Advanced studies on the archaeology and history of hunting edited by the ZBSA
11
11
11
Advanced studies on the archaeology and history of hunting
9 783529 014901
Raptor and human – falconry and bird symbolism
ISBN 978-3-529-01490-1
edited by the ZBSA
Karl-Heinz Gersmann ∙ Oliver Grimm (eds.)
Falconry, the art of hunting with birds (Frederick II) and a living human heritage (UNESCO), has left many traces, from western Europe and northern Africa to Japan. The oldest ascertained testimonies belong to the first millennium BCE. The present book, a cooperation between falconers and scientists from different branches, addresses falconry and bird symbolism on diverse continents and in diverse settings.
Karl-Heinz Gersmann ∙ Oliver Grimm (eds.)
Raptor and human –
falconry and bird symbolism throughout the millennia on a global scale
Raptor and human – falconry and bird symbolism throughout the millennia on a global scale
Advanced studies on the archaeology and history of hunting, vol. 1.1–1.4 Edited by the ZBSA/Centre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology in the Foundation of the Schleswig-Holstein State Museums, Schloss Gottorf, Schleswig (northern Germany)
Raptor and human – falconry and bird symbolism throughout the millennia on a global scale
12 Edited by Karl-Heinz Gersmann and Oliver Grimm Publication in considerable extension of the workshop at the Centre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology (ZBSA) in Schleswig, March 5th to 7th 2014
Cover picture: Skilled eagle master. Western Mongolia, August 2011 (photo used with the permission of Dr. Takuya Soma). Top to the left: Seal of the Danish king Knud IV (late 11th century). Redrawing. Taken from M. Andersen/G. Tegnér, Middelalderlige seglstamper i Norden (Roskilde 2002) 129.
Technical Editor: Isabel Sonnenschein Layout, typesetting and image editing: Matthias Bolte, Jürgen Schüller Print and distribution: Wachholtz Verlag – Murmann Publishers, Kiel/Hamburg 2018 https://www.wachholtz-verlag.de/raptor-and-human.html ISSN 2511-8285 ISBN 978-3-529-01490-1 Bibliographical data of the German National Library. The German National Library catalogues this publication in the German National Bibliography; detailed bibliographical information is available online under . All rights reserved, including the reprint of extracts, in particular for duplication, the insertion into and processing in electronic systems and photomechanical reproduction and translation. © 2018 Centre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology (ZBSA) in the Foundation of the Schleswig-Holstein State Museums, Schloss Gottorf, Schleswig, Germany. The editors have made every effort to identify all copyright owners. In the case that copyrights have not been cleared, please contact the editors or the publishing house.
5.000 km
3.000 km
Base Map: ESRI data set 9.3/ ZBSA Göbel 2014
Base Map:ESRI Data 9.3/ ZBSA Göbel 2014
The global perspective of the book. Orange: Eurasian steppe (presumed area of origin of falconry); green: the areas considered in the book (map Jürgen Schüller, ZBSA).
Falconry definition Falconry is defined as the taking of quarry in its natural state and habitat by means of trained birds of prey (according to the International Association for Falconry and Conservation of Birds of Prey [IAF] = www.iaf.org).
Frederick II of Hohenstaufen with a bird of prey. Miniature in his falconry book (folio 1v, Codex Pal. lat. 1071, Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg/Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana). Redrawing. After: Hunting in Northern Europe (Neumünster 2013) 344 fig. 1. Frederick II of Hohenstaufen was an early global actor in the 13th century, bringing together falconers and falconry traditions from far and wide.
UNESCO recognition of falconry as Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (cf. Hewicker in this book, Fig. 6).
Book sponsors
The Archives of Falconry (Boise, Idaho, USA)
Association Nationale des Fauconniers et Autoursiers (France)
(Cultural Division, CIC/Headquarters, and CIC/German Delegation)
Emirates Falconers‘ Club
Deutscher Falkenorden (DFO)
European Foundation for Falconry and Conservation
Hagedoorn Stichting (Netherlands)
The Falconry Heritage Trust (Wales)
Club Mariae Burgundiae (Belgium)
North American Falconers’ Association
International Association for Falconry and Conservation of Birds of Prey
Marshall GPS
Orden Deutscher Falkoniere
Japanese Falconiformes Center
Nederlands Valkeniersverbond Adriaan Mollen
The Peregrine Fund (USA)
List of contents Book 1 Forewords Claus v. Carnap-Bornheim and Berit V. Eriksen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 His Highness Sheikh Mohammed Bin Zayed Al Nahyan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Oliver Grimm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Karl-Heinz Gersmann . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Oliver Grimm and Karl-Heinz Gersmann . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Adrian Lombard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Glossaries Bird glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Falconry glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Indices Short index: by author . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 Short index: by region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Short index: by topic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Summaries Summary English . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Summary German . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Summary Russian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Summary Arabic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
Chapter 1 – Falconry in action and raptor propagation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Thomas Richter Practicalities of falconry, as seen by a present-day falconer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 Mohammed Ahmed Al Bowardi, Majed Ali Al Mansoori, Margit Gabriele Müller, Omar Fouad Ahmad and Anwar S. Dawood Falconry in the United Arab Emirates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Ata Eyerbediev This world is a hunting field and good deeds are the prey – the ethical side of tradition . . . . . 101 Dennis Keen The hunter, the eagle, and the nation: Qazaq traditional knowledge in the post-Soviet world . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Keiya Nakajima Japanese falconry from a practical point of view . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 V
Karl-Heinz Gersmann Some thoughts on the emergence and function of falconry from the perspective of a practicing falconer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Ellen Hagen From museum education to practical falconry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 S. Kent Carnie North American falconry, from its earliest centuries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 S. Kent Carnie The Archives of Falconry: a North American effort to preserve the tangible heritage of falconry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 Jevgeni Shergalin Falconry Heritage Trust: history, structure, goals, current and future work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 Hans-Albrecht Hewicker The History of the Deutscher Falkenorden (DFO) and its international relations . . . . . . . . . . 187 Tom J. Cade and Robert B. Berry The influence of propagating birds of prey on falconry and raptor conservation . . . . . . . . . . . 195
Chapter 2 – Raptors in zoology and biology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221 Frank E. Zachos Birds of prey – An introduction to their systematics, taxonomy and conservation . . . . . . . . . 223 Anita Gamauf Palaearctic birds of prey from a biological point of view . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
Chapter 3 – Human evolution, history of domestication and the special role of the raptor-human relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 Kristiina Mannermaa Humans and raptors in northern Europe and northwestern Russia before falconry . . . . . . . . 257 Dirk Heinrich Are trained raptors domesticated birds? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 Walter Bednarek Emotions and motivation of the falconer and his relationship with the trained raptor – attempt at an evolutionary-biological interpretation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285 Sara Asu Schroer A view from anthropology: falconry, domestication and the ‘animal turn’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313 VI
Chapter 4 – Raptors and religion, falconry and philosophy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323 David A. Warburton Egypt and earlier: birds of prey in the human mind at the dawn of history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325 By Kerry Hull, Mark Wright and Rob Fergus Avian actors: transformation, sorcery, and prognostication in Mesoamerica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347 Daniela Boccassini Falconry as royal “delectatio”: understanding the art of taming and its philosophical foundations in 12th- and 13th-century Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 367
Chapter 5 – History of falconry: pioneers of research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 389 Leor Jacobi and Mark Epstein Hans J. Epstein: falconry’s extraordinary historian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391 Rolf Roosen “The noblest form of hunting ever” – Kurt Lindner and falconry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 403
Chapter 6 – History of falconry: basic reflections and new perspectives . . . . . . . . . 421 Ivan Pokrovsky Stable isotope analysis in raptor and falconry studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 423 Alexandra Pesch Confiding birds: some short remarks on the “head-with-bird-on-top-of-horse-motif” on Migration Period gold bracteates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 431 Vera Henkelmann The evidential value of falconry depictions in book illuminations, on seals, and on tapestries in middle Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 449 Wietske Prummel The archaeological-archaeozoological identification of falconry – methodological remarks and some Dutch examples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 467
Book 2 Oliver Grimm From Aachen in the west to Birka in the north and Mikulčice in the east – some archaeological remarks on bird of prey bones and falconry as being evidenced in premodern settlement contexts in parts of Europe (pre and post 1000 AD) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 479
VII
Ulrich Schmölcke Central European burials with birds of prey from the middle of the 1st millennium AD – a short survey of the early history of archaeozoology in connection with these burials . . . . . 495 Stephan Dusil Falconry in the mirror of normative sources from Central Europe (5th–19th centuries) . . . . . . 507 Baudouin Van den Abeele “On the dunghill”: the dead hawk in medieval Latin and French moralising literature . . . . . . 523 Ricardo Manuel Olmos de León The care of hunting birds in the late Middle Ages and Renaissance according to the Spanish falconry treatises (1250–1565) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 539 Robert Nedoma New words for new things – an overview on lexical borrowing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 557
Chapter 7 – Eurasian steppe: geographic origins of falconry? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 563 Pavel Kosintsev and Aleksei Nekrasov An archaeozoological survey of remains of birds of prey in the West Eurasian steppe . . . . . . 565 Leonid Yablonsky (†) Were the Early Sarmatian nomads falconers in the southern Urals, Russia, during the 4th century BC? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 579 Ulambayar Erdenebat A contribution to the history of Mongolian falconry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 587 Takuya Soma Ethnoarchaeology of falconry in nomadic and sedentary society across Central Asia – rethinking the “Beyond the Boundary” phenomenon of ancient falconry culture . . . . . . . . . . 603 Ádám Bollók A history of the Hungarians before the end of the ninth century: a reading . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 619 Claus Dobiat, with an archaeological-historical introduction by Oliver Grimm The rider fibula from Xanten in western Germany (around 600 AD) with a reference to the falconry of nomadic horsemen of the Eurasian steppe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 637 Hans Nugteren Names for hunting birds and falconry terms in Kipchak (Northwestern Turkic) . . . . . . . . . . . 645 Jürgen Udolph Eastern Slavic names of birds of prey – traces of contact with Turkic peoples? . . . . . . . . . . . . . 663
VIII
Chapter 8 – Roman Empire: the West (Rome) and East (Constantinople) with very little evidence for falconry up to the 5th/6th centuries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 683 Florian Hurka Falconry and similar forms of hunting according to ancient Greco-Roman sources . . . . . . . . 685 Andreas Külzer Some notes on falconry in Byzantium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 699
Chapter 9 – Case study: raptor catching, raptor trade and falconry in northern Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 709 Oliver Grimm and Frans-Arne Stylegar A short introduction to Norway, its Viking Age (800–1000/1050) and the question of the origin of falconry in the country . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 711 Terje Gansum The royal Viking Age ship grave from Gokstad in Vestfold, eastern Norway, and its link to falconry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 717 Ragnar Orten Lie Falconry, falcon-catching and the role of birds of prey in trade and as alliance gifts in Norway (800–1800 AD) with an emphasis on Norwegian and later foreign participants in falcon-catching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 727 Inge Særheim Place names from south-western Norway with reference to the catching of falcons . . . . . . . . . 787 Lydia Carstens Land of the hawk: Old Norse literary sources about the knowledge and practice of falconry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 799 Maria Vretemark Birds of prey as evidence for falconry in Swedish burials and settlements (550–1500 AD) . . . 827 Sigmund Oehrl An overview of falconry in Northern Germanic and insular iconography, 6th /7th centuries AD to c. 1100 AD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 841 Åsa Ahrland Imagery of birds of prey and falconry in the High and Late Middle Ages (1150–1500) in the Nordic countries – reflections of actual hunting practices or symbols of power? . . . . . 861 Joonas Ahola, Frog and Ville Laakso The roles and perceptions of raptors in Iron Age and medieval Finno-Karelian cultures through c. AD 1500 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 887
IX
Matti Leiviskä The role of birds of prey in Finnish place and personal names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 935 Anne Birgitte Gotfredsen Traces of falconry in Denmark from the 7th to the 17th centuries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 947
Book 3 Dirk Heinrich, with an appendix by Wolf-Rüdiger Teegen Falconry in the Viking Age trading centre of Haithabu and its successor, the medieval town of Schleswig? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 973 Natascha Mehler, Hans Christian Küchelmann and Bart Holterman The export of gyrfalcons from Iceland during the 16th century: a boundless business in a proto-globalized world . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 995 Brian Smith and John H. Ballantyne The collection of falcons and ‘hawk hens’ in Shetland and Orkney, 1472–1840 . . . . . . . . . . . . 1021 Kristopher Poole Zooarchaeological evidence for falconry in England, up to AD 1500 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1027 David Horobin The pen and the peregrine: literary influences on the development of British falconry (8th century to the present) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1055 Eric Lacey The charter evidence for falconry and falcon-catching in England and Wales, c. 600–c. 1100 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1089 Richard Almond Hunting from the fist: looking at hawking and falconry in late medieval England (1000–1500) through art history . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1117 Kester Freriks Bird trapping and falconry in Valkenswaard, the Netherlands, from the 17th to the 20th centuries – about wild birds as jewels on the falconer’s hand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1149 Ignaz Matthey The symbolism of birds of prey and falconry in the visual arts of the Netherlands, 1400–1800 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1171
X
Chapter 10 – Raptors and falconry in premodern Europe: overall studies . . . . . . . . 1193
José Manuel Fradejas Rueda Falconry on the Iberian Peninsula – its history and literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1195 Algirdas Girininkas and Linas Daugnora Premodern hunting with birds of prey in the historical Lithuanian lands: entertainment, politics or economic necessity? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1215 Liina Maldre, Teresa Tomek and Jüri Peets Birds of prey from Vendel Age ship burials of Salme (c. 750 AD) and in Estonian archaeological material . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1229 Andrei V. Zinoviev Early falconry in Russia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1251 Baudouin Van den Abeele Medieval Latin and vernacular treatises on falconry (11th–16th c.): tradition, contents, and historical interest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1271
Chapter 11 – Raptors and falconry in premodern Europe: specific studies . . . . . . . 1291 Babette Ludowici Chamber grave 41 from the Bockshornschanze near Quedlinburg (central Germany): evidence of the practice of falconry by women from the middle of the 1st century? . . . . . . . . 1293 Ralf Bleile Falconry among the Slavs of the Elbe? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1303 Wolf-Rüdiger Teegen The skeletons of a peregrine and a sparrowhawk and the spatial distribution of birds of prey in the Slavonic fortification of Starigard/Oldenburg (Schleswig-Holstein, northern Germany, 7th–13th centuries) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1371 Zbigniew M. Bochenski, Teresa Tomek, Krzysztof Wertz and Michał Wojenka Falconry in Poland from a zooarchaeological perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1399 Virgílio Lopes Hunting scene with hawk from Mértola in Portugal (6th /7th centuries AD) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1411 Cliff A. Jost A depiction of a falconer on a disc brooch of the 7th century from the cemetery of Münstermaifeld, District of Mayen-Koblenz, south-western Germany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1421 Katharina Chrubasik The tomb of the Polish King Władysław II Jagiełło (1386–1434) and its possible connection with falconry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1427 XI
Andreas Dobler The Landgraves of Hesse-Kassel and falconry in the 18th century. Depictions of a hunt with falcons in the Schloss Fasanerie museum near Fulda, Hesse (Germany) . . . . . . . . 1439
Book 4 Martina Giese The “De arte venandi cum avibus” of Emperor Frederick II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1459 Martina Giese Evidence of falconry on the European continent and in England, with an emphasis on the 5th to 9th centuries: historiography, hagiography, and letters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1471 Agnieszka Samsonowicz Falconry in the history of hunting in the Poland of the Piasts and the Jagiellons (10th–16th centuries) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1491 Sabine Obermaier Falconry in the medieval German Tristan romances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1507 Baudouin Van den Abeele Falconry in Old French literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1519 Ingrid A. R. De Smet Princess of the North: perceptions of the gyrfalcon in 16th-century western Europe . . . . . . . 1543 Péter Kasza Falconry literature in Hungary in an international perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1571 Robert Nedoma Germanic personal names before AD 1000 and their elements referring to birds of prey. With an emphasis upon the runic inscription in the eastern Swedish Vallentuna-Rickeby burial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1583 Jürgen Udolph Falconry and bird catching in Germanic and Slavonic place, field and family names . . . . . . . 1603
Chapter 12 – Raptors and falconry in premodern times in areas outside Europe . 1629 Karin Reiter Falconry in the Ancient Orient? I. A contribution to the history of falconry . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1631 Karin Reiter Falconry in the Ancient Orient? II. The Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1643
XII
Karin Reiter Falconry in Ugarit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1659 Susanne Görke and Ekin Kozal Birds of prey in pre-Hittite and Hittite Anatolia (c. 1970–1180 BCE): textual evidence and image representation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1667 Paul A. Yule Archaeology of the Arabian Peninsula in the late pre-Islamic and early Islamic periods (1st millennium CE): background sketch for early falconry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1691 Anna Akasoy Falconry in Arabic literature: from its beginnings to the mid- 9th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1769 Touraj Daryaee and Soodabeh Malekzadeh Falcons and falconry in pre-modern Persia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1793 Ulrich Schapka The Persian names of birds of prey and trained raptors in their historical development . . . . 1809 Leor Jacobi ‘This Horse is a Bird Specialist’: Falconry intrudes upon the Palestinian Mishnah in Sasanian Babylonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1831 Leslie Wallace The early history of falconry in China (2nd to 5th centuries AD) and the question of its origins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1847 Fangyi Cheng From entertainment to political life – royal falconry in China between the 6th and 14th centuries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1865 Fangyi Cheng and Leopold Eisenlohr Ancient Chinese falconry terminology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1883 Ho-tae Jeon Falconry in ancient Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1891 Takayo Kaku Ancient Japanese falconry from an archaeological point of view with a focus on the early period (5th to 7th centuries AD) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1919 Yasuko Nihonmatsu Japanese books on falconry from the 13th to the 17th centuries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1937 José Manuel Fradejas Rueda Falconry in America – A pre-Hispanic sport? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1947
XIII
Imagery of birds of prey and falconry in the High and Late Middle Ages (1150–1500) in the Nordic countries – reflections of actual hunting practices or symbols of power? By Åsa Ahrland
Keywords: Northern Europe, High and Late Middle Ages (1150−1500), falconry, iconography, élite, courtliness, symbolism Abstract: High and Late Medieval Nordic imagery of birds of prey and falconry is rather limited and primarily connected to churches: frescoes, choir stalls and church doors alongside wooden chests decorated with ironwork and stonework, but there are also seals and coins. The emphasis of this study is on Sweden and Denmark. It can be concluded that raptors and falconry seem to have mostly been used as stereotypical symbols of social élites, but some depictions reflect hunting practices as well as allegorical narratives that go beyond falconry. Regarding themes and visual representations, the material complies with European imagery. It mirrors the modernization and Europeanization of the emerging Danish and Swedish élites and shows that falconry was an important symbol to communicate power, status and wealth. Geographically, there is a strong link between the depictions and important centres of the king and the Church in Sweden and Denmark.
Introduction During the last decades, imagery has become an increasingly vital and accepted tool within historical research, especially within cultural history. By studying images we can get a deeper understanding of how people led their lives in the past and what things and events meant to individuals, communities and societies. This is particularly applicable when exploring questions on practices, customs and rituals in relation to social class, gender and cultural identity. Related to this, imagery has a valuable role as a source in the history of material culture, studies which the British cultural historian Peter Burke argues would be “virtually impossible” to pursue without the testimony of images (Burke 2001, 9). Burke also concludes that “so far as the history of material culture is concerned, the testimony of images seems to be most reliable in the small details. It is particularly valuable as evidence of the arrangement of objects and of the social uses of objects, not so much the spear or fork or book in itself but the way to hold it. In other words, images allow us to replace old artifacts in their original social context.” (ibid. 102). Medieval imagery is to a large extent didactic. When using an image to convey the narrative of, say, a legend, it was crucial for the artist to get the details correct in order to make it credible to the viewers. Therefore, even if the purpose of an image showing a man with a hawk on his fist as a symbol of chivalry, courtliness, status and wealth, had nothing to do with hawking, it conveys details that gives us a better understanding of falconry and how it was conducted. 861
In order to interpret an image, and to trying to understand whether it represents reality or an ideal, contextualization is vital. Where was it meant to be presented, by whom and to whom? Imagery is a means of communication, a coded message, which can be analyzed as a text. The sender encodes the message and the receiver has to decode the message, meaning that viewers interpret the meanings of the “text” (i.e. image) based on their individual cultural background and life experiences. The meaning is not inherent within the text itself, but is created within the relationship between the image (“the text”) and the receiver. According to the cultural theorist Stuart Hall “a message must be perceived as meaningful discourse and be meaningfully de-coded before it has an effect, a use, or satisfies a need” (Hall 1993, 93). This also means that the interpretation of the message can differ from what was intended. Throughout the Middle Ages (600–1500) there was an increasing use of writing in Europe, both for administration and in literature (Nedkvitne 2004, 8–9). As the medieval historian Arneved Nedkvitne points out, “as early as the eleventh century, the states of Denmark, Sweden and Norway existed within their medieval borders − before writing was used on a larger scale” (ibid. 241). With time, though later than in the rest of Europe, literacy became important to state, church and merchants as a means to increase control and predictability in the Nordic countries (ibid. 244–246; 255). To a large extent, the practices of reading and writing formed part of an élite culture during the Middle Ages (ibid. 247; 251; 253), while vernacular culture remained more or less oral. Imagery played an integral role in the process of communication, as the visual art often appeared at the interface between the oral/vernacular and the literate/Latinate merging the two cultures together (Rushing 2010, 1324; 1336). James Rushing refers to the German scholar Michael Curschmann, also specializing in the relationship between medieval texts and images, who speaks of “the co-existence – still taken for granted around 1300 – of the image and the spoken word as the primary means to convey intellectual materials to the senses, and of writing, the written word, as a third power, reaching out in both directions.” (Rushing 2010, 1325; Curschmann 1984, 219). Artists and viewers creating and consuming imagery might have read or heard the text, on which such images are today considered to be “based”. However, in many cases, they only knew the story or the character from secondary oral tradition or from hearsay (Rushing 2010, 1338). If we are to get an understanding of the significance of birds of prey and the practice of falconry in Scandinavia in the High and Late Middle Ages (1150–1500), imagery and its contextualization is of vital importance. This does not only include in which society, which social groups, and which geographical context the images appear, but also where they were intended to be situated, why they were made, who they were intended for and, if possible, how they might have been perceived. Perhaps they sent different messages to different individuals and groups? The question is to what extent can we interpret the context, considering the sparseness of surviving sources from medieval Scandinavia? Very little remains of the frescoes and sculptured decorations that adorned the most significant medieval castles, the majority of which were built in the 13th and 14th centuries with representative dwellings (Bengtsson 1999, 112; Lovén 1996, 29, 104–106, 217–218). In Denmark and Norway, where centralized power developed earlier than in Sweden and contacts with the continent and the British Isles were many, several stone castles were already built by the 12th century. In Sweden, until the mid13th century, kings had little authority and built few castles. Castles in the Nordic countries were less numerous and generally smaller than their counterparts on the European continent and in the British Isles, and many were built from timber and therefore vulnerable to fire. Several were demolished during the many wars in the 14th and 15th centuries and the late medieval uprisings, and others were later rebuilt according to new functions and fashions (Lovén 1996, 455–458; Olsen 1996, 185–197; Ödman 2002, 9, 16–25). Surviving imagery is, to a large extent, connected to churches. As the church played an important part in the formation of the courtly ideal and the concept of knighthood, of which falconry was an 862
obvious expression (Bengtsson 1999, 251), and the church building was a place where almost everyone in medieval society, regardless of social standing, would come to see the representation of these concepts, it is a relevant and interesting material. Though rather limited, there are several categories of material involving falconry to analyze: 11th century stonework and seals dating from the 11th century and onwards, 13th century church doors and wooden chests ornamented with ironwork as well as knife handles in bone and ivory, frescoes of medieval churches dating from 13th to the first half of the 16th century and 14th century choir stalls. The article covers imagery I have so far identified, but does not claim to be complete with respect to the visual art on falconry in the Nordic countries. The emphasis will be on Sweden and Denmark, but with references to the imagery of raptors and falconry in other parts of Northern Europe in order to compare and contextualize the Nordic material. It is also worth pointing out that parts of today’s southern Sweden formed a central part of medieval Denmark (Fig. 1).
SWEDEN
GULF OF BOTHNIA
31 30
27
26 25
VÄNERN BOHUSLÄN Gothenburg
20
17
2 1
7
SÖDERMANLAND
23 22
21
16 13
SCANIA (SKÅNE)
Gotland
SMÅLAND 14 15
3
28
Stockholm
VÄTTERN19 ÖSTERGÖTLAND VÄSTERGÖTLAND 18
HALLAND
Jutland
24
29
UPPLAND
SWEDEN
Öland
11 BLEKINGE 9 Copenhagen 6 10
DENMARK 8 Sealand 4
5
12
B A LT I C S E A
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Ribe Ringkloster Århus Bregninge Herlufsholm Tuse Höjby Skibby Roskilde Lund Norra Mellby Östra Vemmerlöv Ryssby Växjö Kalmar Rydaholm
17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31
Voxtorp Jönköping Alvastra Rogslösa Vadstena Linköping Vreta kloster Risinge Villberga Biskopskulla Gamla Uppsala Estuna Jomala Åbo Hollola
National border in the Middle Ages
N Base map: Gfk GeoMarketing 2008
500 km
Fig. 1. Map with sites mentioned in the text in medieval Sweden and Denmark. The medieval border is marked. Parts of today’s southern Sweden then formed a central part of Denmark (map J. Schüller, ZBSA).
863
It should be mentioned that there is fragmented material related to hunting birds and falconry that predates the High Middle Ages in Scandinavia consisting, to a certain extent, of imagery. This is particularly the case in Sweden, where runic and picture stones offer interesting material, discussed elsewhere in this publication (Oehrl in this book). In addition, there is archaeological evidence in settlements and graves, 600−1500 AD (Vretemark in this book). Archaeozoological studies in Denmark show early indications of falconry (Gotfredsen in this book) and this is also the case in Norway where there are traces of falconry and falcon trapping in the landscape, both archaeologically and in place names, as well as in literary sources, i.e. Scaldic poetry and sagas mainly relating to that country (see Carstens, Gansum, Orten Lie, Stylegar, Særheim in this book). However, while there are traces of falconry in Sweden as early as the 6th century, evidence of this hunting practice does not appear in Denmark and Norway until the Viking Age. For centuries, imagery has been considered an efficient tool to convey practices and complicated processes on, for instance, mining, forging, waterworks, gardening and agriculture. In handbooks, various steps, elements and the savoir-faire of the craft or profession in question, which might be difficult to describe in a text, are frequently illustrated in plates (see for instance Agricola 1556; Commelyn 1676; Dezallier d’A rgenville 1709). The technique is also applied in Diderot and d’Alembert’s innovative Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers (Encyclopaedia, or a Systematic Dictionary of the Sciences, Arts, and Crafts) of the mid-18th century (Encyclopédie 1751–1765). A very early example of a handbook is, of course, Frederick II’s extensive De Arte Venandi cum Avibus from the 1240s, fascinating not only because of its scientific approach and aim to be comprehensive and precise, but due to its numerous images showing the different aspects of falconry. Interestingly, despite the carefully written descriptions, his son Manfred, to whom the treatise was dedicated, would commission a manuscript richly illustrated with colored, lifelike, instructive and detailed images of birds, the falconers, techniques and equipment connected to training and hunting (Henkelmann in this book). Apart from the decorative value, their contribution was to visually clarify and communicate the practice of training and hunting with hawks. To modern scholars and other readers, they perform the same function. When an edited English translation was printed in the 1940s, the chosen manuscript was the illustrated version (Frederick II et al. 1943) and translated German, French and Italian editions have also included illustrations from the original manuscript (Frederick II 1942; Frederick II et al. 2000; Frederick II/Trombetti Bodriesi 2000).
Depictions in churches Manfred, King of Sicily, was a literate, even an intellectual man, as opposed to most of his contemporaries. The purpose of the visual arts in medieval Europe, more so than in Byzantine art, was generally to educate and edify. The work of art should function in a similar way to an illiterate as reading would do to a literate. Art was to bring ideas to life in the eye of the beholder and, as a consequence, painters could shape Biblical stories with a lot of freedom (Piltz 1996, 15). In 1286, Guillelmus Durandus, bishop of Mende in France, compiled a treatise called Rationale divinorum officiorum, in which he discusses the symbolic world of Christian liturgy. He also gives a brief introduction to the interplay between the symbolic role of the church building, its art and the divine service. Durandus argues that visual art speaks to the imagination more powerfully than the spoken word and that, consequently, images are more revered than books in churches (ibid. 15). Medieval churches in Sweden and Denmark, particularly from the 13th century onwards, were often richly decorated with paintings relating to the Old and New Testament, but also featured other motifs such as legends of saints, moral tales and commemorations of donors. Many of the subjects were secular and realistically portrayed everyday life, work, tools and other utensils, animals, clothes and 864
hairstyles, games and weapons, as well as elegant court life. They therefore constitute important source material for the Scandinavian cultural history of the Middle Ages (Danske K alkemalerier; Lindgren 1996, 317–411). Whilst motifs might vary depending on church type, geography and time period, there are recognizable iconographic conventions and the images are generally positioned according to significance (Danske K alkemalerier; Lindgren 1996, 317). An important religious image such as The Creation Story would appear on the east side of a vault in full view of the spectator facing the choir, while a subject such as Adam and Eve working in the Garden of Eden would be situated on the west side (Danske K alkemalerier). The Lutheran Reformation, in both Sweden and Denmark, in the first half of the 16th century adopted a positive attitude towards imagery in churches, as a result of which many paintings have survived. Others were painted over in the 17th and 18th century, but have later been rediscovered and restored. Together, they represent an unusually rich heritage of medieval imagery (Danske K alkemalerier ; Lindgren 1996, 309, 322–323). The scarceness of imagery in people’s lives during the Middle Ages is also an important factor when considering the impact of such scenes in churches. Memento mori motifs in rural churches In Scandinavian medieval church paintings, trained hawks and falconry mostly appear in so called memento mori motifs, images that remind the beholder of the fragility of life and everyone’s equality before death. Nobody knows when life will end, and so the moral is to lead a life where you are always ready to leave your earthly existence (Nilsén 1986, 419). Three themes are represented: the legend of The Three Living and the Three Dead, The Knight and Death and The Wheel of Life. The fact that, regardless of social standing, everybody is subject to the realities of human existence and God’s will is perhaps most poignantly presented in the scene of the three kings who, when out hunting, are faced with three dead kings in the shape of crowned skeletons on foot. In the church of Skibby in northern Sealand, Denmark, the scene was painted in the first half of the 14th century and shows, on the left, three healthy looking kings riding their expensive roans, lavishly dressed and with crowns on their heads, so that the beholder would know their royal status (Fig. 2). Two hounds are running at their side and each king carries a hawk on his fist. The hawks are looking at their masters and the first bird seems somewhat agitated, Fig. 2. In Scandinavian medieval church paintings, trained hawks and falconry mostly appear in memento mori motifs. In the theme scared by the three approaching skeletons, The Three Living and the Three Dead, the hunting kings are their crowns askew, in front of the huntreminded of their own death when faced with three dead kings in ing party. The first horse is rearing, also the shape of crowned skeletons. Skibby church, Sealand, Denmark, first half of the 14th century (Danske K alkmalerier). seemingly frightened by the sight. Above the scene, there is a Latin sentence, which translated reads: “We were what you are now, and what we are, you will one day become” (Saxtorph 1979, 112; Danmarks kirker 1975, 2668, 2673–2674). Here, the hawks serve as symbols of power and wealth, and of the pursuits of the élite, as the hunting scene is just the means and not the purpose of the image. The falconers represent typical characteristics associated with aristocracy, namely youth, beauty, the joy of life and lack of care about the day of reckoning, as well as addiction to amusement and sins of the flesh (Oggins 2004, 138). 865
The same motif, dating from the mid-15th century, is found in Tuse Church, also in Sealand, Denmark (Fig. 3). Here the kings are even more extravagantly dressed and equipped, with saddle pads and bells and three hunting dogs, of which two have collars. The king riding first is so frightened by the sight of the three crowned skeletons, with maggots and worms crawling all over them, that he has dropped his stirrups and accidentally released the only hawk in the hunting party into the air. The dead kings are greeting the living in turn with the following: Vos qui transitis n(os)t(r)i me-(m)ores rogo sitis (You, who are passing, should remember us, Fig. 3. The Three Living and the Three Dead in Tuse church, Sealand, Denmark, mid-15th century. The sight frightens the I pray) Quod sumus hoc eritis (What we are king riding in front, so that he drops his stirrups and accidennow, you shall someday become) and Fuimus tally releases the only hawk into the air (Danske K alkmalealiquando quod esti (we were once, what you rier). are now). Above their head it says Heu qua(n)tus est noster dolor (Oh, how great is our pain) (Danmarks kirker 1979, 599–600). We find the same motif in Estuna Church in Uppland, mid-east Sweden (Nilsén 1986, 422; Kilström 1993, 6). In this version, also from the 15th century, two of the horses are white and they all have saddle pads. There are no dogs present, but the single hawk, perched on the first king’s fist, denotes that we are witnessing a hunting scene. Here, the three dead kings are mounted on oxen and are approaching from behind, scaring the last horse, which, bolting, causes the king to drop his crown. The legend reappears in Bregninge, another church in Sealand, where the kings are without hunting attributes other than the horses; no hawk or hound is depicted. In the same church, a centrally placed hunting scene portrays a man mounted on a white horse pursuing a deer which is forced to run towards another hunter, ready with a crossbow. These frescoes date from late 14th century. Another reoccurring memento mori motif among medieval frescos is The Knight and Death (Nilsén 1986, 40). Two images have been identified where the hunting knight is depicted with a hawk. One fresco occurs in Höjby Church, close to Roskilde in Sealand, Denmark, c. 1380 (Fig. 4). The elegantly attired knight is mounted on a white horse, carrying a hawk on his fist, but close behind is
Fig. 4. In the momenti mori motif The Knight and Death, the knight is approached from behind by Death on an ox. Höjby church, Sealand, Denmark, c. 1380 (Danske K alkmalerier).
866
Death, approaching, naked, on an ox with a crossbow in his hands. In Villberga church in the county of Uppland, Sweden (Fig. 5), the knight has a crown on his head, a hawk and a hound, while being followed by Death riding bareback on the ox (Nilsén 1986, 422). The Höjby fresco dates from about 1380 and the Villberga fresco from the mid-15th century (Saxtorph 1979, 128; Kilström 1989, 6, 10). The motif of a mounted knight being followed by Death on an ox is also found in the porch of Biskopskulla Church, in Uppland, Sweden, but here the nobleman is without hound or hawk (Nilsén 1986, 422).
Fig. 5. The Knight and Death in Villberga church, Uppland, Sweden. The mid-15th century fresco shows the mounted knight with his attributes: a horse, a crown, a hawk and a hound (photo Gert Magnusson).
The last memento mori motif sometimes associated with falconry is The Wheel of Life. Here, a man is depicted in different stages around the wheel: when he is a young man on the way up, when he is at the top (often, but not always, wearing a crown), when he is old on the way down and when he is lying dead beneath the wheel. This image is often accompanied by the Latin text regnabo (I will reign/rule), regno (I reign/rule), regnavi (I have reigned) and sum sine regno (I am without power). However, neither the crown nor the text necessarily implies that the figure always is a king: rather, they symbolize power, wealth and comfort (Nilsén 2011, 79–82). This is a well-known motif in Swedish medieval churches and it is also represented in Denmark (ibid. 82–83). In the majority of the Scandinavian frescoes, the man is not depicted with a hawk, but there are at Fig. 6. The momento mori motif The Wheel of Life, where a man is depicted in different stages of his life. least two churches in Scania (now southern Sweden In the 15th century image in Östra Vemmerslöv church, but a Danish province in the Middle Ages) where a Scania, Sweden, a hunting bird at the top is used to symbolise his wealth and status (photo Gert Magnusson). hunting bird is used to symbolize his wealth and status. In the fresco in Östra Vemmerslöv church (15th c.), he sits in a frontal position on top of the wheel, as if enthroned, with a hawk on his fist (Fig. 6). The other image is in Norra Mellby church, dating from the 13th century (Fig. 7 a–b). Here the wheel consists of a central circular shape surrounded by eight smaller circles with imagery. The falconry 867
B
A
Fig. 7. The Wheel of Life in Norra Mellby church, Scania, Sweden, 13th century. The falconry reference appears on the way to the top, seemingly symbolising the thoughtless extravagance of youth. a overall view; b detail (photo Gert Magnusson).
reference appears when the man is on his way to the top, seemingly symbolizing the thoughtless extravagance of youth (Bengtsson 1999, 252). Mounted on a horse he holds the hawk in front of him as if ready to hunt. This conforms to many other depictions of the Ages of Man, a recurrent theme in medieval iconography that constructs a model of the typical life-span, dividing it up into stages, where each stage of life represents an “Age” (Dunlop 2007, 9). The Wheel of Life is one such re- presentation, where the falconer can appear as the third age out of six, or the forth out of seven, the association being that learning to hunt with a hawk was considered a part of a noble youth’s education, a performative skill contributing to one’s courtly identity (Sears 1989, 75–79). Being part of the group of worldly images, the memento mori motifs are usually situated in the porch, which was rarely a consecrated area, or in the nave. They were therefore visible to the whole congregation and everybody entering the church building (Nilsén 1986, 420). Other falconry imagery in rural churches Among the medieval Scandinavian frescoes that relate to falconry, one that has been discussed by several scholars stands out. It does not appear to be a memento mori motif and does not comply with the other Scandinavian imagery. It is a late 13th century fresco in St Mary’s Church in Risinge, Östergötland, Sweden (Fig. 8). We see a well-dressed man mounted on a horse with a crown on his head and with both arms extended straight out. A hawk is perching on his left hand. One of the questions that have been discussed is the object he is holding in his other hand. The philologist and specialist in medieval hunting, Gunnar Tilander, has argued that it is the leg of a bird (Tilander 1964, 139–142), used during training and hunting to recall and reward the hawk, or perhaps as a “tiring” to calm her, a technique related in most hunting manuals from Frederick II onwards.1 Another possibility put forward is that it is a hunting horn, a theory dismissed by Tilander. The image does in fact correspond with continental representations of falconry, like the exquisite late 13th century French seal kept at the British Museum, with an elegantly dressed woman sitting on horseback with her arms extended in a similar position; a hawk with closed wings on one hand and a bird’s leg with its toes dangling in the air in the other (Fig. 9). The pose takes some bravery considering that
1 The “tiring” is a tough piece of meat used to occupy a hawk that is, or may become, agitated. Its use is distinct from the meat used to call a shortwinged hawk (goshawk or sparrowhawk) back to the fist.
868
she is riding sidesaddle without holding the reins. Feeding or using a “tiring” to calm the bird with an ungloved hand would be equally dangerous and could result in injury, so it might well be a symbolic posture. The legend tells us that the lady is Elisabeth de Sevorc, identified as Isabella of Hainault, daughter of Philip of Hainault, and in her own right Lady of Seabourg, a French village close to today’s Franco-Belgian border. She was married to Arnold V, Lord of Oudenarde (d. 1310) (Cherry/Ellis 1987). Returning to the scene in Risinge Church in Östergötland, it conveys movement and drama, with the horse in motion, the falconer’s outstretched arms and the hawk with its wings unfolded, perhaps suggesting that it is about to take off, all indicating that we are witnessing a hunting situation. The crown on his head, the ermine-lined mantle, his courtly narrow waist and Fig. 8. This dramatic 13th century fresco depicts a man dressed in an ermine-lined mantle with a the high saddle tree inform the viewer that this is an crown on his head. On one hand, he is holding a image of royalty where the connotations of falconry hawk and in the other possibly a leg of a bird or a are a central theme in the representation. The symbolic “tiring”, suggesting a hunting scene. Risinge church, Östergötland, Sweden, 13th century (photo Bengt and close association between hawks and the élite A. Lundberg, 2001, Riksantikvarieämbetet, Kulreappears in medieval art all over Europe. However, turmiljöbild). the boldness and arrogance that might be detected in the Risinge equestrian does not comply with the conventional chivalric virtues, such as restraint and temperance. Located at eye-level on the wall opposite the original main entrance, the image would have been in full view to every visitor to the church (Ahlstedt-Yrlid 2004, 477; 479). It has been suggested that it could be interpreted as Vita activa, the dynamic extrovert life, as opposed to Vita contemplativa, the reflective introvert life, that the church called for (Nisbeth 1995, 44). Inger Ahlstedt-Yrlid mentions several other possibilities, one being that it once may have been a part of a memento mori motif, such as The Three Living and the Three Dead or an abbreviated form of The Wheel of Life, as haughtiness was one of the mortal sins and often illustrated by a rider falling Fig. 9. The seal of Elisabeth de Sevorc, Lady of Seaoff his horse. It could also form a part of a medieval bourg (France), late 13th century, shows an elegantly calendar, showing the occupations of the months, as dressed woman in a similar pose as the male figure in Risinge church, Sweden (British Museum). May often was represented by a falconer (Oggins 2004, 136; A lmond in this book). This is less probable as there is no other trace of a calendar in the church. Ahlstedt-Yrlid moves on to discuss whether it might be a depiction of a historical person. The attire of the rider indicates royalty, though she dismisses the idea that it is an image representing a Swedish king, on the grounds of the rider’s gesture, which she considers too forceful for that genre. Instead, the idea is introduced that it might be a representation of Fredrick II, where contemporaries’ conflicting perceptions are clearly visible. To some, he represented Stupor mundi, somebody who amazed the world, while to the Papacy, he was a 869
serious threat and was repeatedly excommunicated. The reason why Fredrick would be depicted in a parish church in Östergötland is that he was the most famous falconer of his time, who would send buyers all over Europe to get the hawks he wanted. He held raptors from Scandinavia in high esteem, particularly those from Iceland. Risinge was one of the mining districts in Sweden. Ahlstedt-Yrlid’s theory is that the iron producing peasants, who traded their iron in the Baltic region and the North Sea (Geijerstam et al. 2011, 50), with their many international contacts, might very well be able to read the falconer image as a reference to the Holy Roman Emperor: whether with admiration or apprehension is difficult to know, but the Stupor mundi was echoing in Europe long after the emperor himself was gone (A hlstedt-Yrlid 2004, 479–480). However, considering the medieval falconry imagery in Sweden and Denmark related to the royal families, and the image’s location in a church in the county of Östergötland which formed the centre of the Swedish realm, it might also be interpreted as a representation of a native monarch. Finland was part of the Swedish realm from 1249 to 1809. The last fresco that will be mentioned here is a 13th century wall painting found in Jomala Church, close to Kastellholm castle, on the island of Åland in Finland (Fig. 10). It is unusual in the medieval falconry material from the Nordic countries in that it is illustrating a Biblical narrative. In this case, it is the parable of the prodigal son who, after demanding his inheritance in advance, goes out into the world to waste his fortune, only to repent and return to be forgiven and celebrated by his father, much to his brother’s dismay. Falconry and banquet scenes form the prelude to a sequence of images illustrating the narrative (Nyman 1980, 70ff.). The young man is depicted as a knight mounted on an elegant horse with a hawk perched on his upright hand, a hound by his side and a splendid suit (D reijer 1983, 369; Nyman 1963, 53–86). In his entourage, we find at least one young woman. Women Fig. 10. The biblical narrative of accompanying men in the field is a recurrent theme in European the parable of the prodigal Son. The young man is depicted as a medieval hunting imagery. Yet again a hawk is an essential part of knight on an elegant horse with the representation of a wealthy and worldly man. In medieval church a hawk, a hound and a suit. In medieval church imagery, courtly imagery, courtly occupations such as hunting for pleasure, gouroccupations such as hunting for mandizing, luxury clothing, dancing and playing chess symbolized pleasure symbolised arrogance arrogance and a hollow lust for life: falcons, mirrors and expensive and a hollow lust for life. Jomala church, Åland, Finland, 13th cenclothing were often used as attributes. Although the pictorial presentury (photo Gert Magnusson). tation of the parable in Jomala Church appears to be unusual in a Nordic context, it complies with depictions of the narrative in Europe. One such example is the stained glass window of c. 1210 in Bourges Cathedral in central France, where the prodigal son is leaving his father’s house carrying a hawk (Oggins 2004, 132). However, the church’s attitude towards splendour was paradoxical, as saints and other holy figures, in order to convey their sublimity, were often depicted in exclusive garments and surrounded with aristocratic symbols such as tapestries, hawks and gardens (Bengtsson 1999, 105–106; 108–109). Furthermore, high churchmen were hunters and falconers, as is reflected in many church laws trying to forbid this (Dusil in this book). Falconry imagery in Lund Cathedral (part of Denmark) A seal of Canute the Holy (c. 1043–1086) shows, on the front, the Danish king sitting on a throne whilst the back depicts him mounted on a horse with the crown on his head (Fig. 11). The seal’s configuration conforms particularly to that of medieval royal seals from England and Scotland. However, while seals, such as those of William the Conqueror (c. 1028–1087), the first Norman 870
king of England, and the Swedish king Karl Sverkersson (1130–1167), often show the mounted king or the nobleman prepared for battle (Bengtsson 1999, 121–122), Canute presents himself as falconer with a hawk, its jesses hanging beneath it, perched on his outstretched right hand, whilst his left hand holds the reins of the moving horse. The image exemplifies, as we have seen, a typical visual representation of royalty and aristocracy throughout the Middle Ages, indicating that Canute wished to be seen as upholding European ideals of courtliness and refinement. As the Christian faith consolidated and ritualized royal power, through coronation and the acknowledgement of the monarch as God’s chosen sovereign on earth, generosFig. 11. Seal of the Danish king, Canute the ity to the church was important. The king was expected th Holy, 11 century. While many medieval royal to be its foremost benefactor, a role often manifested in a seals show the king prepared for battle, Canute presents himself as falconer, indicating a wish portrait or a sign on the church building’s exterior or into convey European ideals of courtliness and terior (Lawson 1993, 121–122; Lihammer 2003, 87–88, 97). refinement (after Bartholdy 2002, 129). In 1085, Canute the Holy wrote a donation letter with gifts for the cathedral under construction in Lund in the province of Scania. Interestingly, a tympanum once placed above one of the cathedral’s entrances shows an image of a falconer on his horse similar to that of the seal (Fig. 12). The image is dated to around the same period, which raises the question whether this might be a representation of the founder, i.e. the king and, in that case, whether the image is an initiative by himself to present himself as a young falconer to visitors to the cathedral. Is this, again, the king associating Canute with courtly life in the European style, rather than presenting himself as knight and a warrior? The tympanum is now in the Lund University Historical Museum, where there is also a small stone relief depicting a falconer on foot, feeding a hawk on his fist, once part of the imagery of the medieval cathedral.
Fig. 12. An 11th century tympanum from Lund Cathedral, Scania, Sweden, showing a falconer similar to that of Canute the Holy’s seal. Might this be a representation of the benefactor of the cathedral, the king himself? (Lund University Historical Museum; photo Gert Magnusson).
Another falconry motif is found in Lund Cathedral’s richly decorated mid-14th century choir stalls. One of the main themes of the stalls is a calendar depicting the labors of the months, and where the month of May is represented by a falconer (Fig. 13). Calendars with iconic representations of domestic and agricultural occupations of the various months of the year frequently appeared in architecture, art and manuscripts in medieval Europe. The occupations of the months assumed a religious connotation linked with the liturgical year. The depictions of well-known seasonal activities were often linked to the signs of zodiac, merging the celestial and earthly rotation of the year into an astronomic calendar (Dolan 2007, 291–292). 871
Fig 13. The month of May is often associated with falconry in medieval calendars depicting the labours of the months. In the richly decorated 14 th century choir stalls of Lund Cathedral, May is represented by a young male falconer feeding, training or hunting with a bird of prey (photo Gert Magnusson).
Medieval artists associated the month of May with the noble world and its courtly pastimes. The most frequent image representing May was falconry, which was considered a more refined and elegant hunting activity than par force hunting (Almond 2003, 39–40; Oggins 2004, 136). The iconography is probably explained by the aristocratic nature of the activity, as well as the connection to youth, represented by a young man hawking. However, the month of May could also be represented by other motifs and the falconry theme could appear in other months (Oggins 2004, 135–136). Perhaps the best known example is the calendar in Très Riches Heures, one of the most luxurious Book of Hours ever produced, commissioned in 1409 by Jean, Duc de Berry (1340–1416), the third son of Jean II, King of France. The manuscript opens with a calendar depicting scenes of daily life at the Duke’s court, and in the surrounding countryside, during the twelve months of the year (Cazelles et al. 1969). Here, a richly dressed hunting company appears with their horses and hawks in the month of August (Almond in this book, Fig. 7). This calendar pattern was well established by the 12th century, changing gradually to become more artistic during the 14th and 15th century (Dolan 2007, 292; Hourihane 2007, l−liii). However, the calendar motif appeared much earlier in Europe. One of the oldest known calendars decorated a late Roman villa in Argos in Peleponnese, Greece, dated c. AD 500 (Hurka in this book). The portico showed two sets of panels, one forming a calendar depicting the labour of the months of the year, the other representing a hunting party practicing hare-coursing and falconry. As Gunilla ÅkerströmHougen has pointed out, the Argos villa depicts the leisure of hunting as a contrast to the workday in the opposite panel, while the two themes appear jointly in calendars in medieval monuments and documents (Åkerström-Hougen 1981, 263–265; Hurka in this book). Calendars often feature on Romanesque and Gothic cathedral and church portals and facades (Dolan 2007, 292; Hourihane 2007, l–liii). Among the most famous cathedral calendars is the one in Strasbourg in Alsace (France), dating from the late 13th or early 14th century. Reliefs, carved on the bases of statues flanking a portal on the west façade, depict the signs of the zodiac and the labors of the months, thereby displaying astronomical time not only to the visitors to the building, but to the world outside (McCluskey/Ruggles 2012). Calendars also feature in stained glass, like in Lausanne’s cathedral (Switzerland) where one appears in a large late 13th century rose window. In both cath- edrals the year is depicted with the signs of the zodiac and the occupations of the months, with May being represented by a mounted falconer. However, the theme also appears in parish churches, such as St Augustine’s church in Brookland, Kent (southern England), where, on a lead font, the labors of the months and signs of the zodiac represent the twelve months: May represented, again, by a mounted falconer. This font is dated to c. 1200 and thought to be of French provenance (Zarnecki 1957, 17–19; 37–40). A similar font of the same date, also featuring a calendar with a falconer, is found in the church of Saint-Evroult-de-Montfort in Normandy (France). At St. Agatha’s Church in Easby, 872
Yorkshire (northern England), mid-13th century frescoes showing the labor of the months have been partially restored. One of the four images depicts a young man on an elegant white horse with a hawk on his gloved right hand and the other hand in an outstretched gesture. In summary, all these images illustrate a solitary mounted falconer carrying a hawk on his fist seemingly setting out to hunt. If we return to the falconer image in the choir stalls of Lund Cathedral, it has a different composition. Here the falconer is depicted standing facing the viewer. The hawk is sitting calmly on his gloved left hand looking at the object the falconer is holding in front of him, which appears to be a piece of meat. Though the hawk is not actually being fed, the theme corresponds to some of the knife handles depicting falconers discussed further on. On his belt, the man wears a small bag, possibly a hawking bag intended for hawk food and other equipment. With reference to the long hanging hair and the clothing, in the past the falconer has been interpreted as a woman (see for instance Wrangel 1930, 27). The figure is wearing a short coathardie, a close-fitted garment with a row of buttons down the front and hanging sleeves. The coathardie was also worn by women during the 14th century, but was then always long and trailed on the floor. A woman of this period would not be depicted with her hair out, but would either have a plaited or braided hairstyle or wear a cloth or a hood covering her hair. Taken this into account, the conclusion is that the falconer is a young man feeding, training or hunting with a bird of prey. 2 As opposed to the falconry images in parish churches’ frescoes, which would be in full view to the congregation in the porch or the nave, the calendar in Lund Cathedral was located behind the screen in the choir, accessible primarily to the clergy.
Depictions on seals In connection with the imagery of the aforementioned Risinge Church in Sweden, the late 13th century seal of Elisabeth de Sevorc was mentioned. Among the medieval seals we find several aristocratic women depicted with hawks. One interesting seal featuring an equestrian woman is that of Ela de Longespée, Countess of Warwick (d. 1298) which, as Elisabeth Danbury writes, depicts “the countess bareheaded, hair unbound, holding a hawk on her left hand” (Danbury 2008, 20). Other examples depicting equestrian ladies with hawks are the seal of Adèle, wife of the Count of Soissons (northern France) from 1186, the seal of Adelaide of Burgundy, Duchess of Brabant (1233–1273), married to Henri III, Duke of Brabant, dated 1260, and the seal from 1278 of Alix de Mercoeur (1245–1286), another member of the French aristocracy and married at the time to Robert VIII of Auvergne. However, ladies are generally depicted standing in medieval seals (Cherry/Ellis 1987, 378). In this group, we also find women depicted with hawks on their fists: Queen Isabella of Angoulême (c. 1188–1246), second wife of King John of England, Elisabeth (1282–1316), daughter of Edward I of England, successively Countess of Holland, Hereford and Essex (Danbury 2008, 20) and, Fig. 14. Seal of Benedikta Sunesfrom Sweden, Benedikta Sunesdotter, who belonged to the important dotter of the royal Bjälbo dynasty. Dating from 1253, it is the Bjälbo dynasty in the county of Östergötland and was of royal descent oldest surviving seal of a woman on her maternal side (Fig. 14). Her sister was Queen Katarina of Swein Sweden (after H ildebr a nd 1862–67 vol. 3, pl. 10, no 129). den by her marriage to King Erik Eriksson. Benedikta herself would 2 I would like to thank Professor Lena Liepe, Dep. of Philosophy, Classics, History of Arts and Ideas, University of Oslo (Norway), and Dr. Eva Andersson, Dep. for Historical Studies, Gothenburg University (Sweden), for useful comments on the falconer image and 14th century clothing and hairstyles.
873
marry Svantepolk Knutsson, who belonged to an illegitimate branch of the Danish royal family and was lawspeaker in Östergötland as well as a member of the Swedish King’s council (Bengtsson 1999, 129–130; Harrison 2002, 184–185). Benedikta Sunesdotter’s seal from 1253 is the oldest surviving seal of a woman in Sweden (Harrison 2002, 272). It shows a woman with a hawk on her right hand, but differs from her French counterparts as she is standing on top of a crenellated tower (Bengtsson 1999, 130).
Depictions on knife handles In addition to the imagery in the cathedral, two medieval knife handles found in Lund may have depictions that allude to falconry. One depicts an elegantly dressed woman in aristocratic garments with a hawk sitting upright on her left hand. In her other hand, she holds an object which has been interpreted as a glove, but must be the leg of a bird with clearly marked toes (Fig. 15). The knife handle is a very fine piece of work carved in ivory. It is dated to the mid-14th century and probably produced in a French or English workshop (Rydbeck 1930, 261). The handle belongs to Lund University Historical Museum, but is on display at Kulturen Museum in Lund.
Fig. 15. Ivory knife handle, mid-14th century, depicting a woman in aristocratic garments with a hawk on one hand and the leg of a bird in the other. Luxury object, probably of French or English origin, found in Lund, Sweden. Exhibited in Kulturen in Lund (Lund University Historical Museum).
The other knife handle from Lund, also displayed in the Kulturen Museum, shows a man with a hawk on his right arm. The hawk is bending forward as it is being fed. This position of the hawk seems to be common among knife handles with falconry motifs. It occurs for instance in one of the handles found in Kalmar on the Swedish south-east coast. Here a woman (who has lost her head) in a long plain dress is holding a hawk on her gloved right hand and is feeding it with an object in her other hand. The figure is dated to the 14th century (Bencard 1975, 46) and displayed at the Swedish History Museum, together with four other handles found in the old town of Kalmar, one of which 874
is yet another falconer (Fig. 16). The latter one, dated to the end of the 13th or early 14th century, is wearing a crown and, with his head slightly tilted, is smiling broadly towards the beholder. On the gloved left hand, a hawk is perching, whilst the falconer grasps the jesses below the bird. The smile is the famous gothic smile, an indication of gentility and friendliness, which was considered a distinctly courteous quality, particularly appropriate for those at the court but also other members of society (Bengtsson 1999, 95–96). Hence, smiling aristocratic men and women occupied with falconry, board games and similar pastimes often occur in profane visual arts of the High Middle Ages (c. 1200–1350) (Svanberg 1994, 175–190). Their gestures and facial expressions were codes of good courteous people distinguishing them from malicious uncourteous people (Bengtsson 1999, 102). In Ribe in Jutland, Denmark, another smiling falconer was found. He carries the hawk on his left hand and grasps, with his right, what has been interpreted as a rod by Bencard, but might also be the jesses. This handle is particularly interesting, as it is the only one which has a 10 mm wide decorated silver band at the base. Similar bands could however, have been fitted to many of the handles (Bencard 1975, 42). A third example of a smiling figure in much the same position has been found at Crowland Abbey, Lincolnshire (England). Possibly made of sheep bone, it depicts a man dressed in a plain collarless robe without a belt and with a hawk (now without a head) sitting upright on his left arm (Howe 1983). In his right hand, Fig. 16. Man with a crown and a gothic smile. Late 13 th/early 14 th he is holding the jesses in a similar manner to the male figure in century knife handle found in KalKalmar. In Lille and Angers (France) and western Germany, there mar, Sweden. Smiling aristocratic are versions where the hawk is sitting in a similar upright position figures occupied with pastimes such as falconry and board games often on the arm of its bearer, but with long jesses hanging below (Gothic occur in profane art of the High Ivories). Middle Ages. The smile was an indication of gentility and friendliness, Surviving medieval knife handles made from bone and ivory in and considered a courteous quality the shape of a falconer constitute a group of exclusive objects. The (photo Christer Åhlin, The SwedDanish archaeologist Mogens Bencard described 24 such knife ish History Museum. http://kulturarvsdata.se /shm/media/345563). handles in 1975 and M. D. Howe added two British finds in 1983. Presently, some more sites can be added to the list (Gothic Ivories). The majority of handles are found in an urban context, which suggests that they often appear in situ, i.e. where they were used (Howe 1983). They are rather small objects measuring from c. 7.5–9.5 cm in height. Most of the objects are dated to the 13th or 14th century: dating is frequently based on a stylistic analysis of the clothing but could, in some cases, be related to the context where the object was found. As we have seen, both men and women appear among the figures depicted with aristocratic garments and sometimes with a headband or a crown (ibid. 148). From a gender point of view, the figures are often somewhat difficult to interpret, with the result that the interpretations of several figures which have been considered male have been revised during later years. In this connection, another interesting gender aspect is that the objects in themselves can be ambiguous, meaning that it is uncertain whether some of them are knife handles or hair parters. In the latter case, they would be used by women and perhaps this has a bearing on choice of subject. In the collections of The Swedish History Museum in Stockholm, there is a fifth knife handle found in Sweden, probably from Scania in the south. There are a handful of knife handles kept in Danish museums. They originate from two sites in Jutland, i.e. Ribe (two items) and Ringkloster at 875
Skanderborg, and two more sites in Sealand, i.e. Roskilde and Herlufsholm (Howe 1983, 149). There is also one handle found in Oslo (eastern Norway), which is made from walrus ivory and, despite the fact that it is badly damaged and very worn, clearly differs in style from the other handles (Bencard 1975, 45–46; Orten Lie in this book). Moving away from Scandinavia, knifes handles in the shape of a standing figure with a hawk have also been found in Paris, Angers, Lille, Arras (France), Liège (Belgium), Leeuwarden and Nje- klooster (Netherlands), Hamburg (Germany), Riga (Latvia), Tallin (Estonia), Szczecin (Poland), St. Petersburg (Russia) and in Crowland Abbey, Lincolnshire, Coventry, Oxford and York on the British Isles (Howe 1983, 149; Gothic Ivories). The majority of these carved falconer handles originate from areas around the North and the Baltic Sea. However, they also appear further south on the European continent, for instance in Switzerland, one in Zürich and one in Basel, and in Luxembourg, on the site of Burg Boursheid (K eck 1999, 1–3; 9–10). More recent studies include Gerhard Folke Wolf Holtmann’s analysis of medieval and postmedieval knives from German, Dutch, Scandinavian, Baltic, Russian and Polish excavations (Holtmann 1993) and Elżbieta Kowalczyk-Heyman’s analysis of decorated medieval knives from Poland (Kowalczyk-Heyman 2010). However, a synthesis, which re-analyzes images on knife handles that appear to depict falconry in Western and Eastern Europe, is still lacking. Many of these objects were probably produced in Paris, where there were already specialist ivory carving workshops by the mid-13th century, but were later, possibly after French models, also manufactured in Germany, Flanders (the Dutch-speaking part of Belgium) and England (Rydbeck 1930, 255; Comte/Gaborit-Chopin 1983, 151). Bencard dismisses the idea of knife handles made from ivory being manufactured in the Nordic countries (Bencard 1975, 40), while Howe seems to consider such production possible as ivory and bone of different kinds “were all readily available anywhere in Europe at this time and thus any large city could have been a production centre” (Howe 1983, 149–150). As the lower part often is missing and hair parters also have been found with similar decorated handles, some of the objects have been cataloged as either a knife handle or a hair parter. This applies, for instance, to handles found in Liège, Angers and Avignon, France (Gothic ivories). The fact that an object for making hairstyles is decorated with a falconer may reflect that falconry was pursued by women although, more likely, the connection is with the ideals of chivalry and courtly love, to which falconry was inextricably linked in medieval iconography (see Henkelmann in this book). The motif of a loving couple with a hawk is often depicted in illustrations in manuscripts, but also appears on mirror cases, boxes, hair parters and knife handles made from ivory (Koechlin 1924; Sprintz 1925; Oggins 2004, 136; Smets/van den Abeele 2007, 79). Such luxury objects emphasized the connection between falconry and high status. There were also smaller, less luxurious items, like the 14th and 15th century badges in tin alloy, which have primarily been found on the British Isles, but also in France and the Netherlands, and were supposed to be worn as a pin or a brooch. The badges are sometimes in the shape of a nobleman on horseback with a hawk on his fist (Fig. 17), a falconer’s glove with a hawk or a hawk with a bell (Kunera 03617, 09874, 03618, 07583).3 A majority of these objects have been found in an urban context, which indicates that items with falconry-related motifs attracted not only royalty and aristocracy, but also a wealthy middle class. However, they were then probably a symbol of status and identification with courtly ideals rather than a mirror of the owner’s experience and interest in falconry as a practice.
3 I would like to thank Dr. Annemarieke Willemsen, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, Leiden (Netherlands), for introducing me to this material.
876
Fig. 17. The falconry theme could also appear in 14th century tin alloy badges such as this found in London. Intended to be worn as pins or brooches, they primarily appear in the British Isles, but also in France and the Netherlands. 4.4 x 4.1 cm (redrawing L. F. Thomsen after a photo by the Museum of London).
One ivory knife depicting falconry pre-1370 was found in a domestic dump at the papal palace in Avignon, France (Gothic Ivories). It is well known that Clement VI, Pope in Avignon (1342–1352), was a keen falconer (A hrland 2013, fig. 11). He even decorated a new study and living room at his Avignon palace with frescoes mirroring his personal taste in hunting, most of which remain to this day. Among the imagery, there is a falconer with a whitish falcon, reminiscent of the much sought gyrfalcons from Scandinavia, on his raised fist (Orten Lie in this book). There is also a direct link to Scandinavian falcons a few years later, as in 1347 the Swedish king, Magnus Eriksson, applied for permission from the Pope to export falcons during a five-year period to countries belonging to the Sultan of Babylon (in present day Iraq) and presented the Pope with white falcons. The gift was appreciated and the request approved (Sdhk 5495; 5504).
Depictions in ironworks When discussing Scandinavian medieval material connected to falconry, the imagery of the so called Rogslösa group in Sweden stands out among decorative ironworks for its complexity and quality. This group consists of five objects fashioned by the same smithy: a church door from Rogslösa in the province of Östergötland, a partly damaged door (made for Voxtorp Church, Småland province) and three wooden chests used for valuables in churches from the medieval province of Finnveden in Småland, both provinces included in the Linköping diocese (Nordanskog 2006, 141; 367–368). The chests were kept in churches in the villages of Ryssby, Voxtorp and Rydaholm, but are nowadays in the collections of the Swedish History Museum. The Rogslösa church door has been dated by dendrochronology to c. 1275 and the Voxtorp and Rydaholm chests to c. 1240–1300, while for the Ryssby chest no such dating is available (ibid. 141). All the objects are richly decorated with elaborate ironworks which, in the case of the Rogslösa door and the three chests, in contrast to the other imagery that has been discussed, show actual hunting scenes where the hawk is in action, flying, attacking or sitting on the ground with its quarry. In the majority of falconry-related images, the hawk is located on the fist of its human companion, like an accessory or sign, signaling status and chivalry. However, all three chests and the Rogslösa door show scenes with one or two men (with or without a crown) hunting on foot, at least one dog, a smaller quadruped and an attacking bird of prey. The images have been analyzed in detail by Lennart Karlsson, who has suggested that the lesser quadrupeds, which are characterized by short bobtails, stub noses and sometimes long ears, are hares, and that they are the quarry of the hawks and hounds. This conforms to the methods of medieval falconry manuals in that dogs were often used in conjunction with hawks for small game (K arlsson 1988 I, 321–323). In addition, there is also a horse present, but without saddle or rider, in the chests from Ryssby and Rydaholm. 877
Fig. 18. The so called Rogslösa imagery can be interpreted as showing and giving clues about actual hawking situations, where the hawk is in action, flying, attacking or sitting on the ground with its quarry. The chest from Ryssby, Småland, Sweden, depicts a raptor attacking a hare, going for the quarry’s head (photo Peter Sillén, The Swedish History Museum. http://kulturarvsdata.se/shm/media/333542).
On the Ryssby chest a raptor is shown attacking a hare, going for the quarry’s head, according to Karlsson’s interpretation (Fig. 18). Despite the fact that the quarry is a hare and not a bird, the two animals are not depicted as if they were on the ground, but above a deer with large antlers, seemingly up in the air. The hawk in Rydaholm is located, in a similar fashion, above the horse, while on the Voxtorp chest the attacking hawk and the hare are depicted directly underneath a stag (Fig. 19). The position of the smaller animals may simply reflect an aspiration to fill the whole front surface with imagery and therefore animals were added in the spaces available. A more intriguing possibility is that, perhaps, without the techniques to create a proper sense of perspective in medieval art, the artist or artists are attempting to represent the small animals as being further away in the background. The ironwork hunting motif on a 15th century church door in Hollola Church in Tavastland, southern Finland, shows certain similarities with the Rogslösa group imagery (K arlsson 1988 I, 150–151, 326).
Fig. 19. On the chest from Voxtorp, Småland, Sweden, 13th century, also part of the Rogslösa group, a hunting scene is depicted with a hawk attacking a hare. The position of the animals beneath the stag might be an attempt to create a sense of perspective or it simply reflects an aspiration to fill the surface with imagery (photo Peter Sillén, The Swedish History Museum. http:// kulturarvsdata.se/shm/media/333532).
878
Fig. 20. The church door at Rogslösa, Östergötland, Sweden, c. 1275, displays a complex narrative. The upper section shows a hunter who, being on foot, could be interpreted as a professional falconer with a hound and a hawk attacking a hare. However, the scene could also be interpreted as an image of a heavenly paradise. The religious connotation is underlined by the stag with a band in his mouth, a symbol of Christ (photo Gert Magnusson).
As we have seen, the Rogslösa imagery can be interpreted as showing, and giving clues about, an actual hawking situation. The most elaborate narrative is found on the Rogslösa door (Fig. 20), where the hound and a hawk attack a small quadruped with a short bobtail, while in front of them there is a large stag (K arlsson 1988 II, 393). The hunter, being on foot rather than mounted on a horse, could be interpreted as a professional falconer, complying with Robin S. Oggins’ observation that “a constant in most medieval depictions of falconry is the contrast between nobles and falconers. The nobles are often riding, the falconers generally on foot” (Oggins 2004, 34). However, these ironwork images can also be read metaphorically as references to the Christian faith. For instance, one interpretation of the lower part of the Rogslösa door is that it shows the devil torturing a sinful soul, while the archangel Michael is defeating the evil dragon. In the same section, above what is likely to be a representation of the Tree of Knowledge, a redeemed soul is shown rising towards the upper part of the door. When contextualized and interpreted with the imagery of the door’s bottom section, the hunting scene could be considered an image of a heavenly paradise. The religious connotation is underlined by the fact that the stag has a band in his mouth signaling his status as a symbol of Christ (Nordanskog 2006, 195; Ahrland 2013, 457).
Evaluation The hawk as a symbol of status and wealth In the 12th and 13th centuries, a concept of courtliness based on models was introduced to Denmark, Norway and Sweden, primarily based on influence from France, England and the Holy Roman Empire in central Europe (Bengtsson 1999, 33ff.). Through dynastic and diplomatic liaisons, as well as crusades and pilgrimages, the élite started to embrace a continental lifestyle. Not only did they build stone castles and palaces, all decorated with sculptures, wall paintings and tiles, but the concept of chivalry was also introduced, serving the king and underlining his power (Lovén 2000, 43–58). The nobility was expected to take part in court life with feasts, tournaments and other appropriate pastimes. The medieval chivalric ideal also included seals, tomb sculptures, donor pictures, textiles, and precious objects, often of foreign origin and with courtly motifs (Bengtsson 1999, 52ff.). In Scandinavian material from the 1100s onwards, depictions of hawks are predominantly used as visual symbols of members of the élite (see also Oehrl in this book for the period pre-1100). In the studied material, it is mostly men depicted with hawks, but women are also represented. In many 879
cases, the people shown also wear a crown − the sign of royalty. The falconer is often mounted on a horse, another symbol of the élite, with the hawk sitting in clear view on his outstretched gloved hand. In medieval images, the raptor is generally depicted, in profile, in a resting position. The majority of the horses are equipped with saddle pads and other exclusive ornaments. Hawks also appear with seated or standing figures, in the latter case often being fed with the other hand, as in the ivory knife handles. Some images are representations of a particular person or an office, while others have more general connotations of courtly ideals. However, in the majority of the imagery of the High and Late Middle Ages, trained hawks and falconry seem to have a purely symbolic function denoting social prestige, wealth and youth. The material that stands out as an exception is the imagery of the Rogslösa group, depicting actual hunting scenes where the hawk is attacking its prey with the help of dogs. On the chests, where a horse is shown, it lacks a saddle and is not ridden by the hunter in the actual situation. Socio-geographic context If we consider the location of the depictions of hawks and hawking scenes, it is noteworthy how often they are situated close to, or at, important centers in the Nordic countries where the king and the Church were very much present. The most obvious place is Lund in southern Sweden, founded around 990 in order to concentrate political power to the east of Denmark (Carelli 2007, 113–115). The consolidation of a Danish realm was an ongoing process during the 10th century and, towards the end, it included the eastern provinces such as Scania in today’s southern Sweden. King Sweyn Forkbeard (c. 960–1014), who had received support from the Scanian magnates in seizing the throne from his father, the Danish King Harald Bluetooth (c. 935–c. 986), chose to build a large part of his power base in Scania, which soon became an integral part of the Danish realm (Carelli 2012, 20). The church turned into an important vehicle for rulers in Europe, as the Christian ideology not only provided a new faith, but also new ideas on power and politics, creating a sense of community and a common identity. In Denmark, Harald Bluetooth introduced Christianity as the official religion in the 960s and in 1103 Lund became the centre of the newly formed Nordic archdiocese. The archbishop presided over Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Greenland, the Faroe and Shetland Islands, the Isle of Man and Rügen, north-eastern Germany (Carelli 2007, 132). Lund was created, according to continental ideas, as the seat of power for the new Christian Danish kingship, a base for an entirely new order and societal structure (Carelli 2012, 26). One sign of the sovereign’s presence was Lund’s status as an important minting town during the Middle Ages. A type of coin minted in Lund, probably in the 12th century, shows, for instance, King Niels with a crown on his head, a sword in one hand and a falcon on the other, denoting that he was the master and protector of the realm (Fig. 21). On the other side of the coin, a symbolic image of a gate, probably representing Lund, is depicted, linking the monarch and the town together (Carelli 2012, 115–116). Lund was to remain the Fig. 21. 12th century coin minted in Lund. The Danish King Niels (1104–1134) is depicted with a crown on his most important town in medieval Denmark until head, a sword in one hand and a falcon on the other, the early 14th century. signifying he was the master and protector of the realm (after Hildebrand 1879–1894, nr. 422).
880
One important medieval Swedish centre was Linköping diocese in the southeast, which was founded in the early 12th century and included the province of Östergötland, the major part of the province of Småland, and the islands of Öland and Gotland. Here, an early royal power was formed, with two royal families originating from Östergötland, the Sverker and Bjälbo dynasties. At the end of the 12th century, the bishop of Linköping had a curia, a manor with a significant church in Rydaholm in Småland. The churches of Ryssby and Voxtorp, with their remarkable chests, are situated nearby. Rogslösa is located in the western part of Östergötland, in an area which played an important role in exercising royal power in the 12th century and onwards (Lindkvist 1993, 65, 74–75; Holmström 1999, 150ff.). In the vicinity of Rogslösa, King Sverker the Elder (c. 1130–1156) founded the first Cistercian monastery in Sweden in 1143 on his estate Alvastra (Nyberg 2000, 126ff.). During the 13th century, the Bjälbo dynasty seized power in Östergötland, and then created what was to become a Swedish realm, including the southern part of modern Finland. Around 1270, they would also manifest their presence in the western Östergötland, not far from Rogslösa, by building a palace at Vadstena, perhaps the most magnificent secular building in 13th century Sweden (Hedvall/Lindeblad 2011, 125). Throughout the Middles Ages, Sweden was primarily a Baltic realm, while Denmark was both a Baltic and North Sea realm. A series of personal items have been found in eastern Sweden, namely 11th century scabbard chapes, decorated with stylized birds of prey (Fig. 22), identified as falcons and produced locally, but relating to the iconography of the early principality of Russia (A mbrosiani 2001; Ulfhielm 2012, 12; Zinoviev in this book). There were also important personal liaisons between the rulers of Sweden and the so-called Kievan Rus’ (of Viking descent), one being the marriage between Yaroslav I and Ingegerd Olofsdotter, daughter of the Swedish king Olof Erikson (c. 960– c. 1022). During Yaroslav I’s time, the realm of Kievan Rus’ reached its greatest extent, stretching from the Baltic to the Black Sea. According to Heimskringla, or the chronicles of the kings of Norway, written by the historian Snorri Sturluson in the 13th century, Olof wanted his daughter to marry some chief “with whom he could be in friendship”. There is also an early account in the Heimskringla of the Swedish king Olof Eriksson (born c. 980, died 1022) as a falconer, where Sturluson gives us the image of a king not only familiar with the sport, but one who practices it with great skill, thereby denoting an established court culture (Carstens in this book). 0
1 cm
Fig. 22. Scabbard chape, 9 th century AD, found during excavations in Gamla Uppsala, Uppland (eastern Sweden). It belongs to a group of scabbard chapes found in eastern Sweden in the shape of stylised birds of prey, identified as falcons. Locally produced, they relate to the iconography of the early principality of Russia, indicating Sweden’s status as a primarily Baltic realm during the Middle Ages (photo Arkeologerna, Swedish History Museum).
“One morning early the king rode out with his dogs and falcons, and his men around him. When they let slip the falcons the king’s falcon killed two black-cocks in one flight, and three in another. The dogs ran and brought the birds when they had fallen to the ground. The king ran after them, took the game from them himself, was delighted with his sport, and said, ‘It will be long before the most of you have such success.’ They agreed in this; adding, that in their opinion no king had such luck in hunting as he had. Then the king rode home with his followers in high spirits. 881
Ingegerd, the king’s daughter, was just going out of her lodging when the king came riding into the yard, and she turned round and saluted him. He saluted her in return, laughing; produced the birds, and told her the success of his chase. ‘Dost thou know of any king,’ said he, ‘who made so great a capture in so short a time?’’’ (Sturluson c. 1225).
Conclusion To summarize, in medieval Swedish and Danish imagery, hawks and falconry seem to have mostly been used as stereotypical symbols of the élite. However, there are also depictions that reflect actual hunting practices as well as allegorical narratives that go beyond falconry. The Scandinavian material is closely linked to the utmost élite, i.e. the king and the Church. The narrative of the three kings who, whilst out hawking, meet three dead kings is an interesting motif where the two come together. Here, the hawk has a central role in the depiction of royalty. Even in an image which, first and foremost, is the Church’s narrative of the human condition, of life and death, intended for the congregation, it depicts the élite with a trained hawk as a token of power and leadership. Notably, the dead kings are devoid of such attributes. Regarding themes and their visual representation, Scandinavian material complies with wider European medieval imagery. Such material mirrors the modernization and Europeanization of the emerging Danish and Swedish élites and the fact that falconry was, iconographically, an important symbol of communicating power, status and wealth. It was used, together with a crown, elegant clothing, a sword and a horse, as a symbol of kingship in relation to subjects. For falconry imagery to serve this purpose, the sport’s status as a pastime of the utmost élite must have been widely known among the population in the areas where such imagery is found. The fact that falcons appear in a high status context in Nordic ballads, representing primarily an oral tradition, reinforces this interpretation. They are thought to date from the 13th and 15th centuries and were collected and recorded mainly in the 19th and 20th centuries. One example is the well-known ballad about Sir Sune Folkvårsson’s abduction of Elin from Vreta Abbey in Sweden, in which Elin is dreaming about her father’s falcons, supposedly in the mid-14th century (Jonsson 1966, 99–108). Finally, it can be concluded that there is a strong geographical bond between depictions of hawks and falconry and important royal and ecclesiastical centers in Sweden and Denmark.
Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to David Horobin, Director at The British Archives of Falconry, for valuable and encouraging comments on the manuscript.
882
Literature Agricola 1556: G. Agricola, De re metallica libri XII (Froben, Basel 1556). A hlstedt-Yrlid 2004: I. A hlstedt-Yrlid, Monumentalmåleriet: medeltidens massmedium. In: J. Christensson (ed.), Signums svenska kulturhistoria. Medeltiden (Lund 2004) 465–488, 497–[502]. Ahrland 2013: Å. Ahrland, Vert and Venison – high status hunting and parks in medieval Sweden. In: O. Grimm/ U. Schmölcke (eds.), Hunting in Northern Europe until 1500 AD – Old Traditions and Regional Developments, Continental Sources and Continental influences. Schr. Arch. Landesmus. Ergr. 7 (Neumünster 2013) 439–464. Almond 2003: R. Almond, Medieval Hunting (Stroud 2003). A mbrosiani 2001: B. A mbrosiani, “The Birka Falcon”. In: B. Ambrosiani (ed.), Eastern Connections 1: The Falcon Motif. Birka Sudies, vol. 5. Excavations in the Black Earth 1990–1995 (Stockholm 2001) 11–27. Bartholdy 2002: N. G. Bartholdy, Thronsiegel dänischer Könige im Mittelalter mit besonderer Rücksicht auf ausländische Vorbilder und Parallelen. In: M. Andersen/ G. Tegner (eds.), Middelalderlige seglstamper i Norden (Roskilde 2002) 129–140. Bencard 1975: M. Bencard, Om et middelalderligt knivskaft fra Ribe. In: V. Andersen/H. K. Kristensen (eds.), Festskrift til H. K. Kristensen på 80-års dagen 17. september 1975 (Varde 1975) 35–61. Bengtsson 1999: H. Bengtsson, Den höviska kulturen i Norden: en konsthistorisk undersökning (Uppsala 1999). Burke 2001: P. Burke , Eyewitnessing. The Uses of Images as Historical Evidence (Ithaca, New York 2001). Carelli 2007: P. Carelli, Det medeltida Skåne. En arkeologisk guidebok (Lund 2007). Carelli 2012: P. Carelli, Lunds historia – staden och omlandet 1, Medeltiden: en metropol växer fram (Lund 2012). C azalles et al. 1969: R. C azalles /M. M eiss /J. Berry/ J. L ognon/J. L imbourg/P. L imbourg/H. L imbourg (red.), Les très riches heures du duc de Berry. Musée Condé, Chantilly (London 1969). Cherry/Ellis 1987: J. Cherry/R. H. Ellis , The seal matrix of Elizabeth, Lady of Sevorc. Ant. Journal 67, 1987, 377–378. Commelyn 1676: J. Commelyn, Nederlantze Hesperides (Amsterdam 1676). Comte/Gaborit-Chopin 1987: F. Comte/D. Gaborit-Chopin, Un gravoir médiéval au faubourg de l’Évière d’Angers (Maine et Loire). Rev. Arch. Ouest 4, 1987, 149–152. Curschmann 1984: W. Curschmann, Hören – Lesen – Sehen. Buch und Schriftlichkeit im Selbstverständnis der volkssprachlichen literarischen Kultur Deutschlands um 1200. Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (PBB) 106, 1984, 218–257. Danbury 2008: E. Danbury, Queens and powerful women: image and authory. In: N. Adams/J, Cherry/J. Robinson (eds.), Good impressions: image and authority in medeival seals. British Museum Research Publication 168 (London 2008) 17–24.
Danmarks kirker 1975: Danmarks kirker II, bind 4. Skibby kirke, 2641–2703. http://danmarkskirker.natmus.dk/ frederiksborg/skibby-kirke/ (retrieved 2015-01-15). Danmarks kirker 1979: Danmarks kirker IV, bind 1. Tuse kirke, 587– 617. http://danmarkskirker.natmus.dk/ uploads/tx_tcchurchsearch/Holbaek_0587-0617.pdf (retrieved 2015-01-15). Danske K alkmalerier: http://www.kalkmalerier.dk/page. php?page=Kalkmalerier (retrieved 2015-12-12). Dezallier d’A rgenville 1709: A.-J. Dezallier d’A rgenville , La théorie et la pratique du jardinage (Paris 1709). Dolan 2007: M. Dolan, The Role of Illustrated Aratea Manuscripts in the Transmission of Astronomical Knowledge in the Middle Ages (ProQuest 2007). http://d-scholarship.pitt.edu/9833/1/DolanMarionETD_120607.pdf (retrieved 2015-01-20). Dreijer 1983: M. Dreijer (ed.), Det åländska folkets historia 1: Från stenålder till Gustav Vasa (Mariehamn 1983). Dunlop 2007: F. S. Dunlop, The late Medieval Interlude. The Drama of Youth and Aristocratic Masculinity (York 2007). Encyclopédie 1751–1765: Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, par une société de gens de lettres. Mis en ordre & publié par m. Diderot ... & quant à la partie mathématique, par m. d‘Alembert … (Paris 1751–1765). Frederick II 1942: Frederick II Hohenstaufen, De arte venandi cum avibus. Friderici Romanorum imperatoris secundi De arte ... Nunc primum integrum ed. C. A. Willemsen (Leipzig 1942). F rederick II/Trombetti B udriesi 2000: F rederick II Hohenstaufen/A. L. Trombetti Budriesi (ed.), De arte venandi cum avibus. L’arte di cacciare con gli uccelli. Edizione e traduzione italiana del ms. lat. 717 della Biblioteca Universitaria di Bologna collazionato con il ms. Pal. Lat. 1071 della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, pref. di Ortensio Zecchino (Bari 2000). Frederick II et al. 1943: Frederick II Hohenstaufen/ C. A. Wood/F. Fyfe/F. M arjorie , The Art of Falconry: being the De arte venandi cum avibus of Frederick II of Hohenstaufen … (Boston 1943). Frederick II et al. 2000: Frederick II Hohenstaufen/ A. Paulus/B. van den A beele , L’ art de chasser avec les oiseaux: Le traité de fauconnerie = De arte venandi cum avibus (Nogent-Le Roi 2000). Geijerstam et al. 2011: J. Geijerstam /M. Nisser /L. Wetensson/U. A rnberg (red.), National Atlas of Sweden. Swedish Mining and Metalworking Past and Present (Stockholm 2011). Gothic ivories: http://www.gothicivories.courtauld.ac.uk (retrieved 2015-01-28). H all 1993: S. H all , Encoding, Decoding. In: S. During (ed.), The Cultural Studies Reader (London, New York 1993).
883
Hedvall/Lindeblad 2007: R. Hedvall/K. Lindeblad, Det medeltida Östergötland: en arkeologisk guidebok (Lund 2007). Hildebrand 1862–1867: B. E. Hildebrand, Svenska sigiller från medeltiden (Stockholm 1862–1867). Hildebrand 1879–1894: H. Hildebrand, Sveriges medeltid: kulturhistorisk skildring. D. 1 (Stockholm 1879–1894). Harrison 2002: D. H arrison, Jarlens sekel. En berättelse om 1200-talets Sverige (Stockholm 2002). Holmström 1999: M. Holmström, Alvastra i statsbildningstid. In: K. Andersson/A. Lagerlöf/A. Åkerlund (eds.), Forskaren i fält (Stockholm 1999) 149–160. Holtmann 1993: G. F. W. Holtmann, Untersuchung zu mittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Messern. Dargestellt am Beispiel von archäologischen Funden vornehmlich aus dem weiteren Küstenbereich von Nord- und Ostsee bis zur Mittelgebirgszone. Dissertation Göttingen 1993 (Göttingen 1993). Hourihane 2007: C. Hourihane (ed.), Time in the Medieval World: Occupations of the Months and Signs of the Zodiac in the Index of Christian Art (Princeton N. J. 2007). H owe 1983: M. H owe , A Medieval knife handle from Crowland, Lincolnshire. Medieval Arch. XXVII, 1983, 146–150. Jonsson 1966: B. R. Jonsson, Svenska medeltidsballader. Ett urval redigerat av Bengt R. Jonsson (Stockholm 1966).
McCluskey/Ruggles 2012: S. C. McCluskey/C. Ruggles , History. In: Short Description (ICOMOS-IAU Case Study format): Strasbourg Cathedral, France, and astronomical time. http://www2.astronomicalheritage.net/ index.php/showentity?idunescowhc=495 (retrieved 201512-12). Nedkvitne 2004: A. Nedkvitne , The Social Consequences of Literacy in Medieval Scandinavia (Turnhout 2004). Nilsén 1986: A. Nilsén, Program och funktion i senmedeltida kalkmåleri: kyrkmålningar i Mälarlandskapen och Finland 1400–1534 (Uppsala 1986). Nilsén 2011: A. Nilsén, Livshjul och lyckohjul – osäkert hjulpar under vagnen. Annales – Kungl. Vetenskapssamhällets i Uppsala Årsbok 38, 2009–2010 (2011), 79–108. Nisbeth 1995: Å. Nisbeth, Ordet som bild: östgötskt kalkmåleri vid slutet av 1300-talet och början av 1400-talet (Stockholm 1995). Nordanskog 2006: G. Nordanskog, Föreställd hedendom. Tidigmedeltida skandinaviska kyrkportar i forskning och historia (Lund 2006). Nyberg 2000: T. Nyberg, Monasticism in north-western Europe 800–1200 (Aldershot 2006). Nyman 1963: V. Nyman, 1200-tals målningarna i Jomala kyrka. Åländsk Odling 26, 1963, 53–86. Nyman 1980: V. Nyman (ed.), Det åländska folkets historia 1: 2, Åland medeltida kyrkokonst (Mariehamn 1980).
K arlsson 1988: L. K arlsson, Medieval Ironwork in Sweden, vol. I–II (Stockholm 1988). K eck 1999: G. K eck , Eine figürliche Beinschnitzerei aus dem höfischen Zürich. Zürcher Denkmalpflege 1997/98, 35–46. K ilström 1989: B. I. K ilström, Villberga kyrka. 3. rev. uppl. Red. för kyrkobeskrivningar i Uppsala stift (Uppsala 1989). K ilström 1993: B. I. K ilström, Estuna kyrka. Uppsala stifts kyrkobeskrivningsred (Uppsala 1993). Koechlin 1924: R. Koechlin, Les ivoires gothiques français (Paris 1924). Kunera: http://www.kunera.nl (retrieved 2015-02-02). Kowalczyk-H eyman 2010: E. Kowalczyk-H eyman, Anthropomorph verzierte mittelalterliche Messergriffe in Polen. Quaestiones Medii Aevi Novae 15, 2010, 241–282.
Oggins 2004: R. S. Oggins , The Kings and their Hawks: Falconry in Medieval England (New Haven 2004). Olsen 1996: R. A. Olsen, Borge i Danmark (Copenhagen 2 1996).
Lawson 1993: M. K. Lawson, Cnut. The Danes in England in the Early Eleventh Century (London 1993). Lihammer 2003: A. Lihammer , Kungen och landskapet. Funderingar kring förändringar i västra Skåne under sen vikingatid och tidig medeltid. In: J. Thomasson/ M. Anglert (red.), Landskapsarkeologi och tidig medeltid: några exempel från södra Sverige. Acta Arch. Lundensia 41 (Lund 2003) 71–114. Lindgren 1996: M. Lindgren, Kalkmålningarna. In: J.-E. Augustsson (ed.), Signums svenska konsthistoria 4. Den gotiska konsten (Lund 1996) 308–411. Lindkvist 1993: T. Lindkvist, Plundring, skatter och den feodala statens framväxt: organisatoriska tendenser i Sverige under övergången från vikingatid till tidig medeltid (Uppsala 31993). Lovén 1996: C. Lovén, Borgar och befästningar i det medeltida Sverige (Stockholm 1996).
Saxtorph 1979: N. M. Saxtorph, Jeg ser på kalkmalerier: alt hvad der findes i danske kirker (Copenhagen 31979). Sears 1989: E. Sears , The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle (Princeton 1989). Sdhk: Svenskt diplomatarium huvudkartotek 5495; 5504. http://sok.riksarkivet.se/SDHK (retrieved 2014-12-15). Smets/van den A beele 2007: A. Smets/B. van den A beele , Medieval Hunting. In: B. Resl (ed.), A Cultural History of Animals in the Medieval Age (Oxford, New York 2007) 59–79. S printz 1925: H S printz , Die Bildwerke der Fürstlich Hohenzollernschen Sammlung Sigmaringen (Stuttgart 1925). Sturluson c. 1225: S. Sturluson, Saga of Olaf Haraldson (90). In: Heimskringla. The Chronicle of the Kings of Norway. http://www.gutenberg.org/files/598/598-h/ 598-h.htm#link2H_4_0323 (retrieved 2015-01-25).
884
Piltz 1996: A. Piltz , Himlastormande och jordnära. In: J.-E. Augustsson (ed.), Signums svenska konsthistoria 4. Den gotiska konsten (Lund 1996) 9–17. Rushing 2010: J. A. Rushing, Text and Image in Medieval Literature. In: A. Classen (ed.), Handbook of Medieval Studies (Berlin 2010) 1319–1338. Rydbeck 1930: M. Rydbeck, Medeltida elfenbensskulpturer i Lunds universitets historiska museum. Kungl. Humanistiska Vetenskapssamfundets i Lund Årsberättelse 1930–1931, 255–268, 276–279.
Svanberg 1994: J. Svanberg, Stenskulpturen. In: J.-E. Augustsson (ed.), Signums svenska konsthistoria 4. Den gotiska konsten (Lund 1996) 157–198. Tilander 1964: G. Tilander , Den krönte falkeneraren i Risinge kyrka och forna tiders falkjakt. Fornvännen 1964, 131–151. http://kulturarvsdata.se/raa/fornvannen/ html/1964_131 (retrieved 2012-03-06). Ulfhielm 2012: B. Ulfhielm, Järnålder i Kungsbäck: arkeologisk för- och slutundersökning. RAÄ 175 och 466: Gävle stad, Gävle kommun, Gästrikland, 2011 (Gävle 2012).
Wrangel 1930: E. Wrangel , Korstolarna i Lunds Domkyrka (Malmö 1930). Zarnecki 1957: G. Zarnecki, English Romanesque Lead Sculpture: Lead Fonts of the Twelfth Century (London 1957). Å kerström-Hougen 1981: G. Å kerström-Hougen, Falconry as a Motif in early Swedish art: its Historical and Art Historical Significance. Figura N.S. 19 (Stockholm 1981) 263–293. Ödman 2002: A. Ödman, Borgar i Skåne (Lund 2002).
Associate Professor Dr. Åsa Ahrland Department of Landscape Architecture, Planning and Management Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences Box 58, 230 53 Alnarp Sweden
[email protected]
885
