] argues that without the access to basic education, primary health care, and other essential services poor will have little opportunity to improve their economic status and to participate fully in society. Therefore, interventions to enhance only income ~ 32 ~


and consumption through microcredit programs would fail to improve the human capital and productive means of the poor on a sustainable basis. Similarly, programs that address only the social and human capital aspects of poverty (e.g. literacy, awareness building, health care services etc.) often prove ineffective in addressing the economic dimension of the problem. Therefore, an effective microcredit program for sustainable poverty alleviation requires a resourceful design and implementation that can confront all dimensions of the poverty problem simultaneously in a specific socio-economic context to ensure sustainability of its impact [27]. Microcredit programs and sustainable benefits for the poor As an attempt to alleviate poverty almost all development organizations have focused on income generating programs through disbursement of microcredit, especially among the poor women. Since after the emergence in 1976 by the experiment of Professor Yonus (founder of Grameen Bank in Bangladesh), microcredit movement has been established as one of the principal tools to fight against the poverty. A number of studies conducted by scholars like [5], [8] and [28] have assessed the impacts of different income generating microcredit programs for the poor. Most of the evaluations found a positive impact on household outcomes in spite of having instances of several negative impacts. But the macro picture on trends in poverty shows that Bangladesh has not yet made noticeable progress in arresting the growth of poverty and still about half of the people live below the poverty line [29]. In fact, the income generating programs failed to empower the poor to impact on the social balance of power [30]. In spite of having evidences of many positive impacts, most of the microcredit programs suffer from numerous institutional and managerial problems. High interest rate, bureaucracy, corruption, mismanagement, lack of appropriate policy, planning and implementation and other institutional weaknesses have prevented to get percolate flow of benefits from the projects and long term continuation of those benefits. Expansion of credit operations with the increase of number of beneficiaries and timely recovery are the routine activities of most of the organizations. The achievement in the case of structural and attitudinal change, capacity building of the poor and human resource development approach is negligible. Therefore, in most cases, external interventions like financial aid or loan have enhanced income and consumption on a temporary basis rather to improve human capital and productive means of the poor on a sustainable basis [27]. It has been noticed in different areas that during the operation period of an income generating project people engage themselves in various types of income earning activities with the help of technical, financial and advisory supports from the project. But after the withdrawal of this support people could no longer be able to continue the activities. Most often it is observed that people enjoy the benefit of the project for a while, but cannot be enabled to continue the benefit for the long term. Most of the projects provide various types of support to facilitate income earning activities of the poor rather than making attempt for social development by enabling the poor, developing their skill, and improving their human capital. In fact with the human capitals like skill, education and good health etc. poor themselves can be able to continue the economic benefits achieved by the projects. Most of the beneficiaries‘ opinions are economic and social development are interactive and therefore be perused simultaneously [6]. Observing this scenario as well as failure of income generating efforts of development organizations it is necessary to reorganize the policy, planning and implementation approaches of microcredit programs. It should be designed and implemented in such a way, which would be able to enable and empower the poor women rather introducing immediate improvement in family outcomes. Instead of increasing the number of beneficiaries and expansion of credit programs emphasis should be given on capacity building, attitudinal change in case of gender relation and social classes, social mobilization and overall empowerment of the poor women. It is obvious that in a sound social environment a well-trained and empowered woman would be able to continue her activity in a productive and profitable manner even after withdrawal of external supports. Thus the income generating efforts of development organizations would sustain for long term and benefits would be carried over into the future generations. Conceptual road map to induce sustainable benefits by microcredit programs [31] and [17] viewed ―sustainable livelihood‖ as those that are economically efficient, ~ 33 ~


ecologically sound, socially equitable and able to cope with and recover from shocks and stress. It is assumed that any program performing or have performed in the abovementioned way will be able to induce sustainable benefits which will be enjoyed not only by the beneficiaries and their families at present time but also would reach to unborn generations. After having analytical exercises on diversified concepts of sustainable development, sustainability of microcredit program (from beneficiaries‘ perspective) can be attributed for this research in the following way. A microcredit program having the potential to induce long lasting benefits i.e. sustainable benefits for future generation of poor is one that  facilitates income generation, not only to meet all basic needs but also for capital accumulation to invest in productive sectors; furthermore, the income is enough to cope with and recover from shocks and stresses;  empowers them, within their community and family;  builds capacity to be self-reliant;  improves access to productive assets, secured shelter, quality education, information and technologies, health and nutrition, clean water and sanitation;  introduces as well as enhances economic activities to produce need oriented non traditional goods/services;  encourages as well as contributes to environmentally sensitive activities. It is obvious that a microcredit program that aims to contribute to all the abovementioned aspects and induce sustainable benefits must require addressing each dimension of sustainability and poverty and thus to ensure both social and economic development of the poor simultaneously. It should comprise the components that can effectively build financial, human, social, natural and institutional capital of the poor. Conceptual frameworks for sustainability of the benefits induced by the microcredit program and the associated issues related with sustainability have been presented in Figure.2 and Figure. 3

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Training & Skill Development

Education & Health services

Need oriented training

Ensure productive use

Ensuring quality

Extension services

Environmental Sensitivity

Timely available, adequate & effective

Long-term effects, emerging issues

Reached to Poor Women Investment & contribute to

Contribute to

Involvement & Continuation of Economic Activities


       



Participation in Household & Community Welfare



Adequate and Nutritious Food for All Access to Consumer Goods Access to Productive Assets Decent and Secured Shelter Adequate, Affordable & Quality Health and Sanitation Better Education Capital Accumulation, Investment, Employment Generation and Further Income Ability to Cope with Shocks and Difficulties

Figure 2. Conceptual Road Map to induce sustainable benefits by microcredit programs ~ 35 ~


Figure 2 demonstrates one of the ways to enhance sustainability of the benefits induced by the microcredit programs aiming for poverty alleviation. This diagram advocates that microcredit programs have to embrace diversified strategies in a packaged form in order to induce long lasting impacts and ensure sustainable poverty alleviation. Following an integrated approach this packaged program should provide diversified services concerning multidimensional nature of poverty. Among various diversified services and efforts coupled with credit, training and skill development, education and health services, awareness building and motivation, and environmental sensitivity have to be emphasized. It is expected that the integrated and comprehensive delivery of all support services would build the human, social, natural, physical and financial capitals of the poor and thus be mutually reinforcing in long lasting poverty alleviation. When all these services will reach to the poor women in a packaged form they will be skilled, empowered and enabled and be able not only to pursue economic activities efficiently but also to contribute to household and community welfare. With all these comprehensive support services a skilled, enabled and empowered woman will enhance food consumption and nutrition, decent and secured shelter, education, health and sanitation, productive assets and capital accumulation, further investment, and income for her family. With the revolving of this process backward and forward linkage of all these positive outcomes will be multiplied with the passing of time and gradually the induced benefits will be stable and last long. Eventually, within such an enabling environment the household will be self-reliant and strong enough to cope with shocks and difficulties and finally will come out of poverty. Figure 2 has shed light to a potential way of effective poverty alleviation and gradually bringing the poor out of poverty. But sometimes there might have numerous socio-economic and institutional factors that would either minimize or restrict the expected outcomes or facilitate the outcomes of the efforts. Therefore, these factors often have considerable role to determine the level of sustainability of the benefits induced by microcredit programs. Credit programs have to conduct SWOT (strength, weakness, opportunities and threats) analysis to point out the probable factors and their role. Accordingly attempts should be taken to neutralize or minimize the role of hostile factors and to maximize the role of amiable factors. The following diagram draws list of several probable factors that may influence different parts of the road map proposed for inducing sustainable benefits by the microcredit programs.

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  


 

Community Environment Political environment Administrative structure & strength Strategies & mechanism Financial Dependency

Poor Women

Involve and Continue Economic Activities

       

Household Management and Community Participation

Return/Income Demand & Competition Marketing & Infrastructure Facilities Extension Services Job satisfaction Employment Generation Family & Social Acceptance Environmental Sensitivity

 

Acceptance & Support from Family Social Acceptance Empowerment (participation in decision making, control over income, access to assets)

Figure 3. Factors on the way of inducing sustainable benefits by microcredit programs Figure 3 is an attempt to identify the most common and general factors that may play vital role in inducing sustainable benefits by the microcredit programs. But it should be noted that these factors vary according to circumstances, areas, programs and target groups. Nevertheless, these should be kept in mind during program preparation and implementation.

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CONCLUSION Irrespective of developed and developing countries everywhere every sector of development is now concerned about the sustainability of their development efforts. Not only at the local level but also United Nations, World Bank, Asian Development Bank and such other development organizations have given serious attention toward sustainability issue since 1987 after publication of Brundtland Commission Report, `` Our Common Future``. Therefore, Bangladesh should no longer be inactive at the issue of sustainability. Sustainability concept should be blended in every step to have a sound and prosperous future. Bangladesh is a country of huge population, scarce resources and pervasive poverty. This huge population can be turned into the most productive and valuable resources through efficient and effective planning and implementation of human resources development programs. Eventually they can participate to achieve a strong economic base. Poverty alleviation efforts should welcome the concept of sustainable development and follow the integrated approach of poverty alleviation. Rather giving focus to the income poverty only ignoring human poverty the microcredit programs of both Government and Non-Government Organizations should be aware about the sustainable potentiality of every program before its planning and implementation. Further, the potentiality of microcredit programs in inducing sustainable benefits could be varied due to the interplay of different socio-cultural, economic, environmental, institutional and spatial factors. Both formulation and implementation stages of projects attention should be paid on these critical issues. Instead of the provision of basic needs and services as an attempt of poverty alleviation enabling the human capacity should gain attention by the development organizations. New paradigm of development emphasizes not only to enable all individuals to enlarge their human capabilities to the full in every sector of development; but also to preserve the benefit of development for unborn generations. This study is an attempt to incorporate this new paradigm into the development efforts of GO and NGOs, which would induce long lasting benefits for the poor and thus poverty would be alleviated in a sustainable manner. ACKNOWLEDGMENT Financial support from Japan Government in the form of Monbukagakusho Scholarship is greatly appreciated. Further, Prof. Dr. Onishi Takashi, Prof. Dr. Tetsuo Kidokoro and Prof. Dr. Peter J. Marcotullio of University of Tokyo are highly acknowledged for extending their guidance and support to conduct this research. References [1] Newman, Peter and Kenworthy, Jeffery, 1999, Sustainability and Cities, Overcoming Automobile Dependence, Island Press, Washington D.C. [2] Ravnborg, Munk, Helle, 2003, ―Poverty and Environmental Degradation in Nicaraguan Hillsides‖, World Development, (Vol. 31), Issue 11, November 2003, Elsevier Ltd. [3] Singh, Naresh C. and Strickland, Richard S., 1994, Sustainability, Poverty and Policy Adjustment: From Legacy to Vision, published by International Institute of Sustainable Development, Canada. [4] World Commission on Environment and Development (WECD), 1987, Our Common Future, Oxford University Press, New York. [5] Llanto M. Gilberto and Fukui Ryu, 2006, Innovation in Microfinance in Southeast Asia, Philippine Institute for Development Studies, Research Paper, Series No. 2006-02, Makati City, Philippine [6] Ahmed, Salehuddin, 2009, Microfinance Institutions in Bangladesh: achievements and challenges, Managerial Finance, (Vol.35), No. 12, Emerald Group Publishing Limited, DOI 10.1108/03074350911000052, pp. 1007-1008 [7] Wright, Graham A N, 2000, Microfinance Systems – Designing Quality Financial Services for the Poor, The University Press Limited, Dhaka, Bangladesh [8] Khandker, Shahidur R., 1998, Fighting Poverty with Microcredit, experience in Bangladesh, Published for the World Bank, Oxford University Press, New York [9] Asian Development Bank (ADB), 2000, Finance for the Poor: Microfinance Development Strategy, Published by ADB, Manila. ~ 38 ~


[10] Parvin, Gulsan Ara, Marcotullio, Peter, J. and Haq, Muhammed, Emranul, ―Micro-credit: Extent of Utilization, Dependency and Indebtedness of the Poor‖, presented at The Bangladesh in the 21st Century Conference at Harvard University, Boston, Massachusetts, USA, June 13-14, 2008 [11] Fujita,Koichi, 2010, Re-thinking Economic Development- The Green Revolution, Agrarian structure and Transformation in Bangladesh, Kyoto University Press and Trans Pacific Press, Japan [12] Bossel, Hortmut, 1999, Indicator for Sustainable Development: Theory, Method, Applications, A report to the Balaton Group, Published by the International Institute for Sustainable Development, Canada [13] Rajyalakshmi, V., 2004, Environment and Sustainable Development, A. P. H. Publishing Corporation, New Dilhi [14] Bridger, Jeffrey C. and Luloff, A.E., 199), ―Towards an international approach to sustainable community development‖, Journal of Rural Studies, (Vol. 15), Issue 4, published by Pergamon Press, Oxford , New York. [15] Wang, Y. K., Palanivel, T., and Cooray, N. S., 1997, ―Sustainable Development Framework for Developing Countries‖ United Nations University‘s Program on Development/Environment, Japan [16] Pearce, David and Atkinson, Giles, 1998, The Concept of Sustainable Development: AN Evaluation of Its Usefulness Then Years After Brundtland, Publised by Centre for Social and Economic Research on the Global Environment, University of East Angila, Uk [17] DFID, 2001, Sustainable Livelihood Guidance Sheets, Department for International Development, London [18] Sen, Amartya, 2000, ‗Ends and Means of Sustainability‘, Key Note Addressed at the International Conference on ―Transition to Sustainability‖ in Tokyo. [19] Moser, Caroline and Norton, Andy, 2001, to Claim our Rights: livelihood security, human rights and sustainable development, Overseas Development Institute, London, UK [20] UCN-World Conservation Union, 1993, Guide to Preparing and Implementing National Sustainable Development Strategies and Other Multi-sectoral Environment and development Strategies, prepared by the UCN‘s Commission on Environmental Strategies Working Group on Strategies for Sustainability. [21] Smith, David, Drakakis, 1995, ―Third World Cities: Sustainable Urban Development, I‖, Urban Studies, (Vol. 32), No. 4-5, Carfax Publishing Company, UK [22] Miller, Donald, 2001, ―Developing and Employing Sustainability Indicators as a Principal Strategy in Planning: Experiences in the Puget Sound Urban Region of Washington State‖, Paper presented in the International Workshop on New Approaches to Land Management for Sustainable Urban Regions, held in Tokyo. [23] UK Govt., 2000, Sustainable Development Research: Gaps and Opportunities, Department of the Environment, Transport and Regions, UK [24] UNDP, 2000, UNDP Poverty Report 2000, United Nations Development Program [25] IMF, 2005, Bangladesh Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, IMF Country Report No 05/410, Published by International Monetary Fund [26] ADB, 1999, Fighting Poverty in Asia and The Pacific: The Poverty reduction Strategy, ADB, Manila. [27] Kahandker, R.S., Khan, Z. and Khalily, B., 1995, Sustainability of Government Targeted Credit program Evidence From Bangladesh, World Bank Discussion Papers, The World Bank, Washington, D.C. [28] Hashemi, Syed M, and Lamiya Morshed, 2001, ―Grameen Bank: A Case Study‖, in Wood and Sharif (eds.) Who Needs Credit? - Poverty and Finance in Bangladesh, The University Press Limited, Dhaka, Bangladesh [29] World Bank, 2002, Poverty in Bangladesh: Building on Progress, Report No. 24299-BD, Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Sector Unit, South Asia Region, World Bank, [30] Sobhan Rehman, 1998, How Bad Governance Impedes Poverty Alleviation in Bangladesh, Development Center Technical Papers No. 143, Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), France. ~ 39 ~


[31] UNDP, 1999, Global Program on Sustainable Livelihood, Published by Sustainable Livelihood Unit, UNDP

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Yusuke Toyoda1* and Hidehiko Kanegae2 Graduate School of Policy Science, Ritsumeikan University 2 College of Policy Science, Ritsumeikan University *Corresponding author: [email protected]

ABSTRACT This study shows effects of participatory map making to community-based Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR). The study first introduces its effects to participants indicated in previous studies: raising awareness of dangers, improving capability to prevent or mitigate injuries from the dangers, promoting communications among participants and generating attachment to communities. Next, the study shows that map making participated by residents and facilitated by the authors had the same effects as the previous studies indicate. Then the study shows how distributing the map affects to non-participants and willingness to participate of the participants and non-participants with focus on the four effects introduced above, which had not been discussed in previous studies, contributing to the further community-based DRR activities. Keywords: Map Making, Community, Disaster Risk Reduction, Participation, Evaluation INTRODUCTION Participatory map making is one of the crucial activities to disaster risk reduction (DRR) (disaster risk is determined based on the function of natural hazard, exposure and vulnerability [1]). It is conducted not only with residents‘ active participation but also with students as a disaster education method. Through map making, participants know well more about their communities, such as vulnerability to and advantages against natural phenomena, and move them forward to further activities needed for DRR. Previous studies found out some effects of map making to participants. As map making reveals vulnerabilities and advantages of communities, residents who do not participate in map making also can get benefits from receiving the map. They are also beneficiaries of map making. And it is recommended to make the map in the early stage of community DRR to let residents know strong points and weak points of their communities in terms of natural hazards before tackling with community-based DRR [2]. However, there is no study tackling with its effects to such the beneficiaries and to the further activities. This study, first, summarizes effects of map making to participants in previous studies, introduces steps of map making held in one community in Kyoto, and then identifies its effects not only to participants but also to non-participants and the further activities with focus on their willingness to participation. MAIN FOUR EFFECTS OF MAP MAKING TO PARTICIPANTS IN PREVIOUS STUDIES Map making, or sometimes referred to as town watching, can include a variety of maps such as crime map, vulnerability map, evacuation map and so on. Even though map making activities have many purposes and methods according to reasons to make maps, some common effects can be identified in previous studies. This section summarizes effects of map making to participants from studies on map making of crime and any kinds of disaster such as natural disaster risk and traffic accident. Komiya [3] [4], talking about map making for crime prevention for kids, recommends to make safety maps to make residents have awareness of and capability to prevent crimes, raise concern of kids about their communities through exploring their communities and discover a various things in the communities, and promotes communication. Hira [5] explored effects of map making for crime

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prevention to elementary school students and finds that map making raise capacity of the students to prevent crimes, improve capacity of communication, generate attachment to community and prevent their delinquencies. Hamamoto et al. [6] conducted the same map making as Hira and evaluated effects of map making to elementary school students three days and twenty-eight days after the map making. They found that map making had long term effect on capacity to prevent crimes, but short term effects on communication and attachment to the community. And they could not find the effect to prevent their delinquencies. Muranaka et al. [7] evaluated map making against any kinds of danger with target of elementary school students and their parents or teachers, held every year in the form of competition. According to questionnaires answered by parents or teachers, map making could raise awareness of elementary school students as well as the parents and teachers of the safety in their community and their behavior to mitigate injuries. Hanaoka et al. [8] also evaluate the same map making competition next year after Muranaka et al., and also found that map making could raise awareness of elementary school students as well as the parents and teachers of the safety in their community. And the map making raised their understanding of their communities. Moreover, map making promoted information exchange between students and parents or teachers, or communication. According to the previous studies, map making affects participants in ways of raising awareness of dangers; improving capability to prevent or mitigate injuries from the dangers; promoting communications among participants, and; generate attachment to communities through getting more understanding of their communities. EFFECTS OF MAP MAKING TO COMMUNITY-BASED DISASTER RISK REDUCTION A Hypothetical Model for Map Making and Residents’ Participation Taking the four elements mentioned above, this study explores effects to non-participants (beneficiaries) and effects to the further activities with focus on residents‘ participation as a contributor to promoting the further activities in terms of DRR. From the previous studies, communication and attachment to communities would promote residents‘ participation, such as [9] [10]. Therefore, this study develops a hypothetical model to clearly identify effects of map making against disasters to non-participants and to the further activities (figure 1). In this model, map making hypothetically raises the four elements of non-participants and each of elements hypothetically promotes residents‘ participation, contributing to the further activities. Participant Social Capital

Place Attachment

(Communication to DRR)

Behavior (Self-help for DRR)

Awareness of DRR

Non-participant Social Capital

Place Attachment

(Communication to DRR)

Motivation to

Motivation to



Behavior (Self-help for DRR)



of DRR

Products (map)

Figure 1. Hypothetical Framework Steps for Map Making Map making in the case community started by demand from the leader of Jisyubosaikai (Voluntary Community-based Disaster Mitigation Organization) of the case community and support from our research center. The case community is located next to the University which is ‗Wider Area Evacuation Site (Koiki Hinan Basho).‘ After six-month discussion and a questionnaire survey (pre-survey) asking residents‘ opinions on map making and disaster especially earthquake, the items below were decided what to be put on the map:

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1. Possible Temporary Evacuation Sites of each district (the case community has three districts); 2. Evacuation Routes from the Temporary Evacuation Sites to the Wider Area Evacuation Site, and; 3. Other relevant information which would be helpful to disaster mitigation, such as on which fire extinguishers are located and so on. In this case study, map making was implemented with a series of activities from exploring around residents‘ own districts to get familiar with their districts, deciding on places to evacuate first (Temporary Evacuation Site) and finding safe routes to move from the sites to ‗Wider Area Evacuation Site‘ avoiding dangerous spots which participants found in exploring. After exploring, they discussed each district and made their own map of each district by their drawing. After making draft maps, university researchers combined them into one map, arranged it in a digital file and gave it to the leader of Jisyubosaikai. Then, the leader distributed the map to all of residents (beneficiaries). Effects of Map Making to Participants in the Case Study Common to Previous Studies A questionnaire survey conducted just after the participants completed to make the maps shows the same effects as indicated by previous studies (behavior change against disaster cannot be evacuated for the survey conducted just after making the map) (figure 2). Awareness of DRR I think safe places and unsafe places in my community revealed (through map making); I had misunderstood the places of the Wider Area Evacuation Site; I found that we do not have enough fire extinguishers in my community I could check where fire extinguishers, fire buckets and fire hydrants are located in my community, etc.

I could get familiar with other participants who I had not known ever; It was good that I could talk with others, etc.

I could share information of my community.

Understanding of Community

Communication Others

I found the situation of my community, etc.

We could cooperate one another; We got deeper relationships among one another, etc.

Figure 2. Effects of map making to the participants Effects of Map Making to Non-participants and to the Further Activities Based on the hypothetical model mentioned above and the pre-survey and a post-survey conducted before and after making maps and distributing the map to all of residents (beneficiaries), this study finds effects not only to participants but also to non-participants and the further activities. References [1] UNISDR (United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction), 2011, Global assessment report on disaster risk reduction, UNISDR, Geneva. [2] Architectural Institute of Japan, 2005, Machizukuri with Safety, Maruzen Publishing, Tokyo. [3] N. Komiya, 2005, Crime happens „at this place‟ Kobunsha, Tokyo. [4] N. Komiya, 2006, Theory and Practice of Machizukuri strong against crime: A correct way to make local safety map, Imagine Press, Tokyo.. [5] S. Hira, 2007, A Preliminary Analysis of Effects of Local Safety Mapping Activity, Bulletin of Mental Health Consultation Room of Fukuyama University, (1) 35-42. [6] Y. Hamamoto and S. Hira, 2008, A preliminary Analysis of Effects of Local Safety Mapping Activity by Elementary School Children with the Aid of University Students, Bulletin of Mental Health Consultation Room of Fukuyama University, (2) 35-42. [7] A. Muranaka, S. Otsuki and A. Yoshikoshi, 2010, Achievements and challenges of the second contest for local safety map for elementary school students, Historical Disaster Studies in Kyoto, (9) 21-26.

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[8] K. Hanaoka, A. Muranaka and A. Yoshikoshi, 2010, Achievements and challenges of the second contest for local safety map made in summer vacation, Historical Disaster Studies in Kyoto, (10) 37-41. [9] C. Grootaert, C. Narayan, V. N. Jones and M. Woolcock, 2003, Measuring Social Capital: An Integrated Questionnaire. The World Bank, Washington, DC. [10] M. Lewicka, 2005, Ways to make people active: The role of place attachment, cultural capital, and neighborhood ties, Journal of Environmental Psychology (25) 381-395.

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ENVIRONMENTAL POLLUTION AND INFORMATION DISCLOSURE IN THE PHILIPPINES: POTENTIALS AND CHALLENGES Ria Adoracion A. Lambino Graduate School of Global Environmental Studies, Kyoto University *Corresponding author: [email protected] Abstract In search of solutions to curbing industrial pollution, governments are trying to go beyond traditional regulatory and market-based instruments and turning to innovative policies such as disclosing information about company‘s environmental performance in the hope of generating additional public reputational sanctions. Disclosure is also expected to transform roles of regulators as facilitators in stakeholder empowerment. This paper makes use of case studies in the Philippines to argue that governmental regulations remain as the primary drivers for environmental compliance and that direct pressure from the public cannot be expected when conditions such as green consumerism and high regard for the environment are not present. This paper furthermore clarifies the potentials of information disclosure policies as a complement to regulation well as the challenges in their institutionalization and sustainability. Keywords: information disclosure, environmental performance, regulation, environmental policy INTRODUCTION Despite the increasingly urgent calls for sustainable development, production processes are still far from sustainable especially in developing countries. The challenge of limiting and minimizing industrial waste and pollution emissions in these countries are incumbent on government agencies that are often characterized with weak regulatory capacities, lack of budget and technical capabilities. Alternate strategies such as information disclosure are hoped to overcome these deficiencies in order to address these environmental issues. Disclosure is premised on the concept that information when made available to the public serves as a pressure for the disclosed entity to change behavior for the better. Listings of companies and the toxic substances they released as published through programs such as Toxics Release Inventories (US) and Pollutant Release and Transfer Registers (in countries like Japan, Canada, Australia, EU), have led to subsequent reductions in company emissions. These innovative policies are spurred by today‘s information age as well as globalization and democratization processes. Their increasing use and popularity in pollution control merit closer study especially for the case of developing nations. BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES In the mid-1990s, with the help of World Bank, developing countries developed information strategies in the form of disclosure of environmental performance ratings of companies. Multiple benefits such as empowerment of stakeholders, improved environmental compliance and the promise of low cost of implementation have attracted government agencies to adopt these disclosure programs. While some country-specific researches in China, Indonesia and India have attested to the effectiveness of disclosure strategies [1] [2] [3], more recent papers have since watered down some of these earlier expectations--public pressure may not be strong enough [4]; net effectiveness of the strategies are being questioned [5] and long-term effects have yet to be observed [6]. This paper attempts to build up on this literature by providing additional critique and insight through the analysis of environmental performance rating and disclosure programs in the Philippines. The paper will attempt to clarify under what conditions the potentials of disclosure strategies can be generated and if the purported benefits are real or overrated. The challenges in implementation as well as sustainability of the programs will also be defined using the case studies of the national program, Industrial Ecowatch and Public Disclosure Program in Laguna de Bay Region, Philippines.

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METHODOLOGY AND ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK A comprehensive literature review of disclosure programs implemented especially in developing countries provides background and deeper understanding of how these programs work and some of the conditions for successful implementation. This article essentially makes use of a comparative analysis of the Ecowatch and Public Disclosure Program (PDP) using coherence framework [7] in generating insights into the benefits, potentials and the challenges that underlie sustainability of the programs. A critical program evaluation of the PDP in Laguna de Bay using program logic and implementation theory framework [8] generated a deeper understanding of the inner workings of the program, its underlying assumptions and the mechanisms by which it works. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Ecowatch and Laguna de Bay Region Public Disclosure Program are almost identical in design and intent differing only in scope, location of application and implementation. The programs basically undertake a color-coded rating scheme that identifies the environmental performance of businesses registered with the agency that is then subsequently disclosed to the general public through mass media. Positively-rated companies (compliant to environmental standards) are honored while negatively-rated companies (non-compliant to environmental standards) are shamed. The two programs have reported improvement in environmental behavior of companies after disclosure especially of noncompliant firms. Anecdotal evidence suggests that companies that were shamed tend to improve their behavior and those that were honored maintained their status or were inspired to do better. The critical program evaluation provided initial evidence that the pressure from the public in the Philippines is not as strong as had been expected. There was minimal response to news articles regarding the environmental performance of companies revealed through the programs. Consumers, communities and NGOs were not motivated enough to respond to the disclosed information. While this could be due to poor dissemination of information, it seemed that consumers, clients and markets in the Philippines do not care about the environmental performance of companies they patronize. Green consumerism provides the impetus for direct pressure from the public but when this is lacking, disclosure programs fail to activate this mechanism. The research finds that the regulatory incentives and sanctions offered by the disclosure program may be the stronger driver for companies to improve compliance. Other mechanisms such as enhanced regulatory threats on top of disclosure and pressure from industry peers and associations may be more effective in getting businesses to improve their environmental performance. The potential of information programs may also lie not in focusing on disclosure mechanisms per se but in maximizing the use of the rating systems. The rating process provides an opportunity to strategize monitoring and enforcement activities leading to administrative efficiency. Rating results also help promote the company management‘s internal awareness and can lead them to voluntarily reduce their pollution. Furthermore, despite institutionalization of the program at the national level through administrative policies, Ecowatch failed to function properly beyond its pilot phase—this has been attributed to the inability of higher officials to approve disclosure of negative ratings of well-known businesses. The PDP in Laguna de Bay on the other hand though hampered by a number of monitoring inadequacies, weak information flows and limited dissemination routes have successfully completed 5 disclosure cycles. Coherence framework analysis revealed firstly that localized, spatial management work better for disclosure programs. Ecowatch suffered due to the centralized and extremely bureaucratic implementing agency whose final action was dependent on the whims of politically appointed officials who were anxious not to offend businesses. Secondly, the strong monitoring regime and institutional capacity exhibited by Laguna Lake Development Authority enabled credible disclosures whereas the weak enforcement regime undermined implementation of Ecowatch. Lastly, while both programs initially received external funding for the pilot phase, LLDA had buy-in and continued support for the program whereas Ecowatch floundered when its program champions were lost. These factors are important realizations for disclosure programs to be functional and sustainable.

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CONCLUSION A variety of disclosure programs currently exist all over the world and are being replicated. The potentials for these strategies to be effective in enhancing regulatory processes especially in countries like the Philippines exist, although it is largely dependent on the degree of understanding of the actual mechanisms that will make the program work, as well as careful considerations of design and implementation. Policy and program implementers need to be able to figure out ways in which to rework the design and operations of the program so as to fit the context in which it is being applied, and if enabling factors such as institutional commitment and capacity are present, then disclosure strategies can serve as a good complement to a mix of policies for environmental governance. Innovative policies like disclosure are a step towards stakeholder empowerment but until such conditions as prevalence of green consumerism, high regard for environment and a pro-active and less dependent community are present, the Philippines and other developing countries would still be very much reliant on governmental regulations as a means to control pollution. References [1] H. Wang, J. Bi, D. Wheeler, J. Wang, D. Cao, G. Lu, Y. Wang, 2004. Environmental Performance Rating and Disclosure: China‘s Green-Watch Program. Journal of Environmental Management, 71(2), 123-133. [2] S. Dasgputa, D. Wheeler, H. Wang, 2007. Disclosure strategies for pollution control. International yearbook of environmental and resource economics 2006/2007. A survey of current issues, ed. T. Teitenberg and H. Folmer, 93-119. Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar. [3] N. Powers, A. Blackman, T. Lyon, & U. Narain, 2008, October. Does Disclosure Reduce Pollution? Evidence from India‟s Green Rating Project. Resources for the Future. Environment and Development. Discussion Paper Series. Retrieved from [4] A. Blackman, S. Afsah, & D. Ratunada, 2004. How do Public Disclosure Pollution Control Programs Work? Evidence from Indonesia. Human Ecology Review, 11(3). [5] B. Van Rooij, 2010. Greening Industry Without Enforcement? An Assessment of the World Bank‘s Pollution Regulation model for Developing Countries. Law & Policy. 32(1). [6] T. Bruijn, V. Norberg-Bohm, 2001. Voluntary, Collaborative, and Information-Based Policies: Lessons and Next Steps for Environmental and Energy Policy in the United States and Europe. Energy Technology Innovation Project, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and Regulatory Policy Program, Center for Business and Government, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. [7] R. Lejano, 2006. Frameworks for Policy Analysis: Merging Text and Context. Routledge, New York. [8] C. Weiss, 1998. Evaluation: Methods for Studying Programs & Policies 2nd edition. Prentice Hall. Upper Saddle River, NJ.

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POSSIBILITIES AND LIMITATIONS IN BUILDING INNOVATIVE COOPERATION BETWEEN COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT: A CASE STUDY OF CHONAIKAI (NEIGHBORHOOD ASSOCIATION) IN JAPAN Puntita Tanwattana1* and Hiroshi Murayama2 1 Doctoral Student of Graduate School of Policy Science, Ritsumeikan University 2 Professor of Graduate School of Policy Science, Ritsumeikan University *Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT Community organizations in Japan are recognized as a neighborhood association (or Chonaikai in Japanese). Chonaikai are certain form of civil society organization omnipresent throughout the country. These widespread local civil society organizations have strong roles in the promotion of social capital, despite the fact that it is not legally founded. Neighborhood associations in Japan are ‗ambiguous associations,‘ or ‗state-society straddler organization‘. In other words, neighborhood associations are not considered as a part of the state even though they are linked to the state. The purpose of this paper is to clarify roles and relationships between community organization and local government in cooperating projects and to synthesize possibilities and limitations in cooperating projects through the case studies of Kameoka City and Kusatsu city. Finally, this paper will conclude an innovative cooperation based on specific roles performed by chonaikai. Keywords: Community organization, neighborhood association, chonaikai, civil society, local government and innovative cooperation INTRODUCTION The definition of community organization here refers to an independent and self-governing organization -- which is, in other words, a collective group of residents or civil society that are autonomous from the government [1]. Civil society paradigm somehow dominates current discussions regarding citizen associations in the terms of politics. This study, however, excludes those political issues but focuses mainly on roles and cooperation between community organization and local government. The roles of chonaikai in Japanese society can be divided into two roles: (1) an official role as a linkage between local government in terms of information disclosure, budget management, sport activities, activities of elderly people, etc. and (2) an additional role through local initiatives such as festival, event, visioning, planning, etc. Regarding so-called official role, each chonaikai has a responsibility and is obliged to be a mediator between residents and local government. However, not every chonaikai will succeed in its additional role, which significantly depends on the leaders. Still, most of active chonaikai are able to play both roles while cooperating with local government and other sectors. However, chonaikai have limited ability to contribute to policy debates through advocacy [2]. It is interesting to clarify how chonaikai can effectively manage the two different types of roles (official and additional roles) and how chonaikai can cooperate with local government innovatively. This study discusses an important role of neighborhood association in cooperation with public administration and highlights the relationship between the roles of chonaikai and the roles of public administration. Therefore, possibilities and limitations will be found, according to cooperation in implementing projects. CASE STUDY This research conducts two case studies: Kameoka city and Kusatsu city. Both cities have different characteristics of chonaikai according to the context of the cities itself. Kameoka City is located in Kyoto Prefecture, Japan. In March 2008, Kameoka became the

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first member of the International Safe Community network in Japan. Kameoka is also the first city designated as a ―Safe Community‖ by the World Health Organization (WHO) and Collaborating Center on Community Safety Promotion in Sweden. The city has continued to gradually develop various programs to further the promotion of ―safety and security‖ at community level. One of Safe Community programs is ‗Ai-Ai Network‘, which is established based on local realities. This is a program developed since 2009 in Shino-Chonaikai, a pilot neighborhood area of Safe-Community promotion. The purpose of this program is to ensure safety and secure the well-being of senior local residents [3]. The characteristics of Shino-chonaikai are self-operation and to act as a linkage with local government. They have strong leader, clear vision, good relationship with the residents and strong bond with local government and other associations and especially; they have their own fund. Since 2004, the starting point of Shino-chonaikai was the leader‘s initiative in the evaluation of current management style. Consequently, Shino-chonaikai had changed the way of management from traditional way and to go beyond an ordinary chonaikai. They started to change policy initiatives and plan formulation by taking additional role of chonaikai out of official role related to local government. The reason why Shino-chonaikai was able to successfully change the style of management system and to play its additional roles effectively was because of the strong supports from Kameoka City Government. If Kameoka city government still pursues its traditional government-oriented bureaucracy, it will surely affect the cooperation with Shino-chonaikai and obstruct the association‘s additional roles. Currently Shino-chonaikai is very active in both official and additional roles. However, there are some limitations based on the interviews with the leader and former leader of Shino-chonaikai [4]. Those limitations of chonaikai indicate the significance of management system such as the lack of participation of the young generation, a small number of executive members participating in the process of decision-making, planning and visioning. Actually, both chonaikai and public administration have limitations to run a project without cooperation. Referring to an interview with one Kameoka city government officer [5], the relationship between chonaikai and local government still needs to be clarified and there are some difficulties in planning and decision-making process. Generally, an unequal cooperation among community organization and public administration is a current trend of civil society studies. The leader of Shino-chonaikai also agrees with the idea; Shino-chonaikai‘s ultimate goal is to become an equal partner with local government. This implies that the present situation is unequal and obviously, Kameoka City plays a more important roles comparing to chonaikai in cooperating projects. The relationship between chonaikai and Kameoka City is that public administration will lead chonaikai in project initiation, budgetary support, fundamental facilitation, etc. Recently, cooperation between chonaikai and Kameoka City is growing rapidly because chonaikai is getting stronger and becomes more self-reliance while Kameoka City government changes attitudes towards cooperation with chonaikai instead of providing and facilitating as traditionally done. It is a typical case of the relationship between public administration and community organization that can lead to the possibility of equal cooperation between community organization and local government. Nevertheless, some limitations are also founded in this pilot neighborhood association according to cooperation with Kameoka city government. Since 2004, Shino-chonaikai has started to make plans, even if, the main role of planning still belongs to the local government planning sector. It leads to a question that once each chonaikai can make a plan, what kind of roles will remain for Kameoka City government. This seems that the additional role of chonaikai: planning and decision-making are overlapping with the main role of city government. Therefore, this difficulty needs to distinguish – to what extent chonaikai can contribute itself and what is the appropriate role of chonaikai in relation to the city government. It bases on chonaikai internal management system to clarify this crucial question. One the other hand, the case study of Kusatsu city shows a different point of view reflecting a lesser participation of chonaikai, especially, their official role as information dissemination [6]. The reasons why chonaikai in Kusatsu city hardly participate and cooperate with Kusatsu City government are; (1) Traditional chonaikai in Kusatsu city are decreasing because of new comers according to high growth of industrialization in Kusatsu city. (2) There is no actual feedback from chonaikai as one reason is due to the representative of chonaikai itself. (3) There is no obligation to join or make

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chonaikai because chonaikai has no legal based, so new comers participate less in chonaikai. In this situation, the problem is that it is not necessary to deliver official information. At present, 90% of organizations of chonaikai have been decreasing. Moreover, chonaikai are seen as ‗closed society‘ and ‗limited theme oriented‘ from viewpoint of government officer [7]. Therefore, the direction of Kusatsu city government are not mainly focused on chonaikai but attempt to establish new frontier organization as a ‗New NPOs‘ which has broader theme and with more flexibility. However, there are some alternatives for chonaikai in Kusatsu city to be an intermediate organization or intervening organization among different sector, according to their strengthening characters of area-based organization. It leads to possibilities and also limitations at the same time, according to the management system inside chonaikai itself to clarify all crucial points as mentioned. Consequently, Kusatsu city attempts to enact the ‗Self-government fundamental ordinance‘ (or Jichitai kihon Jorei in Japanese) that mainly focuses on the role of citizen-based cooperation with other sectors. This ordinance is seen as a constitution of local government. According to this ordinance of Kusatsu City, (now, on the proceeding to enact) there will be another possibility of chonaikai in the new direction of cooperation with local government. The situations of Kameoka city and Kusatsu city case studies reflect different contexts and characteristics of chonaikai in Japan. Chonaikai represent a ‗fundamental cultural form of Japanese community‘, but with its ambiguous role in Japanese society. This study argues that chonaikai‘s roles are needed to specify; based on current situation, possibilities and limitations of each context of chonaikai. Local government also needs to understand and re-recognizes the role of chonaikai in relation to their affairs. Therefore, in order to build an innovative cooperation between community organization and local government; these two sectors should concern each other role and relationship. Especially in project implementation, an innovative cooperation will come from the understanding of each other‘s roles. References [1] Pekkanen R., (2009), ―Japan‘s neighborhood associations: Membership without advocacy‖, in Benjamin L. read and Robert Pekkanen, ―Local Organizations and Urban Governance in East and Southeast Asia – Straddling state and society‖, Routledge, 2009 [2] Kuninori Inouchi, Ex-President of the Shino-Cho Neighborhood Association, June 6, 2011 [3] Application to the World Health Organization, Collaboration Center on Community Safety Promotion for the designation of Kameoka, Kyoto, Japan, 2007 [4] Yoshiaki Makino, President of the Shino-Cho Neighborhood Association, June 6, 2011 [5] Hidekado Tanaka, Assistant manager Planning Section, Department of Planning Kameoka City, June 6, 2011 [6] Kimura Hiroshii, Group leader and Secretary of Local Collaboration Group, Section of Machizukuri Collaboration, Department of Machizukuri Collaboration, Kusatsu City Government, June 1, 2011 [7] Soul Yoshihiro, Group leader and Deputy Secretary of Civic Activity Promotion Group, Section of Machizukuri Collaboration, Department of Machizukuri Collaboration, Kusatsu City Government, June 1, 2011

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DONORS, GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN DEMOCRATIZATION: AN ANALYSIS OF THE US DEMOCRACY ASSISTANCE TO INDONESIA Asra Virgianita Graduate School of International Studies, Meiji Gakuin University Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences University of Indonesia *Corresponding author: [email protected]/[email protected] ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the United States (US) democracy assistance to Indonesia by addressing two questions. First, how has the US designed/formulated its democracy aid to Indonesia? Second, what are the characteristics of the US democracy aid in supporting democratization in Indonesia? This study found that the US has been formulated its democracy aid to Indonesia ambitiously by designing their aid focused on political approach. Although after 2000 year the US government has formulated their democracy aid program broader than before, political line was still dominated the US aid approach. Moreover, the US aid to Indonesia targeted more on collaborating with civil society rather than government.

Keywords: democratization, democracy aid, civil society INTRODUCTION Democracy assistance is one of the international factors playing a role in democratization. Many scholars have argued that besides political conditionality, international factors have played a role by providing the ideas and models of democracy, which are gradually internalized by domestic actors and induce a process of converging perceptions and general acceptance of codes and rules of political competition [1]. This paper will examine the implementation of democracy assistance to Indonesia as a fledgling democratic country focused on the US supports. This paper will analyze the US democracy assistance to Indonesia by addressing two questions. First, how has the US designed/formulated its democracy aid to Indonesia? Second, what are the characteristics of the US democracy aid in supporting democratization in Indonesia? DEMOCRACY ASSISTANCES: DEFINITIONS AND SCOPES Democracy assistance is defined as the support (as funds or technical assistance) for efforts, which have the intention of bringing democratic structure to the developing world [2]. Democracy aid is the most common and significant tool for promoting democracy. Quigley describes democracy assistance as a variety of programs initiated by the international community to strengthen democratic institutions and processes in less developed and other countries, which involves different issues such as political participation, governance and human rights [3]. Knack notes that aid potentially can contribute to democratization in several ways [4]: 1) through technical assistance focusing on electoral processes, the strengthening of legislatures and judiciaries‘ checks on executive power, and the promotion of civil organizations, including a free press; 2) through conditionality; 3) improving education and increasing per capita incomes, which he pointed out were conducive to democratization. Schoofs and Zeeuw also explained that democracy assistance has proven to be instrumental in the organization and legitimating of elections, raising awareness of and monitoring human rights issues, and stimulating a more professional media sector. They categorizes the international support on three sectors; elections, human rights and media sectors. They found that most support has been awarded to elections, human rights came secondly and significantly less attention was given to the media sectors [5]. Referring to Carothers‘s work which considering four dimensions i.e. value and concept of democracy, concept of democratization and method of supporting democracy, there are two distinct

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overall approaches to assisting democracy; namely the political approach and the developmental approach., A political approach believe that the advance democracy is necessary for social and economic development, while developmental approach stressed that basic feature of democratic governance contributes more equitable to socioeconomic development. In addition, political approach stressed the importance of political and civil rights, while developmental approach tends to see economic and social rights as being no less important than political and civil rights. Moreover, for political approach, democratization is seen as a process of political struggle, in the other hand, developmental approach believe that it is better to achieve a certain basic level of socio economic development (effective state and the rule of law) before proceeding with democratization. Thus, related to method of supporting democratization, political approach stressed direct and indirect method with focused on non political actors and key institutions such as media, while developmental approach stresses the importance of partnership with host government and focused on indirect method. As a result, he classified the US democracy aid policy as part of political approach, while the EU aid policy as part of developmental approaches [6]. In case of Indonesia, democracy assistance has been allocated more on supporting democratic elections. Election under Soeharto has been designed as a tool for him to have a legitimate power. Therefore, democratic election is seen as necessary conditions for political reform in Indonesia. There was a great support from donor countries for the 1999 transitional election. Almost sixty million dollars fund has been provided by donor countries including Japan, the US and the EU, to support the first Indonesia democratic election in reform period. DISTRIBUTION OF THE US DEMOCRACY ASSISTANCE IN THE WORLD After the end of the Cold War, the containment strategy as part of the cold war strategy was replaced by the strategy of democratic enlargement. Promoting democracy has been the most important element of America‘s global strategy until now. Azpuruh‘s works on ―the US Democracy Assistance 1990-2005‖ [7] shows that since 1990-1997, the bulk of the US democracy assistance has been allocated for Latin America and Africa. Following that period, Europe, Eurasia, Asia and the Middle East have received more democracy assistance than Latin America and Africa. Especially for Asia, since 1999, aid has been allocated more than 10% compared to the previous period. Indonesia placed as the greatest recipient of the aid compared to other Asian countries during the period. In addition, looking at the US democracy aid by sector, civil society sector was placed as a priority of aid. However, since 2003-2005, the governance sector has replaced it as the top sector by receiving the biggest amount of the US democracy assistance. This indicates that the priority of the US democracy assistance has shifted from the civil society sector to the governance sector. In the case of aid priority for the rule of law sector, the priority has fallen year by year since 1997. Nevertheless, the aid allocation for the elections sector has been increasing since 2001.

THE US DEMOCRACY ASSISTANCE TO INDONESIA The US democracy assistance to Indonesia which actively implemented by the USAID is unique. Indonesia has been the greatest recipient of US democracy assistance compared to other Asian countries, and received 255.92 million dollar for 16 years, from 1990-2005. The aid has channelled to government and civil society. This fact indicates that after the Cold War the US Government put more attention to political development in Indonesia. Refer to the USAID Congressional report in 1997 the US government has put their effort to build democracy in Indonesia by focusing their support to Indonesian NGOs [8]. In some cases, the NGOs, supported by the USAID have worked with Indonesian Government to improve policy formation such as for labor law, legislation at that time. According to the decline of Soeharto in 1998, these kinds of civil society support had influenced indirectly towards the process of regime change at that time. The USAID (and other donor countries) program to introduce human rights and democratic values society through civil society in Indonesia could be seen as one of factors in building a base of democratic movement in Indonesia. After the decline of the Soeharto government in 1998, USAID‘s democracy section began implementing a program called ―Democratic Transition Strengthened‖ in Indonesia and actively providing financial assistance to support political reform in Indonesia. For instance, The US provided electoral assistance in the 1999 election especially for Indonesian NGOs to support election

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monitoring activities and voter education. However, considering that Indonesia has successful conducted the fair and free election in the 1999 and made a transition to the world‘s third largest democracy, the US support for election monitoring and voter education gradually became less in 2004 and 2009 election. In 2004 election, USAID provided US$24 million for electoral assistance that meant the fund has been decreased about US$6 million compared to the 1999 election which the U.S. provided US$30 million. Moreover, it is important to note that the allocation of fund was managed by the USAID itself, without coordinating with Indonesian General Election Commission as an election administration body. Furthermore, this study noted that the US democracy program since 2001 has been including broader area such as decentralization, mitigation of conflict, humanitarian and support for peace [9]. Looking at the US program for the period of 2004-2008, the US government committed $129 million for democracy and governance programs including justice sector reform, legislative strengthening, election and local governance, mitigation of conflict and support for peace, and promoting democratic culture which Aceh became the most favored area of the American aid distribution by region [10]. Some programs were carried out by collaboration with Indonesian and the US NGOs, a method which has long been perceived as a characteristic of the US aid approach. Working with civil society is believed to be a substantial component for the democratic process. CONCLUSIONS Those facts above shown during 1997-1999, the US democracy program was focused on supporting political areas and designed on indirect and direct assistance. It meant the political approach dominated the US democracy assistance to Indonesia. However, after 2000, the US democracy program tended to involve in developmental approach area such as decentralization, support for peace, etc. Considering these facts, after 2000, the US democracy aid to Indonesia is colored by a mixture of developmental and political approach using direct and indirect method. The USAID has supported election monitoring, voter education and program to train political parties while continuing to support efforts to strengthen press freedom, promote judicial review, support for human rights, etc. However, by placing the ―consolidate national level democratic reforms‖ as the umbrella of the USAID DG program (2004-2008), it shown that the political line was still dominated the US democracy assistance approach to Indonesia. References [1] Schmidtz, Hanz Peter, Katrin Sell, 1999, ―International Factors in Process of Political Democratization‖ in Jean Grugel,‖Contextualizing Democratization,‖ in Jean Grugel (ed.). Democracy without Borders: Transnationalization and Conditionality in New Democracies, London & New York: Routledge/ECPR Studies in European Political Science, 1999, p.33. [2] JICA Study Group, 2003, Roads to Democracy and Governance, Institute for International Cooperation, Tokyo, Japan. [3] Quigley, Kevin F.F., 2000 ―Democracy Assistance in Southeast Asia: Long History/Unfinished Business‖, in Peter Burnell. 2000. Democracy Assistance: International Cooperation for Democratization, London. Frank Cass, p. 263. [4] Knack, Stephen, 2000, Does Foreign Aid Promote Democracy?‖, Working Paper, IRIS Center. [5] Schoofs, Steven, Jeroen de Zeeuw, 2005, ―The Future of Democracy Assistance‖, Netherlands Institute of International Studies. Seminar Report. Nairobi, 28-29 April 2005. [6] Carothers, Thomas, 2009, ―Democracy Assistance: Political Vs Developmental?‖ Journal of Democracy, 20(1), p. 5-19. [7] Azpuruh,, 2008, Trends in Democracy Assistance: What Has the United States been Doing? Journal of Democracy (19) 2, Supplementary Graphics, published in Appendix C of the Table 1 referred to -2.pdf (accessed on 13th September 2008). [8] (accessed on 8th June 2007) [9] (accessed on 8th June 2007) [10] (accessed on 8th June 2007)

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Warangkana Korkietpitak1* and Sarunwit Promsaka Na Sakonnakron2 Doctoral Student, Graduate School of Policy Science, Ritsumeikan University 2 Master Student, Graduate School of Policy Science, Ritsumeikan University *Corresponding author: [email protected]

ABSTRACT The purpose of this paper is to deepen the understanding of the concept of human security based on Japanese approach as well as the linkages between human security and good governance. It also aims to identify how Japan provides its Official Development Assistance (ODA) through Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) for enhancing good governance in developing countries in terms of human resource development. Qualitative methodology based on documentary research was utilized in this study. The results found that JICA‘s aid projects on good governance have been implemented in limited areas; the legal and judiciary sector, the public administration sector, and democratic institution. Moreover, people‘s participation should be taken into consideration in response to the real needs of citizens, which is the basis of human security. Finally, good governance based on participatory development will bring developing countries to sustain democratization. Keywords: good governance, democratization, human security, people‘s participation INTRODUCTION After the end of the cold war, the concept of security studies has shifted from national security to human security - security of individuals. That is because globalization has brought numerous problems, such as poverty, inequality, terrorism and so on, which affect directly individuals‘ lives or human well being. Human security became one popular aspect of security studies throughout the 1990s, though it has been criticized for broad and ambiguous definitions. The concept of human security has been implemented by many donor countries, in particular Japan, through Official Development Assistance (ODA) in order to assist developing countries to solve those problems. However, this paper attempts to explore the concept of human security from the Japan‘s approach and how it has a relationship with good governance. Also, the paper demonstrates how Japan supports good governance enabling environment for human security by reviewing Japanese ODA Policy and by examining Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA)‘s implementation. THE CONCEPT OF HUMAN SECURITY BASED ON THE JAPANESE APPROACH Japan is one of the most active donor countries which promote the concept of human security in international arenas. Japan has advocated an approach to human security closely related to the 1994 formulation of UNDP, thereby embracing a broad definition of both freedom from fear (such as from conflicts and terrorism, natural disasters, and environmental degradation, infectious diseases, and economic crises etc.) and from want (such as that resulting from poverty, malnutrition, lack of education, health and other social services, underdevelopment of the basic infrastructure etc.). However, the Japanese interpretation of human security emphasizes on freedom from want rather than human from fear. Its definition of human security based on Diplomatic Bluebook 2003 is ―a concept that focuses on the strengthening of human-centered efforts from the perspective of protecting the lives, livelihoods and dignity of individual human beings and realizing the abundant potential inherent in each individual.‖ In addition, the government and other organizations safeguard people from serious threats of fear and want through various services (protection), and at the same time ensure that they can cope with the threats by increasing their ability to act for themselves or others (empowerment). To

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put it simply, the way to achieve human security is to protect and to empower people at individual level. From this perspective, the government agencies have a key role as a mechanism to implement the government policies on the protection of people in order to ensure that they can live in safety and dignity. To implement policies successfully, it requires good govern enabling environment for human security. However, a number of developing countries, particularly in Africa, have problems of governance so they lack inefficient administration, an unclear decision-making process and corruption etc. Then, what requires good governance is, among other things, participatory, transparent and accountable, effective and equitable, and the rule of law. It ensures that the exercise of economic, political and administrative authority to manage a country‘s affairs at all levels. For this reason, good governance is one of the fundamental elements to the way in which we can strengthen sustain democratization. JAPAN OFFICIAL DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE POLICY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE The ODA Charter 1992 states good governance in the basic philosophy and principles. As for the basic philosophy, Japan will implement its ODA to help ensure the efficient and fair distribution of resources and ‗good governance‘ in the development countries through developing a wide range of human resources and socioeconomic infrastructure, including domestic system, and through meeting the basic human needs (BHN), thereby promoting the sound economic development of the recipient countries. Also, each of four principles in aid implementation is related to the debate over good governance, particularly the forth one – which clearly points out efforts for promoting democratization should be taken into account. Since the first Charter was approved for more than 10 years, Japan revised the ODA Charter in 2003 in response to the global challenges such as terrorism and conflicts. Thus, Japan supports the self-help efforts of developing countries based on good governance. In so doing, Japan will give priority to assisting development countries that make active efforts to pursue peace, democratization, and the protection of human rights. However, these ODA policies relating to good governance will be discussed in more detail in this part. FROM JAPAN’S ODA POLICIES TO JICA’S PRACTICE: IMPROVING GOVERNANCE As for the third mission of JICA, an implementing agency, states that a state's capacity for governance refers to its status as a society that can take the resources available to it and direct, apportion, and manage them efficiently and in ways that reflect the will of the people. The primary areas of JICA‘s support in governance focus on 1) the legal and judiciary sector; 2) the public administration sector; and 3) democratic institution. Focusing on the public administration sector, JICA offer support aimed at improving administrative capabilities of partner countries in order to facilitate the effective provision of public service that meet citizens‘ needs. In the end, this kind of support fosters the institutions and human resources needed to manage the fundamental systems appropriately. JICA participated in a project in Thailand and in Cambodia‘s first full scale national survey in fiscal 2008, and in countries such as Ghana and Bangladesh. Moreover, JICA has been provided assistance in Tanzania, Zambia, and Pakistan for strengthening organizations and developing human resources to help local government provide services that meet the people‘s needs. In this part, some cases implemented by JICA will be discussed in more detail. ENHANCING HUMAN SECURITY THROUGH DEVELOPING GOOD GOVERNANCE Based on Japanese ODA Policies, Japan aims to provide assistance to promote good governance in effective ways, through it has not specifically identified the support as a primary project. As for implementation, Japan‘s aid projects have been implemented in limited areas since we can witness through JICA‘s operations which have involved only human resources for the development of public administrative officials. To achieve sustainable democracy, it needs to take root more directly to people‘s participation in order to promote good governance based on participatory development. Therefore, it is important for Japan to support participation at the individual level, at the end this will bring about human security. However, some partner countries might be unsatisfied with this concept because Japan will bypass them in order to reach their people directly.

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References [1] Adel M. Abdellatif, 2003, Good Governance and Its Relationship to Democracy and Economic Development, Global Forum III on Fighting Corruption and Safeguarding Integrity, Ministry Of Justice, Republic Of Korea, Available online: (accessed on 17th June 2011) [2] Akiyama Nobumasa, 2004, Human Security at the Crossroad: Human Security in the Japanese Foreign Policy Context, Available online: (accessed on 15th July 2011) [3] Amitav Acharya, Subrat Kumar Singhdeo and M. Rajaretnam, 2011, Human Security: From Concept To Practice: Case Studies from Northeast India and Orissa, Available online: (accessed on 5th June 2011) [4] Bert Edstrom, 2011, Japan and Human Security: The Derailing of a Foreign Policy Vision, Institute for Security and Development Policy, March. [5] Elena Atanassova-Cornelis, 2005, Japan and the ‗Human Security‘ Debate: History, Norms and Pro-active Foreign Policy, Graduate Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies, (2) 58-74. [6] Elena Atanassova-Cornelis, 2006, Human Security within the Broader Debate, Available online: (accessed on 8th July 2011) [7] Kazuo Sunaga, 2004, The Reshaping of Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) Charter, Available online: (accessed on 7th July 2011) [8] Koji Makino, 2006, Human Security and Aid from the Perspective of and Aid Practitioner, In Search of New Approaches to Japanese Development Assistance, Available online: (accessed on 8th July 2011) [9] James Michel, 2005, Human Security and Social Development Comparative Research In Four Asian Countries, New Frontiers of Social Policy: Development in a Globalizing World, Arusha, Tanzania. [10] Japan International Cooperation Agency, 1995, Participatory Development and Good Governance Report of the Aid Study Committee, Available online: (accessed on 10th July 2011) [11] Japan International Cooperation Agency, 2001-2010, Annual Report, Available online: (accessed on 10th June 2011) [12] Japan International Cooperation Agency, 2010, JICA's "Human Security" Approach: Features and Case Studies, Available online: (accessed on 5th July 2011) [13] Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2003, Japan‘s Official Development Assistance Charter, Available online: (accessed on 5th July 2011) [14] Paris Roland, 2001, Human Security: Paradigm Shift of Hot Air ?, International Security, (26) 87-102. [15] Public Relations Office, Government of Japan, 2011, Giving Substance to Human Security, Highlighting Japan, 6-7, Available online: (accessed on 10th June 2011) [16] Sabina Alkiro, 2003, A Conceptual Framework for Human Security, University of Oxford, Available online: (accessed on 21th June 2011) [17] Taylor Owen, 2008, The Uncertain Future of Human Security in The UN, International Social Science Journal: Rethinking Human Security, Blackwell Publishing, 113-127.

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INDONESIA’S NEW LABOR MIGRATION POLICY: PLACEMENT, PROTECTION AND HUMAN SECURITY OF MIGRANT WORKERS Madyah Rahmi Lukri* Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Tsukuba *Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT This paper will try to analyze implementation of Indonesia‘s most current labor migration policy, Law No. 39/2004 on placement and protection upon migrant workers, in implementing better placement and protection for Indonesian migrant workers (Hereafter TKI, Tenaga Kerja Indonesia). Labor migration seems to be the right answer in answering Indonesia‘s unemployment problem and also contributed in economic income of Indonesia. In contrast with these benefits that they bring, TKI still face numerous human security issues. Cases such as deaths, sexual harassments/abuses, confinement, extortion, document fraud, underpayment, unpaid wages and illegal placement are faced by TKI on regular basis. In order to solve these problems, Indonesian government has tried several policies. The most notable one is the implementation of Law No. 39/2004 on placement and protection upon Indonesian migrant workers. This set of law is notable because it is the first set of law that contains formal mechanism upon protection towards TKI and its established BNP2TKI, the first national agency that is proposed to improve the protection of TKI and to simplify placement procedures of these workers. As a result of fieldwork conducted throughout August-September 2010 to BNP2TKI, several migrant labor organizations and sending companies, this paper intends to clarify how placement and protection is implemented. It will start with a profile of Indonesian migrant workers and how government policies so far are accommodating them. Then it will give explanation of the current government policy on migrant workers: placement and protection. It will then focus on the establishment of BNP2TKI as national agency that is specifically made for accommodating placement and protection of TKI. This paper will try to analyze the cause of the current policy is still considered ineffective in providing placement and protection for TKI and will try to seeks potential answer in solving the problem of protection. Keywords: labor migration, migration policy, social science, human security. Indonesian Labor Migration: A Brief Introduction Indonesia is a labor surplus nation with high rate of unemployment, especially after the Asian economic crises in 1998. This triggers labor migration (Hugo 2007, Firdausy 2006, Ford 2005) especially for unskilled workers. As of 2010, the stock of emigrants in Indonesia is 2,502.3 thousands. Comparing to the percentage of the population, stock of emigrants in Indonesia is 1.1 percent of the whole population. While the top destinations for Indonesian migrant workers are Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, Hong Kong and so on (Migration and Remittances Factbook 2011). While Indonesian labor migration bring a lot of benefits especially to the country‘s income (see figure 1), there are several main problems regarding Indonesian labor migration. First is that even though government encourage and made official programs in sending labor migration abroad, most prospective workers chose to avoid it. This is because the official government programs are seen to be troublesome, hard to access and too difficult and expensive. And second, the main problems that is faced by Indonesian migrant workers are underpayment (overcharging) and abuse especially among, but not limited to, female migrant workers going to the Middle East (Hugo 2003)

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Figure 1. Migration Remittance (Indonesia) Source: Migration and Remittances Factbook 2011 Therefore in ensuring the process of labor mobilization that is beneficial not only for the people of Indonesia, but also for the state, two important points needed to be fulfilled by the policy that is issued by the state regarding labor migration. First is that the basic rights upon human security should extend to all migrant workers. These include non-discrimination on the bases of race, color, sex, language, religion or social origin; the right to life; the prohibition of torture, slavery and servitude, the right to recognition before the law, and the freedom of thought, conscience and religion. And second, is that it is also essential for the state to ensure the proper application and interpretation of these rights, in order to guarantee the rights and fundamental freedoms of migrants are respected in place (Tigno 2003). Based on this, I will try to analyze and give explanation upon Indonesia‘s current labor migration policy. The Evolution of Indonesia’s Labor Migration Policy: From Sending to Placement and Protection Before the release of Law No.39/2004 on Placement and Protection upon Indonesian Overseas Workers, the policies released by the government regarding Indonesian labor migration consists of :1  Ministerial Decision No. 4/1970 on worker‘s deployment  Ministerial Decision No. 1/1983 on private company that is in charge of worker‘s deployment  Ministerial Decision No. 5/1988 on employment between countries, which is extended by Ministerial Decision No. 1/1991 under the same name  Ministerial Decision No. 2/1994 on placement of workers inside and outside the country  Ministerial Decision No. 204/1999 placement of Indonesian overseas workers extended by Ministerial Decision No. 104/2000 and then extended again by Ministerial Decision No. 104 A/2002 on same issue. Paying attention to all the policies mention above, we can see that before the release of Law No.39/2004 policies regarding labor migrations from Indonesia have the same characteristics, that are first, they only regulates sending of Indonesian migrant workers abroad, while the notion of protection were never the headline of the issues regarding migrant workers. And second, all the policies mentioned above came from the ministerial level in the government, so in a sense they are still not as strong as rules and regulation coming from presidential level. These lacks of protection mechanism and willingness to protect from the higher level of government then resulted in more demand on protection coming from workers and migrant labor organizations. The lack of protection mechanism reached its biggest impact when the Nunukan Case occurred. In August 2002, Malaysia began mass deporting Indonesian workers as the result of the implementation of the country‘s Immigration Act (Ford, 2006). By that time, the Indonesian Consulates in Kota Kinabalu and Tawau cities of East Malaysia registered almost 140,000 1

Copies of laws and government regulations regarding migrant workers can be accessed at

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undocumented workers returning home to Indonesia through Nunukan (Ford, 2004). Although the majority of these deportees were moved to another areas of Indonesia, around 25,000 returnees remained in the 21 camps set and run by sending companies.In Nunukan, some deportees were housed in tents or buildings of sending companies, but most constructed shelters, slept in markets, sheds or on building sites. Here, sanitation and lack of clean water became a major problem (both in camps and outside them) and resulted in major illness such as breathing problems, fever, dysentery, malaria, stomach problems, skin diseases, dehydration and anemia. As the end result of this crisis, between 67-70 deportees are reported died2. Although this was a severe case, the government response was in negligence. Only little serious effort was made to deal either directly with the crisis or the underlying causes of the crisis3. This prompted the NGOs dealing with migrant labour to forced governments to take steps in dealing with situation in Nunukan. Several recommendations were given to government by these NGOs which were initially ignored by the government. This resulted in the first citizen‘s lawsuit4 in Indonesia filed by these NGOs to the nine government officials including President Megawati Soekarno Putri in September 20025. This severe case is one of the main reason government then decided to enacted the Law No. 39/2004 on placement and protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers. The enactment of this law is a breakthrough in terms of governments policy in dealing with migrant workers. With the regulation now in the form of law, governments have rights to give legal sanction to the party that violate this law. This is a remarkable change from previous regulation that is only on ministerial level, where the sanction given can only be in the form of administrative sanction (Solidaritas Perempuan, 2010). A stronger policy instrument is achieved through the implementation of the placement and protection law. As reflected on the title, this law is intended to ensure a better placement for Indonesian workers and, mostly, to provide protection from the government. In a glance, the release of this law is synchronized with the demand from NGOs and migrant workers. Although in chapter 3 it is stated that this law was enacted more to give protection towards migrant workers, the clause of protection is hardly seen in this set of law. Out of 109 chapters included in this set of law, only 8 chapters (chapter 77-84) deal with protection upon migrant workers. 17 chapters deal with placement process with the addition of 50 chapters dealing with the implementation of placement process

The National Agency of Placement and Protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers (BNP2TKI) The National Agency of Placement and Protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers (BNP2TKI) were formed based on the Law No.39/2004 upon placement and protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers (TKI), through the Presidential Decree No.81/2006 upon placement and protection of TKI. Under Law No. 39/2004, it is stated that BNP2TKI is an agency who, working together with 2

Palupi and Yasser 2002: 15-16; Purwanto and Kuncoro 2002 Appendix, in Ford, 2006 Purwanto and Kuncoro, 2002 p. 11 in Ford, 2006 4 Citizen lawsuit is proposed by private citizens in order to enforce a statute. Citizen lawsuit can come in three forms: First, a private citizen can bring a lawsuit against a citizen, corporation, or government body, for engaging in conduct prohibited by the statute. Second, a private citizen can bring a lawsuit against a government body for failing to perform a non-discretionary duty, this is the case that happened in Indonesia when citizen‘s lawsuit is proposed against the Megawati government for failing to response to the humanitarian crisis happened in the island of Nunukan. And third is citizens may sue for an injunction to abate a potential imminent and substantial endangerment involving generation, disposal or handling of waste, regardless of whether or not the defendant's conduct violates a statutory prohibition. Further references on citizen‘s lawsuit can be accessed at 5 The lists of defendants in this citizen lawsuit includes several government officials at the time of the lawsuit (September 2002), which are: President Megawati Soekarno Putri, Vice President Hamzah Haz, Coordinating Minister for People‘s Welfare (Menkokesra) Jusuf Kalla, Minister of Foreign Affairs Hassan Wirajuda, Social Minister Bachtiar Chamsyah, Minister of Manpower and Transmigration Jacob Nuwa Wea, Health Minister Achmad Sujudi, Indonesian Ambassador to Malaysia Hadi A. Warayabi Alhadar, and the Directorate General of Immigration, Ministry of Justice and Human Rights. 3

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other departments in the government, acts as an operator of the rules and regulations regarding TKI that is issued by Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration. This is the most significant difference that is stated by this new set of rules. If before the Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration along with private companies is the one who regulates, coordinates and also acts as an operator of the policies and rules issued, BNP2TKI was established to take all the tasks except for regulation and supervision, which is still the task of Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration. The significant differences brought by BNP2TKI to the dynamics of Indonesian labor migration are; first, if before the Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration along with private companies are the one who regulates, coordinates and also acts as an operator of the policies and rules issued, BNP2TKI was established to take all the tasks except for regulation and supervision, which is still the task of Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration. Second, BN2TKI is a non-department government body that has a direct responsibility to President in terms of implementing policies upon placement and protection of Indonesian migrant workers making it positioned in the same level with Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration. And third, BNP2TKI acts as a coordinator with other departments that are responsible for Indonesian labour migration such as the Immigration Department in terms of passport issuing in departure area and overseas workers special immigration services in both debarkation and embarkation points. Coordination is also conducted with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Health and with the Indonesian National Police. In response to the issues and problems faced by migrant workers, several measures have been taken by BNP2TKI. In terms of salary, BNP2TKI has successfully raised the wages of Indonesian Overseas Workers by 33.3% in seven Middle Eastern countries (Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Jordan, Bahrain, UAE, and Saudi Arabia) since 1 August 2007. The wages rose from US$150 to US$ 200 per month in Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Jordan and Bahrain; from 600 Dirham to 800 Dirham per month in UAE; and from 600 Real to 800 per month Real in Saudi Arabia6. Furthermore, since July 2007, the minimum wage of Indonesian workers in Singapore increased from S$280 to S$350 per month, though still lower than the S$400 per month received by Philippine workers7. In order to make placement process less difficult BNP2TKI then established the ―One Gate System‖ that was inspired by the Batam One Gate System that was established during the era of President Megawati Soekarnoputri as an attempt to regulate the movement of Indonesian Labor Migration to Singapore. Picking up that concept, in 2008 BNP2TKI then established their own version of the one gate system under the name of Integrated One-Gate Service System based in Mataram, a city in the Indonesian province of West Nusa Tenggara for labour migrants originating from this region (IOM, 2010). The newest project of one gate system is the West Java one gate system established in 2010 with the same project that includes cooperation between BNP2TKI, local offices of Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration, Ministry of Education‘s Population and Civil Registration, Ministry of Health, the regional police, and the tax office. This interdepartmental cooperation provides service for migrant workers that includes passport applications, the management of overseas fiscal exemption documents, overseas workers identity cards (KTKLN), the work documents to place and protect labour migrants, insurance, case management, pre-departure briefings and checking the credentials of labour migrants who are due to depart Indonesia (identity documents, work visas, employment and placement agreements, work competency certificates and health certificates). On attempt of protection, the notable measure taken by BNP2TKI is the issuance of Overseas Workers Identity Card (Kartu Tenaga Kerja Luar Negeri / KTKLN). KTKLN is a smartcard that can be accessed online both by workers and BNP2TKI that contains all the data on migrant workers including basic identity such as name, passport number, address and as such; biometric data; workers 6―Upah

TKI di Timur Tengah Naik 33,3%‖ Bisnis Indonesia, 5 July 2007 and ―BNP2TKI Telah Naikkan Upah di 8 Negara‖ Tempo Interaktif, 8 August 2007 on Ananta, A. and Arifin, E. N. ―National Agency of Placement and Protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers: Marketization of Public Services‖. Paper presented at Regional Symposium on Managing Labour Migration in East Asia: Policies and Outcomes: Singapore, The ILO and Wee Kim Wee Centre of Singapore Management University, 16-18 May 2007. 7 ―Indonesia Tetapkan Upah Baru Bagi TKI di Singapura‖, Antara News, 16 May 2007 on Ananta, A. and Arifin, E.N. ―National Agency of Placement and Protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers: Marketization of Public Services‖. Paper presented at Regional Symposium on Managing Labour Migration in East Asia: Policies and Outcomes: Singapore, The ILO and Wee Kim Wee Center of Singapore Managemeng University, 16-18 May 2007.

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data that includes the name of sending companies, insurance, worker agreements and as such; and the data of problems and cases faced by migrant workers in the destination countries8.Unfortunately, based on the findings of my fieldwork, at the time of writing this manuscript the interdepartmental online system is still established yet due to the complication of the process9. Despite the success BNP2TKI has reached in implementing their functions, there are also challenges that caused BNP2TKI to not be able to fully implement their function in securing placement and protection for Indonesian migrant workers. The challenges included; first, the unsynchronized functions of the agency, which tasks are BNP2TKI trying to perform, placement, protection or evaluation actually need to be more well defined. Second, the lack of clarity and jurisdiction among the agency and the Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration. And third, the lack of data and information provided by BNP2TKI as the official agency in providing placement and protection upon Indonesian migrant workers. Information for migrant workers actually come more from migrant labor NGOs and organizations. Evaluation of Placement and Protection: Between Government and Migrant Labor Organizations Migrant labour NGOs play a significant role in Indonesian labour migration. Pudjiastuti (2003) on her work upon roles of NGO in relation to female Indonesian labour migration identifies five major functions of Indonesian migrant labour NGOs: data collection, provision of assistance, provision of information and training to migrants, policy advocacy, and raising public awareness 10. Based on findings of my fieldwork, NGOs indeed play a significant role in the dynamics of labour migration. Prominent migrant labour NGOs such as Solidaritas Perempuan and KOPBUMI provides yearly reports, publications, leaflets, information and assistance towards migrant workers11. The latest work of Solidaritas Perempuan was published in 2010 that focused on the abuse of human rights upon Indonesian migrant workers based on the cases of women and domestic workers that was handled by Solidaritas Perempuan throughout the year of 2005-200912. This information is also readily available for migrant workers and Indonesian people in general, in contrast with the information from the government that is usually hard to get and not readily available, the lack of information that in the end leads to more problem faced by Indonesian migrant workers13. Assistance was also provided by non-NGO migrant labour organizations. SBMI, for example, provides a shelter for troubled migrant workers in their headquarter in Cipinang, East Jakarta. Assistance provided at this shelter varied from providing a place to live for troubled migrant workers until they find a way to solve the problems or return to their hometown, to providing pick up and funeral services for deceased migrant workers whose body were just sent from their destination countries14. In analyzing the mechanism of implementation of Law No.39/2004 migrant labor organizations and NGOs also play a big part. Because of the lack of official mechanism on evaluating the performance of BNP2TKI, NGOs and labor organization also play a big part in evaluation, while from the government, the task of evaluating the performance of BNP2TKI has been put to the hand of BNP2TKI itself. Throughout my fieldwork, I found that the evaluation given by BNP2TKI upon its own performance on implementing placement and protection is too simplicistic. Moreover, this 8

BNP2TKI. Pelayanan Penempatan TKI Berbasiskan Sistem Informasi (Sistem Pelayanan Penerbitan Kartu Tenaga Kerja Luar Negeri – SPPKTKLN. Unpublished Report. Jakarta: Placement Section BNP2TKI, 2010. 9 Personal interview with Drs. Arifin Purba, MSi, Preparation and Departure Director, Deputy of Placement, The National Agency of Placement and Protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers. Jakarta, 23 August 2010. 10 Pudjiastuti, T. N. ―The Changing Roles of NGOs in Relation to Female Indonesian Labor Migration‖. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, Volume 12, No. 1-2 (2003): pp. 189-207 11 Personal interview by the author with with Thaufiek Zulbahary of Solidaritas Perempuan. Jakarta, 6 September 2010 12Solidaritas Perempuan. Menguak Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Buruh Migran Indonesia: Catatan Penanganan Kasus BMP-PRT Solidaritas Perempuan 2005-2009. Jakarta: Solidaritas Perempuan, 2010. 13 Further information upon the linkage of information and exploitation of Indonesian migrant workers can be found on Hugo, G. (2003) ‗Information, Exploitation, and Empowerment: The Case of Indonesian Overseas Workers‘ in Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, 12 (4):pp. 439-467. 14 Personal interview by the author with Muchamad Chairul Hadi of SBMI, 3 September 2010. During the interview that was conducted in the headquarter of SBMI, a body of deceased migrant worker just arrived in Soekarno-Hatta International Airport and SBMI was arranging picking up and burial for the deceased.

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evaluation is also only available for inside BNP2TKI, while people still do not have access to the result of evaluation. A more comprehensive and vast evaluation of placement and protection is provided by migrant labour organizations. Based on the fieldwork conducted around August-September 2010, it was found that from BNP2TKI the evaluation upon placement and protection come in form of interim reports, that was divided into two main sections, placement and returning data15. The nature of this report is interim, making it not accessible to public, while actually, in the spirit of good governance, evaluation upon government‘s policy should be accountable to the public. This government interim report also only covered workers that go through the official overseas contract work system provided by government for migrant workers while actually, as stated by Hugo (2003) many of migrant workers who leave the country actually avoid this system because it is too time consuming, cumbersome, expensive, and often involves traveling long distances from their home to be processed and spending long periods there before being deployed overseas. Hence the level of undocumented overseas labor migration is high16. Moreover, the category of success/unsuccessful in implementing placement and protection upon migrant workers is too simplicistic, as seen on the table below: Table 1: Indonesian Overseas Workers – Returning Data Year 2007 (%) 2008 (%) 2009 (%) Completion of Contracts 209,765 (72) 279,864 (82) 292,456 (83) On Leave 26,608 (9) 16,132 (5) 15,477 (4) Non-Completion of Contracts 54,537 (19) 45,403 (13) 44,742 (13) TOTAL 290,910 (100) 341,339 (100) 325,675 (100) (Source: Yearly Report of Sub-Directorate Returning, Unpublished Report, BNP2TKI 2010, Appendixes) Reasons

According to BNP2TKI, there are two classifications of returned migrants. Returned migrants are considered successful and not in trouble if they manage to finished their contracts no matter in what conditions they finished that contract, while the category of troubled migrants are migrants that cannot complete their 2-3 years work contract17. Based on those classifications, BNP2TKI evaluated themselves as a successful agency in implementing placement and protection towards migrant workers. In contrast with the simplicity provided by the government, migrant labour NGOs and organizations provided vast evaluation towards placement and protection policy. KOPBUMI, for example, provided legal analysis on Law No.39/2004 on placement and protection of TKI that provides extensive analysis on legal aspect of Law No.39, from the bases that construct the making of the law until the substantial analysis of the law18. Solidaritas Perempuan (2010) also gives evaluation upon placement and protection policy and BNP2TKI. Seven main points are highlighted as weaknesses on placement and protection policy 19: first, upon the fact that this law puts too much attention on placement, making the protection aspect somehow left unattended. Second, this law fall into the category of economics law, that shows how the state see migrant workers as trade commodity, not as citizen that needs to be protected. Third, this law is not based on principals and values stated in the United Nation Convention on Protection of Migrant Workers and Their Families (1990) as the basic convention that regulate labour migration. Fourth this law does not have a clear case handling mechanism. Fifth, the procedure and mechanism of data collection of migrant workers does not regulated 15

BNP2TKI. Data Penempatan 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010 (Januari-Juni). Unpublished Report. Jakarta: BNP2TKI, 2010. Hugo, G. ―Information, Exploitation, and Empowerment: The Case of Indonesian Overseas Workers‖. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal Vol. 12, No. 4 (2003): pp. 441-442. 17 BNP2TKI. Laporan Kegiatan Edisi 2007-2009, Januari-Juni 2010 Sub. Direktorat Pemulangan. Unpublished Report. Jakarta: BNP2TKI, 2010. 16


KOPBUMI, Legal Analisis Undang-Undang No. 39/Tahun 2004 Penempatan dan Perlindungan Tenaga Kerja Indonesia di Luar Negeri. Jakarta: KOPBUMI, 2005. 19 Solidaritas Perempuan. Menguak Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Buruh Migran Indonesia: Catatan Penanganan Kasus BMP-PRT Solidaritas Perempuan 2005-2009. Jakarta: Solidaritas Perempuan, 2010, pp. 100-101.

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in this rule yet, making it more difficult to handle cases because of difficulties in communication. Sixth, the conflict between BNP2TKI and Ministry of Manpower and Transmigration that happened because there is no jurisdiction clarity between these two departments on this law. And last, this law does not specifically acknowledge the existence of domestic workers (pembantu rumah tangga) working abroad despite the fact that there are quite high number of Indonesian migrant labour abroad work as domestic workers. The most extensive and recent evaluation upon placement and protection was given by Jaringan Advokasi Revisi UU 39/2004 tentang Penempatan dan Perlindungan TKI (JARI-PPTKLN, Advocacy Networks for the Revision of Law No. 39/2004 on Placement and Protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers) is a coalition of migrant labour NGOs and organizations that focusing in providing information through focus group discussions and throughout migrant networking in relation to the revision demand of Law No. 39/200420. These awareness and advocacy campaign are the first steps taken by NGO framing the problem to a larger political issue (Shigetomi, 2002) with the revision of Law No.39/2004 as their destination point. Through the evaluation Law No.39/2004 in all three stages of migration, the networks then conclude 4 points that need to be put into consideration in the revision of Law No.39, which are; 1) the need of clear mechanism of placement, should it be done by the government or private sectors; 2) the mechanism on the role of people of Indonesia in general from recruitment until reintegration; 3) to change the role and function of BNP2TKI, from placement and protection to evaluation and protection; and 4) to provide clear mechanism upon the existence of special terminal for migrant workers in the airport21 Conclusion Labor migration has become an important entity in Indonesia. Remittances and bigger chances of employment have become main factors that boost labor migration from Indonesia to several destination areas. Despite of the benefits labor migration brings to Indonesia, mistreatments, abuses, and exploitations are the realities that have to be faced by Indonesian migrant workers. These constant threats upon the safety of migrant workers has led to the outcries from civil society organizations and Indonesian general public about safety concerns for migrant workers from these mistreatments, abuses and exploitations. These outcries have then lead to government policy that regulates labour migration and in turn improves the quality of life for Indonesian migrant workers. This study has analyzed how the government has attempted to accommodate Indonesian labour migration through its policies. Using the enactment of Law No. 39/2004 on placement and protection of Indonesian overseas workers and its implementation through BNP2TKI as its main focus, this study analyzed the interaction between demands from public and the government‘s efforts to answer those demands. In the beginning, this study provided description on how, prior the release of Law No. 39/2004, the government policy towards labour migration focused only on the deployment of migrant workers. This raised concern from civil society groups and Indonesian public in general and prompted them to pressure the government in establishing policy that put more concern on protection upon migrant workers rather than just deployment. These movements and outcries then resulted in the enactment of Law No.39/2004 on placement and protection. Although in a glance the enactment of Law no. 39/2004 seemed like an answer to protection of migrant workers, it still raises concern from public in general as it still focusing more on placement rather than protection. In conclusion, to answer the question of whether placement and protection policy has effectively address the main problem of Indonesian labour migration or not, we ought to expand our way of thinking. In a traditional and over-simplify way of thinking, we can simply conclude that placement and protection policy is inefficient because it does not answer the main demand of migrant workers, protection. However, we have to also see that despite its inability yet to provide a genuine protection mechanism towards Indonesian migrant workers, the establishment of this policy has become the evident how government‘s has raised the issues of better placement and protection to its 20 21

Personal interview by the author with Muchamad Chairul Hadi of SBMI. Jakarta, 3 September 2010. JARI-PPTKLN. Kondisi Penempatan dan Perlindungan TKI di bawah UU No.39 tahun 2004 tentang Penempatan dan Perlindungan TKI. Unpublished Reports on Focus Group Discussion. Jakarta: JARI-PPTKLN, 2010.

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concern rather than just deployment. This change also successfully addressed some concern of Indonesian migrant workers such as salary improvement. However, with the amount of problems still faced by migrant workers even after the establishment of the policy and the new agency, somehow placement and protection of migrant workers somehow is still seen as rhetorical. In reality, the supposed new programs and promises towards better placement and protection is still more oriented towards using migration as a solution for the country‘s economic and employment program. More than creation of new agency and specialized government positions, what is urgently needed is reevaluation of the country‘s labour migration program that put more attention on long term economic development, better organization of governmental cooperation, and a genuine mechanism to protect Indonesian migrant workers. In the end, although it has not yet achieved its main goal yet, the need of termination of the whole policy does not exist. However, adjustments are needed in order to achieve the genuine migrant program reform and long term economic development for Indonesia. ACKNOWLEDGMENT In completing this work, I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor Motoko Shuto from the Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Tsukuba; BNP2KI; KOMNAS Perempuan; Solidaritas Perempuan; and Serikat Buruh Migran Indonesia. References [1] Ananta, A. and Arifin, E. N. ―National Agency of Placement and Protection of Indonesian Overseas Workers: Marketization of Public Services‖. Paper presented at Regional Symposium on Managing Labor Migration in East Asia: Policies and Outcomes: Singapore, The ILO and Wee Kim Wee Centre of Singapore Management University, 16-18 May 2007. [2] Ball, R. and Piper, N. ―Trading Labor-Trading Rights: The Regional Dynamics of Rights Recognition for Migrant Workers in the Asia-Pacific‖. In Transnational Migration and Work in Asia, Hewison, K. and Young, K (eds.). New York: Routledge, 2006. [3] BNP2TKI. Data Penempatan 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010 (Januari-Juni). Unpublished Report. Jakarta: BNP2TKI, 2010. [4] BNP2TKI. Laporan Kegiatan Edisi 2007-2009, Januari-Juni 2010 Sub. Direktorat Pemulangan. Unpublished Report. Jakarta: BNP2TKI, 2010. [5] BNP2TKI. Pelayanan Penempatan TKI Berbasiskan Sistem Informasi (Sistem Pelayanan Penerbitan Kartu Tenaga Kerja Luar Negeri – SPPKTKLN. Unpublished Report. Jakarta: Placement Section BNP2TKI, 2010. [6] Firdausy, C. M. ―Indonesian Labor Migration after the 1997-98 Asian Economic and Financial Crisis‖. In Mobility, Labor Migration and Border Controls in Asia, A.Kaur and Metcalfe, I (eds.). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. [7] Ford, M. ―Organizing the Unorganizable: Unions, NGOs, and Indonesian Migrant Labor‖. International Migration, Volume 42, No. 5 (2004): pp. 99-119. [8] Ford, M. Migrant Labor in Southeast Asia, Country Study: Indonesia. Unpublished Report. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) Project on Migrant Labor in Southeast Asia, 2005. [9] Ford, M., ―After Nunukan: The Regulation of Indonesian Migration to Malaysia,‖. In Mobility, Labor Migration and Border Controls in Asia, A.Kaur and Metcalfe, I. (eds.). Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. [10] Hugo, G. ―Information, Exploitation, and Empowerment: The Case of Indonesian Overseas Workers‖. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal Vol. 12, No. 4 (2003): pp. 439-467. [11] Hugo, G. Indonesia‟s Labor Looks Abroad. Migration Information Source: April, 2007. Retrieved from [12] International Organization for Migration. Labor Migration from Indonesia: An Overview of Indonesian Migration to Selected Destinations in Asia and the Middle East. International Organization for Migration Report. IOM, 2010. [13] JARI-PPTKLN. Kondisi Penempatan dan Perlindungan TKI di bawah UU No.39 tahun 2004 tentang Penempatan dan Perlindungan TKI. Unpublished Reports on Focus Group Discussion. Jakarta: JARI-PPTKLN, 2010.

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[14] KOPBUMI, Legal Analisis Undang-Undang No. 39/Tahun 2004 Penempatan dan Perlindungan Tenaga Kerja Indonesia di Luar Negeri. Jakarta: KOPBUMI, 2005. [15] Manning, C. ―Structural Change, Economic Crisis and International Labor Migration in East Asia‖. World Economy Vol. 25, No. 3 (2002): pp. 359-384. [16] Pudjiastuti, T. N. ―The Changing Roles of NGOs in Relation to Female Indonesian Labor Migration‖. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, Volume 12, No. 1-2 (2003): pp. 189-207. [17] Silvey, R. ―Transnational Domestication: State Power and Indonesian Migrant Women in Saudi Arabia‖. Political Geography, Volume 23 (2004): pp. 245-264. [18] Solidaritas Perempuan. Menguak Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Buruh Migran Indonesia: Catatan Penanganan Kasus BMP-PRT Solidaritas Perempuan 2005-2009. Jakarta: Solidaritas Perempuan, 2010.

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SUSTAINABLE DEVELOMENT UNDER GLOBALIZATION REGIME Kumar Das Vice Chancellor , FM University, Balasore, India 756020 *Corresponding author: [email protected]

The pragmatism of modernization of 21st century has generated an over optimism around the globe. It has created an atmosphere of excitement of instant economic growth. It is being projected throughout the globe, as an impetus having no alternative. It is being regarded substantively as the growing interdependence and interconnectedness of the world that is the part of the logic of modernity. It is expected to create unprecedented new opportunities for rapid economic development. In fact all sectors of developing countries seem to be vibrating with economic buoyancy. It has generated an atmosphere of excitement of instant economic growth. There is expansion of trade, investment, market, and increase in GNP, productivity, per capita income, profit, efficiency, salary etc. across the globe. Life style of metro people in developing countries has become more attractive, comfortable and fashionable than ever before. But the new emerging world economic order poses a great challenge for the environment. There is acid raining, global warming, greenhouse effect, erosion and sterility of soil, degradation of land, environmental pollution of water and air, ozone layer depletion ecological imbalances, frequent recurrence of natural calamities and instability in the coastal ecosystem. Therefore the concern for sustainable development has become very serious. Sustainable development is an eclectic concept, as a wide array of views fall under its umbrella. There may be as many definitions of sustainability and sustainable development. All the definitions have to do with:  Living within the limits  Understanding the interconnections among economy, society, and environment  Equitable distribution of resources and opportunities Sustainable development involves the simultaneous pursuit of economic prosperity, environmental quality and social equity. "Sustainable community development is the ability to make development choices which respect the relationship between the three "E's"-economy, ecology, and equity:  Economy - Economic activity should serve the common good, be self-renewing, and build local assets and self-reliance.  Ecology - Humans are part of nature, nature has limits, and communities are responsible for protecting and building natural assets.  Equity - The opportunity for full participation in all activities, access, benefits, and decision-making of a society. The figure-1 illustrates all three dimensions of sustainable development. Sustainable development cannot ignore any of the three. If we ignore the social dimension, the development process may be viable, if we ignore the environmental dimension, development process may be equitable and if we ignore the environmental dimension, the development process may be bearable, but not sustainable. In other words the search for equity(a) neglects environmental aspects, and the search for viability(b) neglects social dimension and search for bearability(c) ignores economic efficiency. Thus sustainable development process is that trajectory which is the synergy of efficiency, equity and social acceptability.

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a Equitable



Sustainable b





Figure-1 :


Sustainable development shows a compassionate concern for the posterity and for the world as a whole. It contends that social development, environmental soundness and economic growth are not contradictory or incompatible. Healthy Environment and goos society are rather prerequisites for sustainable development. Sustainable Development is based on a broader economic system which fulfils inter-generational equity criteria. Its objectives are focused on future not present, quality not quantity, protection not production, conservation not consumption. Sustainability implies irreversibility in the process of development. It necessitates the maintenance of the level of well-being so that it improves, but at least never allows a decline through time. Thus sustainable development has three interdependent and mutually reinforcing pillars: economic development, social development, and environmental protection. It does not focus solely on environmental issues. We should differentiate between green development and sustainable development . The proponents of green development prioritizes environmental sustainability over economic and cultural considerations. But cultural diversity is as necessary for humankind as biodiversity is for nature. It is one of the roots of development understood not simply in terms of economic growth, but also as a means to achieve a more satisfactory social, intellectual, emotional, moral and spiritual existence. In this sense, cultural diversity is the fourth policy area of sustainable development. Developing countries are not only rich in biodiversity but also in cultural diversity. In Fig.2 illustrates the path of sustainable development. It shows that Path N is non-sustainable and non-survivable. Development path E is efficient but non-sustainable. But path S is sustainable. Path E looks more attractive but Path S is not impressive in the early stage. Path-E has a maximum point after which it curls down. But path-S is slow and steady ,having no maximum.

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Well being


Minimum Survivable Limit





Fig. 2: Sustainable Development Path Sustainability is related to the quality of life in a community -- whether the economic, social and environmental systems that make up the community are providing a healthy, productive, meaningful life for all community residents, present and future. It involves following three questions:  How has your community changed economically?  How has your community changed socially?  How has your community changed environmentally? Thus the field of sustainable development can be conceptually broken into three constituent parts: environmental sustainability, economic sustainability and sociopolitical sustainability. Sustainable development integrates the imperatives of developmentalism and environmentalism. It highlights the long term doomsday scenario and puts emphasis on economic, social and ecological integration. It has three objectives : i. Economic efficiency, ii. Social acceptability and iii. Ecological sustainability Sustainability is an issue for all communities, from small rural villages that are losing the natural environment upon which their livelihoods depend, to large metropolitan areas where crime and poverty are decreasing the quality of life. Sustainability does not mean static equilibrium that nothing ever changes. Nor does it mean utopia, that nothing bad ever happens. Sustainability is not about maintaining the status quo or reaching perfection. It is not a community where nothing ever goes wrong. Sustainability does not mean that businesses never fail or that people never go hungry or that pollution never happens .A sustainable development process seeks to maintain and improve the economic, environmental and social characteristics of an area so that its members can continue to lead healthy, productive, enjoyable lives at present and in future. Sustainability implies that when problems arise, we look for solutions that take into account all three parts of the community instead of applying a quick fix in one area that causes problems in another. It is not antigrowth nor it implies unlimited growth. Rather at some point, a sustainable community stops getting larger but continues to change and improve, to develop in ways that enhance the quality of life for all its inhabitants. Sustainable development improves the economy without undermining the society or the environment. Sustainable development focuses on improving our lives without continually increasing the amount of energy and material goods that we consume. A sustainable community does not consume resources energy and raw materials faster than the regenerative capacity of the natural systems . We are currently living unsustainable lives. If we are not careful how we use and dispose of resources, our

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children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren will have a poorer, more polluted world to live in. A sustainable community interacts with four types of capital: natural, human, and social and built capital. All four types of capital need to be cared for, nurtured and improved over time in order to continually improve the quality of life of all its inhabitants. To invest capital is to manage it in a way that improves its value, so that the capital provides benefits now and in the future. When you invest monetary capital, you earn interest so the value of that capital grows. When you invest in natural or social capital, its value also grows, but in ways much harder to measure:  Educating children, providing preventive health care, eating right, getting plenty of exercise, training workers, and developing peaceful relations with other nations are all examples of investing in human and social capital.  Preserving prime farmlands and wetlands, preventing pollution, using resources no faster than they are renewed, and managing wastes in ecologically sound ways are all examples of investing in natural capital. When a child grows up hungry and uneducated or a wetland is paved over, our community capital is degraded. A sustainable community wisely manages all its capital -- using and improving the social, natural and built capital in ways that allow that capital to continue to support that community in the future. Living off the interest of community capital is one way to live with in the limits of carrying capacity. Living within the limits of an ecosystem depends on three factors:  the amount of resources available in the ecosystem,  the size of the population, and  the amount of resources each individual is consuming. A simple example of carrying capacity is the number of people who could survive in a lifeboat after a shipwreck. Their survival depends on how much food and water they have, how much each person eats and drinks each day, and how many days they are afloat. Similarly, food and water are the natural capital of the island. Living within the carrying capacity means using those supplies no faster than they are replenished by the island's environment: using the 'interest' income of the natural capital. A community that is living off the interest of its community capital is living within the carrying capacity. A community that is degrading or destroying the ecosystem on which it depends is using up its community capital and is living unsustainably. Equally important to community sustainability is living within the carrying capacity of the community's human, social and built capital. Carrying capacity is much harder to measure for these types of capital, but the basic concept is the same. For example:  A community that allows its children to be poorly educated, undernourished, and poorly housed is eroding its human capital.  A community that allows the quality of its social interactions to decline through lack of trust, respect, and tolerance is eroding its social capital.  A community that allows its buildings, roads, parks, power facilities, water facilities, and waste processing capability to decay is eroding its built capital. So, in the context of sustainability, carrying capacity is the size of the population that can be supported indefinitely upon the available resources and services of supporting natural, social, human, and built capital. Sustainability requires that human activity only uses nature's resources at a rate at which they can be replenished naturally. An "unsustainable situation" occurs when natural capital (the sum total of nature's resources) is used up faster than it can be replenished. Inherently the concept of sustainable development is intertwined with the concept of carrying capacity. In fact natural capital, social capital and economic capital are often complementarities. Development cannot subsist upon a deteriorating resource base and social values . Therefore Development process should be less "energy-intensive" and more sensitive to environmental impacts and social parameters.. No country, no economic agent should be allowed to exploit its comparative advantage in producing any energy-intensive or pollution-intensive goods or do any thing at the cost of educational and health status of the society. Thus there is urgent need to develop an

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‗ecosystem approach‘ or inter generational approach to the management of natural capital and social capital. Ultimately an ecosystem approach tends to evolve a change from a consumptive economy to an economy oriented towards conservation, maintenance of capital stock and recycling of materials. It can only ensure a sound and sustainable balance between a productive environment and a protective environment. Ecosystem approach is not anti-life. Its fundamental objective is total wellbeing of the society now and in the future. The welfare of the individual is ultimately dependent upon the viability of the life-supporting system. Impoverishment of an ecosystem means impoverishment of the entire society dependent upon it. Thus ecosystem approach is a compassionate concern for the posterity and for the planet as a whole. Mere economic growth is not enough in bringing welfare to the mankind. Man is an organic being, whose total development depends to a large extent on the non-economic, sociological, psychological factors and on a meaningful sustainable balance between him and his environment(social and natural) in which he lives. There should be an organic growth of the entire environment. The man is only a part of the whole. Therefore, an inter-disciplinary approach or holistic approach in planning is sine qua non for the sustainable development of the economy. There are many contradictions and inconsistencies in the goal of sustainable development. It poses a great dilemma and great challenge. Confronting the challenge is very costly but not facing the challenge is really disastrous for the whole society. Therefore the idea of sustainable development should be less idealistic and more practical. The Sustainable development should reconcile the ‗need to produce‘ and the ‗need to protect‘. At theoretical level there is large agreements but at practical level there is large gaps. Therefore we need to outline a series of "strategic imperatives," inherent in the concept of sustainable development. We do not have to choose between an environmentally healthy and economically robust nation. Both are compatible. We can have both. We are intelligent enough, have the ability to develop enough new technologies, and can change our behaviors enough to confront all the problems facing us and create the optimal solutions. We have to wake up. We should recognize the dangers of an over governance and over commitment of public sector and over exploitation of resources by the private sector. Thus in order to achieve sustainable development two sets of policies are warranted: harnessing the positive links and breaking the negative links. This is possible through : i) Improving information base ii) Changing Institutional Setup iii) Involving/empowering local People

Reference: [1] Das Kumar 2009, Sustainable Development, Reference House, New Delhi [2] Das, Kumar (2000) Development Through Decentralization, Discovery Pub. House , New Delhi [3] Gupta, S P (2006)Globalisation, Economic Reforms and Employment Strategy in India, Academic Foundation, Delhi , 276 P [4] Hanumantha Rao, C , B B Bhattacharya , N S Siddharthan (2005) Indian Economy and Society in the Era of Globalisation , Academic Foundation, Delhi, 439p [5] Nayyar, Deepak(ed) (1997) Industrial Growth and Stagnation, Oxford University Press [6] New Delhi [7] Radhakrishna, R. S.K. Rao, S. Mahendra Dev and K. Subbarao (2006) India in a Globalising World, Academic Foundation, Delhi , 528p [8] Rangaranjan C (2002) Economic Reforms: Some issues and Concerns, The Indian Economic Journal, Vol.49(2) Dec.

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INVESTIGATING POLITICAL BUDGET CYCLE (CASE STUDY IN CENTRAL JAVA-INDONESIA) Sandy Juli Maulana, Amelia Gita Tifani, Jessica Hardiani Faculty of Economics and Business, Diponegoro University *Corresponding author: [email protected]

ABSTRACT The executives who propose to the next election (Incumbent) has specific advantageous on allocating the resources to their self interest. The aim of this study is investigating the presence of opportunistic electoral budget cycles in Central Java and also the inclination of Region‘s budgetary exploiting to the election. Multiple regression model will be use to examining the data that has 1 dependent variable which is the fiscal data includes central government total revenue, total expenditure, financial aid expenditure, and social aid expenditure and the independent variables such as politic which is using dummy variable from election results, macro economic that can be seen on inflation and the economic growth. The result is showing that there is no the result of analysis showing that the fiscal numbers has tendency to increase drastically not significant. That things not yet fully show the presence of opportunistic behavior from fiscal policy but that tendency is direct to the opportunistic behavior. Keywords: election, opportunistic electoral budget cycles, Central Java, multiple regression, fiscal policy INTRODUCTION Based on Law of Republic Indonesia Number 3 of 2004, concerning Regional government, the chief of Regional government is chosen by the society directly on the Election. Since the election that held on 2005, 467 elections has been held to vote the executives in 33 provinces, 352 regency, and 83 cities. But the election also where the significant political budget cycles are seen to be primarily a phenomenon of the first elections after the transition to a democratic electoral system (Drazen, 2005). The political budget cycle literature argues that incumbent governments may use expansionary economic policies prior to elections to influence voters and maximize chances of re-election. (Faal, 2007). It is happened when the executives who going to end their period and will propose to the next election, the revenue and expenditure potentially to be exploited and will automatically increasing the numbers. The executives who propose to the next election (Incumbent) has specific advantageous on allocating the resources. According to Government Regulation Republic of Indonesia Number 58 of 2005, as the authority holder of governance finance, the executives has authority including establish Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget. By those authorities, incumbent has big opportunity to spend the budgets on expenditure to their self interest. Moreover it is supported by the decentralization systems that allowed the executives of region manage the governance finance for their own region as explained on Law of Republic Indonesia Number 32 of 2004. There are several conjectures toward political budget cycle practice in Central Java Indonesia. Some anecdotal evidence that found on Regional Revenue and Expenditure Budget said there is a drastically increase on government spending on a year before election held and the number of government spending was drastically decrease when the election has passed. The aim of this study is investigating the presence of opportunistic electoral budget cycles in Central Java and also the inclination of Region‘s budgetary exploiting to the election. Multiple regression model will be use on this paper to examining the data that has 1 dependent variable which is the fiscal data includes central government total revenue, total expenditure, financial aid expenditure,

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and social aid expenditure and 4 independent variables such as politic which is using dummy variable from election results, macro economic that can be seen on inflation and the economic growth, administration and the legal which assumed on constant rate. Equations

yt =  + Elect t + Inflation + Econ.Growth +  Figures and tables

Figure 1. Total Expenditure

Figure 2. Total Revenue.

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Table 1. Correlation Result Total Revenue

Total Expenditure



Total Expenditure (without Cost of Election) (3)





Economic Growth


Political Variable (Election, Dummy)

Social Expenditure

Financial Aid Expenditure














Table 2. Regression Estimation Result Total Revenue

Total Expenditure

Total Expenditure (without Cost of Election)

Social Expendiure

Financial Aid Expenditure

Political Variable (Election, Dummy)*

0,087 (-90188.8)

0,124 (-157927.7)

0,072 (-143832.6)

0,992 (401.7)

0,098 (-216416.1)


0,358 (32150.2)

0,313 (69653.6)

0,126 (82846.7)

0,729 (-9716.7)

0,130 (139963.6)

Economic Growth*

0,165 (120320.1)

0,434 (130459.3)

0,167 (180733.7)

0,137 (-109884.7)

0,585 (98149.6)



















*Significant and Coefficients References [1] Faal, Ebrima, 2007. Political Budget Cycles in Papua New Guinea , Working Paper, IMF [2] Citrawati, Fitri, 2009. Political Budget Cycles Based on Society‟s Interest, Working Paper, Brawijaya University [3] Lema, Daniel, 2008. Conditional Political Budget Cycles in Argentine Provinces, Working Paper, Universidad del CEMA [4] Drazen, Allan and Adi Brender, 2005. Political Budget Cycles. Journal of Monetary Economics, pp. 1271-1295 [5] Bank of Indonesia, 2006. Quarterly Review of Regional Economic. Avalaible online: ?Page=1&Year=2006 (accessed on 30th July). [6] Bank of Indonesia, 2007. Quarterly Review of Regional Economic. Avalaible online: ?Page=1&Year=2007 (accessed on 30th July). [7] Bank of Indonesia, 2008. Quarterly Review of Regional Economic. Avalaible online: ?Page=1&Year=2008 (accessed on 30th July).

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[8] Bank of Indonesia, 2009. Quarterly Review of Regional Economic. Avalaible online: ?Page=1&Year=2009 (accessed on 30th July). [9] Bank of Indonesia, 2010. Quarterly Review of Regional Economic. Avalaible online: ?Page=1&Year=2010 (accessed on 30th July). [10] Bank of Indonesia, 2011. Quarterly Review of Regional Economic. Avalaible online: ?Page=1&Year=2011 (accessed on 30th July).

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Meta Sekar Puji Astuti* Graduate School of Human Relations, Keio University *Corresponding author: [email protected]

ABSTRACT This paper analyzes the activities of the Japanese trading community in the Netherlands East Indies (NEI) prior to 1942, specifically focusing on Japanese medicine traders during 1900s-1910s, and placing it in the context of the long relationships between the Netherlands, Japan and Indonesia (NEI). From the early 1900s until the late 1930s, Japanese commercial communities increased significantly and in the beginning of 1940s, they were already spread throughout the archipelago, most of them related to toko Jepang (Japanese shop in Indonesian) business. The first wave of Japanese immigrant had been dominated by women who served as prostitutes in the 1890s. Later, the ratio of women in Japanese communities decreased as male medicine traders arrived. Since the Japanese press, exaggerated the Japanese economic expansion into Southeast Asia and the influx of these medicine traders, the Netherlands East Indies (NEI) government became suspicious. As a result, the central government ordered local governments to monitor their activities. From the early 1900s until the late 1930s, Japanese commercial communities increased dramatically. In the beginning of 1940s, they were spread throughout the archipelago. Lastly, these communities vanished before the outbreak of World War II, and the context changed dramatically with the Japanese military occupation of the Netherlands Indies from 1942. The aims of this paper are: 1) to analyze the historical background and trading activities of the Japanese medicine traders in the NEI 2) to analyze the activities of Japanese medicine traders and their relations with local people 3) to analyze the monitoring and controlling of the NEI government with respect to Japanese traders. To complete this analysis this paper also provides the results of the secret missions from 28 NEI regional governments, which were initiated in response to instructions in a confidential mission letter from the first secretary of the NEI government, E. Moresco, to observe Japanese medicine traders in NEI. Keywords: Japanese medicine traders, Netherlands East Indies, Japanese commercial communities, toko Jepang, prewar Indonesia INTRODUCTION The modern history of Japan-Indonesia's relations can be traced back to the late of the nineteenth century. Up to about the outbreak of World War II, about 6500 people of Japanese immigrants were present. Large scale of Japanese immigrants during the prewar period in Netherlands East Indies/NEI (present Indonesia) was starting by ‗improper trades‘ such as prostitutes, pimps and gamblers (Yano 2009; Astuti 2008; Post 1991; 1993). In this stage, the Japanese population in NEI dominated by women who were karayuki-san, prostitutes-based profession women. They came mostly from impoverished agricultural villages in Shimabara peninsula and Amakusa, Nagasaki prefecture (Shimizu 1991). Later, for economic reasons, in the middle of Meiji Era (1890s) the males' traders, most of them, who came with low capital. It was different with Japanese immigrants who settled in Hawaii and South America which supported by Japanese government, Japanese immigrant, who went to Southeast Asia (Southern) usually initiated by their own motivations. Firstly, most of them were peddlers‘ traders. After several hardship years later, they opened small retailer store (usually named as toko Jepang, which means Japanese shop in Indonesian) in throughout NEI as traders' immigrant status (Shimizu 1991). According to Shimizu Karayuki-san played an important role of helping in introducing Japanese

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products to Southeast Asia markets (Shimizu 1991: 41). Besides karayuki-san, the Japanese peddlers also laid important foundation for Japanese economic expansion in the next years later (Shimizu 1991; Astuti 2008; Post 1991; 1996). In the early twentieth century, Japanese company began to expand their economic activities in NEI. It was different with previous phase, which dominated by small-scale traders, chuzain or the big company (zaibatsu) representatives, seized the domination. In 1909, Mitsui Bussan commenced their branch in Surabaya. In the 1910s, Japanese government established the Japanese consul in Medan, Surabaya and Makassar. In addition, Japanese schools were also inaugurated in several cities in NEI. Several Japanese newspapers published, and Japanese community association (Nihonjinkai) took an important role. However, in 1940s ‗Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere' plans started to be implemented by Japanese government. In consequences, Japanese military government took over the authority of NEI. In 1942, as the beginning of World War II, Japanese communities became extinct. The rest of Japanese communities who were still in NEI caught by Netherlands government police officers and expelled them to Loveday (Tatura camp), Australia. This paper discusses one part of Japanese trading communities' history in prewar Indonesia. The period discusses in this paper is focusing from the 1900s to the 1910s period. During this period is the first phase of the life and activities of Japanese immigrant, particularly Japanese medicines' trader. At the same time, it was also the transformation period from improper traders (karayuki-san, gamblers and pimp) to the representatives of proper trader's community. There were two kinds of Japanese medicine commercial activities' type in this period. First type was peddlers, which sold goods by carrying their goods and went round a village one village after another. The second one can be said a static type, such as operated a shop (Post 1991:167). This paper is, tend to focus on discussing the peddlers‘ activities. These peddlers sold patent medicines but also match, yarn, comb; traditional daily needs, including sundry goods, drapers‘, and shop hairdresser (Shimizu 1991: 41). They put their goods into the box and carrying from a village to another village. These shops/ peddlers initially supplied for karayuki-san, but soon their customers also began to include another Japanese as well as the karayuki-san's regular customers. Lastly, local residents utilized them as well (Shimizu 1991: 41; Astuti: 2008; Yano: 2009). In this paper, I intended to choose two important patent medicine products, that played a significant role in sprang up Japanese goods and patent medicines to indigenous people in NEI, such as Japanese Jintan and eye drops. This paper investigates the Japanese medicine traders‘ community‘s life and activities, particularly their historical background. Furthermore, it will discuss how the present of karayuki-san triggered the coming of Japanese medicines' traders. This study also investigates how these communities had done between the interactions and contacts with indigenous people. Moreover, it will analyze and to look at the long history of triangle relationship between Indonesia, Japan, and the Netherlands. METHODS The examination of this study employs a historical approach. The option is constructed on the fact that this research is considered as a history study. Therefore, historical method is the best way to refer this subject matter. According to Gottschalk, historical method principally consists of four phases: 1) heuristics (source materials collecting); 2) external criticism (examining the authenticity of historical sources); 3) internal criticism (examining the credibility of information), and 4) historiography (composing an historical account by synthesizing credible historical facts) (Gottschalk, 1986). This study will obtain from both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources include from the collection of national archives from the Netherlands, Indonesia and Japan. Three major materials in this category are; geheim mailraporten (secret mail report) collections of Minister van Kolonien (Ministry of Colonial) 1900-1951, Algemene Secretarie van de Nederlands-Indische Regering en de daarbij gedeponeerde Archieven (Registered Archives of Secretary-General of Netherlands Indies Government), 1942-1950 three of them were collected by the Secretary-General of Netherlands Indies Government. Likewise important, Stukken Inzake de Economische Penetratie van Japan in Nederland-Indie 1922-1951 the collection of the Archive of De Javasche Bank (present Bank Indonesia), Jakarta. Another primary source is Tien Jaar Japansch Gewroet in Nederland Indisch,

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published by NEI Government, Batavia. This report was written by J. Van Mook the acting Governor General NEI (1942-1948). Another important source is the collection from Japan Foreign Minister Affairs, namely South Ocean Japanese Immigrant Related Documents. The secondary sources include all relevant published and unpublished materials collected from various places especially in Japan, Yogyakarta, Jakarta (Indonesia) and The Hague (the Netherlands). DISCUSSION The structure of this paper will discuss will be divided into three parts as below: 1. The historical background of Japanese medicine's traders in NEI. In this part will be discussed from the coming from first wave, karayuki-san, and the number of Japanese population in NEI and how Japanese immigrant spread to NEI. 2. Focusing to the 1910s period will analyze the activities of Japanese medicine trading NEI. In this part will answer the questions such below; 1) what kind of medicine products sold in NEI and how was the strategy they did 2) how were the interactions and contact Japanese medicine's traders with indigenous people and 3) how did Japanese medicines traders marketed Jintan and eye drops. 3. In this last part, it will be analyzed the Japanese trader's medicines in every region in NEI. Since Japanese press, as some articles on newspapers in Japan, Advisor of Japanese and Chinese Trade NEI (Adviseur voor Japansche en Chineessche Zaken), Wettum, recommended to central government to pay attention to this community. As a result, NEI government represented by its Governor-General, A.W.F Idenburg, through the first secretary of the government, E. Moresco to command every local government to control Japanese medicine traders. In 10th September 1913, a secret mission letter written by E. Moresco. This confidential mission was an order to control and monitor Japanese medicine's community in every region. Twenty-eight regional governments in NEI responded to this mission letter. In this part, the opinion from each regional government‘s reports regarding to this Japanese medicine's community will be discussed and analyzed. In addition, it will look at the different opinion central government and regional government of NEI. Finally, it will be investigated and analyzed the possibility of Japanese medicine's traders as the governmental spy agent.

Figure 1. Typical Japanese medicine trader in the 1900s (Otomo Shintaro, in Tegal Taken in 1909)

Figure 2. Advertisement of Oyama Eye Drops by R. Ogawa (Taken in 1911)

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Reference: [1] Astuti, Meta Sekar Puji, 2009, Apakah Mereka Mata-Mata?: Orang-orang Jepang Indonesia 1868-1942. Yogyakarta: Penerbit Ombak. [2] Boomgaard, Peter, 2007, Syphilis, Gonorrhoea, Leprosy and Yaws in Indonesian Archipelago, 1500-1950, in Manusya: Journal of Humanities, Special Issues No. 14 Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, 2007:21-41 [3] Booth, Anne, 1994, Japanese Import Penetration and Dutch Response: Some Aspects of Economic Policy Making in Colonial Indonesia in International Commercial Rivalry in Southeast Asia in the Interwar Period, Yale Southeast Asia Studies, New Haven, 133-164 [4] Goto, Ken‘ ichi, 1997, ‗Returning to Asia‘: Japan-Indonesia Relations 1930-1942, Ryukei Shyosha, Tokyo. [5] Inventaris Arsip De Javasche Bank, 1933, Stukken Inzake de Economische Penetratie van Japan in Nederland-Indie 1922-1951, inventory number: 2959-2964. [6] Jagatara Tomonokai (ed.), 1987, Shashin de Tsudzuru Ran‘in Seikatsu Hanseiki: Senzeki Indonesia no Nihonjin Shakai. Jagatara Tomono Kai. [7] Japan Foreign Minister Affairs, South Ocean Japanese Immigrant Related Documents J1.2.0.J2-9 [8] Mook, H. J. Van, 1942, Tien Jaar Japansch Gewroet in Nederland Indisch, Report of the Netherlands East Indies Government, Batavia. [9] Murayama, Yoshitada, 1993, The Pattern of Japanese Economic Penetration of the Prewar Netherlands East Indies in The Japanese in colonial Southeast Asia, Cornel University, Ithaca, 89-111. [10] National Archive of the Netherlands, The Hague, Ministerie van Koloniën: Geheim Archief (Ministry of Colonial: Secret Archives), 1901-1940, access number, inventory number 133, 161, 166, 187. [11] National Archive of the Netherlands, The Hague, Algemene Secretarie van de Nederlands-Indische Regering en de daarbij gedeponeerde Archieven (Registered Archives of Secretary General of Netherlands Indies Government), 1942-1950, access number 2.10.14, inventory number 5312. [12] Post, Peter, 1996, The Formation of the Pribumi Business Elite in Indonesia, 1930s-1940s In: Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde, Japan, Indonesia and the War Myths and realities, 152. Leiden, 609-632. [13] Post, Peter, 1996, The Characteristics of Japanese Entrepreneurship in the Pre-War Indonesia Economy in Lindlbad (ed.) Historical foundation of a nation economy in Indonesia 1890s-1990, KNAW, Amsterdam North Holland, 297-314 [14] Shimizu, Hiroshi, 1991, Evolution of Japanese Commercial Community in the Netherlands Indies the Pre-War Period (From Karayuki-san to Sogo Shosha) in Japan Forum, London, 3: 1, 37-56. [15] Shiraishi, Takashi & Shiraishi, Saya, 1993, The Japanese in Colonial Southeast Asia, Cornel University, Ithaca. [16] Takeda Jusaburo (ed), 1978, Jagatara Kanwa: Ran‟in Jidai Hojin no Ashiato, Jagatara Tomonokai, Nagasaki. [17] Yano, Tōru, 2009, Nanshin no Keifu: Nihon no Nanyōshikan, Chikurashobo, Tōkyō.

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A MYRIAD OF SATOYAMA: SOCIO-ECOLOGICAL PRODUCTION LANDSCAPES IN INDONESIA Mochamad Indrawan1,2, Mitsuyasu Yabe2, Mitsuru Osaki3 Hisako Nomura2, Kazuyo Hirose3 1 Center for Biodiversity Strategies, FMIPA, Universitas Indonesia 2 Faculty of Agriculture, Kyushu University 3 Faculty of Agriculture, Hokkaido University *Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT The high levels of biological richness and endemism of Indonesia are matched by the high levels of bio-cultural diversity found there. Bio-cultural diversity, in turn, is reflected in traditional knowledge systems, and manifested in SEPLs (socio-ecological production landscapes), in Japan known as satoyama. Unfortunately, Indonesia‘s cultural landscapes are now quickly being eroded by short-term development and impacts of globalization. However norms and values related to these landscapes survive in places, and can be used to promote conservation and sustainable development. Keywords: landscape-sustainability, tenure, local-knowledge. INTRODUCTION Indonesia is the largest and most densely populated archipelago in the world, totaling close to 17000 islands, 990 of which are permanently inhabited. Indonesia spans the Oriental and Australasian zones and encompasses no less than seven major biogeographic regions including the unique transition area between the two major zones known as Wallacea. The biodiversity of Indonesia is noteworthy [1 - 3]. Indonesia ranks first in the world for the number of mammals, palms, swallowtail butterflies, and parrot species [4]. Indonesia is also one of the world‘s centers of species diversity of hard corals and many groups of reef-associated flora and fauna [5]. The high levels of biological richness and endemism of Indonesia is matched by the high level of bio-cultural diversity. Bio-cultural diversity [6,7], in turn, brings about traditional knowledge, and its advanced manifestation: socio-ecological production landscapes (SEPLs). By definition, SEPLs involve wise and sustainable use of biological resources, in accordance with traditional, and in some cases, modern practices. SEPLs take different forms in different countries. In Japan, for example, they are known as ‗satoyama‘ [8].. As a matter of course, SEPLs are not a panacea. For instance, the totality of the economic and ecological value of satoyama are not readily quantifiable [9]. Furthermore, under the political drive of contemporary development, SEPLs as a symbol or image, can be subject to appropriation, aimed at softening the perception of national and international developments that damage the environment [10]--in short, potential green-washing. Still, the landscape harmony which underlies the SEPL concept can provide residents and visitors with significant cultural and social benefits [9]. In Indonesia, bio-cultural landscapes are currently being eroded by short-term development and the impacts of globalization. With careful observation and a conservative approach, norms and values of importance to conservation and sustainable development, which have survived in these places can be used to promote desired outcomes. METHODS The present review is based on a desk study, combined with first-hand observations made in several locations in Indonesia, and complemented by interviews and policy analysis [11 -15]. The conceptual framework is based on the premise that traditional tenure systems found throughout Indonesia harness wisdom of importance to conservation and sustainable use.

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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Throughout Indonesia, examples of surviving traditional systems and the corresponding SEPLs can be found. For example, the famous Baduy community of West Java have a zonation strategy that includes community conservation areas [16], while the nearby Kasepuhan practice a form of integrated cultivation. On the island of Bali, the Subak System, which is a participatory form of governance for land, and water resources, has long been in place, and is considered as a manifestation of the Tri Hita Karana Philosophy [17], which aims to achieve a harmonious balance between human and fellow human beings, Nature, and God. In Riau and Jambi Provinces of Sumatera, traditional systems are practiced by proto-Malayan tribes of Orang Rimba and Talang Mamak, who co-habitat the Bukit Tiga Puluh National Park. The Talang Mamak alone are able to utilize 100 medicinal plants to cure 56 diseases. The Talang Mamak also recognizes 22 species of fungi with medicinal properties [18] In Kalimantan, traditional societies such as Dayak and Punan retain their indigenous wisdom and land tenure systems. Of some 10,000 Punan hunter-gatherers that live in East Kalimantan, 800 comprise the Punan Tubu, which live in small hamlets across the Tubu watershed, in the district of Malinau. The Tubu are no longer nomads, although those living upstream in the remotest part of the Tubu watershed still seasonally leave their recently-established permanent settlements and migrate into the forest to hunt wild boar and gather a wide range of forest products for sale and for their own subsistence. [19] Sulawesi and the surrounding islands, which are biophysically fragmented by mountains and oceans, also harbor numerous traditional tenurial systems. One of the best documented SELPs, is located in Central Sulawesi, 3% of which is covered by the Lore Lindu National Park. [20]. Data from 2009 indicated that there area a total of 64 villages located around Lore Lindu National Park with a population of 64,000 people. One of these is Toro village, with a population of 2,000 people (based on 2000 data) in 536 households. The Toro community has revived their customary law system, successfully protecting it from cooptation by potential patron-client relations. The indigenous community of Toro has long recognized the various land-use areas, by way of a detailed description of vegetation, and using a comprehensive system and nomenclature. A rule-based system of resource use was maintained. The customary law was harnessed into statutory form, compiled into a series of documents, and enforced by the traditional group, which was recently re-established and called the ―Tondo Ngata‖. In ensuring the detailed rules on resource collection, sustainability was thus ascertained [20] Traditional tenure has also been documented across Indonesia‘s coastal marine systems, especially in the eastern portion of the country.. A community-based system known as Sasi in the Moluccan Islands, for example, ensures the implementation of a closed hunting season, which protects the top shell snail Trochus niloticus from unsustainable exploitation [22]. In conclusion, a number of SEPLs in Indonesia, which benefit both human society and the landscape they live in, have survived to the present day. These traditional tenure system should be further encouraged and maintained. The protection modality provided by these traditional systems should be viewed as complementary to the existing state-based ones, therefore enriching the options for promoting the conservation and sustainable use of ecosystems, in landscapes increasingly predominated by human activities. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study constitutes part of the Asian Public Intellectual – (API) Fellowship, which in Indonesia is a co-operative arrangement between the Nippon Foundation, and the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). For the purposes of the aforementioned API fellowship, undertaken by Mochamad Indrawan, facilities are being provided by Faculty of Agriculture – Kyushu University, Japan. Dr. David Neidel and an anonymous reviewer kindly reviewed this paper. References [1] Rhee, S., Kitchener, D., Brown, T., Merrill, R., Dilts, R., and Tighe, S. 2004. Report on biodiversity and tropical forests in Indonesia. FAA 118/119 report prepared for USAID Indonesia.

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Indrawan, M., Primack, R.B., Supriatna, J. 2007. Biologi Konservasi. Yayasan Obor Indonesia.[Indonesian book- adaptation of the second edition of A Primer Conservation Biology (Primack 2004), in Bahasa Indonesia]. xviii + 625 pp Yeager, C. 2008. Conservation of tropical forests and biological diversity In Indonesia. Submitted in accordance with Foreign Assistance Act Sections 118/119. Report prepared for USAID Indonesia BAPPENAS (Republic of Indonesia – Development Planning Board). 2003. Indonesia Biodiversity Action Plan. Suharsono, 1998. Condition of coral reef resources in Indonesia. Journal Pesisir dan Lautan (1) 2: 44-52 Pretty, J. , Adams, B ., Berkes, F., de Athayde, S.F., Dudley, N., Hunn, E., Maffi, L., Milton, K., Rapport, D., Robbins, P., Sterling, E.J., Stolton, S., Tsing, A., Vintinner, E., Pilgrim, S. 2009. The intersections of biological diversity and cultural diversity: towards integration. Conservation and Society (7) 2: 100 – 112 UNESCO. 2010. A proposed joint programme of work on biological and cultural diversity lead by the Secretariat of the Convention on Biodiversity and UNESCO. Working Document. International Conference on Biological and Cultural Diversity: Diversity for DevelopmentDevelopment for Diversity (8-10 June 2010, Montreal, Canada). , accessed 19 Sept. 2011


Fumiko, N. 2010. Satoyama Initiative. United Nation University – Institute for Advanced Studies. downloaded 08082011, accessed 8 Aug. 2011


Durraiapah, A.K., Takeuchi, K., Scherkenbach, C. 2011. Japan should look to satoyama and satoumi for inspiration defined,0_ , accessed 8 Aug. 2011 Knight, C. 2010. The discourse of "encultured nature" in Japan: the concept of satoyama and its role in 21st-century nature conservation . Asian Studies Review 34. 4 : 421-. 441 Indrawan, M. 1999. [Consultative mechanisms for involving the communities of the Lore Lindu National Park. Consultation report, in Bahasa Indonesia]. The Nature Conservancy – Indonesia Program Indrawan, M. 2000. [A review of decentralization process and its implication toward park management systems in Indonesia: Discussion paper, in Bahasa Indonesia]. Natural Resources Management Program – NRM/EPIQ Indrawan, M & Rangkuti, F. 2001. Development, biodiversity and the status of Banded Leaf Monkey in Natuna Islands, South China Sea. Tropical Biodiversity. 7 (2-3): 151 – 63 Indrawan, M. 2008. Harmony in the islands of the gods. Asian Geographic 58 (8): 88 – 90 Caldecott, J., Indrawan, M. 2009. Update of the Country Environmental Profile for Indonesia (EU Delegation, Jakarta). Iskandar, J. 1998. Swidden Cultivation as a Form of Cultural Identity: The Baduy Case. PhD thesis, University of Kent at Canterbury, United Kingdom IUCN – International Union for the conservation of nature and natural resources – WCPA. Unpublished Rahmadie. 2005. Dusun Tuo Datai hari ini. [The sub-village of Tuo Datai today]. Selzner,A., Dounias,E., Kurniawan, I., Levang, P., Kishi, M. 2004. No longer nomadic: changing Punan Tubu lifestyle requires new health strategies. Cultural Survival Quarterly 28 (2). omadic-changing-punan-tubu-lifestyle-re, accessed 8 Aug. 2011 Kemper, D., Noltze, M., Weber, R., and Faust, H. 2008. The role of agricultural ―knowledge‖ in rural communities of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. STORMA Discussion Paper Series Sub-program A on Social and Economic Dynamics in Rain Forest Margins, no. 27., p.18.

[10] [11]


[13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [18] [19]


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Cook, C.D.T. 1995 The Amung Way: the subsistence strategies, the knowledge and the dilemma of the Tsinga Valley people in Irian Jaya, Indonesia, PhD Dissertation, Southern Illinois University at Carbondale Thornburn, C. 2000. Sasi lola in the Kei Islands, Indonesia: an endangered marine resource management tradition, World Development 28(8): 1461-1480

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IS IT ‘ORDER’ OR ‘PEACE’: SECURITY, POLITICAL STABILITY, AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN POST-CONFLICT POSO DURING 2001-2011 Nino Viartasiwi Graduate School International Relations, Ritsumeikan University *Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT Security sector is a main arena in the post-conflict recovery, followed by political stability and democratic governance. This study seeks to describe and analyze security, political stability, and democratic governance that have been conducted in Poso District, Central Sulawesi Province, Indonesia during 2001-2011. This work based on my field research in the affected area, from December 2010 until January 2011. Poso had suffered severe violent conflict based on religious lines during 1998-2001. The period of 2001 onward is the peace-building period that should be carefully observed. The main argument of this chapter is that, despite the frequent government claim that the current state of security in Poso is stable and head to sustainable peace, it is in practice the state of ‗order‘ not ‗peace,‘ that has existed. Open conflict ceased and reconciled, and mass violence settled; however, evidences illustrate the remaining conflict and disagreement that spark violence once in a while. Moreover, there are also many potential conflicts related to the political development that should be addressed before claiming that Poso is in the state of sustainable peace. Keywords: post-conflict, governance, security, political-stability, democracy INTRODUCTION Security sector is a main arena in the post-conflict recovery. The United Nations, in its famous An Agenda for Peace states that security is the key issue which must be settled to prevent societies from falling back into violent struggle.22 Building up the government capacity to provide security, in an accountably manner, is crucial. Once security is maintained, the next step is political stability to ensure that democratic mechanism works to perform legitimate and accountable government. This chapter describes the security governance that has been conducted in Poso during 2001-2011. Two periods of time are dividing the chapter, the 2001-2007 period and 2007-2011 period. The time line is needed since the security governance in Poso has faced different challenges in those periods. The implementation of security governance in post-conflict Poso did not run smoothly in the first period since the violence continued in a different form; terror actions. The second period started after a police raid in 2007 to arrest the terrorist suspects. Since then, the state of security is improving in Poso. The main argument of this chapter is that, despite the frequent government claim that the current state of security in Poso is stable and heading to sustainable peace it is in practice the state of ‗order,‘ not ‗peace.‘ Open conflict ceased and reconciled, and mass violence settled; however, evidences illustrate the remaining conflict and disagreement that spark violence once in a while. Moreover, there are also many potential conflicts in the future that should be addressed before claiming that Poso is in the state of sustainable peace. This chapter also discusses the democratic governance performance and the political stabilization in post-conflict periods. The democratic system has been introduced, and political stability has been made, the result of peaceful elections in the last years. However, democratic governance in Poso is under the shadow of uncertainties since the function of supervision by the local parliament (DPRD) is extremely weak. Moreover, the tendency of local elites to use the fear of people to re-fall into conflict for their political benefits is compounding the condition. We argue that the visible political stability in Poso is very superficial, since people refrain from actively expressing their 22

See the United Nations An Agenda for Peace: Preventive Diplomacy, Peacemaking and Peace-Keeping, A/47/277-S/24111, 17 June 1992

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political views and interests. It should be also noted that there were two regional splitting in Poso as a result of political contestation, and there are now initiatives of other split in Poso. Hence, this paper argues that the elites are hijacking peace in Poso for their own benefit and interests. The claim of political stability in Poso is largely questionable.


Security as a Prerequisite of Governance in Poso

For the better governance in post-conflict society, Brinkerhoff (2005) suggests that it should have three pillars. The first is legitimacy; referring to the acceptance of a governing regime as correct, appropriate and/or right. The strongest legitimacy source for governance is taking the form in democracy. The second pillar is security. This is an essential element to ensuring political stability as a foundation for normalizing economic and political activities. The third is effectiveness. Poso is a small town in Indonesia. Even though the region was chaos, the state was strong, and the national government was legitimate. Therefore, the government legitimacy was not the issue in Poso‘s peace-building agenda. In the post-Malino peace agreement of 2001, the central government, through the provincial government, appointed a high-rank official as the District Head of Poso. The election (not appointment) to choose the district head was first held in Poso in 2005. Although there were some criticisms regarding the leadership of the appointed District Head in post peace-agreement, the legitimacy of the government was strong. However, it did not mean to have the legitimacy of security forces. The police admitted that, during 2001-2005, the legitimacy of security forces was weak, and it enhanced terrorism (Karnavian, et al. 2008).


The 2001-2007 Period; the Terror Period

The 2001 Malino peace-agreement did not put an end to violence in Poso. Radical groups had their own targets even after the agreement. Poso embraced many radical groups working for both Christian and Muslim sides. In the Muslim side, Laskar Jihad (LJ) is a paramilitary force came from Java Island after a mass massacre of Muslim by the Christian.23 They believed that Poso was the place for a real jihad. 24 Since then, radicalism entered Poso. Then some members of Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), a regional terrorist network, infiltrated and took advantage to Laskar Jihad‘s efforts. In Poso, JI recruited and trained angry young man from Muslim side. After the peace agreement, Laskar Jihad dispersed, and its members went back to their homelands. However, the JI stayed (ICG 2007). Repelling the peace agreement, JI maintained the battle in smaller scale targeting individuals. It was notable that terror actions replaced communal violence since the peace agreement. Hit and run shootings, kidnapping, killing, and bombing terrors stained Poso and the neighbourhood areas such as Palu City and Morowali District. The police recorded that, in the initial period of post peace-agreement, the violence were involved armed groups which attacked a village or neighbourhood. After the police raided the suspected groups, the form of violence shifted to attacking individuals and smaller groups. Bombing terror in public places took shape as well as random shooting toward ordinary people. The public got panicked; even farmers had to go to their farms in groups due to the fear of being shot. The shooting targeted various individuals such as civil servants, police officers, church ministers, journalists, even farmers, and lower-class workers. My informants 23

There was a mass massacre conducted by the Christian militias against 200 Muslims hiding in Walisongo Pesantren on 28 May 2000, and it destroyed the adjoining village of Sintuwu Lemba (HDcentre 2009). The incident triggered anger from a radical Islamic group including Laskar Jihad, (Fealy 2001). Laskar Jihad went to Poso and spread radicalism in Poso; the situation was deteriorating since then, especially when an organization so called Jamaah Islamiyah, which was also believed as a terrorist organization linked to Al Qaeda, rode Laskar Jihad and join in Poso‘s combat (ICG 2007). Later, not only Jamaah Islamiyah adjoined the combat, but also another hard line organization named KOMPAK. They generated some terrorist cells, and were active until years after Laskar Jihad left Poso. 24 There is a distinctive difference between many Indonesian Islamic organizations and Laskar Jihad in defining jihad. Laskar Jihad defines Jihad as a battle toward what they believed as Islam‘s enemy (Fealy 2001), whereas major Indonesian Islamic organizations led by Indonesian Islamic Theologian Councils (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, MUI), defines Jihad in a context of peace (ishlah), or making an improvement or correction to society with a pacifist actions such as religion teaching (dakwah) (Dakwatuna 2009).

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mentioned that, at the moment, people used to hear the sound of gun shoot. 25 Furthermore, bombing terrors were also flared. Three biggest bomb blasts that claimed high fatality were; the bomb in Central Market of Poso, a day before Islamic holy day of Idul Fitri in November 2004, which took six people dead and dozens injured. Another blast was at Tentena Market in May 2005, which cost the lives of 23 people and around 90 people injured. A bomb blast in Maesa Pig Market at Palu City, on the last day of December 2005, caused 8 people dead and 44 people injured. In addition, there was also a robbery, in the parking land at Poso district government office, with the loss of 478 billion rupiah (47.800 USD) that was for the salaries of the civil servants. Nevertheless, the most awful case was the beheaded of three school girls in October 2005, which gained national public concern and a stern pressure to the police. The weak and unprofessional law enforcement was the source of the lasting violence in post peace-agreement of Poso. The governance actors failed to conduct disarmament of armed groups and enforced the law. Moreover, the radical group blamed the police for its unfair law enforcement. The accusation derived from the process of the Malino peace-agreement. In the peace processes, the Muslim side were unsatisfied with the statement and decision of Jusuf Kalla, the initiator of peace-agreement and the Minister of Social Welfare, which considered all cases of violence have been closed and resolved to the peace treaty.26 Jusuf Kalla stated that since the peace was achieved, both parties should forgive each other, and the violent cases were closed. The Muslim side was disappointed by the statement, since it also could be translated as follows: perpetrators of the violence, and massacre toward Muslims during the crisis were free to walk away. Jusuf Kalla insisted that his view was based on the fact that the form of violence during the conflict was communal and almost every person was involved. Therefore, everyone had the possibility to be punished.27 The Muslim side, however, argued that since Muslim suffered many in the loss of lives, the murder cases should not be closed without legal actions against the attackers.28 The lack of justice and the lack of neutrality in law enforcement were the reasons of the sustaining violence in the post peace-agreement. In fact, the government conducted law enforcement toward the suspected persons involved in violence. The police caught Adrianus Tibo, Dominggus da Silva, and Marinus Riwu as the suspects of the massacre of Muslims in Pesantren Walisongo at May 2000. They were tried in court and sentenced to the death penalty in April 2001. In the trial, which went under the public high pressure, Tibo and his friends insisted that they were innocent and accused 16 other people as the master-minds and the real perpetrators of the violence.29 The death penalty stimulated public discourses. Judging from the education and religious background of the convicts, who were uneducated migrant farm-workers and Catholics, many people and institutions doubted that those men were the real actors of the violence. On the other hand, Muslims in Poso supported the court decision based on the witness‘s confessions. Nevertheless, the police tried to investigate the alleged involvement of the 16 persons; yet, the police declared there were no enough proofs to charge them. 30 Interestingly, the 25

All names used for inhabitants of Poso in the text are pseudonyms. Interviews with: Siriyu (news reporter and NGO activist) and Taufiq (Muslim‘s ex-combatant) at Poso, December 2010. 26 There was a dispute during the process of peace agreement. The Muslim side insisted that the agreement was not to make peace with other party; instead they insisted that it was merely a cease-fire. The Muslim side hoped that during the cease-fire the perpetrators of violence toward Muslim (the massacre of pesantren Walisongo and Sintuwu Lembah) would be punished by the government. Jusuf Kalla agreed with the semantic discourse of term ―peace‖ but went with the treaty which was ―peace-agreement‖ in essence. Interview with Jusuf Kalla, Jakarta, January 2011. 27 Interview with Jusuf Kalla, Jakarta, January 2011 28 Interviews with the signers of Peace Accord from Muslim‘s side: Haji Adnan, Ustad Jamaludin, Sofyan Leumbah, Palu, December 2010 29 Those people are: Paulus Tungkanan (retired army), Ladue (retired army), Theo Manjayo (retired army), Impadeli (retired civil servant), Eric Rombot (civil servant), Edi Bunkundapu (civil servant of Poso District Government), Yahya Patiro (a high rank official at Poso District Government), Sigilipu H.X. Obed Tampai (high rank civil servant), Rungadai Son (teacher), Yanis Simangunsong, Angkou, Angky Tungkanan, Heri Banibi, Sarjun alias Gode alias Guntur Tarinje, Ventje, Sanrua Gadi (Tabloid Rohani Populer Sabda No. 85/thn IX/2006, April 2006) 30 In April 2006, the final months before the executions of Tibo and his friends, the Central Sulawesi Police Chief (Kapolda Sulawesi Tengah) Brigadier General Oegroseno conducted a meeting to confront Tibo with one of the

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former Central Sulawesi Police Chief, Commissioner General Oegroseno, shared his personal view of the doubt regarding the Tibo‘s role as the sole perpetrators of violence. 31 Oegroseno, however, was promoted to another province before the execution of the three men. His successor, Police Brigadier General Badrodin Haiti, conducted the execution three weeks after his assignment. The investigation of the 16 other accused men stopped. The trial of the three men was the only trial with the killing accusation and the death penalty. Other trials that had been conducted were on the possession of weapons, arms or bombs. The trials of violence resulted in the decisions of under 3-years imprisonment in average. It was such as the trial of Yeni Tandega, of her involvement in the attack toward Muslim villages during 2000. The radical groups saw the judge was unfair, and they felt being cheated by the Malino peace agreement. In the final months before the execution of Tibo and friends, the tension increased. The government deployed more troops and police to the region. The army formed a new battalion in Poso, the Infantry Battalion 714 of Sintuwu Maroso, to back up the two battalions that had been deployed in advance. At the same time, the police deployed one company of mobile brigade (brimob), deployed three companies of police troops, enhanced the status of Poso police resort office to be the special police resort office with 2000 officers, and created the Security Operation Command (Koopskam). Inevitably, the increased tension caused street demonstrations held by the supporters and protesters of the execution and the city was almost chaos. The presence of security forces managed to tame the violence atmosphere during the demonstration. However, there were lethal violence, attacks to the police offices, bombings, and killings committed by the angered groups, which occurred after the execution. The long periods of violence existed due to the lack of legitimacy of the police in front of public. Karnavian (2008) pointed out that the source of the lack of legitimacy was due to the fear of the police officers to be the target of violence actions. Moreover, the clash between the police officers and the army soldiers, that happened several times, worsen the image of the security forces. There were several armed clashes between the police and the army during security operations in Poso, and they were caused by the institution rivalry between the two security forces. The leaders of these institutions were also holding some disagreement regarding the implementation of security control in the region. Civil society organizations strongly criticized the performance of security forces. The accusation was that the long violence in Poso was ―by design‖ to smooth the plan of security forces to enlarge territorial commands, covering corruptions, and for the interest of the so called ―security project‖ (proyek pengamanan).32 Violence decreased sharply in 2007, after police conducted stern raids on a place that was suspected to be the home base of terror actors on 11 and 22 January 2007. The place was Pondok Pesantren Amanah at Tanah Runtuh neighbourhood of Poso City. Pesantren Amanah, also known as Pesantren Tanah Runtuh, was owned by Haji Adnan Arsal. It was also the shelter for child refugees from the former Pesantren Walisongo that had been attacked and burned to the ground during the crisis. The students were mostly young girls and children of the refugees. However, some teachers (ustad) from Java Island were the member of radical groups who came during the crisis. They composed the place as the centre of the radical groups (ICG 2008). Surprisingly, not until 2004, the police did not recognize the role of these teachers in organizing terror actions in Poso (Karnavian, et al. 2008). In the raids, police received hard resistance and the suspects fought them hardly. ICG (2008) reported that Muslims from across Poso and neighbouring districts came to join forces with their Tanah Runtuh colleagues in solidarity. Though, the Police succeed in the operations. Around eleven people of the suspects got killed. During the raids and sweeping that followed, the police caught 64 people, seized dozens of heavy weapons, thousands of ammunitions, and dozens of homemade bombs. Although there was criticism of human rights abuses in the way the police conducted the raid, it resulted in the decrease of violence in Poso.

man accused to be highest master mind of the conflict. Tibo, however, could not recognize the man he accused and rectified his confession regarding the name of the master minds. See Tempo Magazine April 23, 2006. 31 Interview with Commissioner General Oegroseno, Kyoto, May 3, 2011. 32 LPS-HAM, KontraS, and Yayasan Tanah Merdeka were NGOs who have long accused the security forces‘ involvement in violence of Poso.

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The 2007-2010 Period; the Stabilization Period

The second period of security governance in Poso started after the police operation in January 2007. The violence disappeared, and the tension reduced. However, even though the police had succeeded jailing some criminal actors, some suspects managed to escape. The remaining uncaught ex-militia and the ex-militia prisoners who already completed their short sentences were the factors that lingered radicalism. Additionally, the Chief of the Indonesian Military, General Djoko Santoso, stated the same warning. He affirmed his subordinates to be wary of terrorist threats in some conflict-prone areas of Indonesia, such as Poso (Antara News September 7, 2009). Therefore, one of the hard tasks in nurturing peace in Poso is still countering radicalism. Radicalism is still the biggest problem of security governance in Poso. The remnants of radicalism even can be seen in 2011; three policemen were shot in Palu City, 25 May 2011, with two policemen killed, and one seriously injured. The police investigation found the link between the criminal suspects and the former radical groups. The shooting was also a proof that even the police and the army have raided and confiscated guns, and have appealed to the people to give up their weapons; illegal arms are still circulating in Poso. 33 Moreover, my informants shared their concern about the existence of radical thought laying in the society. They point out the possibility of activities in small musholah (little praying centre) in the rural villages as the new spot of the study place of the radical groups.34 However, judging from the response of the public toward violence threat, the situation is heading to the positive side of the state of security in Poso. Nowadays, people do not easily to get panicked when rumors and violence threats spread.35 On a police raid to chase police shooter perpetrators, in June 2011, people did not move to defend the suspects. The situation was different few years back, when people stood against the police in a police raid on suspected shooters.36 Despite the fact that there are still disappointments over the judicial process regarding the former violence and that there is no explicit resolution to overcome the underlying grievances, the tension in Poso has reduced and the live of people has been rebuilt. Nevertheless, it is too overconfidence to claim Poso is stable and normal. The potent of violence present not only the potential for violence associated with the past, but also the violence related to the current social and political development. These potential conflicts of Poso are discussed below.

1. The land ownership disputes There are conflicts potentials in to the dispute over land rights. During the past conflict, many people sought refuge and left their land. In aftermath, many have not gone back to their former neighborhood. Some went back only to find that their old houses and lands were used by other people. Few people were able to manage the land trouble, and some stuck in debate of lands ownership


The Police conducted raids to confiscate illegal arms both the crude contraptions guns (senjata rakitan) and the original weapons of heavy and light caliber. Sometimes, police appealed people to giving up their weapon possession and gave some money. In October 2010, Central Sulawesi police held a ceremony to destroy the seized guns of 2010; 334 firearms, long barrels and short barrels, homemade and original, and 2752 rounds of ammunition of all types, grenades and homemade bombs. See Media Indonesia October 10, 2010 at: The similar ceremony had been held several times before. 34 Interviews with: Ustad Ibrahim (Muslim‘s leader, ex-combatant) at Poso and Ustad Jamaludin Hadi (Muslim‘s leader) Palu, December 2010. They also point out that there are children of the past conflict victims who are unnoticed and unmonitored. They are saved during the crisis. Recently they are adult burdened with resentment due to the justice against violence perpetrators who attacked their parents and families. Ex-Central Sulawesi Chief of Police, Commissioner General Oegroseno stated the similar concern in interview in Kyoto, May 3, 2010. 35 One of the rumors was the rumor of ―Bloody Lebaran‖ (Lebaran Berdarah) in 2010. The rumors said that Christians from Tentena would attack Poso Town during Lebaran. The rumor was a continuation of a rumor about hundreds of radical Muslim radicals had arrived in Tentena to hold tarawih prayer (a special prayer during Ramadhan month). The rumors were defeated after community leaders, ex-combatant networks and NGO activists contacted each other to confirm. Interviews with: Jemmy Matusala (Christian‘s ex-combatant), Telly (Christian‘s ex-combatant), Reverend Felix, and police officer Landung at Tentena, Ustad Ibrahim (Muslim‘s leader) and Sofyan (news reporter from Matahari radio station) at Poso, December 2010. 36 See Karnavian, et al. 2008 .

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evidences.37 The land ownership was one of the points carried out by Malino Agreement that have not been implemented successfully.38 The local government is aware of the situation but it has not decided any policy to overcome this serious problems. 2. The dispute over development policy of the government: transmigration After a long break due to the crisis, the national government is re-conducting a government-sponsored migration, so-called transmigration (transmigrasi), to Poso. It started to locate hundreds of people from other part of Indonesia, mostly from East-Java Province. Despite the fact that the people of Talabosa Village and Betue Village rejected the idea of their 600 hectares of land being used in the resettlement project,39 the government went on the program. The project started in 2010 and the Poso district government is providing 5,347 hectare land for the project. The government is preparing an ―independent integrated city‖ (Kota Terpadu Mandiri, KTM) in Lore Peore sub-district to welcome the migrants. Regarding the rejection of the people, the head of the department of Public Works of Poso District Mathius Tungka explained that the transmigration is a national policy project that should be conducted by the district government. 3. Ethnic and identity competition Like elsewhere in Indonesia, the revival of the sentiment of ethnicity and religion has been used to win the people‘s votes in the election. The phenomenon is a new development in the last ten years of democratic political contestation in Indonesia. Ethnic leaders are revering their custom (adat) in campaigns of certain interests. The romance of adat is used to mobilize the support from the people (Bourchier 2007). In Central Sulawesi, Aminudin Ponulele, the governor during 2001-2006, established an ethnic organization called the Pitu N‘gota Ngata Kaili as his political vehicle to mobilize the Kaili ethnic and its sub-ethnic groups and differentiate it with the migrant Bugis ethnic group (Li 2007). In the context of Poso, however, even though the organization intended to be the umbrella of sub-ethnic groups, operationally, it did not work. During the crisis, as an attempt to avoid the conflict between migrant Muslims versus native Christians, the native Muslims of Poso established the identity of Muslim To‘ Poso (the native Muslim of Poso). They tried to differentiate them with their Muslim counterpart from migrant groups, especially Bugis. Furthermore, in the aftermath of crisis, people in Poso are no longer identifying themselves in term of ethnic group, but neighborhood. Marzuki, an academic from Tadulako University, is analyzing the issue as the people‘s effort to avoid the religious identity that sticks to the ethnic identity.40 Though, during election times, candidates are still exploiting the religious identity as the instrument to win the votes. In the district head election, the unwritten rule is to have a running mate from different religious groups. The combination is to keep the religious/ ethnic harmony in district. However, when the ethnic groups of Poso are getting more complicated and the other religious groups entering the power contestation, a simple combination of Muslim and Christian is no longer useful enough to maintain the social balance. The post-conflict period is the best period to introduce pluralism and tolerance to the people. 4. The treatment to ex-combatant The police and local government have undergone a reintegration program to tame the violence potentials. Mc Rae (2009) noted that the best attribute of the programs was its side effect: the police were able to develop relations with ex-combatants which they were then able to leverage to develop 37

Interviews with: Ustad Gani (the member of DPRD of Poso District at Poso) and Ustad Ibrahim (Muslim‘s leader) Poso, December 2010. Interviews with: John Losikoy (NGO‘s activist), Jemi (Christian‘s ex-combatant, NGO‘s activist), Reverend Felix (the current minister in GKST), lady minister Lies Sigilipu, and Abdullah (civil servant, the head of local office of religious affairs in Pamona sub-district), at Tentena, December 2010. 38 One of the 10 points of Malino Agreement is the return of people‘s land ownership rights. 39 The natives rejected the program due to the fear of losing their earning since income depended only on their land. Giving up the lands may create the shrinking in income resources. Interviews with: Sofyan (local news reporter, NGO‘s activist) at Poso, Vincent (environmental NGO‘s activist) Yandi (NGO‘s activist), Heidy (NGO‘s activist), at Tentena, December 2010. 40 Interview with Muhammad Marzuki, Palu, December 2010.

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their ability to manage security. Not only the police who got the benefit of good interaction with ex-combatants, however. The local government, politicians, and businessman also benefited from the good relationship. The ex-combatants are activated as an early-warning instrument, to tame the approaching violence. The networks of ex-combatants of two communities have been instrumental in counteracting black provocation such as the issue of an attack of a community toward the other. However, the risk of over-using ex-combatant group‘s service is also present. Since there is no strict definition of the term ‗ex-combatant‘, many youth joined the group and claimed themselves as ex-combatant and enjoyed their privileges. The complication occurred when those groups abused the good faith of the government to them by demanding assistance and financial support.41There is a trend of ‗project businesses‘ (bisnis proyek) in which the ex-combatant groups demanding to be appointed as the executers of the government‘s projects. The case of a beating against the chief of the Department of Settlement and Regional Plan of Poso District, Ir. Max Tungka, regarding the dissatisfaction of a tender of a project in 2008, was a signal of a morbidity of the government and ex-combatant groups‘ relationship.42 Moreover, the politicians‘ behavior of using ex-combatant groups as their political backup is also adding the risk of future violence. The ex-combatant groups are serving as bodyguards, election campaigners, and supporters for the politicians. Sometimes they even clash each other and created a tension. The cases of terror bombings and threats in election times and violent demonstration are all proving the danger of having violence-familiar groups into the post-conflict political process. Aspinall (2009) found the same condition in Aceh; the ex-combatants in the aftermath of war became powerful actors in society. The Poso case is following the same path, since Poso is also the second place of the repatriation program project of the government after Aceh. Thus, the current treatment for the violence-experienced groups should be reconsidered to prevent the risk of future incidents. 5. Security forces and exploitation of natural resources Security forces are visible in Poso. Their posts are scattered all over the city. Police raid is still been conducted once in a while. The presence of heavily armed security forces guiding an event or demonstration is not a rare vision. During the post-conflict period, the police have formed a police special resort office in Poso to accelerate its duty; it is a distinction in comparison with other districts in Indonesia. Moreover, the police also placed its officers, three until five personnel per village, in every village, as an instrument of early-warning system. The army created a new infantry battalion in Poso, i.e. the battalion 714/ Sintuwu Maroso, as a measure of security deterrence in the future Poso. What is more, the battalion is also an initial step toward the building of new regional military command in Sulawesi Island.43 NGOs have been criticizing the presence of security forces based on at least two reasons as follows. First, there are indications that the security forces, especially the military, have been riding the issue of communal violence to push the idea of increasing the number of territorial commands and by splitting Sulawesi Regional Military Command (Kodam VII/ Wirabuana) into two Regional Command (Aditjondro 2001; 2004). Furthermore, the suspicion that the Poso violence was ‗by design‘ of the military to conserve the ‗military business‘ is spreading. One of the problems of military business was that gun and ammunition trade with militias (ICG 2010; YTM 2004), illegal logging and exploitation of Poso‘s forest (Kontras 2004), and security protection business. The local military strongly denied these allegations. However, these are widely recognized as ‗off-budget‘ revenue for the local territorial commands and, in fact, many informants during my interview mentioned that during the crisis, the military personnel were charging their operation cost, such as gasoline, truck‘s tire, foods and even the 41

Interviews with: the chief of BakesbangLinmas (the office of social and political affairs) of Poso District Government, a local news reporter (anonymous), and a Muslim‘s ex-combatant (anonymous), Poso, December 2010. 42 See Radar Sulteng 28 March 2008. 43 Sulawesi Island has been under the control of Sulawesi Regional Command (Kodam VII/ Wirabuana) since 1985. However, the military is planning to expand its territorial network by splitting Kodam Wirabuana into two Kodam. The Army Chief of Staff General TNI George Toisutta stated the issue to upgrade Santiago District Command in at North Sulawesi to be a Regional Command overseeing Central and North Sulawesi. He expressed the statement in Makassar in July and November 2010.

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phone expense to the district government.44 It was raised the question of where did the official budget of security forces from the central government go. The indictment of military‘s unofficial business cannot be ignored in understanding the lack of neutrality of the military during the crisis. The second allegation is regarding the allocation of security forces‘ posts and bases are that mostly sited near the place of natural resource exploitation. In the creation of new army battalion in Poso (Battalion 714/ Sintuwu Maroso) the chief of local territorial command, Colonel Suwahyudi, claimed that the new battalions with its three companions are designed to secure oil field and gas mining areas of Sinorang Toili. The area is located from the Batui sub-district at Banggai District until Tolo Bay of Morowali District. It should be noted that a notorious national-level businessman, Tomy Winata, is investing three million US dollars for the mining exploitation.45 Thus, a suspicion says that the new battalion is to protect the business of particular elites in Jakarta. In Poso, PT Bukaka, a company owned by the former Vice President, Jusuf Kalla, entered the region in 2005 to exploit the water by building a hydropower plant. The investment, located in the Sulewana Village, is around 6 billion rupiah (660 million USD), and it is intended to provide electricity in South Sulawesi.46 The army has supported the site by locating an infantry companion of the new battalion in Saojo Village, a village located between Sulewana Village and Tentena area (the Christian basis of Poso). The company is also located between headquarter of Battalion 714, and the Saojo Village as the companion base. By chance, Sulewana Village is also the hometown of the Poso Head District, Piet Inkiriwang. The project met protests since the beginning. People were objecting the takeover of their lands and the use of the water that could decrease the population of Sogili fish and threaten their fisheries livelihood. Yet, the project went on under the local government and the support of the security forces. The informant mentioned that the project officers of the company have used the military personnel to persuade people giving up their ancestral lands. Some people are threatened will get the mark as ‗unsupportive to development‘ as well as PKI (communist), if they resist.47 An incident happened in March 2011 when the people of Peura Village objected the construction of two electricity towers in their village, due to the fear of the impact of the hanging wires to their health. The people expressed no objection to the construction of 19 other towers in the area, but asked for relocating 2 towers built in a residential area. The company responded by sending military personnel, police and state apparatus to confront the people. It created a tension in the area.48 Therefore, judging from these facts, the connection between security forces and investments is clearly unfair for local population. The security forces have been used to back up the business investment. 2. Political Stability and Democratic Governance for Sustainable Peace 2.1. Decentralization as an instrument to accelerate peace-building As discussed by many obesrvers, the cause of conflict of Poso was power rivalry of elites, therefore, the stabilitization of political life is important. However, the violence shifted the form of political contestation in Poso District. One of the visible shift was the split (pemekaran) of the District. Poso had been split into 3 districts during and after the crisis. The former Poso District became Poso District, Morowali District and Tojo Una-Una District. Informants suggest that the local parlianment already approved the plan few years before the crisis,49 yet, the rushy implementation of the plan were disturbing since it was also exposing the insensitive policy to conflict of the government. Aragon (2007) pointed out that the conflict also become a catalyst for regime change from one ethnic to another. She also analyzed that the conflict enhanced the sentiment of ethno-religious centricism which was stngethened by the split out of the district. Decentralization is a new rule of the game in management system of governance in 44

Interviews with Malik Sahadat (former Poso‘s vice District head) and Arnold Bouw (the head of Social and Political Affairs‘ Office of Poso District), December 2010. 45 Radar Sulteng 3 March, 2003. Winata is known as Indonesia‘s ‗god father‘ in the criminal underworld 46 Interview with Jusuf Kalla, Jakarta, January 2011. 47 Interview with NGO‘s activists: Vincent Lumintang, Lian Gogali, and Yandi, Tentena, December 2010. The mark of PKI is the threat long used by the regime during Suharto period to identify the enemy of the country. 48 Personal communication with Lian Gogali (NGO‘s activist), March 2011. 49 Interview with Malik Syahadat (Poso‘s former vice district head), Palu, December 2010

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Indonesia under democracy (Nordholt and Van Klinken (eds) 2007). Decentralization intends to provide regions with a bigger power and authority to reach a more effective governance system. If it is handled well, decentralization could support peace-building efforts. However, if it is handled badly, the relocation of power and resources may create a new power struggle of elites that can hamper the peace-building process. Poso‘s experience of decentralization shows evidence of the last premise. To some extent, the decentralization process, which was implemented by the split of one district into three helped simplify the peace-building programs by dividing the responsibility and jobs to three different districts. Yet, the fact that peace-building and reconciliation efforts during the post peace-agreement were only conducted in the Poso district should be carefully considered. The concern is based on the fact that even though during the conflict and its aftermath, Morowali and Tojo Una-una is also affected by violence actions. Even though the scale of the violence was not big, the kidnaping, shooting and bombing terror were also happened. Moreover, during the post-conflict, disagreement over development strategies between people and the local government has been arousing tension in the regions. Another important fact is that the elites that were involved in the power struggle of former Poso also became key political actors in newly separated districts.50 It raises a question about the elites struggle for power and its role as the trigger of the conflict. Recently, Poso is also facing a new discourse of another split. The first discourse is the desire to create a new province; East Sulawesi Province. The new province will consist of some districts including Poso District, Morowali District and Tojo Una Una District, Banggai District and Banggai Islands Disctrict. The reason behind the idea is to take over the funds and resources from the Central Sulawesi Provincial government (Shatifan, et al. 2004). The idea was campaigned at the moment with positive signs of its success, since it was also in line with the military idea to build a new regional military command (komando daerah militer, kodam) in the region. Even so, the dispute already started regarding the choice of the provincial capital. Luwuk and Poso are competing each other to be appointed as the provincial capital. Interestingly, the Poso Districts officials made a statement that Poso District will withdraw from the East Sulawesi Province, and rejoin the Central Sulawesi Province, if it is not chosen as the capital of the province.51 Another discourse is the idea to split the current Poso District into two regions, i.e., Poso City and Pamona Raya District. The idea derives from the frustration of the local elites of the two communities regarding the social cohesion. By separating the region based on religion, it is expected to accelerate development and mitigate conflict between two sides. The initiative does not gain any support from the government so far; nonetheless, the informal community leaders are signaling their approval.52 Hence, the decentralization endeavour by splitting the regions can also indicate the failure of the current local government in managing conflict.


Elections and the restoration of political dynamics

In order to obtain a legitimate government, election is the most appropriate mechanism in democracy. During the post-conflict era, Poso District has been conducted several elections since 2004 including legislative elections, presidential elections, governatorial elections, and district head elections. All of them were carried out in fairly peaceful and orderly, thus creating an impression that Poso is politically stable now. While many areas of Indonesia are facing violence during elections, Poso is surprisingly peaceful, thanks to the peace-minded candidates and diligent election organisers (ICG, 2010). Yet, it raises curiosity about the current political dynamics in Poso. The elections in Poso can be used, as the mirror, to see the Poso political dynamics. Identity, as the political vehicle to gain votes is still important in the Poso elections. Indeed, 50

Damsik Ladjalani, the District Head of Tojo Una Una (for 2005-2010 period and 2010-2015 period) was also the one who had been expected to be Poso District Secretary in pre-conflict Poso but defeated. The power rivalry of that moment stimulated the violence in Poso 1998-2001. For the details see chapter 2. 51 On this comment see Media Indonesia, October 10, 2010 52 Interviews with: Lies Sigilipu (lady minister from Central Sulawesi Protestant Churches in Tentena), Rev. Felix (Central Sulawesi Protestant Churches‘ Secretary of Poso Branch), Ustad Ibrahim (Muslim‘s leader from Al Khairat organization), Ustad Gani (Muslim‘s leader), Arnold Bouw (the head of Poso‘s social and political affairs‘ office), Ibu Ruwaidah (Muslim‘s leader), Budiman Maliki (NGO‘s activist), December 2010

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it is not much different from the days of pre-conflicts. What makes Poso different in comparison to other regions is the fact that politicians mobilize the jargon of peace in their campaign, while using ethnic and religious identity as the differentiator to others. Politicians identify themselves to certain ethnic groups or religious backgrounds. They also try to obtain support from religious leaders The words and terms of peace and reconciliation also popular during the campaign. However, there are politicians that manipulated people‘s trauma of violence as an ‗Ace card‘ to impose public support for their political benefit, as seen in Piet Inkiriwang campaign. Furthermore, in the District Head election, there is an unwritten rule that requires the candidate and his/her running mate consist of two individual from different religious groups. The Muslims and Christians were in all campaign teams. This political development has diverted the tension between two communities. Albeit, it raised another tension as well in regard to political contestation among elites. While using ethnicity and religion as political commodities, Poso‘s politicians are also exploiting the presence of ex-combatant groups as their political back up. The ex-combatant groups have acted as politician bodyguards and vote getters during the campaign. Their activities create a tension among them, as seen in the quarrel among these gangs during the campaign or mass mobilization in protests. These ex-combatant groups are mostly organized by the youths, but this means that during the conflict period, these member were still in children age. Thus, their involvement in the past crisis is doubted. Many of them pretend that they are ex-combatants. McRae (2008) points out that there are no available of a simple, accountable mechanism, to verify the ex-combatant status. He also argues that the fluid and clandestine nature of combatant entities in Poso have created difficulties to find a genuine ex-combatant, except for those who had been serving a prison sentence. Thus, it is not an exaggeration to say that the ex-combatant groups have been exploiting the term of ‗ex-combatant‘ to gain their economic interests. Moreover, politicians are also hijacking peace in Poso by using the violence-experienced groups as their political utility. Another reason for the successful election series in post-conflict Poso was the security forces‘ presence which was very visible. Even so, the bombing terror and violence still occurred occasionally in every election. A few weeks before the direct election of District Head in June 2005, bombing terrors spread in Poso. Some low explosive bombings did not bring a lot of damage, but one high explosive bombing in a market in Tentena on May 28, 2005, took 20 lives and 53 people injured. However, the voting day was held as scheduled under an extra-strict custody of security forces. Recently, in the newest election in 2010 for the Poso District Head, there was also a bombing which made the security forces on alerted. The election results have invited another complication in the stabilization effort of Poso‘s political live. There was a dispute over the result of the election in 2005 which put Piet Inkiriwang-Abdul Muthalib Rimi as a pair of new Head and Vice-Head of Poso District. 15 of 25 members of the local parliament of Poso denounced the vote counts, with a reason that legal proceedings for election violations were not finished yet. Nonetheless, the central government ignored the rejection and inaugurated the election winner. The dispute disrupted the governance in Poso afterwards.53 Another complication in political stability is the severe corruption. As in the post-conflict area elsewhere, corruption is the object that should be aware in post-conflict reconstruction since it can undermine the peace (Mac Ginty and Williams 2009). Corruption in Poso has been disturbing the society reconstruction, creating political instability and sustaining violence. In the Poso post-conflict reconstruction, corruption has hampered refuges repatriation program, eliminated the right of the refugees to get aid, and caused violence related to the manipulation of the number of refugees.54Political instability is institutionalized in Poso since the massive and visible corruption of


The dispute of the Poso District Head versus the head of local parliament (DPRD) was long and severe. The top of the feud was the warrant from the District Head to every institution under his commands to not come to every invitation from DPRD regarding the use of the Recovery Funds. In return, DPRD cut the operational fund of the District Head from the Local Budget (APBD). 54 Corruption toward the repatriation funds had led the delay in the rebuilding of homes for refugees and caused the delay of refugees to go back to their homelands. When the funds finally handed to them, the amount were only half of the amount that they were supposed to get. Moreover, there was a case of a killing toward Pinedapa Village

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the elites has not been controlled by legal means. The violence sustain when the local elites use the ―ex-combatant‖ groups as their political backup by funding their activities.


Transparency in governance

―Pengsungsi dapat supermi, pejabat dapat super kijang‖ the refuges get supermi (a brand of instant noodle), the government officials get Super Kijang (a brand name of a car); this is the famous idiom in Poso to express the condition of aid distribution to the refugees in Poso. The idiom indicates the corruption in the allocation of economic assistance conducted by the government officials. Poso had received a big number of aids during 2001-2011. Considering the fact that Poso is merely a district, the amount of economic assistance is huge. During 2001-2002, Poso received humanitarian aid, as big as 33 billion rupiah (3.4 million US dollar), house building grants for 29 billion rupiah, and refugee‘s repatriation aid for 13 billion rupiah. In 2003, there was another house building grants in the amount of 6.5 billion rupiah. In 2004, there was another humanitarian aid for 59 billion rupiah. In 2006, there was a recovery aid for 58 billion rupiah, and in 2008 another recovery aids as big as 50 billion.55 This impressive amount is not including other aids under the department‘s programs such as the victim compensation aid, aid for the development of pesantren and schools, or economic assistance by the police department. The distribution of aid is largely unaccountable. NGOs and CSOs in the region have been actively guiding the distribution of aid. However, since there is no mechanism to ensure public accountability and transparency of the government, and the weak oversight function of DPRD, the supervision of civil society over the economic assistance distribution is far from sufficient. Nevertheless, in 2005, the former Poso district head, Andi Asikin Suyuti, was brought to trial and imprisoned for 2 years for corruption related to the refuges repatriation aid. But the former governor of Central Sulawesi Province, Aminudin Ponulele, was able to elude from the same case in the trial. The case of the corruption in the recovery aid program of 58 billion rupiah, for example, caught only the fraud of 1.7 billion rupiah from the total aid. Moreover, the trial only prosecuted one suspect, M. Nelloh, the former chief of the regional development agency of Poso district, and ignoring the testimony of the witnesses regarding the involvement of other actors‘.56. In sum, the massive corruption caused by unaccountable governance is adding more complication to Poso peace and development prospects. CONCLUSION The long way of peace-building in Poso has shown the fact that the legitimate security force and impartial law enforcement are the initial key for the successful post-conflict management. The security forces‘ apparent lack of legitimacy brought another phase of violence in the post peace-agreement in 2001-2007. Since dealing with grievance and hatred is the challenge that is common in governing the post-conflict society and the impartial law enforcement is crucial. But in Poso, security apparatus has enjoyed its economic relations with business entrepreneurs both local and national, and the military engagement in economic activities seriously jeopardizes its professional orientation. We have also seen that, after the peace agreement, political elites have used ‗ex-combatants‘ to strengthen their political basis and to gain more power in the series of local elections. These predatorily politicians even use the ‗fear of losing peace‘ as a discourse to justify their rule. Moreover, the post-conflict recovery aid seemingly became a source of massive corruption, and it ignited local power struggle. The post-2001 Poso has long been widely assessed, both domestic and international as a ‗successful‘ case of conflict resolution since chaotic violence is no longer visible and local elections have been conducted smoothly. However, this chapter illustrates that it is an illusion to see peace in Poso. The peace-related projects have been hijacked by local power elites who are now capable of taming the scale of violence. Head; Carminalis Ndele in 2004. Ndele was beheaded after he refused to inflate the number of refugees in his village and to cut their aid. 55 These are compilation from various sources, i.e., documents from the Poso‘s social and political affairs office and document from the ministry of public works. 56 The witnesses testify that the wife of Poso district head was involved in a fraud project.

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[24] Huber, Konrad Dr., Christian Tindjabate, and Darwis Waru. Towards Peaceful Development: Rebuilding Social Cohesion and Reconciliation; Central Sulawesi and North Maluku. Independent Report for UNDP and Bappenas, Jakarta: UNDP and Bappenas, 2004. [25] Human Right Watch. Breakdown: Four Years of Communal Violence in Central Sulawesi. Report, New York: Human Right Watch, December 2002. [26] International Crisis Group. ―Deradicalisation and Indonesian Prison .‖ International Crisis Group. 19 November 2007. (accessed September 2, 2010). [27] —. ―Indonesia Backgrounder: How the Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist Network Operates.‖ International Crisis Group. 11 December 2002. (accessed July 20, 2010). [28] —. ―Indonesia Backgrounder: Jihad in Central Sulawesi.‖ International Crisis Group. 3 February 2004. (accessed July 24, 2010). [29] —. ―Indonesia' Violence and Radical Muslims.‖ International Crisis Group. 10 October 2001. (accessed July 20, 2010). [30] —. ―Indonesia: Tackling Radicalism in Poso.‖ International Crisis Group. 22 January 2008. (accessed July 9, 2010). [31] —. ―Jihadism in Indonesia: Poso on The Edge.‖ International Crisis Group. 24 January 2007. (accessed July 20, 2010). [32] Karnavian, M. Tito, Idham Azis, Herry Rudolf Nahak, Reza Arif Dewanto, and Samuel Tandi Toding. Indonesian Top Secret Membongkar Konflik Poso. Jakarta: PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama, 2008. [33] Knight, Andy W. "Peacebuilding Teory and Praxis." In Building Sustainable Peace, by Tom Keating and Andy W. Knight, 355-383. Tokyo: The United Nations University Press, 2004. [34] Kreimer, Alcira, John Eriksson, Robert Muscat, Margaret Arnold, and Colin Scott. The World Bank's Experience with Post-Conflict Reconstruction. Washington, D.C: The World Bank, 1998. [35] Kurstz, Lester, and Jennifer Turpin (eds). Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace and Conflict volume 2. Tokyo: Academic Press, 1999. [36] Li, Tania M. ―Adat in Central Sulawesi.‖ In The Revival of Tradition in Indonesian Politics; The deployment of adat from colonialism to indigenism, by Jamie S. Davidson and David (ed) Henley, 337-370. New York: Routledge, 2007. [37] Mac Ginty, Roger, and Andrew Williams. Conflict and Development. London and New York: Routledge, 2009. [38] Mancini, Luca. Horizontal Inequality and Communal Violence: Evidence from Indonesian Districs . Working Paper, Mansfield: CRISE, Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity, 2005. [39] Mawdsley, Nick, et al. Building Sustainable Peace: Local Economic Development, Natural Resources and Livelihoods; North Maluku, Maluku and Central Sulawesi. independent report, Jakarta: UNDP and BAPENAS, 2005. [40] Mbabazi, Pamela, Sandra J Maclean, and Timothy M Shaw. ―Governance for reconstruction in Africa: challenges for policy communities and coalitions.‖ Global Networks 2, 1, 2002: 31-47. [41] McLaughlin, Karrie, and Ari Perdana. Conflict and Dispute Resolution in Indonesia; Information from the 2006 Governance and Decentralization Survey. Indonesian Social Development Paper No. 16, Jakarta: The World Bank, 2010. [42] McRae, Dave. ―Criminal Justice and Communal Conflict: A Case Study of the Trial of Fabianus Tiobo, Dominggus Da Silva, and Marinus Riwu.‖ Indonesia, 2007: 79-117. [43] McRae, Dave. Reintegration and Localized Conflict: Promoting Police-Combatant Communication. Policy Brief, Jakarta: The World Bank, 2009.

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[44] —. ―Too Busy to Fight?‖ Inside Indonesia. Jan-Mar 2011. (accessed March 17, 2011). [45] Muggah (ed), Robert. Security and Post-Conflict Reconstruction; dealing with fighters in the aftermath of war . Oxon: Routledge, 2009. [46] Nordholt, Henk Schulte. ―A genealogy of violence.‖ In Roots of Violence in Indonesia, by Freek Colombijn and J. Thomas (eds) Lindbland, 33-62. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002. [47] Nordholt, Henk Schulte, and Gerry Van Klinken (eds). Renegotiating Boundaries; Local Politics In Post-Suharto Indonesia. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2007. [48] Nyheim, David. ―Preventing Violence, War, and State Collapse;the Future of Conflict Early Warning and Response.‖ OECD. 2009. (accessed April 28, 2010). [49] Rondinelli, Dennis A. The Challenges of Restoring Governance in Crisis and Post-Conflict Countries. New York: United Nations publication, 2007. [50] Ryan, Stephen. The Transformation of Violent Intercommunal Conflict. Hamphsire: Ashgate, 2007. [51] Sangaji, Arianto. Peredaran Ilegal Senjata Api di Sulawesi Tengah . Position Paper, Palu: Yayasan Tanah Merdeka, 2005. [52] Sangaji, Arianto. ―The Security Forces and Regional Violence in Poso.‖ In Renegotiang Boundaries; Local Politics in Post-Suharto Indonesia, by Henk Schulte Nordholt and Gerry Van Klinken, 255-280. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2007. [53] Schnabel, Albrecht, and Hans-Georg (ed) Ehrhart. Security Sector Reform and Post-Conflict Peacebuilding. Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 2005. [54] Schrauwers, Albert. Colonial 'reformation' in the highlands of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, 1892-1995. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000. [55] SFCG. ―Countering and Preventing Radicalization in Indonesia.‖ Searching For Common Ground. May 2010. w%202010.pdf (accessed June 29, 2010). [56] Sukma, Rizal. ―Ethnic Conflict in Indonesia: Causes and the Quest for Solution.‖ In Ethnic conflicts in Southeast Asia, by Kusuma Snitwongse and W. Scott Thompson. Singapore : Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2005. [57] Tajima, Yuki. ―Explaining Ethnic Violence in Indonesia: Demiliterizing Domestic Security.‖ In Collective Violence in Indonesia, by Ashutosh Varshney, 78-99. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2010. [58] Tempo Magazine. ―BISNIS SENJATA DI JANTUNG POSO .‖ Laporan Utama, 5-11 February 2007: 4. [59] Tim Penelitian KONTRAS. Bisnis Militer di Poso Sulawesi Tengah. Laporan Penelitian, KONTRAS, 2004. [60] UN DESA. Governance Strategies for Post Conflict Reconstruction, Sustainable Peace and Development. Working Paper, United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2007. [61] Van Klinken, Gerry. Communal Violence and Democratization in Indonesia: Small town wars. New York: Routledge, 2007. [62] Wilson, Christopher. Overcomeing Violent Conflict: Volume 5, Peace and Development Analysis in Indonesia. Jakarta: UNDP, 2005.

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Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad* Graduate School of International Relations, Ritsumeikan University *Corresponding author: [email protected]

ABSTRACT While there are many scholarly works that use domestic politics to explain international relations or particular state‘s foreign policy, works that look at the different direction is rare or even nonexistent. This paper is an early experiment to ponder on the impacts of international relations and global changes to domestic politics. To do so, this paper takes Indonesia as a case study. Inspired by previous works on the ongoing global changes and formulate them based on the concept of ‗power‘ in international relations, this paper maps the changes and put them into four dimensions. Using these four dimensions, this paper identifies their impacts to Indonesia‘s political landscape. Keywords: international relations, domestic politics, power, global changes, Indonesia INTRODUCTION: UNEQUAL CONTRIBUTIONS If International Relations and Politics were husband and wife, probably their marriage will not last long. Sharing similar roots, both had developed themselves as distinct subject of study with their own competing school of thoughts and theories. Fortunately, it is inevitable that both subject often cross each other‘s path when studying a particular issue in this global era. However, it seems that they have unequal relationship. There are many scholarly works that use domestic politics to explain international relations or particular state‘s foreign policy [1]. In the opposite direction, studies that explain domestic politics using the lens of international relations or global studies is rare or even nonexistent. This is intriguing, since it had been proven many times that global changes had changed the direction of domestic politics in various countries. Recently, the strongman of Italy, Silvio Berlusconi, had to resign after the Parliament approved austerity measures following the Eurozone crisis.[2] This paper is an early experiment to ponder on the impacts of international relations and global changes to domestic politics. To do so, this paper takes Indonesia as a case study. Inspired by previous works on the ongoing global changes and formulate them based on the concept of ‗power‘ in international relations, this paper maps the changes and put them into four dimensions. Using these four dimensions, this paper identifies their impacts to Indonesia‘s political landscape. THE CHANGING POWER Before going further, I would like to clarify a few important points. First, as I have mentioned before, the idea of the ―global change‖ was largely influenced by previous works (of [3,4,5,6,7]). What I would like to do by introducing the ―four dimensions of global change‖ was to map and simplify the complex dynamics and to unify the different aspects and perspectives that were discussed by those works. Second: then, how do I put those different aspects and perspectives into the ―four dimension of global change‖? The answer is by going back to a basic concept of International Relations: ‗power.‘ The concept of ‗power‘ is central to the studies of international relations, even since the early development of International Relations as a discipline (see Morgenthau [8]). Until now, even when IR studies are no longer confined in the studies of the interactions between nations, the concept is still central. As the discipline grows, the concept had been defined into various definitions, influenced by the wide variety of perspectives employed by IR scientists.

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Because of limited space, this paper will not go to elaborate these various definitions, but directly to the definition of power (summed up from my reading of that many definitions) and its use in understanding the global change. [To elaborate more, see [9]) This paper defines ‗power‘ simply as ―the capacity of a particular actor to influence others.‖ This capacity emanates from various resources, ranging from military power, economic prominence, to cultural influence; and also exercised in various ways: from coercive to attractive (thus giving birth to the concept of ―soft power‖ by Joseph S. Nye [10]). How could this simple concept of ‗power‘ help us to unify various works on the ongoing global change? This eclectic paper argues that all of the global changes could be framed into four dimensions of change by seeing the aspects of power in global politics: 1. The distribution of power 2. The locus of power 3. The form of power 4. The world where the power is generated, distributed and executed.

The Four Dimensions The first dimension is the distribution of power. As neorealists suggest, even though various actors have emerged in international relations, states are still important actors of it. Thus, we will start by understanding that one dimension of the global change is the change of distribution of power among nations in the international system. This change will affect the constellation of power between nations and creates different dynamics in various parts of the world (this is in line with the argument of Kenneth Waltz, see [11]). As happened in the past, shifts in the distribution of power in the international system had reshaped the world: multipolar world was ended after WWII and replaced by Bipolar World (which was characterized by Cold War between the two blocs) which in turn was replaced by a unipolar world (which seems to be ending soon). Superpower

Major power

Middle power Minor power

Fig. 1.Shifts in the Distribution of Power What are the significant trends that shift the distribution of power? As [9] and [11] suggested, here they are: (1) The Rise of China, India, Brazil and other emerging markets (including Indonesia); (2) The relative stagnation of the West; (3) Changes in power distributions in various regions (including Middle East) among regional powers and its orientation because of the changing global constellation (i.e. China is now active in Africa). The second dimension is the locus of power. As many analysts already suggested, states are no longer the only actors in international relations. Other actors gain more and more capacity to influence others in various international issues. As Mary Kaldor had noted [12], sovereignty trickles from states up (to supranational institutions), beside (corporations), and down (sub national groups, individuals).

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individuals groups

Fig. 2.Shifts in the Locus of Power Here are some major trends in this aspect: (1) The emergence of non-state actors (international organizations, powerful individuals, NGOs, transnational movements) in international politics; (2) The expansion of free market; (3) States are losing their monopoly of sovereignty (including the use of violence) – look at the birth of private security companies, internal conflicts, and vigilantism all over the world (including FBR or FPI in Indonesia). The third dimension is the form of power. In this aspect, I would like to echo Nye‘s argument: the attractive ―soft power‖ will gain more and more weight. [10] Soft


Fig.3.Soft Power gains more weight What does this mean? (1) The rising importance of Soft Power; (2) The return of identity, ideas and culture; (3) Hard Power (such as military prowess and its coercive projection) still matters. The fourth is the world where the power is generated, distributed and exercised.

Fig. 4. Difussion between the ‗material world‘ and the ‗cyber world‘ Now we are witnessing a difussion between the material world and the cyber world. We see the growth of cyber life: cyber dating, cyber market (Rakuten, Amazon, etc.), cyber activism (―Facebook revolutions‖), and also cybercrime.

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CONSEQUENCES TO INDONESIA’S POLITICAL LANDSCAPE: AN EARLY ASSESMENT As other parts of the world, Indonesia is no exception. The waves of change in the four dimensions also reach Indonesia‘s shores, in various aspects and at varying degrees. Of course, these changes had been and are still affecting our social (increasing religiosity, cyber life, crystallization of identity), economic (fluctuating oil price, underground economy, etc.), and political lives (the rise of businessmen cum politician in political arena, the emergence of local strongmen, fluidization of politics, etc. Understanding these changes will be important in predicting the future of democratization in Indonesia. Table 1. Four Dimensions of the Global Change: Impacts to Indonesia‘s Political Landscape


Impacts to Indonesia’s Political Landscape

What is happening  

Distribution of Power  

Sino-Japan-US rivalry in the region Indonesia is the stepping stone for India’s ambition to reach Asia South America is still ‘far far away’, but it is getting closer Middle East changes and the fluctuating price of oil

   

   

Locus of Power

 

Crowded arena of foreign policy Bound by many international commitments, mostly free trade agreements The proliferation of power and violence The rise of transnational organized crime (narcotics, terrorism, maritime piracy, etc.)

 

 Form of Power

 

The reemergence of primordial identities Increasing religiosities and crystallization of identities Popular culture

     

‘The World’

 

Cyber economy, cyber activism, cybercrime Digital divide

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Elite and International Network (Golkar‘s visit to China) Changes in Epistemic Communities  influencing policymaking Changes in Bureaucracy Changes in Business Sector

Less Stability, More complex power relations Bound by many international commitments, mostly free trade agreements  Less Policy Options Military and police rivalry for gaining institutional benefits from the securitization of transnational crime The rise of underground economy (non-formal sector, illegal economy, ‗security services‘)  making of local strongmen Businessmen-cum-politicians dominating politics (the danger of state capture) Fluidization and pragmatization of politics The reemergence of primordial identities in Indonesian society (FBR, FPI) Increasing religiosities and crystallization of identities Popular culture for politics The emergence of ‗Media War‘ government attempts to control the internet Digital divide creates gap between the connected middle class and the unconnected masses  ―social-media driven politics‖?  danger of manipulations? Ex: SBY commenting issues on twitter!

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CONCLUDING REMARKS: FUTURE RESEARCH As implied by its title and abstract, this paper is an early experiment to map out the consequences of global changes into a particular country‘s domestic politics. Thus, given the limitation, I did not elaborate the consequences in detail because it is only aimed at giving a broad idea that international relations matters and global changes could be used as a tool to understand changes in domestic politics. To push this promising experiment forward, future research on the impacts of global changes to domestic politics is needed. References [1] De Mesquita, Bruce Bueno (2002) ―Domestic Politics and International Relations.‖ International Studies Quarterly 46: 1-9. [2] es.html [3] Giddens, Anthony (1999) Runaway World: How Globalization is Reshaping Our Lives. London: Profile [4] Rosenau, James N. (2003) Distant Proximities: Dynamics Beyond Globalization, Princeton: Princeton University Press. [5] Friedman, Thomas (2005) The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty First Century, Farrar, Straus & Giroux and Friedman, Thomas (2009)Hot, Flat, and Crowded (Release 2.0), New York: Picador. [6] Fukuyama, Francis (2005) State Building: Governance and World Order in the Twenty First Century. Profile Books. [7] Mahbubani, Kishore (2008) The New Asian Hemisphere: The Irresistible Shift of Global Power to the East. New York: Public Affairs. [8] Morgenthau, Hans J. (1948) Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace. New York: Alfred A. Knopf [9] Nau, Henry R. (2007) Perspectives on International Relations: Power, Institutions, Ideas. Congressional Quarterly Press. [10] Nye, Joseph S. (2004) Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. New York: Public Affairs. [11] Waltz, Kenneth. (1979) Theory of International Politics. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. [12] Kaldor, Mary (2006) New and Old Wars: Organized Violence in a Global Era. (Second Edition). Cambridge: Polity Press.

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REVISITING CONTROL OF PRE-ELECTION POLLING IN CONTEMPORARY INDONESIA: BEYOND THE BAND-WAGON ISSUE Agus Trihartono GSIR, Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto-Japan *Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT This study revisits the reasons behind the limitation of pre-election poll and quick-count in Indonesian elections, mentioned in national Law (number 10/2008, and Number 42/2008) and the regulation of Election Commission (KPU, Komisi Pemilihan Umum). Previous justification indicates that the rules was designed to avoid a so-called direct bandwagon effect, to protect the community from the possibility of mass distraction caused by the publication of inaccurate pre-election poll and quick-count, and to minimize the complexity of the elections. Yet, this paper argues in reverse. From fieldwork carried out since 2009-2011, I found the fundamental reasons which encourage law-makers to silently limit pre-election poll and quick-count were the fears that elites, businessmen, and mass media concentrated their supports to the prospective winner shown by the polls and quick-count. Accordingly, the previous justification on bandwagon effect to control pre-election polls and quick-count was inessential. Keywords: public opinion polling, Indonesian politics, regulating the polls, band-wagon effect INTRODUCTION This paper re-examines the reasons to restrict pre-election polls and quick-counts (QC) in Indonesia‘s post Suharto era. Following the position of the pollsters, which are significantly increasing in Indonesian electoral politics,i controlling the pollsters also expanded and enlarged both the intensity and the level of legislation. The regulation was not only the accreditation and limitation of pollsters‘ activities in the elections, but also the publication of the results of pre-election polls and the quick-counts on quiet week and election days.ii Publication of pre-election poll and the quick-count on the days has been limited by the Law Number 10/2008,iii the Law Number 42/2008,iv and the regulation of Election Commission (KPU, Komisi Pemilihan Umum).v So far, control over the activities of pre-election polls and quick-counts were to prohibit pre-election poll and quick-count publications on quiet week and election days. The attempts to ban Pre-election polls and quick-counts were based on the rationales that the publications might inform but also affect the voters. Put another way, the limitation of pre-election polls and quick-counts were based on the allegations that such publications led to the works of the so-called ―direct band-wagon effect.‘ Some politicians claimed that these bans were to avoid the possibility of social riots due to the possible inaccurate announcement of pre-election poll and quick-count results in the day of election. Moreover, the law makers thought that credibility of pollster bodies was not convincing, thus the research outcomes were accused to be the source of the election Unlike those politicians‘ arguments, in this article I argue that the reasons behind such regulations were neither the direct band-wagon effects nor the credibility of pre-election polls as incitement of social disorder, and even social riots. More specifically, it was something to do with the funding flow and elites to support the most prospective party or pair candidates. Simply put, it was the political move to minimize the wave of financial support from businessmen and elites to the probable winner shown by the polls and the quick-count (an indirect bandwagon) rather than to reduce the influence of the publication to the voters (a direct band-wagon), which publicly claimed so far. In addition, blaming the publication of pre-election poll and quick-count as the source of disturbance of the post elections is also somewhat over-exaggerated since, as we will discuss later, the majority of national pre-election poll and quick-count, methodology speaking, were tremendous.

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In doing so, the paper comprises key issues as follows: the first section highlights the principal development and the significance of political polls and quick-counts from 2003 onwards as well as considers the latest changes. The second discusses the regulation to control the dissemination of pre-election poll and quick-count outcomes both in the parliamentary and the presidential elections and exposes the official rationales behind the controls. The third section, on the other hand, exposes that control of pre-election poll publication primarily for reasons to refrain the elites‘ to support to the party or candidate who are the potential winner. It is far from the prescribed reasons which weighted the impacts of publication of pre-election poll and quick-count to the voters. Throughout this study, I would like to spotlight the picture of controlling Pre-election poll and its justification. This paper shows the efforts to limit pollsters had neither to do with the direct band-wagon effect nor with the credibility of pollsters. It had to do with elites support to possible winner candidates. DIRECT-BANDWAGON, UNDERDOG, AND INDIRECT-BANDWAGON Before we analyze the issues, it would be helpful to define what we mean by bandwagon and by underdog, as well as by indirect bandwagon. These three concepts are the central idea of this paper. a) Bandwagon. The so-called direct bandwagon is the power that polls supposedly have to influence voters. More specifically, voters change their position after being exposed to polls. Simply put, the publication of Pre-election poll supposedly encourages voters who support the candidates leading in the polls, and discourage voters who support those trailing in the polls. Meanwhile, undecided voters might congregate to the winning candidates (Roll and Catril, 1972). b) On the other hand, the so-called bandwagon is also followed by the opposite situation of so-called underdog. Underdog occurs when people vote, out of sympathy, for the party perceived to be "losing" the elections shown by the poll result. Either bandwagon or underdog remains in the area of voters (Young, 2009). Those effects occur simultaneously so that there is a tendency to nullify one to another. Indeed, underdog always presents along with the bandwagon. The extent to which these two elements influence voters, academically, is not without a doubt. Identifying these two effects, so far, has brought to a serious academic debate. c) Meanwhile, there is also a situation known as Indirect Bandwagon. It is an effect which supposedly functions to influence the elites, not the voters. The effects mattered on campaign workers, active supporters and financial contributors as well as the media (Field, 1983). They are all about businessmen support, media coverage, and the rise of enthusiasm and confidence for campaign teams to perform. Put simply, according to Gallup (1947) it is known as the ―3 M.‖ It is all about money, media, and morale. In this paper I add one more aspect, namely the support of political elites.

THE EMBARGO, THE JUSTIFICATIONS The Embargo Since the increased role of pollsters in Indonesian electoral politics became obvious with the first direct election in 2004, interestingly, Indonesia took the position to prohibit all implementation and publication of survey results during the last period of the campaign and quiet week. The level of regulation is divided into two layers, namely: the election commission rule and the national law (Undang-Undang). Two layers of the rules contain conditions and restrictions binding the implementation of pre-election polls and quick-counts as well as the sanctions. The sanctions comprise both fines and imprisonment which is subject to criminal in election.

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Table 1. Regulation on Polling and Quick-Count State Acts Regulation Of the Elections Commission (KPU) Legislative none No. 701/2003: Election 2004 Exposing Methodology Presidential none No 48/2004:Prohibiting Election 2004 the publication of Polling and Quick-count in so-called ―Quiet Week ― Period (Minggu tenang) Legislative Law number Required pollsters for Election 2009 10/2008: pollsters register accreditation. Presidential Law number Law Required pollsters for Election 2009 No. 42/2008 register and accreditation accreditation. Source: KPU Regulation Number 701 year 2003, KPU Regulation Number 48 Year 2004, and KPU Regulation number 40 Year 2008. Law Number 10 Year 2008 and Law Number 42 year 2008 The Justification There are four justifications over the control of the polls and the quick-count as follows: First, a direct bandwagon effect mattered as voters rally to the leading candidate. Almost all parties feared that the results of pre-election opinion poll led voters to favor particular candidate and certain party shown by the polls as the possible winner. The concern was based on the (common) assumption that the polls prompted the development of advocacy-polls. This is the use of polls by interest groups to make an impression of strong popular support, for specific candidates. Proponents of this idea view that since the Pre-election poll were prevalent in the election period, polls‘ issue was certainly about the political realm. Accordingly, many politicians saw, mostly suspiciously, the polls as merely a part of a political conspiracy. Since the intensity of the polls was obvious and numerous, the poll was seen as a means of raising the particular party's or candidate‘s victory in the elections. At this point, the politicians have seen the polls as a political tool of a political party rather than an academic research.vii To mention some opinions, the Gerindra (Gerakan Indonesia Raya) party leader, also the presidential candidate, Prabowo Subianto, argued that the Pre-election opinion polls were simply a tool to shape public view. Although Prabowo did not deny if there were also pollsters which conducted surveys objectively and independently, the poll was widely used as a device to influence the public opinion to vote for the possible winner. Polls publication mattered especially to simple-minded people who would follow the 'polls' as the reason to choose the most popular pair. viii In line with Prabowo, a Golkar Party Chairman, Muladi, and Bambang Eka Cahya Widodo, a member of the Election Supervisory Board (Banwaslu, Badan Pengawas Pemilu), also noticed the poll results were easy to be manipulated to mislead the public choice. Specifically, polls influence people's choice as "the pollsters can distort people's preference. ix In addition, Ganjar Pranowo, a law-maker of the PDI-P admitted that the assumption that poll results affected voters was very obvious among politicians. Therefore, many politicians were very sensitive to the bandwagon issue, proved or not, because it affected the victory or the defeat in the election.x Accordingly, a member of the Election Commission, Andi Nurpati, requested that pollsters must perform disclaimer that ―the activity of pre-election poll and quick-count was scientific, not to influence community in the vote."xi Second, despite useful, some politicians perceived that Pre-election polls and quick counts were the source of election trouble. The concerns were that both poll and quick count produced by

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‗incredible‘ pollsters led to the possibility of mass disruption. Such rules, therefore, were essential to deter the community from the possibility of post-election riots caused by the publication of the poll and quick-count. The politicians argued that the control was needed to reduce the complexity of the elections. Accordingly, some politicians doubt that pollsters which are mostly funded by individuals or groups associated with the candidate in the election, were not only dependent, but also subject to be manipulated. Even President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a person who really gained most benefit from polls activities in the 2004 presidential election, expressed his wrath against the poll results of a number of pollsters that were not based on need, but by the order: "Not all the results of the public opinion polls are valid, credible, and reliable."xii Many discussions, therefore, were dominated by the question about the independency of pollsters. Accordingly, an event at Metro TV, a nationwide television in the country, media observers from the University of Indonesia, Effendi Gazali, invited people not to believe in either Pre-election poll or quick-count in the country. There were proponents who perceived that the rules to control the pollsters were imperative to ensure that only reliable pollsters conduct pre-election poll and quick-count. Hence, there was a proposal that the election commission (KPU) was not only to register but also to conduct such an accreditation of pollsters. In addition, according to KPU commissioners, Andi Nurpati,xiii the commission required the pollsters to explain to the public how the data had been obtained, how the research methods had been applied, which was the financial funding, and most important, pollsters should also make disclaimer whether they have proximity to political parties or particular candidates. The regulation, therefore, was vital since there were some pollsters that were not reliable. Third, as pollsters who participated in the pre-election poll and quick count were truly varied in their reliability, it was possible that the outcome of the polls and the quick-count differed from one another compared to actual results of the election commission. In such cases, if the difference is obvious, the survey results and as well as quick-count move from problem-solver to problem-maker. The losing candidates were most likely to use the results of the polls and quick-count for demanding cancellation of the election or a re-election to the constitutional court. Furthermore, differences in pre-election poll results and a quick-count with the actual results could spark riots and clashes between supporters of competing parties or candidates in the elections. In this sense, controlling the pollsters was in order to prevent the possibly of erroneous results affecting the quality of elections and social order. NEITHER DIRECT-BANDWAGON NOR UNDERDOG In this section, this paper shows two aspects, firstly, issue of direct-bandwagon, which has been used as one reasons for controlling the poll and the Quick-count, does not have an underlying reason. In contrast, this paper underlines that the so-called indirect-bandwagon effect clearly mattered. At the very least, indirect-bandwagon has four aspects, namely the concentration of the flow of funds (usually stand by the businessmen), mass-media coverage, morale of the campaign team, and the support of political elites. In this paper, I will only show two aspects to be discussed namely the support businessmen and the supports of the political elites. Second, accusing pollsters as unreliable seems to me over-exaggerated. In fact, utilizing ―Median Average Deviation‖ on quick-count, as we will discuss later, the pollsters that participate in national elections mostly are credible. Direct-Bandwagon There is no single convincing academic evidence indicating that direct-bandwagon mattered. All claims of politicians so far did not bring into play any fundamental and empirical research. According to Saiful Mujani, the Indonesian authoritative researcher on voting behavior, indirect-bandwagon was not detected in any Indonesian voting behavior. Based on empirical data from four national surveys conducted by the Indonesian Survey Institute in legislative elections in 2004 showed the effect of the announcement of pre-election poll results prior to the election of political vote on Election Day were not significant. The study analyzed 40 percent who stated they had participated and gave notice on the poll results, and the data crossed-checked to their choice of political parties in legislative elections 5 April

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2004. The results showed: paying attention to poll results had no any correlation with their choice of political parties in the elections. It also shows that the direct-bandwagon effect did not work in the voters‘ behavior in Indonesia (Mujani, 2004). Furthermore, Dodi Ambardi, an executive director of the Indonesian Survey Institute, wrapped up that there has not been any proof that certain voters choose a party or a candidate just because the party or the candidate had high rank in many surveys. Moreover, Agung Prihatna, the former research director of Jakarta-based LP3ES, heighten that the study of LP3ES showed that the number of people who make their decision on the party and the candidate at the period moment of quiet week (Minggu tenang, cooling off period) until D-day of election were less than 5 percent in average. Indeed, the majority of Indonesian people have already made a choice even far before the campaign period. Related to the 2009 presidential election, for instance, Indra Piliang, a member of JK-Wiranto campaign team, confirmed that the image of the candidate before the campaign is more powerful than after the campaign (Piliang, 2009). Thus, it is clear that there is no academic evidence shows pre-election poll and quick count was the factor of so-called direct-bandwagon. Underdog Effect From the empirical data of four national surveys conducted by the Indonesian Survey Institute in 2004, the impact of the publication of the survey results before the election which encourage voters to choose the defeated party in the polls was also not significant. There was some hypothesis that underdog effect might work on voters of the Democratic Party (PD) and the Justice Party (PK). Nonetheless, after crosschecking voters who followed the publication of the poll were concentrated in Democrat Party and Justice Party and the effect was zero (Mujani, 2004). Simply put, it was not the underdog effect that influences the voters‘ choice to Democratic Party and Justice Party, but it was the level of education of voters. Put another way, the level of education was correlated with the behavior to pay attention to the polls. Thus, the education levels are the factor why voters chose the Democratic Party and the Justice Party. In short, the underdog effect did not occur. Indirect-Bandwagon My main argument is that indirect-bandwagon worked in national elections both legislative and presidential one. As I previously mentioned, indirect-bandwagon is all about the ―3 M‖: money, media, and morale. In the context of Indonesia, I found one other aspect is the support of political elites. This paper specifically highlights two aspects of them, namely: money and political elite. The results of opinion surveys sparked an indirect-bandwagon which affected to political elites behavior. Simply put, the information which was produced by pollster affect to the concentration of the flow of businessmen financial aid, the political elite support, and even the head of the region support, to a party or a candidate who has the greatest chance of victory. Based on the acknowledgment of campaign teams, as we will discuss later, candidates, who have a small probability of victory, had abandoned by their businessmen friends and political elites. Instead, the supports were concentrated to candidate with the highest chance of victory. Accordingly, the support of elites, openly or secretly, shifted to the pair SBY-Boediono candidate which, according to majority of the poll, will be the winner of presidential elections. a. Financial Flow Regarding the concentration of support for candidates who are most likely to be the winner (SBY-Boediono), the campaign team Jusuf Kalla-Wiranto and several senior politicians Megawati Sukarno PDIP-Prabowo reveal some key aspects as follows: Team leader Jusuf Kalla-Wiranto campaign (JK-Win), Mr. Fahmi Idris, complained the help businessmen, political elites, including the support of local heads, in 2009 presidential election decreased dramatically after a poll showed the pair would lose. As Golkar Party, JK-power based, was the winner and runner up of 2004 and 2009 legislative election, the JK-Win team obtained an extremely small both financial support and political support. Although few businessmen were still loyal to Jusuf Kalla, many of JK‘s friends truly moved to the pair SBY-Boediono. Consequently, the JK-Win campaign team has many limitations in implementing the winning strategy. In addition, Mr. Fahmi Idris argued that the small chance of JK to be the election winner,

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shown by polls, also lowered Golkar party elite support to Jusuf Kalla. The Golkar party elite no longer concentrated to JK. Some of the Golkar party elite supported SBY-Budiono even openly. In the mean time, chairman of the Golkar party, Muladi also stated that the poll that showed the victory chances of SBY-Boediono, has been a divisive tool of Golkar party, even breaking a coalition of Golkar Party and the Democratic Party as the poll results made the relationship the two parties becomes degraded. Meanwhile, in the 2009 presidential election Mega-Prabowo had also a bitter experience. In time the pair of SBY-Boediono predicted to be a winner by polls, many businesses were leaving this pair. Senior politicians PDIP, Heri Akhmadi, acknowledge that businessmen support to Team Mega-Prabowo were acutely decreased and dried. Consequently, the campaign team was mostly financially supported by both Megawati and Prabowo, particularly from both the family of them. Support from other businessmen was, very limited, only from those who ideologically have an attachment to Sukarno (Megawati's father). Regarding financial assistance, there was even one embarrassing situation of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP). It was the migration of support from Mr. Murdaya Poo from Megawati to Susilo Bambang Yudoyono. Previously, Mr. Poo was a staunch supporter of Megawati and one of the financial pillars PDIP. Mr. Poo was also a national businessman and the owners of Berca Group and formerly a party treasurer moved to be the chairman the PDIP. Following the 2009 election, Mr. Murdaya Poo was accused to be unfaithful cadre as he also alleged to support the pair of SBY-Boediono. At the mean time, Mr. Poo's wife, Hartati Murdaya, a leading Businesswoman, has been the important campaign funders of the pair of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's-Boediono of Democratic Party. The PDIP finally fired Mr. Murdaya Poo from his position as one of Chairman of the Central Executive Board of the PDIP and the House of Representatives member. Before the era of poll, businessmen had difficulties to know where the funds need to be focused. Prior to the poll, businessmen had no clear picture of potential candidates to succeed. It was a dilemma. For a safe play, businessmen usually provide the same financial support to all candidates. The calculations are, whoever the winner will be, they are still beneficial to the businessmen. However, this old way is terribly expensive. Businessmen are also seen to play in ―a set of cards‖ so that it is unsafe and perceived as pragmatic. However, supporting only a candidate has a tremendous risk since it is a real gamble. The polls, therefore, have changed the pattern of businessmen‘s support to the candidate. Since the 2009 presidential elections, the support businesses to the prospective candidate shown by polling results, has been an obvious trend. b. Political Elites Support In the 2009 general elections, the support of significant political elite is the contributions of regional heads (governors, regents, and mayors) to the potential winner. Prior to the elections, the position of the head region is theoretically neutral. However, the fact is not always that way. First, many regional heads explicitly or implicitly in the side of the candidate who has the greatest chance of victory. One of the obvious examples was the move of 17 local leaders of the province of West Sumatra (governor, district heads, mayors, and 9 Vice Regents and Mayors) to be the campaign team member of SBY-Boediono. Other pattern is local leaders secretly supporting a potential presidential candidate during the campaign. Once the candidate is elected, the local leaders migrate to be the member of the ruling party. Accordingly, local leaders‘ supports were actualized when SBY-Boediono was elected to be the winner. Some local heads change their political party-based to the ruling party (Democratic Party). This pattern is currently known as "party switching" or (Bajing Loncat, footpads). The chairman of National Executive Board of the Democratic Party, Achmad Mubarok, confirmed that along with the victory of Yudhoyono-Boediono, many local heads confirmed to leave their old parties and join the Democratic Party. Further, from the JK-Wiranto side, the support of Golkar Party functionaries in the local areas, most of them are local heads, split to the SBY-Boediono. Interestingly, some regional heads of Golkar Party largely attended the SBY-Boediono campaign rather than those belonged to JK-Wiranto. Conversely, many of local heads preferred to roll out other activities so that they have reason not to meet with JK (Piliang, 2009). In short, polls have torn the internal support of Golkar party to their

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presidential candidate. The similar phenomenon was also existed in Mega-Prabowo side. Many PDI-P cadres, mostly local heads, switched their power-based to the Democratic Party (the SBY-Budiono power-based). The many PDIP cadres move to Democratic Party because they wanted to seek political protection. In addition, there was an understanding among local leaders that only the ruling party could provide any political protection. To mention some, the North Sulawesi Governor, SH Sarundajang, and the mayor of Semarang, Central Java, Sukawi Sutarip are among local heads that move from PDIP to Democratic Party. From the above explanation, this paper shows that indirect-bandwagon worked after the publication of polls.

CONCLUSION The politician concerns of so-called the band-wagon effect and the credibility of pollsters does not have the basic arguments. This paper shows that the impact of publication of polls and quick-count was the business and political elite support migration to the most likely candidate. In addition, the both the bandwagon and underdog effect was not significantly proved. ACKNOWLEDGMENT I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the Directorate General of Higher Education of the Republic of Indonesia for the doctoral program scholarship at the GSIR, Ritsumeikan University, Kyoto, Japan; Professor Jun Honna as my academic supervisor, and the Ritsumeikan University Office of the Graduate Studies for a grant that enabled me to do fieldworks. References [1] Arswendo, A (2003), Gobloknya Pengacara Terima Cek (Ignorance Lawyers Accept the Checks), Mailing List "NASIONAL‖, March 18, 2003. [2] Centre for Electoral Reform (2009), The Schedule of Local Election (Jadwal pemilihan pelaksanaan kepala Daerah), Jakarta. [3] Collins, E (2009), Indonesia Betrayed: How Development Fails, University of Hawaii Press. [4] Young, M (1992), Dictionary of Polling: The Language of Contemporary Opinion Research, Westport: Greenwood Press. [5] Mietzner, M (2009), ―Political Opinion Poll in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia: Catalyst or Obstacle to Democratic Consolidation?" Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (BKI), Vol. 165. No.1. [6] Qodari, M (2010), the Professionalization of Politics: The Growing Role of Poll Organisation and Political Consultants, in Aspinall, E and Mietzner, M (eds.) (2010), Problems of Democratisation in Indonesia: Elections, Institutions and Society, Singapore: ISEAS. [7] Republic of Indonesia, National Law Number 10 Year 2008 regarding the General Elections of Members of the People‘s Legislative Assembly, the Regional Representative Council and the Regional People‘s Legislative Assembly (Undang-Undang Nomor 10/2008 tentang: Pemilihan Umum Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah). [8] Republic of Indonesia, National Law Number 42 Year 2008 regarding the General Elections of the President and Vice President (Undang-Undang Nomor 42 tahun 2008 tentang Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia). [9] Republic of Indonesia, Election Commission Regulation Number 40 of 2008 on Public Participation in Elections for of Members of the People‘s Legislative Assembly, the Regional Representative Council, and the Regional People‘s Legislative Assembly and the General Election of President and Vice President (Peraturan KPU No. 40 tahun 2008 tentang Partisipasi Masyarakat dalam Pemilihan Umum Anggota DPR, DPD, DPRD Provinsi, dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota serta Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden).

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[10] Trihartono, A, ―From Periphery to the Centre of Power: the Raising Role of Public Opinion Poll in Indonesian Electoral Politics,‖ International Conference: Sustainable Future for Human Security 2010 (SUSTAIN-2010), Japan, Kyoto, Center of Southeast Asian Studies (CSEAS), (Kyoto University, 12 December 2010), Proceeding CD (ISSN : 1884-8850). [11] Ufen, Andreas (2011), ―Electoral Campaigning in Indonesia: The Professionalization and Commercialization after 1998,‖ Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, Vol. 29, No. 4. [12] The Jakarta Post, 21/2/2008. i

For example Mietzner, M (2009) ―Political Opinion Poll In Post-Authoritarian Indonesia: Catalyst or Obstacle to Democratic Consolidation?" Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (BKI), 165-1 2009: 95-126; see also, Mohammad Qodari, The Professionalization of Politics: The Growing Role of Poll Organisation and Political Consultants, in Edward Aspinall and Marcus Mietzner (eds.), Problems of Democratisation in Indonesia: Elections, Institutions and Society, (Singapore: ISEAS, 2010), pp.122-140; Andreas Ufen (2010), ―Electoral Campaigning in Indonesia: The Professionalization and Commercialization after 1998,‖ Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 29, 4, 11-37; and Agus Trihartono, ―From Periphery to the Centre of Power: the Raising Role of Public Opinion Poll in Indonesian Electoral Politics,‖ International Conference: Sustainable Future for Human Security 2010 (SUSTAIN-2010), Japan, Kyoto, Center of Southeast Asian Studies (CSEAS), Kyoto University, 12 December 2010, Proceeding CD (ISSN : 1884-8850). ii The Jakarta Post, 21 February 2008. iii Law Number 10 Year 2008 regarding the General Elections of Members of the People‘s Legislative Assembly, the Regional Representative Council and the Regional People‘s Legislative Assembly (Undang-Undang Nomor 10/2008 tentang: Pemilihan Umum Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah). iv Law Number 42 Year 2008 regarding the General Elections of the President and Vice President (Undang-Undang Nomor 42 tahun 2008 tentang Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia). v KPU Regulation Number 40 of 2008 on Public Participation in Elections for of Members of the People‘s Legislative Assembly, the Regional Representative Council, and the Regional People‘s Legislative Assembly and the General Election of President and Vice President (Peraturan KPU No. 40 tahun 2008 tentang Partisipasi Masyarakat dalam Pemilihan Umum Anggota DPR, DPD, DPRD Provinsi, dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota serta Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden). vi Kompas Daily, 21 November 2007. vii Interview with Taufiqul Hadi, Vice General Secretary of United Development Party (PPP, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan), Jakarta, 9 August 2009. viii See Suara Merdeka daily, "Prabowo: Poll Affects Public Perception, July 29, 2009. ix See Koran Tempo, Bukan Semata Registrasi Lembaga Survey (It is not merely about pollster registration), 13 January 2009. x Interview with Ganjar Pranowo, Jakarta, August 2010. xi Kompas Daily, KPU Imbau Lembaga Survey Cantumkan Sumber Dana (Commission urges Pollsters expose Funding Source List), 22 December 2009, aan (visited, 16 August 2010). xii See Koran Tempo, November 2, 2008. xiii See Koran Tempo, Bukan Semata Registrasi Lembaga Survey (It is not Merely about Pollster Registration), January 13, 2009

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UTILIZATION OF EUCALYPTUS OIL REFINERIES WASTE FOR CEMENT PARTICLE BOARD Rudi Setiadji1* and Andriati Amir Husin2 Experimental Station of Building Materials, Research Institute for Human Settlements 2 Experimental Station of Building Materials, Research Institute for Human Settlements 1

*Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT Utilization of eucalyptus oil refinery waste in the manufacture of building material component of cement particle board is expected to reduce the price of housing units. This research used laboratory experimental methods, eucalyptus oil waste in the form of branches an twigs from eucalyptus tree. The variation of the testing were mixtures composition of the particle: cement, additives as accelerators, cold press load during manufacture of cement particle board. Cold press duration of cement board was 24 hours. The size of particle boards were (40 x 40) cm2 and 13 mm thick. The samples were tested for its density, water content, water absorption, flexural strength, thickness swelling, adhesion strength, and the nails pull out strength. Keywords: particle, eucalyptus, cement board. INTRODUCTION Prices of building materials can be reduced by use of basic materials derived from waste. Utilization of waste in this study was eucalyptus oil refinery waste in the form of eucalyptus twigs. Eucalyptus plant in Forest Stakeholder Unit (KPH) Indramayu were scattered at five sections of Forest Stakeholders Unit (BKPH). Based on existing data (KPH Perhutani Indramayu, 1999) sustaining areas for eucalyptus oil refineries were amounted to 5,300 hectares with an estimated production of eucalyptus leaves (DKP) at 3 tons/ha. The utilization for eucalyptus oil processing plant is 60 tons/day. Eucalyptus oil refinery waste form might be liquid, leaves, and eucalyptus wood. Details of the waste generated were 40% leaves for fuel, and 60% twigs with a diameter of 0.5 to 1 cm of 550 kg/ton dry. Means that in 60 ton/day oil refinery waste in the form of wood was 550 kg x 60 tons/day equivalent to 33,000 kg. Utilization of eucalyptus oil refinery waste as alternative raw materials for cement particle board is expected to reduce the price of housing units.

Figure 1. Landfill of eucalyptus oil refinery waste Based on data from KPH Perhutani Indramayu, there are some eucalyptus oil factory in Indonesia which is under Perhutani and five are located in the island of Java, Sukabumi, Kuningan, Indramayu, Gundih, and Ponorogo. As example of the eucalyptus oil factory (PMKP) Jatimunggul in Indramayu has a production target which increases every year, 12,000 tons/year of eucalyptus oil were

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processed in 2008 and this factory was included as the largest in Southeast Asia. At present, all of the waste is used as a plantation compost. Eucalyptus oil produced from every 1 ton of material is equivalent to 7 kg. Most of the waste, approximately 6,000 tons/year, can be used for boiler fuel so that the average remaining 6,000 tons/year of waste that has not been exploited economically. Many previous research on cement bonded particle board has been conducted. Aini [1] studied cement board with oil palm stem, the flexural strength up to 14,36 kg/cm2. It was predicted because insufficient clamp load. Antonios N. P. [2] made cement bonded particleboards with hornbeam (Carpinus betulus L.) wood particles and CaCl2 additive as 3%. Heat hydration test was done to gain the inhibitory index for characterizing the relationship between wood and cement. Results show that hornbeam-cement mixture can be classified as moderate inhibition. Wood : cement ratio used were 1 : 3 and 1 : 4. Increasing wood : cement ratio improved the characteristics of cement bonded particleboards except the modulus of rupture. Idris, A.A [3] studied cement bonded particleboards with reed fiber. Flexural strengths with lime immersion were in range of 40,18 – 70,66 kg/cm2, while flexural strengths with water immersion were in range of 28,25 – 61,24 kg/cm2. Ling Fei Ma [4] concluded that there is a relationship between cement hydration with mechanical properties of cement board from wood and other lignocellulosic materials. Mechanical performances can be predicted from total of energy released from hydration proccess. Materials being used was wood chip of sugi, hinoki, kenaf, bamboo, rice hull, and rice straw. Cement portland type I has added with MgCl2, Na2CO3, NaHCO3, NaSiO3, CaCl2 additive as 0%, 2,5%, 5%, 10%, and 15%. Increasing additive content increased the modulus of elasticity and modulus of rupture with maximum additive content range between 5% to 10%. Sudin and Swamy [5] made bamboo flakes and oil palm fibres, tested the sugar content , and its effect on strength development of cement Portland mixture. Accelerator materials used were CaCl2, MgCl2, Al2(SO4)3, Al2(SO4)3+Na2SiO3 as 2%, fly ash, rice husk ash, and latex for cement partial replacement as 10%, 20%, and 30%. Bamboo-cement board with bamboo : cement ratio as 1 : 2,75 with aluminium sulphate additive as 2% complied with local standard MS 934 requirement. Oil palm fibre-cement board with cement replacement range between 10% to 20% satisfied the local standard MS 934 requirement. Based on previous research and available potential resources, there is a need for research about properties of cement bonded particle board with eucalyptus oil refinery waste and variation of chemicals additive that complied with standard requirements. MATERIALS AND RESEARCH METHOD The research using laboratory experimental methods carried out in the Building Materials Department in Research Institute of Human Settlements of the Ministry of Public Works in Bandung. Waste eucalyptus branches and twigs were obtained from PMKP Jatimunggul Indramayu. Eucalyptus oil waste was tested for heat of hydration. The composition of the mixture between the particles : cement were 1 : 3, 1 : 4 and 1 : 5. Additional materials as an accelerator were CaCl2, MgCl2, Al2(SO4)3. Cold press loads during the process of cement particle board making were 20 kg/cm2, 25 kg/cm2, 40 kg/cm2 and 50 kg/cm2. Cold press duration of cement board was 24 hours. The size of particle board was (40 x 40) cm2 and 13 mm thick. The number of repetitions of each test were 3 times and were tested for density, water content, water absorption, flexural strength, thickness swelling, strong adhesion, and the nails pull out strength. The test results were compared with SNI 03-6861.1-2002 Building Material Specifications Part A (Non Metallic Building Materials) and ISO 8335-1987 Standards of Cement-bonded Particleboard. RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS Eucalyptus Particles Physical Properties Eucalyptus wastes was crushed resulting of 4.8 mm minimum size. Physical properties of eucalyptus particles are given in Table 1.

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Table 1. Physical properties of eucalyptus particles Properties


Specific gravity Water absorption

0.21 9.97


Water content



Heat of Hydration As given in Table 2 that mixture composition without accelerator have greater value of inhibitory index than mixture composition of plain cement, it shows that cement is not well hydrated eventough the cement content was increased up to composition of cement to eucalyptus particles as 5 : 1 and the inhibitory index can not be increased. Table 2. Heat of hydration test results t




Eucalyptus particles : cement































- 0.140






- 0.409





- 0.09




Accelerator addition as 2% is increased the inhibitory index. Best performance for eucalyptus to cement composition is resulted from MgCl2 followed by CaCl2 addition. Maximum hydration time is reached faster with CaCl2 addition. Addition of Al2(SO4)3 is not recommended for eucalyptus particles to cement composition. Based on smallest inhibitory index and hydration time, all samples was made with composition of eucalyptus particle to cement as 4 : 1 with CaCl2 addition as 2%. Density of Cement Particles Board Increasing of clamp load increased densities as given in Figure 2 due to the thickness is not limited by stopbar as the volume decreased but the weight is relatively constant. Density test results are given in Table 3. Samples density with stopbar treatment, clamp load as 20 kg/cm2 and 40 kg/cm2 are complied with SNI 03-6861.1-2002 requirement. All samples are satisfied with the ISO 8335-1987 requirement. Clamping was done by Universal Testing Machine (UTM) for 24 hours and cured at room temperature. All samples thickness with stopbar greater than designed thickness as 13 mm, it was predicted because less clamping duration so samples swelling back.

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Density [kg/m3 ]




SNI 03-6861.1-2002 1100

ISO 8335-1987 1050

1000 Stopbar



Clamp load


[kg/cm2 ]

Figure 2. Density of cement-bonded eucalyptus particle board Water Content Increasing clamp load decreased water contents as given in Figure 3. Samples water content with clamp load are complied with ISO 8335-1987 maximum requirement as 12% due to clampping pressure forced the water leak out. Cement particle board making with clamp load treatment results lower water content than cement particle board making with stopbar. 16 14

Water content [%]


10 8

ISO 8335-1987

6 4 2 0 Stopbar



Clamp load


[kg/cm2 ]

Figure 3. Water content of cement-bonded eucalyptus particle board Water Absorption Increasing clamp load decreased the water content as given in Figure 4. High pressure from the clamp minimize voids and reduce water infiltration. Higher clamp load results higher density and increasing density decreased water absorption.

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Water absorption [%]






0 Stopbar



Clamp load


[kg/cm2 ]

Figure 4. Water absorption of cement-bonded eucalyptus particle board Flexural Strength Cement bonded particle board samples is satisfied with SNI 03-6861.1-2002 requirement. Increasing clamp load increased the flexural strength as given in Figure 5, probably bonds between samples materials composition increased as the clamp load increasing.

Flexural strength [N/mm2 ]





SNI 03-6861.1-2002 10

ISO 8335-1987 0 Stopbar



Clamp load


[kg/cm2 ]

Figure 5. Flexural strength of cement-bonded eucalyptus particle board Modulus of Elasticity (MOE) Increasing clamp load increased modulus of elasticity as given in Figure 6 but none of samples complied with standards. It is predicted that eucalyptus particles have low stiffness or low bond strength with cement.

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3000 Modulus of elasticity [N/mm2 ]

ISO 8335-1987 2500





0 Stopbar



Clamp load


[kg/cm2 ]

Figure 6. Modulus of elasticity of cement-bonded eucalyptus particle board Thickness Swelling Thickness swelling of cement-bonded eucalyptus particle board after soaked in water for 24 hours as given in Figure 7 are complied with ISO 8335-1987 maximum requirement as 2%. Higher clamp loads do not reduced thickness swelling. 0,4 0,35

Thickness swelling [%]


0,25 0,2 0,15 0,1 0,05 0 Stopbar



Clamp load


[kg/cm2 ]

Figure 7. Thickness swelling of cement-bonded eucalyptus particle board Bond Strength Cement-bonded eucalyptus particle board bond strength that satisfied with SNI 03-6861.1-2002 requirement only for samples with clamp load as 50 kg/cm2 as given in Figure 8. It is assumed as minimum value of clamp load for complied board.

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Bond strength [kg/cm2 ]


SNI 03-6861.1-2002





0 Stopbar



Clamp load


[kg/cm2 ]

Figure 8. Bond strength of cement-bonded eucalyptus particle board Nail Pull Out Strength Nail pull out strength of of cement-bonded eucalyptus particle boards are complied with SNI 03-6861.1-2002 requirement. Increasing clamp load increased nail pull out strength as given in Figure 9, probably clamp load increased the density and improve frictions between eucalyptus cement board to nail. 60

Nail pull out strength [kg]


SNI 03-6861.1-2002 40




0 Stopbar



Clamp load


[kg/cm2 ]

Figure 9. Nail pull out strength of cement-bonded eucalyptus particle board CONCLUSIONS Potential waste eucalyptus oil based on data from KPH Indramayu Perhutani are quite numerous and scattered in various locations in Indonesia. Material in the form of branches and twigs fairly easily obtained in terms of collecting, cleaning, and transportation. The heat of hydration test results showed that although the amount of cement was increased to the composition of eucalyptus

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fiber : cement at 1 : 5, it could not increase the inhibitory index. Inhibitory index was best for the composition of white cement-eucalyptus fiber using accelerator MgCl2, and the maximum heat of hydration time was reached quickly by using CaCl2, whereas Al2(SO4)3 results was not optimal for the composition of the cement-eucalyptus fiber. Based on its density, samples was complied with SNI 03-6861.1-2002 except samples with cold press loads at 25 kg/cm2 and 50 kg/cm2. The value of water contents that meet the maximum 12% requirement was obtained with a cold press load at 50 kg/cm2. Water absorptions were ranged between (22.0 to 27.6)% and the lowest value was obtained by cold press load at 50 kg/cm2. The entire value of flexural strength specimens were complied with SNI 03-6861.1-2002 but the modulus of elasticity were not complied. Value of thickness swelling of the entire specimen thickness were ranged in (0.13 to 0.43)% and were qualified as the maximum value at 2%. Cold press load value at 50 kg/cm2 could be the minimum boundary for eucalyptus cement board in order to get a strong adhesive that meets the requirements. Nails pull out strength were range in (45.00 to 60.33) kg, complied with SNI 03-6861.1-2002. Based on test results, it was concluded that all specimens of eucalyptus cement board in this study using a mixture of eucalyptus fiber : cement at 1 : 4 and additional materials as much as 2% CaCl2 addition, resulted the best characteristics when combined with cold press load at 50 kg/cm2. ACKNOWLEDGMENT A gratitude and sincere appreciation are presented for the Research Institute of Human Settlements in Bandung, KPH Perhutani Indramayu, eucalyptus oil factory (PMKP) Jatimunggul in Indramayu for finance, materials, and test facilities support that have been provided. References [1] Aini, N, 2002, Pemanfaatan Limbah Sawit untuk Bahan/komponen Bangunan Perumahan, Research Institute for Human Settlements, Bandung. [2] Antonios N. P., 2008, Mechanical Properties and Decay Resistance of Hornbeam Cement Bonded Particleboards, Research Letters in Materials Science Volume 2008, Article ID 379749. [3] Idris, A.A., 1994, Penelitian Pemanfaatan Alang-alang sebagai Papan Semen, Jurnal Penelitian Permukiman, (10) 3 - 4, Research Institute for Human Settlements, Bandung. [4] Ling Fei Ma, 2005, Manufacture of Bamboo-Cement Particleboard, Institute of Wood Science and Technology, Zhejiang Forestry University, Linan, Zhejiang, China. [5] Sudin, R., and Swamy, 2006, Bamboo and Wood Fibre Cement Composite for Sustainable Infrastructure Regeneration, Journal of Materials Science, (41) 6917-6924.

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MECHANICAL PROPERTIES OF GEOPOLYMER CONCRETE WITH TAILING AGGREGATE Rudi Setiadji1*, Anita Firmanti2, Andreas Triwiyono3, and Rochmadi4 Experimental Station of Building Materials, Research Institute of Human Settlements 2 Experimental Station of Building Materials, Research Institute of Human Settlements 3 Civil Engineering and Environment Department, Gadjah Mada University 4 Chemical Engineering Department, Gadjah Mada University 1

*Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT Full replacement of cement by fly ash type F with activators NaOH and Na2SiO3 while tailing waste of PT. Freeport Indonesia as filler material has a potency to increase the utilization of waste. Research activities was conducted through three stages, consisting of the manufacture of mortars geopolymer with NaOH activator, making of mortars geopolymer with a combination of activators NaOH and Na2SiO3, and the manufacture of geopolymer concrete with a combination of activators NaOH and Na2SiO3. Mechanical properties include compressive strength, flexural strength, modululus of elasticity, stress-strain relationship of compressive test, density, absorption, and volume of permeable void. The influence of factors contributing to the mechanical properties, characteristics of short-term geopolymer concrete, and the optimum mixture composition that produces good mechanical properties has been discovered. Keywords : waste, fly ash, tailings, geopolymer, mechanical properties. INTRODUCTION Ordinary portland cement is usually used as a binder in concrete mixtures. Portland cement production process has a huge impact on the environment. The energy required and the amount of CO2 produced in combustion process is very large. The addition of polymer into the concrete mix can improve the mechanical properties of concrete, such as compressive strength, resistance to chemicals and corrosion, and lower water absorption compared with portland cement concrete. Davidovits introduced geopolymer in 1979, which is a binder that can be produced from the reaction of alkaline solution with silica and aluminum that is contained in siliceous materials such as fly ash, blast furnace slag, metakaolin or rice husk ash [1]. The utilization of waste materials is expected to reduce CO 2 emissions and production costs. Geopolymer is potential to reduce the domination of portland cement as it allows to make full substitution of cement in concrete construction applications. In Timika, Mimika District, Papua Province, there are materials such as sand-sized which is a waste of PT Freeport Indonesia (PT-FI) as a by product of gold and copper ore processing, called tailings. These wastes have been produced since the 70s with a total production of about 80,000 to 100,000 tons per day. This number increases every year and now has reached 300,000 tons per day. Tailings is dumped to the river Aghawagon / Ajkwa located east of the town of Timika. This can lead to negative impacts on the surrounding environment due to the growing number of waste. The use of fly ash as a geopolymer binder with tailings aggregate as filler material in concrete has a potency to increase the utilization of both the waste. The problem is how to develop the optimum mixture of fly ash based geopolymer concrete with tailing aggregate that complies with the mechanical properties of concrete. The aim of this research is to study the contribution of affecting factors in the mix design to the mechanical properties of geopolymer concrete, to study the characteristics of short-term mechanical properties of geopolymer mortar and concrete with tailings aggregate, and to determine the optimum concrete mix design with mechanical properties that meet requirements for concrete.

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MATERIALS AND RESEARCH METHOD The materials for making geopolymer mortar and concrete were fly ash from Suralaya in Banten, the tailings from PT. Freeport Indonesia in Papua, coarse aggregates from Lagadar in Cimahi, caustic soda (NaOH) in the form of flakes from Bratachem in Bandung, waterglass (Na2SiO3) in the form of a solution from Bratachem in Bandung, water from potable water network of Research Institute for Human Settlements in Bandung. The fly ash content was determined as 500 kg/m3 for each mortar and concrete mix. The composition of the mixture using a ratio in weight. Geopolymer mortar with NaOH solution activator cube specimens (5 x 5 x 5) cm3 were tested for compressive strength at 7, 28, and 60 days of each 3 pieces. The variation of the mixtures were prepared using following constituents. 1. The tailing were fixed at 100% of the fine aggregates. 2. The activator/fly ash ratio 0.3, 0.4, and 0.5; (fly ash : tailings) ratio (1: 2), (1: 3), (1: 4); sodium hydroxide concentration (NaOH) 8, 10, and 12 M. Geopolymer mortar with NaOH and Na2SiO3 solution activator cube specimens (5 x 5 x 5) cm3 were tested for compressive strength at 7, 28, and 60 days of each 3 pieces. The variation of the mixtures were prepared using following constituents. 1. The tailings were fixed at 100% of the fine aggregates, (fly ash : tailings) ratio (1: 3), and sodium hydroxide (NaOH) concentration 10 M. 2. The activator/fly ash ratio were 0.4, 0.5, and 0.6; Na2SiO3/NaOH ratio 1, 2, and 3. Geopolymer concrete with NaOH and Na2SiO3 solution activator cylinder diameter 10 cm and 20 cm high were tested for compressive strength at 7, 28, and 60 days of each 3 pieces, to test the density, absorption, and void volume at 28 days of each 3 pieces. Plain concrete beams (10 x 10 x 40) cm3 were made for flexural strength test of 14 and 28 days of each 3 pieces. Weight ratio of tailings and coarse aggregates is based on Graph 11 SNI 03-2834-1993 Standard Proportioning of Normal Concrete. Table 1. Mix Design of geopolymer concrete with NaOH dan Na2SiO3 activator Aggregate Code Fly ash Aggregate Activator/ NaOH Na2SiO3/ (FA) Tailing Coarse Aggregates FA (M) NaOH C1 0.4 C2 1 3 43% 57% 0.45 10 2 C3 0.5 NaOH and Na2SiO3 solution was made 24 hours prior to mixing; aggregate in saturated surface dry (SSD); aggregate and fly ash were mixed for around 3 minutes or until evenly; mixing of aggregate, fly ash, and an activator was carried out for approximately 4 minutes; casting and compaction method similar to normal concrete. Mortar cube test specimens were stored in a constant humidity cabinet at a temperature of 26 ºC prior to compressive strength test. The concrete cylinders and beams were cured at room temperature without special treatment. RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS Materials Chemical Characteristics Total oxides of SiO2, Al2O3, and Fe2O3 are needed for fly ash and tailings to be used as an Pozolanic material conforming to ASTM C 618-03, classified as class N and F with CaO content of less than 10%. Materials Physical Characteristics Physical characteristics of fly ash, tailing, and coarse aggregates are given in Table 2.

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Table 2. Physical characteristics of starting material Coarse Properties Aggregates Fly Ash Tailing Water content [%] 2.66 0.28 0.31 Percentage of fraction passing 0,075 mm [%] 1.05 95.55 0.63 Absorption [%] 6.98 1.02 Specific gravity 2.52 2.50 2.70 Contributions of Affecting Factors In The Mix Design On The Mechanical Properties The influence of tailings content, activator /fly ash ratio, NaOH concentration, waterglass/NaOH ratio, and age factor on compressive strength of mortar was studied by the Minitab 16 program for the analysis of variance (ANOVA) and that on the strength of concrete was studied manually. The influence of tailings on the compressive strength Higher amount of tailings reduces the compressive strength, the difference in the tailings content greatly affects the compressive strength value. Tailings is a potential source of alumino-silicate but it does not contribute to compressive strength and is better regarded as filler material. The higher amount of tailings, the smaller percentage of fly ash binder is, so that the compressive strength decreases. The influence of activators/FA on the compressive strength The amount of activator/fly ash on mortar A has the optimum value of 0.4 and increasing activator/fly ash ratio would decrease the compressive strength significantly. Excess amount of activator does not react with Si and Al of fly ash and tailings acted as filler in the mortar and did not increase strength. Increasing water in activator solution, potentially increased the void. The optimum value of activator/fly ash ratio mortar B is higher for increasing workability due to waterglass addition that more viscous than NaOH solution. Activator/fly ash ratio mortar B was optimum at 0.5 and beyond it decreased the compressive strength of mortar due to excessive workability. The activator/fly ash ratio in mortar with NaOH activator had an optimum value at 0.4 and mortar with the waterglass addition activator at 0.5 while the concrete did not have optimum value as ratio between 0.4 and 0.5 decreased the compressive strength. Influence of NaOH concentration on the compressive strength Fansuri et al. [2] found that at concentration between 8 M and 10 M resulted in the increase of NaOH concentration increased the compressive strength, but at excessive amount it weakened the solidification of geopolymer. NaOH concentration of mortar A between 8 M and 12 M, slightly decreased the compressive strength. Influence of waterglass/NaOH ratio on compressive strength Waterglass addition increased the content of SiO2 oxides to strengthen the geopolymer binding. The maximum compressive strength was obtained at the optimum value waterglass/NaOH ratio of 2. Increasing the waterglass/NaOH ratio over 2 decreased the compressive strength. This was probably due to SiO2 content in waterglass at its maximum value that can react or most of the NaOH reacted with waterglass first then the remaining NaOH activated fly ash. Ekawati and Atmaja [3] showed that the optimum waterglass/NaOH ratio was at 1.5. Increasing the ratio decreased the compressive strength of geopolymer if the mixing sequence was fly ash added with NaOH-waterglass solution. Increasing the waterglass/NaOH ratio higher than 1.5 raised the compressive strength if the mixing sequence was fly ash-NaOH stirred 30 minutes then added with waterglass. Sathonsaowaphaka et al. [4] also showed that an optimum waterglass/NaOH ratio was at 1.5 with maximum compressive strength of 48 MPa. Increasing the ratio caused the mixture sticky, difficult in compaction, and decreased the compressive strength. The optimum value of waterglass/NaOH ratio of Kosnatha and

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Utomo [5] was at 2. While Hardjito [6] showed that increasing the waterglass/NaOH ratio increased the compressive strength. Influence of age on compressive strength. The compressive strength increases significantly with increasing age of mortar A, age factor has a significance effect on the compressive strength up to 60 days because the rate of chemical processes takes time. Same effect was obtained from Mishra et al. [7], increasing time of curing would increase the compressive strength. Influence of age on compressive strength of mortar A, B, and concrete C was similar. Strength development rate from 7, 28, to 60 days was decreased but because of the research time boundary so age of mortar and concrete which has a relatively constant strength development can not be determined. Characteristics of Short-Term Mechanical Properties And Design of Optimal Mix Compressive strength of geopolymer mortar with NaOH activator. Compressive strength of normal mortar using ratio of (PC : tailings) at 28 days with fas 0.5 was tested, at ratio (1 : 2) resulted 20.49 MPa, ratio (1: 3) resulted 13.83 MPa, and ratio (1: 4) resulted 10.80 MPa. Geopolymer mortar with activator/fly ash ratio at 0.4, NaOH concentration of 10 M can be used as full replacement of cement-tailings mortar at fly ash : tailings ratio of (1 : 3) with compressive strength 27% greater. A geopolymer mortar can be used for masonry based on SNI 03-6882-2002 Standard Specification of Mortar for Masonry as presented in Table 8. Mix design optimization of mortar B subsequently base on mixture A14 with considerations : 1. the proportion of (fly ash : tailings) on mixture A14 (1 : 3) contained more tailing than mixture A2 (1 : 2), but had equal 28 days compressive strength; 2. the 60 days compressive strength of mixtures A14 (18.07 MPa) was smaller but not much different from mixture A2 (19.33 MPa). Compressive strength of geopolymer mortar with NaOH and waterglass activator. Mortar compressive strength increased significantly up to 49% after the addition of waterglass activators on mortar A14 and A17. Geopolymer mortar B can be used for masonry based on SNI 03-6882-2002. Mixture B5 had the maximum compressive strength value at 7 and 28 days but the age of 60 days compressive strength lower than mixture B7. Mix design of concrete was based on mixture B5, determined by a maximum compressive strength at 28 days. Compressive strength of geopolymer concrete with NaOH and waterglass activator. Compressive strength of 7 days ranged from 28.21 to 35.51 MPa, 28 days ranged from 40.43 to 44.42 MPa, 60 days ranged from 44.84 to 46.33 MPa. In this study, minimum compressive strength of 7 days at 28.21 MPa was obtained with curing at room temperature but Hardjito [6] compressive strength of 7 days at 29 MPa was required oven curing 30 °C for 24 hours. Strength development rate of geopolymer concrete in this study was similar to normal concrete. Failure mode was dominated by columnar form, cracks and spalling were parallel direction to the cylinder height. Voids in concrete cylinders were visible and scattered in small sizes, compressive strength might still be improved by a better compaction. Workability of geopolymer concrete Fineness characteristics of tailings, round shape granulated of fly ash as full replacement of cement and slick waterglass were significantly influenced slump values. Minimal slump value of 203 mm was obtained without the addition of extra water, while at Hardjito [6] slump value of more than 200 mm was reached after the addition of extra water as much as 20.7 kg/m3. High slump value might be related to segregation, but geopolymer concrete mixture in this study have considerable cohesion and sticky. Density, absorption, and void volume Density of geopolymer mortars A and B ranged between 2003 kg/m3 to 2498 kg/m3 were classified as normal concrete, which ranges from 2100 to 2500 kg/m3. Absorptions of concrete C were

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classified as water-resistant as values under the maximum absorption of 6.5% according to the SNI 03-2914-1990 Standard Specification of Impermeable Concrete. Volume of permeable voids were between 8.79 to 9.39%, so the standard compaction method with rodding was not effective because the mixture is quite thick and sticky even though the mixture was able to spread without treatment. More number of rodding and compaction layer, or vibrated compaction were recommended. Elastic modulus of geopolymer concrete Hardjito [6] showed that maximum stresses were increase with increasing modulus of elasticity, similar to the trend obtained from the calculation of SNI 03-2847-2002 Standard of Concrete Structure Building Design. That trend were not shown on concrete C. Probably due to the limited amount of data. Strain at maximum stress of geopolymer concrete by Hardjito [6] ranged from 0.0024 to 0.0026 similar to the value in this study, which ranged from 0.0020 to 0.0027. Flexural strength of geopolymer concrete Flexural tensile strength value of 28 days was more than 5.90 MPa and can be applied to road pavement, according to the Pd T-05-2004-B Code of Practice for Concrete Pavement as required 28 day flexural tensile strength is 4 MPa. Application at age of 14 days can be done because the strength was more than 4.59 MPa. The opening to general traffic based on 28 day compressive strength requirement of Pd T-05-2004-B is 27.6 MPa for the thinnest plate thickness 12.5 cm, while the strength of concrete C at 7 days had reached at least 28.2 MPa so it can be used earlier. Stress-strain relationships of geopolymer concrete Stress-strain curve shapes of concrete C for variation in activator/fly ash were similar. Carreira and Chu's equation can be used to predict stress strain curve up to the maximum compressive strength. Hardjito [6] had similar conclusion that the stress-strain relationship geopolymer concrete can use the concept of normal concrete. CONCLUSIONS 1. Contribution of affecting factors in the design mix to the mechanical properties are as follows. a. Increasing of tailings and NaOH concentration would decrease the compressive strength; b. Ratio of activator/fly ash, waterglass/NaOH, and Si/Al has an optimum value; c. Increasing mortar age increased the compressive strength significantly. 2. Characteristics of short-term mechanical properties and design of optimal mix are as follows. a. Strength development rate of geopolymer concrete in this study was similar to normal concrete; b. Minimal slump value of 203 mm was obtained without the addition of extra water; c. Density of geopolymer mortars A and B ranged between 2003 kg/m3 to 2498 kg/m3 were classified as normal concrete; d. Absorptions of concrete C were classified as water-resistant as values under the maximum absorption of 6.5% according to the SNI 03-2914-1990; e. Volume of permeable voids were between 8.79 to 9.39%, the standard compaction method with rodding was not effective. f. Flexural tensile strength value of 28 days was more than 5.90 MPa and can be applied to road pavement, according to the Pd T-05-2004-B as required 28 day flexural tensile strength is 4 MPa. Application at age of 14 days can be done because the strength was more than 4.59 MPa; g. The opening to general traffic based on 28 day compressive strength requirement of Pd T-05-2004-B is 27.6 MPa for the thinnest plate thickness 12.5 cm, while the strength of concrete C at 7 days had reached at least 28.2 MPa so it can be used earlier; h. Carreira and Chu's equation can be used to predict stress strain curve up to the maximum compressive strength, the stress-strain relationship of geopolymer concrete can use the concept of normal concrete. 3. Optimum mixture proportion with complied mechanical properties as concrete was at ratio of fly ash : the aggregate of 1: 3, tailings : coarse aggregates of 43 : 57, activator/fly ash of 0.4, NaOH concentration of 10 M, Na2SiO3/NaOH of 2 which produced compressive strength and flexural tensile strength of 28 days up to 44.42 MPa and 5.90 MPa.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT A gratitude and sincere appreciation are presented for the Research Institute of Human Settlements in Bandung, PT. Freeport Indonesia in Timika for finance, materials, and test facilities support that have been provided. References [1] Davidovits, 2002, J., 30 Years of Successes and Failures in Geopolymer Applications, Market Trends and Potential Breakthroughs, Geopolymer 2002 Conference, Melbourne, Australia. [2] Fansuri, H., Swastika, N., and Atmaja, L., 2008, Pembuatan dan Karakterisasi Geopolimer dari Bahan Abu Layang PLTU Paiton, Akta Kimindo, (3) 61 – 66. [3] Ekawati, D., dan Atmaja, L., 2010, Studi Perbandingan Sintesis Geopolimer Secara Normal Dan Terpisah Dari Abu Layang Pltu Suralaya, Proceedings of Final Paper 2010/2011, SK-091304, FMIPA Surabaya Institute of Technology, Surabaya. [4] Sathonsaowaphaka, A., Chindaprasirt, P., and Pimraksab, K., 2009, Workability And Strength Of Lignite Bottom Ash Geopolymer Mortar, Journal of Hazardous Materials, (168) 44–50. [5] Kosnatha, S., dan Utomo, J.P., 2007, Komposisi dan Karakteristik Beton Geopolimer dari Fly Ash Tipe C dan Tipe F, Petra Christian University, Surabaya. [6] Hardjito, D., 2005, Studies on Fly Ash-Based Geopolymer Concrete, Doctor of Philosophy Thesis, Curtin University of Technology, Perth, Australia. [7] Mishra, A., Choudhary, D., Jain, N., Kumar, M., Sharda, N., and Dutt, D., 2008, Effect Of Concentration Of Alkaline Liquid And Curing Time On Strength And Water Absorption Of Geopolymer Concrete, ARPN Journal of Engineering and Applied Sciences, (3) No. 1 February.

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Naniek Widayati1 Lecturer at Architecture Department of Tarumanagara University, Jakarta, Indonesia

*Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT Surakarta city has long history in relation to kingdoms in Java, in the past time up to now visually still seen completely namely complex of Royal Palace of Kasunanan Surakarta and Regency of Mangkunegaran. Both historical inheritances have characteristics in space order and its physical embodiment. Kampung Baluwerti resides between two walls surrounding the Royal Palace (Keraton) of Kasunanan, in size of 2 meter width and 6 meter height. Morphologically, Baluwerti area in the beginning was influenced by concept of space order of royal town of Mataram kingdom (Java). From visual aspect, Baluwerti area was formed from the area identity-forming element configuration. Since then, it takes a study of Baluwerti area conservation in the form of area revitalization concept in capability of increasing economic activities ekonomi (economic revitalization) by referring to social-cultural aspect as well as environmental aspect (environmental objectives). Thus it can provide social-economic-cultural benefit for Baluwerti residents, by not abandoning “spirit” existing in the inside. Keywords: conservation, kampong Baluwerti, royal village, history, Kasunanan Surakarta INTRODUCTION Surakarta has long history related to kingdoms in Java in the past time up to present time has been still visually visible with completion namely complex of Keraton Kasunanan and Kadipaten Mangkunegaran (Mangkunegaran county). Both historical heritages hold typicality in space order and physical embodiment. In area of Keraton Kasunanan Surakarta there is a village surrounding nucleus of keraton commonly called as Baluwerti village. In the beginning that village was trench then in its development became high fence called as fort that surrounded nucleus of keraton. However word of Baluwerti itself derives from Portuguese baluarte meaning it is fort. In Ducth bolwerk means fort. According to Javanese word baluwer means jagang or large trench containing water in function as fort. However location of kampong Baluwerti lies between two walls in circumference of keraton in size of 2 meter height and 6 meter width. This area has two doors/gates namely Kori Brajanala Utara (Northern Kori Brajanala) and Kori Brajanala Selatan in which one another is connected by two alley furrows in parallel with Keraton walls. That door connects keraton area with outside world. In 1900, Susuhunan Pakubuwana X enlarged area of Kampung Baluwerti and added with two doors of butulan (side entrance) namely in the eastern and western part, so that it added facility for those living in Baluwerti in order to relate with the outside world. Characteristics of Baluwerti area from research outcome of Hardiyanti (2005) state that village existence in Baluwerti Surakarta has special relationship to Keraton Kasunanan Surakarta.That latter is a process of village creation, where in the past this village (since 1745) has been residence of Keraton kindship and Keraton house servants commensurate with their own occupation. As for this area entitlement is conformed with profession of each abdidalem/house servant (entitlement is based on toponymy). Environmental condition and houses of prince physically degrade in its material quality and even there are some having collapsed even there are some having wrecked. With the governmental system alteration in keraton (king is not again as head of government but just as a guide of culture) it causes dwelling of abdidalem (house servant) under go its space function alteration. Their residence is changed partly as business place so that their household economy is not disturbed. As effect of that business therefore in micro, its space order starts to change. The latter must at once be handled by making guides lines of clear rules thus even though there are changes then still in corridor of correct space ordering.

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Figure 1. Gradation of Keraton Sacredness

Figure 2. Concept Application to Site Morphologically, Baluwerti area in the beginning was influenced by concept of (Java) Mataram royal town‟s space order. From visual aspect, Baluwerti area is established from configuration of the area-identity forming element (Lynch, 1960), namely path is area circulation channel, edges is fort, district is house building (dalem) and village, nodes is knot of activity area, and landmark is keraton and house building (dalem) (Nafsiah, 2010). Baluwerti holds two patterns of district, namely pattern dalem and pattern kampung (or pattern of kampung enclave). Every district holds meaning and different background. House pattern (dalem) is cluster of building with a wide courtyard and surrounded with courtyard walls. However, dwelling pattern in the beginning was dwelling house appointed for house servants in one profession (Farkhan, 2004).

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In 1755 (King Paku Buwana III) started to provide dwelling for house servants in south of Keraton assumed as sacral area, namely Tamtaman (corporal soldier), Carangan soldier, and Wirengan soldier. Meanwhile prince‟s house building (or dalem Pangeran) in the north and south of Keraton, where all house buildings of princes appear before the south. (before = menghadap). Placement of princes in the house buildings is commensurate with occupation that the prince bears (toponymy = place entitlement based on function/duty from a person/a group of persons occupying the place). Culture displacement process can take influence on displacement of culture embodiment contained in societal life order or area physical order (Sidharta, 1989). Currently, Baluwerti societal life pattern commences to change, utilization of house function and dwelling also commences to displace. Baluwerti society recently establishes privately with space order and building construct (or building shape) in pursuant with each desirability so that up to now it seems to lack of linkage with Surakarta keraton. Sense of belonging on area identity has decreased. Since the Keraton‟s union with NKRI (or state of union of Republic of Indonesia), Keraton has no political power in issuance of rules of Baluwerti area control. During the era of Paku Buwana II to Paku Buwana XI, keraton has power in government politics. Furthermore, during era of Paku Buwana XII and up to present where keraton under King Paku Buwana XIII, keraton loses of its political power due to the keraton‟s union with Government of Republic of Indonesia, is no longer as government center but also as culture center (interview, 2010). PROBLEMS Based on empirical facts in field, recently some elements of area identity formation are indicated to undergo displacement. Physically imaginary axis named mancapat-mancalima as part of concept of (Java) Mataram royal town‟s space order starts to shift. For instance there are new building with building construct/shape not reflecting situation in its near vicinity (not contextual), change in a building front shape from its original shape, so that historical impression of Baluwerti area starts to fade away. Besides, increasingly more development of activity types that occurs in Baluwerti a re-uses new function that the area accommodates. Society starts to hold new comprehension due to economical demand namely devotion concept toward Keraton starts to shift to be economical concept namely how a great number of houses as many as possible can be benefitted to produce money. They start to forget concept magersari (concept magersari is a concept in Java where a person may occupy field/house from a person without necessarily paying the rent but he has duties to serve to that person). New function development mostly is not contextual and lacking of paying attention on area historical aspect, there is worry to displace the area identity-forming element. House building (or bangunan dalem) as one of area landmark previously is a place for nobleman (bangsawan), some of which under went component increment not contextual with concept of house building, even house building of Sindusenan changed into Topograhy Education Center of TNI-AD (TNI AD is Indonesian Ground Force Army). Since dwelling houses today starts to under go functional displacement to be convection production house, dormitory or contract house, boarding house, or house for rent. Many changes occurring in Baluwerti area can eliminate historical process represented by visualization of area architecture heritage.

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Figure 3: Map of Dwelling Complex

CONCEPT NEEDED IN CONSERVATION In conservation it takes some standard terms to be followed so that value contained in it does not undergo alteration. However the value concept is as follows: (1) Conservation is based on sustainable development concept, (2) Conservation is through managerial approach proper with accountability system, (3) Paying attention on environmental sustainability based on its function, (4) Every citizen deserves rights of healthy and good environment, (5) Prevention attempt is more emphasized than counteraction and recovery. TO-DO STRATEGY In order to reach the notion/idea it takes strategies so that no any conflict of interest occur. However strategy is: (1) Cultivating society for continuous/sustainable development, (2) Performing a good governance (3) Order of policy and law. CONSERVATION STEPS HAVING BEEN CONDUCTED Area physical development and various activities as well as function that occur in Baluwerti area need a controller for not increasingly displacing its area identity. With Decree of Surakarta Major No. 646/116/1/1997 starting that Baluwerti is conservation area. However, conservation activities recently applied in Baluwerti has not energized new function with potential that the area holds due to still limited in area aesthetic (beautification) (Nafsiah, 2010) and has not paid attention on non-physical aspect (social, economy, culture etc) conducted in certain building as single object without seeing Baluwerti area as one unity. For instance in renovation of space Pendapa, Dalem, area greening, assembly of signage, still not in pursuance to follow true conservation regulation.Therefore, the existing policy is not yet able to represent conservation context, and area changes increasingly occur, either in functional or physical function. In process of making a Baluwerti area conservation study in form of area revitalization concept able to increase economic activities (economic revitalization) by referring to social-cultural aspect as well as environmental aspect (environmental objectives).Therefore it can grant social-economic-cultural benefits for Baluwerti residents, by not abandoning “spirit” available in it.

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References [1] Antariksa, 2010, Tipologi Wajah Bangunan dan Riasan dalam Arsitektur Kolonial Belanda, (accessed on 9th May 2011). [2] De Ven, Cornelis Van,1977, Space in Architecture, Van Gorcum & Comp. B.V: Netherlands. [3] Farkhan, Ahmad dan Junianto, 2004, Makna Spasial Lingkungan Permukiman Jawa; Study Case: Kampung Baluwarti Surakarta, Mintakat Jurnal Arsitektur, Vol. 5, No.2, September 2004, Page 455-464. [4] Fu Tuan, Yi, 1981, Space and Place: The perspective of Experience, USA, The University of Minnesota Press. [5] Graaf, H.J.D, 1986, Puncak Kekuasaan Mataram, Jakarta, Grafiti-Press. [6] Hardiyanti, Nurul S, Antariksa, dan Hariyani, Septiana, 2005, Studi Perkembangan dan Pelestarian Kawasan Keraton Kasunanan Surakarta, Dimensi Teknik Arsitektur, Vol. 33, No.1, December, Page 112 – 124. [7] Hertzberger, Herman, 2000, Space and The Architect, Uitgeverij 010 Publish, Rotterdam. [8] Heru, 1983, Simbolisme Dalam Budaya Jawa, Yogyakarta, PT.Hanindito. [9] Ichwan, Rido Matari, 2004, Penataan dan Revitalisasi sebagai Upaya Meningkatkan Daya Dukung Kawasan Perkotaan, Makalah pribadi Pengantar ke Falsafah Sains, Sekolah Pasca Sarjana/S3 Institut Pertanian Bogor, Bogor. [10] ICOMOS 14th General Assembly, 2003, Victoria Falls, Zimbabwe, October. [11] Kerber, Jordan E. (Ed.), l994, Cultural Resource Management: Archaeological Research, Preservation Planning, and Public Education in the Northeastern United States Wesport, Connecticut, London, Bergin & Garvey. [12] Kostof, Spiro,1991, The City Shaped: Urban Patterns and Meanings through History, London: Thames and Hudson. [13] Krier, Rob, l984, Urban Space,Third Edition, London: Academy Editions. [14] Kusumadilaga, M.W.R, Perpindahan Kraton Kartasura ke Surakarta, Surakarta, Perpustakaan Radya Pustaka. [15] Nugroho, Budi, 2006, Perubahan Penggunaan Ruang Permukiman Kawasan Bersejarah di Kalurahan Baluwarti Surakarta, Malang: Skripsi PWK Universitas Brawijaya. [16] Prijotomo, J, 1987, Komposisi Olah Tampang Arsitektur Kampung (Study Case: Kampung in Surabaya), Unpublished, Surabaya: Pusat Penelitian ITS [17] Sabari Yunus, Hadi, 2002, Struktur Tata Ruang Kota, Yogyakarta, Pustaka Pelajar. [18] Sairin, Sjafri, 1992, Javanese Trah: Kin-Based Social Organization, Yogyakarta, Gadjah Mada University Press. [19] Sajid, R M, 1984, Babad Sala, Surakarta: Perpustakaan Rekso Pustoko Mangkunegaran. [20] Santoso, Jo, 2008, Arsitektur Kota Jawa: Kosmos, Kultur dan Kuasa, Centrapolis, Jakarta. [21] Satoto, BudionoTanudjaya, Sinar J, 1992, Wujud Arsitektur sebagai Ungkapan Makna Sosial Budaya Manusia, Yogyakarta, Universitas Atma Jaya Yogyakarta. [22] Setyaningsih, Wiwik, 2004, Tata Ruang Dalem Pangeran di Baluwarti Surakarta, Jurnal RUAS PWK FT Universitas Brawijaya, Vol.II, No.1, June, Page 33-41. [23] Sidharta, 1989, Konservasi lingkungan dan Bangunan Kuno Bersejarah di Surakarta, Yogyakarta, Gadjah Mada University Press. [24] Soeratman, Darsiti, 1989, Kehidupan Dunia Kraton Surakarta 1830-1939, First Edition, Yogyakarta, Taman Siswa. [25] Soesanto, 2003, Persepsi Masyarakat terhadap Lingkungan Permukimannya, Mintakat Jurnal Arsitektur, Vol. 2, No.1, September, Page 45-52. [26] Sukandar, Philipus Agus, 2005, Kajian Teori Heterotopia dalam Ruang Jawa, Mintakat Jurnal Arsitektur, Vol. 6, No. 1, March, Page 537-546. [27] Tikopranoto dan Mardisuwignya, 1980, Sejarah Kutha Sala, Sala, Toko Buku Pelajar. [28] Yosodipuro, 1994, Karaton Surakarta Hadiningrat, Bangunan Budaya Jawa, Tuntunan Hidup/Pembangunan Budi Pakarti Kejawen, Solo, Macrodata.

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URBAN FRINGE AREAS STUDY TOWARDS SUSTAINABLE SETTLEMENT GROWTH: CHALLENGES FOR SEMARANG CITY-INDONESIA Bambang Setioko Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Diponegoro University - Indonesia *Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT This paper discusses on the rapid growth of urban sprawl in the urban fringe area and set the effort to reveal the existence of local wisdom that can be used to support the sustainable growth of settlement in the Semarang urban fringe areas. Lesson learned from the urban fringe study in United States is the occurrence of "white flight"; the white race society moving out from the city centre to the fringe area; and the rapid growth of urban sprawl causes fringe area characterized by chaos. The fringe areas are segregated by race and income, prone to social conflicts. The research has successfully revealed the existence of local wisdom in the form of collaborative interaction in people living in the three groups of settlements. The policy and strategy of Semarang city growth should be synchronized with local wisdom and sustainability issues in its effort to establish liveable and sustainable city. Keywords: urban fringe, urban sprawl, collaborative interaction, local wisdom, sustainable. INTRODUCTION City will continuously grow in line with the natural population growth and the urbanization process. At the initial phase, urbanization process take place in the urban cores, however in the few last decades, the process tends to be dominant in the urban fringe area. Currently, most of urban dwellers moving out to the fringe areas; follows the urban growth trend; causing the role of urban core decreases while urban fringe increases. As a consequence of the above phenomenon, the structure of the city run into metamorphosis, i.e. shifting the urbanization from the urban core shifted to the fringe area. City grows from inside to outside. This phenomenon has affected the changes of urban landscape. City shape changed to inverted metropolis. The role of city centre decreases while fringe area increases (Soja, 2000). The decreasing of centrality of the urban core and the increasing of urban fringe role occurred in all metropolitan cities, either in the developed or in developing countries. The physical growth of the urban fringe is dominated by the urban sprawl, which is predicted have changed thousand hectares of rural areas and productive land becomes housing estates and caused food productivity decrease. According to the environmental analyst, the growth of urban sprawl is considered as one cause of the degradation environment quality. From the economist point of view, the growth of urban sprawl in the fringe area is criticized as a lavish development, since it is considered not efficient utilizing the existing urban infrastructure. Therefore many people ask question about the growth of the urban sprawl in the fringe area whether it becomes a sign of the increasing economic vitality, or it becomes a threat for ecology. The growth of urban fringe areas in Indonesia generally has high complexity. The area possesses besides dualistic characteristic; formal and informal settlements, traditional and modern, urbanity and rurality; it is also mixed with autonomous housing; built by individual or family out of municipal authority supervision. The settlements built independently by the inhabitants are usually located attached to the planned settlements that have been completed with urban infrastructure, or adjacent to the traditional rural settlements, which have been constructed earlier. In general, urban sprawl on the fringe areas is a mixture of three types of settlement.

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THE URBAN SPRAWL PHENOMENA Urban fringe area growth in the context of developed countries During the last decade, the urbanization on fringe areas has been one of the most important trends happen in the developed countries (Kivel, 1993). In Northern American, the migration of white middle class moving out of the city centre flows to the fringe areas, seeking good environment and safer neighbourhoods, called white flight phenomenon. Meanwhile, in 2000, 86% of all Black Americans lived in metropolitan areas-nearly two thirds in the city centre (Gilham, 2002). The urban fringe areas explosion causes the social segregation between the city centre and the urban fringe. The outward movement of urban population to the fringe areas has considerable city center‟s role implication. The declining of residential densities in city centre and fast growing settlement in the urban fringe area could boost the fringe area's role and replace the urban core as the main focus of urban activities. Fringe areas are segregated by income and race, prone to social conflicts. This phenomenon makes city landscape inverted, and city grows onto the borderless city. From the economists point of view, the fringe area growth has been criticized not efficient used as municipal infrastructure which is potentially reducing food productivity. In fact, many people still wonder whether the urban sprawl growth is the sign of increasing economic vitality or an ecological threat. On the other hand, taxpayers might see the construction of the facilities itself. The infrastructure in urban fringe areas should not be taken as a priority, because it is only intended for a small number of people who do not want to live together in a dense urban area. They prefer to live in the fringe area, unfortunately. To serve this group of people, the municipal was forced to provide various urban amenities which require a huge cost. Urban Fringe area growth in the Context of Indonesia There is a clear distinction between the phenomenon of urban sprawl in Indonesia and Western countries. In Indonesia the growth of urban sprawl is triggered by land prices disparity in fringe areas and urban cores, whereas in developed countries are triggered by preferences. In developed countries, people prefer migrate to the fringe areas looking for good environment. In the contrary, in Indonesia, people are forced to live on the fringe area because of high land prices in urban core. For the low income people there is no other choice. Living on the urban fringe area for dwellers means not only living on the heart of the city, but also on the edge of urban society (Jenks, 2000). The fringe area becoming the location of mixed enclave of settlements; namely planned settlements, unplanned settlements, and autonomous settlements; characterized by the sprawl development. All types of settlements located side by side and they grew simultaneously. This condition makes the fringe area has dualistic characteristics, mixed between modern society and traditional/rural society, urbanity and rurality, formal and informal. In the future this area will integrate to the urban core. The integration process will largely determine the future shape of cities. Metropolitan port city in Indonesia generally have a fast growing fringe areas. Physical transformation of these cities has specific characteristics (Mangin, 2004). In general, there are three phases are often distinguished: [1] colonial era; [2] after independence era and [3] modern city era. In the initial stages of urban growth, the city acts as a port city. Urban authorities are highly control urban growth on a lower level to keep the labour remained live in rural areas to explore natural resources and to cultivate agriculture. Although the regional transportation network grew but it does not emerge a new urban growth centres. The centrality of existing port city is maintained to guarantee continuing supply of natural resources from hinterland areas. After independence era, percentage of urban growth was very high. Modern urban infrastructure is established, such as airport, highway and other transportation facilities. The vast developments of hinterland areas push the city become regional growth centre. At modern city era, city set up regional and local transportation network. Ring road is established to cope the traffic congestion in urban areas. Usually intersection between ring roads and regional roads are the best location for emerging new sub centre. In initial phase of urban development, ring road was planned to be an urban boundaries. However if urban areas growing continuesly, and fringe areas became overcrowded, a new outer ring roads are needed and usually located more distance from urban core. This type of development will be repeated in the next phase (Fig. 1).

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Figure 1: Urban transformation Due to the expanding modern transportation, internal structure of the city was changed, especially in fringe areas. The overall pattern of settlement no longer tied to the finger shape corridors of transit lines, changed to a more symmetrical shape. Increasing number of factories, and housing estates at the urban fringe areas all took advantage of a switch from rail road to trucks (Knox, 1994). Recently roads become determinant factors for urban growth. High levels of urbanization and the land price disparity between fringe areas and urban core area boosted Indonesian cities grew horizontally and rapidly towards the fringe areas. The growth of fringe areas are dominated urban sprawl development. The absence of master plan and the lack of law enforcement encourage un-balance urban development and drive the fringe areas grow like an archipelago of enclaves (Fig.2).



Seminar Synopsis



Seminar Synopsis


Figure 2: Archipelago of Enclaves THE METHOD OF RESEARCH. The proper method to diagnose the problem of a city must start by recognizing the historical and social phenomena and then followed by the perspective to respect for local wisdom and indigenous urban characteristic. To obtain an authentic and original local wisdom cannot be done with the generalization manner. Therefore the research should be run with qualitative approach within

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naturalistic paradigm umbrella. Grounded theory method is chosen because could reveal the tacit knowledge upon the form of concept that is able to explain the settlement growth phenomena in the fringe area that has not been identified completely and has not had theoretical knowledge explanation comprehensively. Western theories of urban fringe areas still leave many questions and blow a prolonged debate. This method also can give the intricate details phenomena that difficult to solve with some quantitative methods (Strauss, 1990).

Figure 3: Inductive Process There are four main stages in building the local knowledge of the field, [1] coding [2] concept, [3] categories, [4] theory. The step of theorizing data can be broadly described as follows: Coding is the process of analyzing data, while concept may appear as conceptual labels placed on discrete happening events, and other phenomena. Category is a classification of concepts. This classification is discovered when concepts are compared one against the others and appear to pertain to a similar phenomenon. Thus, the concepts are classified onto the higher order than abstract concept which called category. Conceptualizing data with grounded theory model starts from labelling the discrete phenomena which called coding, followed by building a concept using interpretive procedures. The interpretative procedures are a base to formulate the categories and theories. These procedures include the techniques for conceptualizing data can be seen schematically in Figure 3. This procedure gives the advantageous to determine the accuracy and distinctiveness concept of theorising data. The first level of abstraction results in concept as well as the main component is forming a theory. Concept itself is emerged, has to be built not presented naturally. The next step is to build multiple categories at a higher level of abstraction, from a number of interlocked concepts. From some of the tentative categories, one will be selected to construct a substantive theory. THE SETTLEMENT GROWTH IN SEMARANG URBAN FRINGE General Condition of Semarang Semarang city is the capital of the Central Java Province. It is located in the middle of Java Island, on the north coast. Semarang has a strategic location on the main national transportation

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corridors between Jakarta and Surabaya. In 2010, Semarang consisted of 1.592.632 inhabitants, and had growth rate 1.90 % per year. By having 37.366 hectares of the administrative area, and the gross density is 43 inhabitants per hectare; unfortunately Semarang does not have an advance level of population growth.

Figure 4. Map of Semarang city, 2009 According to the study conducted by the “Department of Human Settlements and Regional Infrastructure” (2003) for urban and suburban areas of Semarang city, it can be said that urban sprawl in Semarang is fuelled more by fast growing housing estate as an impact of abundant housing supply (Fig.4). Based on 2007‟s statistical data the city centre has a negative population growth rate while urban fringe areas have high percentage. The condition demonstrated that partly of inhabitants moved out from city centre to the fringe areas. During 2002-2007 the population of city centre tended to decrease while urban fringe areas are increase. Unstructured urban sprawl scattered in fringe areas like archipelago of enclaves. Physically, fringe areas consisted of three types of settlement. First type is planned settlement developed by housing estates which mostly occupied by middle and high income groups equipped with luxurious urban amenities. Second type is indigenous rural settlements grew in natural pattern; there are lack of urban services and have been categorized as un-planned settlements. Third type is autonomous settlement consists of mixed settlement and shopping facilities. Due to the irregular growth, spatial expression in the suburbs becomes chaotic. New housing estates are not only occupying vacant areas or paddy fields but often occupy the existing traditional rural settlements. The growth of this area is followed by the emergence of an individual settlements built in order to take advantage of public and social facilities which have been built by the developer. These phenomena potentially rising a social conflict. Locus of research This research conducted in Kelurahan Meteseh - Tembalang District, one of the fastest growing urban fringes in Semarang city. The research area consists of three types of settlements i.e. planned settlement in the form of housing estate called Permukiman Bukit Kencana Jaya, traditional rural settlement in the form of Rejosari hamlet and autonomous settlement in the form of Kedungwinong hamlet (Fig.5). Generally, Permukiman Bukit Kencana Jaya fulfilled by the middle class inhabitants, meanwhile the rural settlements is inhabited by low social strata. The autonomous settlements lived by people with a social strata mixture indeed (Fig.6).

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Autonomous Settlement (Kedungwinong hamlet)

Planned Settlement (Housing Estate) Permukiman Bukit Kencana Jaya

Rural Settlement (Rejosari hamlet)

Figure 5: Locus of research Those three types of settlements above lies side by side, one another have an impact on the inhabitant‟s interaction. To reach the Rejosari hamlet must pass through the Permukiman Bukit Kencana Jaya and the Kedungwinong hamlet

Figure 6: Planned, Un-planned and Autonomous Settlement Bukit Jaya Kencana Jaya settlement built in 1990 and inhabited in 1992. This settlement is dominated by the types 36 and 45. Most of the inhabitants work as employees and civil servants. The premium type is placed on the main road until now has not been fully filled. Although the developers had taken control of land use permits more than 300 ha. The difficulty to obtain the drinking water supply becomes determinant factors for developers to develop bigger housing estate. Therefore, developers tend to build shopping complex. Rejosari hamlet - a rural settlement- lies adjacent to Permukiman Bukit Kencana Jaya, has organic pattern follows the hilly topography. Most of its inhabitants have a low socio economic stratum. The arrival of newcomers with higher social economic level rising the income opportunity. Many of Rejosari dwellers become vegetable vendors and domestic workers working on Permukiman Bukit Kencana Jaya. Observing from the physical aspect of the built environment is identified the emergence of spontaneous public space, in the form of market and street vendors. This space is used as a place for a gathering between the rural inhabitants and the dwellers of Bukit Kencana Jaya housing estate. This situation triggers the interdependence between the two types of inhabitant (Fig.7).

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Figure 7: Spontaneous public space Kedungwinong hamlet is a village that is located at the main road to the settlement of Bukit Kencana Jaya. Ten years ago, this surrounding area is sparsely populated. The emerged of spreading settlement in the surrounding of Permukiman Bukit Kencana Jaya have boosted physical changing of Kedungwinong hamlet. The increasing numbers of the population in this area are followed by an increased need for shopping facilities such as shops and stalls. Kedungwinong have a good access to the many new settlements. Therefore, stalls and shops are growing fast, especially along the main road. Establishment numbers of supermarkets and shopping arcade in this area, Kedungwinong grows into a modern environment (Fig.8).

Figure 8: A new shopping arcade at Kedungwinong hamlet

CONCLUSSION A series of analysis that has been done successfully revealed the existence of local wisdom about the integration of space in the fringe area of Semarang city. This is done through a series of collaborative interactions, performed by entities that live in the three types of settlements i.e. planned settlements, rural settlements and autonomous settlement. Interaction is done using two mechanisms of adaptation approaches that instinctively performed by rural residents to remain able to survive in an increasingly narrow social spaces. Firstly, using territoriality approach by modifying the existing environmental setting and establishing new social spaces to fulfil safety and comfort optimally. Secondly, using self-competency approach, where the urban space actor perceives space as the uncomforted situation, arising by the presence of others in the amount that cannot be controlled, thereby limiting the freedom of motion. From the above discussion, we can conclude the existence of local wisdom in the form of willingness to interact collaboratively. The discussion has also revealed the existence of three entities that live side by side, dependence each others in establishing consensus to cooperate in fulfilling mutual interest and interrelated purposes by sharing roles and experiences. The fragmentation of the urban space on fringe areas into three variants is not identical to the configuration of a unified social structure (Fig: 9). the interdependency in the economic sector creates co-existence between society in the middle and low income level. The existence of interdependence factors have contributed in shaping the behaviour of the urban actors, either as individual or as group in establishing the system of local values characterized by tolerance, brotherhood, and easy to build consensus, all far from the sense of conflict competition and hegemony.

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Figure 9: Superimpose physical space and social space. The policy of Semarang municipality in managing the growth of the fringe area shall accommodate the local values. This study highly recommends not using the “ideal city model”, which are blindly adopted idea from western country. Some evidences indicated to solve the fringe area problem using ideal city model, not fully comply with the Indonesian social condition. Approach to urban policy and strategy by utilizing local wisdom can ensure the sustainability of urban growth. In order to reach sustainability of growth in fringe areas, the rapid development of housing estate in fringe areas should be reduced and the growth of indigenous rural settlement should be stimulated. So the balance growth of the social structure will develop naturally. The balance growth will shape social structure and have an implication to the spatial configuration of a city. To eliminate existing indigenous housing settlement and replace with a new exclusive housing estate does not demonstrate a proper solution which has capability to increase prosperity and sustainability. References [1] Bogart T, William. 2006. Don‟t Call It Sprawl. Metropolitan Structure in the Twenty-First Century. Cambridge University Press. New York. [2] Dieter Evers, Hans & Korff, Rudiger.2000. Southeast Asia Urbanism: The Meaning and Power of Social Space. LIT Verlag. [3] Knox.L, Paul. 1994. Urbanization, an Introduction to Urban Geography. USA: Prentice-Hall, Inc. [4] Mangin, David. 2004. La ville Franchisee, forms et structures de la ville contemporaine. Ediions de la villette, Paris. [5] Meligrana, John E., 2003. Developing a Planning Strategy and Vision for Rural-Urban Fringe Areas: A case study of British Columbia. Canadian Journal of Urban Research, Vol.:12 Issued 1 Supplement, p: 19-41. [6] Setioko, Bambang. 2010. Integration of Urban Space on Kelurahan Meteseh - the fringe area of Semarang. Doctor Dissertation. The Faculty of Graduate School - Diponegoro University. [7] Soja, W. Edward. 2005. Postmetropolis, Critical studies of Cities and Regions. Blackwell Publishing. USA.

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APPLY GIS SPATIAL ANALYSIS TO STUDY URBAN COMPACT Chien-Liang Tung1*, Han-Liang Lin2 1 Master Student of Department of Urban Planning, National Cheng-Kung University, Taiwan 2 Assistant Professor of Department of Urban Planning, National Cheng-Kung University, Taiwan *Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT Compact city is one of the most important concepts in the context of urban sustainability, especially issues of urban sprawl, energy consumption and green house gas emission. Most research studied compact city measurements from nation levels using census data of zone scheme of city. The results were not able to help understanding the interior spatial structure because of the data without locational information, moreover, not able to help knowing the distribution of compactness while planning. In view of this, this paper aims at improving the measurement using the technology of GIS network analyst that not zone scheme based at city level to provide more specific insights of how city is compacted. Keywords: compact city, network analyst, measure, mixed-use INTRODUCTION Compact city is one of the most important concepts in urban planning, mainly through the compact development to reduce energy waste and environmental pollution. Therefore compact city is also one of the significant concepts for sustainable development. So far, many researchers have intended to find the methods to measure compact ratios. Most of them are overall assessment methods to distinguish the compact ratios of cities and villages at urban scale. However, the structure of spatial relationships has not been detected in those measurements. Therefore, there are following questions. First, data will be limited to administrative or government statistics, and the date are with no spatial location. Second, It just can compare the compact ratio among different cites, but it‟s difficult for urban planning to implement. Third, if urban structure does not belong to the homogeneous distribution, it will be misjudged. In views of this, this study for visualizing the compact ratio in spatial structure .If the structure of cities could be appropriately described at smaller scales, the compact ratio and pattern of cities could be precisely studied. Therefore, this paper aims at improving the measurement to further discover the pattern of compact.. It has to reduce the measuring unit scale, besides, the used data have to be made with spatial properties. Two major factors of compact city are "density" and "mixed-use". This paper focuses on the improvement of "mixed-use". BACKGROUND The compact city Compact city is the intensive urban development to against the urban sprawl, scholars believe if the urban sprawl unrestricted will cause the energy consumption and environmental damage, so they proposed the concept of compact city to counter urban sprawl. The concept of compact city was raised in the last twentieth century, the first book to talk about compact city is " Compact City – A Plan for a Livable Urban Environment " by Dantzig and Saaty in 1973.Their vision was to enhance the quality of life but not at the expense of the "next generation" Dan compact city in which the theory was raised early and did not get much attention. Until the Commission of the European Council (CEC) released the Green Paper on the urban Environment referred "compact city, assuming that it makes urban areas more environmentally sustainable and improves quality of life. ", and than compact city become the important concept in urban planning, many scholars discuss about it includes supporters and opponents.

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Generally, compactness proposes density of the built environment and intensification of its activities, efficient land planning, diverse and mixed land uses, and efficient transportation systems. Most researchers agree with the two factors of compact city are "density" and "mixed-use". High-density population is a condition of compact city (Mclare1992). Walker and Rees presented the density and dwelling type affect sustainability through differences in the consumption of energy; materials; and land for housing, transportation, and urban infrastructure (Walker and Rees 1997). Mixed-use is a way to decrease the travel distances between activities by close proximity to one another (Parker 1994). It is argued that the local provision of services and facilities within a neighborhood, as opposed to the development of large-scale out-of-town retail and leisure facilities, reduces the need to travel by car (Elkin et al, 1991). For a sustainable urban form, mixed uses should be encouraged in cities, and zoning discouraged ( Breheny, 1992). The measurements According to the literature reviews, the past of compact city researchers have proposed many methods to measuring compact ratio. Most methods can divide into two classifications. Respectively is single-index and multi-index, include the single-index researchers Richardson (1961) and Cole (1964), and multi-index researchers Galster(2001),Burton(2002) and Yu-Hsin Tsai(2005). The earlier researchers proposed the single-index measurement, such as the Richardson proposed a formula to survey the compact ratio in 1961. Compact ratio= 2 A /P


A means measure of area, P means perimeter. And Cole proposed a formula in 1964. Compact ratio=A/A‟


A means the area of urban built-up areas, A' means the urban built-up areas the minimum circumscribed circle area, The others scholars also proposed other way to measure the compact ratio, such as Gibbs proposed it in 1961 and Nguyen xuan Thijh proposed in 2002. Due to brief consideration, single-index measurement is usually the size of whole city that the composition and structure of city hasn‟t been taken into account. Thus, it‟s difficult to show more in line with the current situation of the measurement results. The later scholars, including Burton, Calster, Tsai and others, proposed the multi-index measurement. Burton is a well-known scholar studying on compact city. He raised the method of measuring compact ratio. In his point of view, the compact city can be divided into three basic types, high-density, mixed-use and intensified, and each type should be measured with varied factors. For example, the factors of mixed-use are the levels of public service, horizontal mixed-use and vertical mixed-use with respective measurement. And then estimate the compact ratio by statistic methods. On the other hand, Calster took the density ,continuity, concentration, clustering centrality, nuclearity, mixed-uses proximity as factors, and COV coefficient and Delta coefficient as measurement. In 2005, Yu-Hsin Tsai raised four-dimensional indicators, including the size, density, degree of equal distribution and degree of clustering, and then used the Moran‟s I, Geary‟s C and Gini coefficient as factors, the spatial autocorrelation for simulating compact ratio. After review all methods that will know whether single-index or multi-index measurement is not taken the structure of cities into account, road network and other issues, this research hoping to join the network and the structure of the city, try to improve assessment methods. EXPERIMENT Research framework For visualizing the compact spatial structure, It has to reduce the measurement unit scale and make every unit with the compact ratio, so this study treats the building as the measurement unit, and use the Gam software to visualizing the spatial structure

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The experiment intends to improve the "mixed-use" factor. For the level of mixed-use, the higher level the mixed-use reaches, the more different the types of land use are in a certain area. In other words, it takes less time to travel among the uses. Therefore, based on one of Network Analyst Tools of ESRI ArcGIS, the Closest Facilities, the experiment takes the distances between residents and vital functions as the measurement of mixed-use. The Closest Facilities can let us know the shortest distances between the residents and vital functions, it need to set up the incidents and facilities,but it can‟t compute large numbers,therefore ,it is necessary to reduce the point numbers, so we use the rode node be the relay point. This experiment can know the shortest distances between residents and vital functions. It has to divide into two parts. d1:The distances between rode nodes to vital functions. d2:The distances between residents to rode nodes. At last, sum up the d1 and d2 to be the total distance between residents and other functions.

Figure.1 In order to reduce calculating loads, make the intersections as Incidents instead of residential plots. That is, calculate the distances from intersections to functional plots instead of residential plots to functional plots.

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Figure.2 The road network nodes and function points using the Closest Facility method to calculate the distance of each node function of the nearest point distance. Research area The research area is East District, one of the earliest development areas in Tainan. Since it‟s been highly development and mixed-use, the results of analysis might be more plentiful. The total area of East District is 12.72 Km2. And there are 7,837 buildings including 4,587 residents. The amount of route nodes is 2,382. All the data is based on the Land Use Investigation of Taiwan. Result The following figure shows out the single peak distribution of the total distance. The top of the peak is around 2,000 - 2,300 meters. If equally divide the total distance into 6 functions, it takes only or no more than 400 meters from all residents to each living function in Tainan. As the figure.4 shows, the distribution of distances is generally clustered in East District whether near or far.

Figure.3 The achievements of experiment shows that the distribution state of distance displays single peak consequence and that the peak is about in the middle of 2000m-2300m

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Fig.4 The distance information displayed on the map ,and the darker color means nearer distance. The distance distribution whether near or far all have cluster relationship. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION The experiment helps understand the distances of each resident to their nearest functional points. And putting back the distances to the residential plots helps understand the relationships and display the spatial distribution. For further studies, use the GAM software to know if there‟s any clustering data. The Geographical Analysis Machine (GAM) is an attempt at automated exploratory spatial data analysis of point or small area data to discover the degree of spatial autocorrelation. The required input data parameters are coordinates of each point of X and Y, length and average distance, thereby computing the degree of spatial autocorrelation, and displayed on the map. References [1] C.L.Fang,W.F.Ql,,2007, Research Progress and Thinking of Compact City and Its Measurement Methods, urban planning forum, vol.170,pp.65-73 [2] A.T.Yang ,2004, Empirical Analysts on Sustainability of Compact city. [3] Burton, E ,2002, Measuring urban compactness in UK towns and cities,2002 Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design,Vol.29, pp. 219-250. [4] Burton. E, Williams. K and Jenks. M,1996, The compact city :A sustainable urban form. [5] L. Lin A,2008, Conceptual Analysis on Compact Urban Planning Forum, vol.175 , pp.41-50. [6] Y.M. MA ,2007,The Birth and Development of Compact City, pp.10-16 [7] Burton, E., 2000,The compact city: just or just compact? a preliminary analysis, Urban Studies, Vol. 37, No. 11, pp. 1969-2001 [8] Jabareen,Y,R,2006,” Sustainable Urban Forms : Their Typologies, Models, and Concepts” Journal of Planning Education and Research , pp38-52

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SEEKING WAYS TO OVERCOME THE BARRIERS TO MAINSTREAMING CLIMATE CHANGE ADAPTATION INTO ODA FROM THE EU AND JAPAN TO VIETNAM: A CASE STUDY OF CAN THO Hanne Louise Knaepen* Graduate School of Global Environmental Studies, Kyoto University *Corresponding author: [email protected] ABSTRACT Despite the general recognition of the urgent need of mainstreaming climate change adaptation (CCA) into Official Development Aid (ODA) by EU and Japan donors, as well as ODA-recipient country Vietnam, it is not a general policy yet. This study identifies the barriers to mainstreaming and emphasizes that, for efficient mainstreaming, policies at urban-level should be implemented in accordance with donor and national plans. Therefore, Can Tho, a medium-sized urban settlement in the Mekong Delta is chosen as a case-study. An analysis of interviews with key persons from the EU, Japan, and Vietnamese ODA-related institutions, as well as an internship at the Climate Change Coordination Office in Can Tho in August and September will conclude if the hypothesized barriers to mainstreaming, viewed from the perspective of the adaptation needs of Can Tho, are correctly identified and how they could be overcome. Keywords: mainstreaming, adaptation, urban policy-making, Official Development Aid (ODA) INTRODUCTION Climate change adaptation (CCA) in developing countries is becoming an increasingly prioritized international policy objective, and one of the key responses is mainstreaming it into Official Development Assistance (ODA). Mainstreaming, in this case, is the process by which development policies are (re)designed from the perspective of climate change adaptation. The EU and Japan, major ODA providers to Vietnam, as well as Vietnam itself, clearly emphasize the need for mainstreaming in their policy documents, but the overall image that emerges from the evaluation reports is rather negative: mainstreaming is not a general policy yet. For effective mainstreaming of climate change adaptation into ODA there should be full incorporation of CCA on three levels: donor, national government, and urban. The coordination-flow between these three levels, viewed from the urban perspective, is the focal point of this work. Moreover, for mainstreaming on urban-level, Can Tho City, located in the low-lying Mekong River Delta, is chosen as case-study. Yet, in spite of various assessed climate risks, there is no comprehensive formal adaptation plan with concrete measures in response to climate change in Can Tho. Therefore, this study identifies three hypothetical solutions to overcome the barriers to mainstreaming: (1) stronger integration of climate risks among Vietnamese ministries and city departments; (2) more cooperation between NGOs and governmental institutions; (3) stronger EU and Japan donor pressure on mainstreaming CCA in national development plans in Vietnam. Finally the credibility of the above mentioned solutions will be assessed during a six week-long field study in Vietnam starting from August. The concrete results and a practical roadmap will be presented during the 2nd International Conference on Sustainable Future for Human Security. OBJECTIVES The aim of this study is to understand the barriers to mainstreaming CCA into ODA on three levels: the EU and Japan donor level, the Vietnamese national government level, and the urban level, more precisely, Can Tho City. Doing so, this research follows the flow of coordination between these three levels, with special attention given to the urban level. Through testing the above mentioned three

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