Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic

Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change Petr Rumpel, Ondřej Slach, Pavel Bednář, Jaroslav Koutský Abstract The article focuses on issues accompanying the changing image of industrial cities in the Czech Republic. One of important tools for changing the negative image of industrial cities is considered to be the realisation of so-called flagship projects. The text builds on the basic theoretical outline of the problems associated with flagship projects and brief evaluation of their importance for regeneration of cities, particularly those with a strong industrial tradition. Three specific projects in the cities of Ostrava (the New Karolina project and Vítkovice lower area) and Ústí nad Labem (construction of the Marian Bridge) are introduced in detail. These brief case studies aim to present basic parameters of their implementation and provide primary assessment from the perspective of impact on changes of image in the abovementioned cities. Introduction In the context of proceeding globalization, liberalization of economies, and intensified European integration, in developed countries, we witness the discussion about positions of cities and their role in stimulation of economic development, or strengthening competitiveness of cities’ local economies (Malecki, 2002, 2004). To sustain the competitiveness in the environment of increasing inter-urban (or intra-regional) competition, cities are forced to compete for highly mobile (“footloose”) capital or human resources (Florida, 2002). In this context, success is not derived from the disposal of natural resources or other so called “hard factors” (Grabow et al., 1995) but on “the ability to develop attractive images and symbols that project these effectively” (Bianchini and Landry, 1995 p. 4). In this sense the image of cities became the key factor for the attraction of investment, qualified human resources (so called creative class) or media attention (e.g. Kunzmann, 2004). The primary objective is the attraction of capital in the form of investment targeted at restructuring of the local economy and the

Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change regeneration of the physical environments (Spaans, 2004) affected by the deindustrialization process. One of the consequences of intensified inter-urban competition was the necessity to change the style of management in the public sector and to create conditions for private sector activities. This new attitude towards city management is usually labelled as the entrepreneurial city (see e.g. Peck and Ward, 2002). In the framework of the entrepreneurial city concept, emphasis is put on “entrepreneurial regeneration through series of spectacular projects which would transform the image of a rundown urban area” (Hall, 1996 p. 416), eventually towards the “islands of renewal” which happened to turn into the main symbols of such regeneration, and are often implemented on the basis of Public-Private-Partnership (Parkinson et al., 1992). These “islands of renewal” are generally called the flagship projects. Theory of flagship projects The term ‘flagship’ may be understood as “significant, high-profile and prestigious land and property developments which play an influential and catalytic role in urban regeneration” (Bianchini et al., 1992), whose primary objective is to improve the image (Smith, 2006). Projects of this kind may bolster confidence in further development and therefore provide broader public support for other new projects and investments in regions or cities (Bianchini and Parkinson, 1993, Newman and Thornley 1995). Success of flagship projects is often signified by the extent to which they become an accelerator or a symbol of the regeneration process in cities (Bürkner et al., 2005). It is the position of flagship projects as symbols of the regeneration processes which is very important in the implementation of marketing campaigns (see Spaans 2004, Tasan-Kok, 2009). On the other hand, it is necessary to mention problematic aspects connected with projects of this kind; Bianchini et al. (1992) note specific problems associated with the accessibility of new infrastructure and created jobs, as well as excessive financial requirements of such projects on limited public-sector budgets. Emphasis on selective implementation of flagship projects may deepen spatial and social differentiations of particular city neighbourhoods and this may lead to increasing “exclusivity” of a selected location in the framework 2, Petr Rumpel, Ondřej Slach, Pavel Bednář, Jaroslav Koutský

Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change of the whole city (see example of the city of Birmingham in Loftam and Nevin, 1992 or more generally in Harvey, 1989). Simultaneously, we are witnessing many examples of emerging mono-functional projects motivated by risk reduction and maximization of profits for developers, and therefore “investors and project developers often specialise in a single segment of the market, for instance in the development of commercial property or housing construction” (Wiegandt, 2000, p. 13). Tasan-Kok (2009) highlights another significant disadvantage of flagships which should be mentioned: their dependence on fluctuations in the financial markets, due to the fact that property-led projects of private developers are connected to traditional bank credits or other commercial funding resources. Moreover, these projects are subject to variable and unstable demand for office and retail space, and are in competition for tenants with other prestigious projects in the local market. Success of these projects, measured by low vacancy rate, is not assured in advance, whereas some of these projects turn to be “financial disasters” (Hubbard, 2006, p. 92). Old industrial areas and image – brief outline Cities with strong industrial traditions in old industrial regions represent the principal defeated places in today’s global economy, and theoretical roots of their decline have received quite extensive attention (e.g. Steiner, 1985, Boschma and Lambooy, 1999; Tödling and Trippl, 2005). As a consequence of the deindustrialization process, dominant production sectors in cities are in decline or even cease to exist, followed by “a series of negative images of dereliction, despair and despondency” (Hubbart, 1996 p. 1443). This negative image – or “negative signalling” (Friedrichs, 1994) – hinders attraction of external capital, which is a key factor in the process of regeneration (Schamp, 2000). Uncompromising competition exists from the side of “common” cities which are neither stigmatized with failures stemming from the breakdown of traditional industrial structures, nor the decline of physical (brownfields), institutional (lock-in, Grabher, 1993, Martin, 2006), social (Amin, 1999, Byrne, 2002,) or economic environments eroded by intensive (mono) industrial production. The need to succeed in this competition forces cities with traditional industrial Petr Rumpel, Ondřej Slach, Pavel Bednář, Jaroslav Koutský, 3

Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change backgrounds to disengage themselves from the negative “industrial” image and try to achieve a new, positive “post-industrial” image (see Short at al., 1993, Gomez, 1998). The existence of a large brownfield can, on the one hand, emphasise the need for a change of image, but can also, on the other hand, be the location of a flagship project which can be a principle tool in the creation of that new, post-industrial image (Hubbard, 1996). Apart from this, complicated situations in land markets prevents complex strategies from being realized, and leads to more probable point interventions with high multiplication effect (Siebel et al., 1999). Unlike cities on the territory of world’s more developed countries, regeneration of industrial cities undergoing the post-socialistic transformation is complicated by the low quality of informal institutions in relation to political and economic proceedings (Bürkner et al., 2005), as well as rigidity of formal institutions (Rumpel, 2002). There are a number of cities which have been successful in transforming their image, or “in preserving and enhancing their reputations by removing the scars of industrialisation” (Hall, 1995 p. 18). Gomez (1998), in his text focusing on the process of change in the framework Glasgow’s image, and the imitation of the same process in city of Bilbao, claims that these changes should not be overrated. The radical change of the physical environment in cities is indisputable, but the overall final state of cities’ regeneration is not that satisfactory (particularly if we look at development on the job market). Giordano and Twomey (2002) came to the same conclusion in their analysis of job market developments in Manchester. When studying city development processes, we may observe, even in old industrial areas of Central Europe, a whole range of effects analogical to those mentioned above. Strictly speaking, we are witnessing the convergence of strategies and approaches of urban regeneration or overall territory development between Western and Central European cities. The study of theoretical aspects of urban regeneration in Western Europe is the cornerstone of further development of theory and practise in conditions of Central European cities.

4, Petr Rumpel, Ondřej Slach, Pavel Bednář, Jaroslav Koutský

Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change Social and economic characteristics of Ostrava and Ústí nad Labem The city of Ústí nad Labem is an administrative centre of the Ústí Region (NUTS III) situated in the northwest of the Czech Republic. The central feature of the region is a strong industrial tradition, based primarily on the mining industry (brown coal), power engineering (mainly thermal power stations), and the chemical industry. After 1989, production in region’s traditional industrial sectors declined, and consequently unemployment increased substantially. Significant signs of regional development, and a reaction to the loss of status of traditional branches in the second half of 1990s was not growth in the service sector, but a considerable effort to attract investment into regions (foreign capital in particular). As for the investment structure and evident preference of industrial activities, this process is more a re-industrialization than de-industrialization in case of the Ústí Region (see e.g. Steiner, 1985). The city has a strong industrial background (since the beginning of 20th century), especially in traditional branches which are undergoing the slow process of diversification towards light industry and services. The number of inhabitants (95.289 in 2008) is stagnating over the long-term. However, a more outstanding issue is the poor education structure of the inhabitants, and the outflow of its highly-qualified labour force to Prague and its surroundings. The industrial character of the city is also reflected in the city’s physical appearance, which is negatively burdened by the activities of the remaining industrial activities, functions which have been accentuated by insensitive development in the period leading up to 1989. The city of Ostrava (316.700 inhabitants in 2008) is also an administrative centre of the region (NUTS III) situated in the northeast part of the Czech Republic. According to Turok and Mykhnenko (2007) the city of Ostrava belongs to so called medium-term declining cities; between 1990 and 2005 it lost 6,5% of inhabitants (Gierczak, 2007), which was caused by a decrease of birth rate, suburbanization and labour migration of young people leaving for Prague or abroad. Economic stagnation, which is specific for a majority of cities in old industrial regions, was replaced in 2004 by relatively dynamic growth (based mainly on the so called “low road strategy”, Cooke, 1995), caused by the concurrence of a set of positive factors, such as pledge of the Hyundai Motor Company to enter the Petr Rumpel, Ondřej Slach, Pavel Bednář, Jaroslav Koutský, 5

Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change Moravian-Silesian Region, and saturation of growing metropolitan regions in the Czech Republic, which was then inhibited by the current economic crisis. The residential structure of the city was significantly influenced by the process of industrialization and spontaneous urbanization which took place at the end of the 19th century. This is now visible in the city’s current chaotic house-building, mingling of functions and multi-core residential structure. This trend was strengthened after the World War II by buildingup of new residential sectors (Poruba, Ostrava South) rather far from the city centre and outside the mining area, and by the preference of investments in these newly built locations (Kuta et al., 2005). From the perspective of typology, both cities may be classified as the so called de-industrialized cities with strong industrial bases, and a complicated post-industrial conversion (cp. Lash and Urry, 1994) enhanced by the “shock” transformation to the market economy after the fall of communism in 1989. Both cities underwent the relatively successful processes of regeneration. Nevertheless, the change away from problematic economic and social structures, or degraded physical environment1, including the negative image2, has been only partially complete at present, mainly due to the strong structural persistence. Case studies For the cases presented in this paper, we focused on the “construction of a new urban imagery through the production of new urban spaces either through the recycling of old buildings and districts or through construction of new buildings and physical layouts” according to Short et al. (1993, p. 209). From the typology viewpoint, according to Dziomba and Matuschewski (2007), the project of the New Karolina and Dolní Vítkovice areas may be classified as projects aimed at regeneration of inner city areas (larger than 20 hectares) with objectives of revaluation and increased attractiveness of brownfields and other localities near the city centre 1 2

Brownfields cover approx. 17 % of Ostrava’s area The image of the city of Ostrava is comparable to the image of the city of Lodz in Poland (see Young and Kaczmarek, 1999)


Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change (Huning and Peters, 2003). The strategic objective is then the real and symbolic isolation from an industrial city in favour of the city of services (Bodenschatz, 2005). The project of the Marian Bridge in Ústí nad Labem is classified as a major infrastructure project according to the above mentioned typology. The New Karolina Ostrava’s Karolina brownfield site, only 500 m from the urban core, was once a heavy industrial sector dominated by a huge carbonization plant. Over an area of more than 30 hectares, compact urban development will arise in four stages between 2010 and 2016. The project will comprise a total of 97,000 m² of retail, 67,000 m² of office, 78,000 m² of residential spaces; there will also be 3.500 parking places, as well as space for leisure, sports and other functions. Once completed, the 400 million EUR scheme will be the Czech Republic’s largest inner city regeneration project (240,000 m²). The industrial site Karolina developed on the southern periphery of Ostrava’s historical centre. Industrial activities started at the beginning of the 19th century with the opening the Karolina coal mine in 1842. A local industrial centre emerged in its surroundings in the second half of the 19th century, taking its shape quite independently from the historical core of the city from which it was separated by a traffic corridor. Coal mining and iron works were, in the second half of the 19th century (1858), followed by the emergence of the Karolina coking plant and metallurgy plant. Nationalization of heavy industry in 1945 was a major event, which marked the development of the Karolina area - individual plants were restructured into new separate areas of metallurgy and mining (Tížková, 2007). Decline and gradual shut-down of Karolina as an industrial zone started in 1970 as a part of an effort to improve the city’s environment and regain a unique compact territory for the development of the city centre southwards. Historically valuable industrial buildings gave way to the contemporary conception of traffic solutions and city development, and the then considered concept of an open-air technical museum with a blast furnace was not implemented. The definitive ending of industrial activity in the zone dates back to June 1985 with the shutdown of a coke battery and coal Petr Rumpel, Ondřej Slach, Pavel Bednář, Jaroslav Koutský, 7

Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change washery in December of 1986. After the shut-down of industrial plants, a parking lot was initially put to use in this location, followed by a marketplace Karolina known as the Ostrava House (Tížková, 2007) in the first half of 1990s. Along with decontamination works in the first decade of the 21st century an international architecture competition was declared, but its results were cancelled by the municipal council even though the elaborated urban concept was integrated into the city’s territorial plan. The reason for abandoning the competition’s results was an interest from the German development company ECE to construct a shopping mall on a part of the territory. City representatives had confidence in the ECE Company, especially after visiting already finished shopping malls in the centre of the Czech Republic’s second biggest city of Brno and the Polish city of Wroclaw. However, in 2005 more applicants recruiting from foreign development companies proclaimed their interest to build in the area. Under pressure from the opposition in the municipal council, which denounced the issue of giving building permission for the Karolina site to just one applicant without a proper selection procedure as a pre-election political move, a development competition was declared.3 Unlike the original international architecture competition, this tender concerned only a territory of 30 hectares between factory train sidings on the southern part of the area and the city centre. The decision to restrict the area was made after the 3

Using the so called “development competitions” to promote vacant sites, i.e. flexible (but partial) political decisions and preferring particular development projects to overall and long-term planning, means in practice the following procedure: The city in the position of a developer who buys out land and reintegrates it – then it defines basic urbanistic and functional requirements on investors (in case of New Karolina it is without height limits) - declares a developer’s competition to purchase the land under the conditions of an urbanarchitecture concept of house-building. The city sells the respective land to the winner of the competition under the condition to back up from the contract in case the project is not implemented – follows the construction by the investor and a functional territory emerges without any possibility of further influence on the object utilisation from the view of long-term concept of the territory development, i.e. privatisation of city (public) space.


Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change declaration of an owner of the factory train siding (which was a branch of local mining company), who deemed it necessary to keep the siding in operation for another 20-25 years. Construction of a new connection to the state railway network would require costs of 14 million EUR. Although the city demanded in its competition conditions that the design the Karolina site should not act as a new competitor to the historical city centre, but as an enlargement of the current historical centre southward, in the competition the city did not demand any share of the space dedicated to housing or service functions. In 2006, the Dutch company Multi Development with its financial partner – American financial group Morgan Stanley Real Estate Fund – was declared the winner of the competition. One of the most important factors which contributed to Multi Development’s victory in the development competition for construction on the Karolina site was the purchase of the so called Dvojhalí building, situated in southern part of the territory and creating one of the site’s significant urban elements, from a private owner. By the end of 2008, the Multi Development company decided to sell off the Dvojhalí building to the city of Ostrava which already owned the neighbouring historical Power Centre.4 One of the dominant elements of the urban project of the Multi Development company is supposed to be a shopping mall designed by a team led by Dutch architect Rem Koolhaas. With this shopping mall, the company fulfilled one of the competition’s requirements which demanded at least one building of a remarkable architectural design to become an outstanding vista point and symbol of the New Karolina. This situation leads us to a discussion of whether it is the best solution to assign a world renowned architect with respect to Thornley (2000): “… in accordance with the results of the present research, which reveals that so many cities strive for the same objectives that a boring uniformity in architecture and planning

4

Even though the company will partly finance the repairs of Dvojhalí with the capacity of 5,000 visitors which is supposed to serve for cultural activities, the city may apply for a financial grant amounting to 7 million EUR from European Funds thanks to public ownership of the building.

Petr Rumpel, Ondřej Slach, Pavel Bednář, Jaroslav Koutský, 9

Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change is beginning to threaten. However, the manner in which the projects were realized reveals great diversity” (In Spaans, p. 346). In accordance with the findings of Spaans (2004, p. 344) “If they (project developers) wish to develop a project abroad, they often temporarily or permanently enter into a cooperative arrangement with a national project developer to reduce these risks,” the Multi Development company invited two Czech companies to participate in the New Karolina project. As stated by the Multi Development, due to “having little experience” with the construction of mono-functional office objects, the Czech company PASSERINVEST GROUP, which realized several successful projects in Prague, was invited to participate as well. The city’s cooperation consists of providing the traffic connection and technical infrastructure which will be connected to the development at New Karolina. The costs borne by the city will reach almost 14 million EUR in the years 2008-2010. The Mayor said: “The duty of the developer is to build infrastructure on the territory of New Karolina, the city must finance everything else. We would like to obtain money from the European Funds designated for city development” (Stavební fórum, 2007). The winner of the development competition, Multi Development company, stopped the works on the shopping mall five months after start of construction in June 2008.5 The announced reasons were problems with securing a bank credit worth approximately 100 million EUR, even though the company leased in advance 65% of future floor space, when only 20% of the floor space lease in advance is usual at start of similar projects. Works on construction of the shopping mall is supposed to start again in the second half of 2009, according to the company’s estimates. At the beginning of 2009, construction of the office building, realized by the developer PASSERINVEST GROUP, also fell into problems. The company stated: “Due to the results of the global economic slowdown which influenced number of partners of the company PASSERINVEST GROUP, and especially negatively banks providing financing, we are forced to

5

At present, the construction of the first part of the project has been stopped. It is the part of New Karolina Park project which will offer 25,000 m2 of prime office spaces, shopping mall (50,000 m2) and 200 apartments.


Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change temporarily stop the construction of the administrative object New Karolina Park in Ostrava” (PASSERINVEST GROUP In Moravskoslezský deník, 2008). Figure 1: The Karolina Site urban project In the future, the Karoline site may become one of the most attractive locations for retail businesses in the city. The municipality uses the New Karolina project as an evidence of support and recovery of retail business in the city centre and strengthening of competitiveness against shopping malls outside the city centre. In this respect, the solution of retail competition between the city centre and the New Karolina site through Retail Impact Assessment (see England, 2000) is often overlooked in relation to local retailers, and in general to the future development of the city centre and its attraction for customers. In any case, the Karolina site represents a future zone of the so called active assimilation (see Griffin and Preston, 1966), that is a territory with intensive development of office space, retail and luxury housing with possible adoption of the city centre function. We can only guess what the future structure of the retail network will be after the realization of the project, and whether the most expensive urban land and lease will move to the Karolina site. Future utilisation of New Karolina may be derived from the findings of Petr Rumpel, Ondřej Slach, Pavel Bednář, Jaroslav Koutský, 11

Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change Spaans (2004, p. 344) who makes the following statement based on analysis of similar projects from a number of European cities: “End users in the cases studied were in general new residents, department stores and retail companies, office holding companies and various sorts of services, including commercial, tourist and educational facilities. The foreign contribution came predominantly from the establishment of foreign office holding companies and commercial and tourist visitors.” Lower area of Vítkovice Projects in the Lower area of Vítkovice are located near the city centre and in the northern part are connected with the project of New Karolina mentioned above. The site of interest spreads out on area of 253 hectares and includes many industrial buildings in its territory, as well as extensive brownfield areas (regenerated) and also operating business. The planned exploitation of the whole area involves a broad range of functions6 with estimated investment costs of between 2 and 2,5 billion EUR with the condition that two thirds of this sum will be covered from private resources and one third from public funding. Completion of major parts of the project is planned for 2015. The whole area is divided into two main parts. The first part is an area of 153 hectares, the so called Nové Vítkovice, and the second part is a slag dump “Hrabůvka” with area of 100 hectares. Functional usage of the slag dump “Hrabůvka” should be focused on sport and leisure time infrastructure comprising mainly of a golf course and a city park.7 The area of Nové Vítkovice was conceptually divided into three parts – the central, southern 6

7

Planned exploitation of the whole area involves utilization of industrial heritage sites (museum), sports and leisure activities (culture, entertainment), residential development, industrial zone, and a research and development centre or campus. Former plans also suggested construction of a new football stadium, but according to a decision made by the City Council, the stadium will be built in another place. In the southern part, which flanks the river, construction of residential buildings is discussed. One part of the project is also the connection to “Nová Karolina” by a cycling path. According to the plan, the area should be sanitized by 2010.


Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change and northern parts. Each of these parts has its own urban concept. For the central part (50 hectares), intensification of the present industrial exploitation is anticipated through the creation of an industrial zone. The southern part of the area Nové Vítkovice (56 hectares) is focused on the attraction of high-technology companies. The northern part of the whole project area is in the most advanced stages of elaboration at present. This area presents 47,3 hectares of land, including objects listed as a national cultural monument (NCM)8 since 2002. In 2008 the Lower area of the Vítkovice industrial site (excluding the mine “Hlubina”) became one of the European cultural heritage monuments. The history of the Lower area of Vítkovice area dates back to 1828; industrial production ended there in 1998. Over a period of more than 150 years of continual operation of blast furnaces, a technologically unique and interlocked mining and ironworks cluster was created, integrating in one complex a production chain beginning with coal mining, continuing with production of coke and electricity, and ending with iron production. Moreover, this complex has become a distinct vertical morphological element of the city skyline, nicknamed “Hradčany of Ostrava” (Prague Castle of Ostrava) (e.g. Gwuzd et al., 2001). Surveys among citizens of Ostrava prove this fact, as 91% of respondents think that it is a distinct component of the overall image of Ostrava (Matějů and Czumalo, 2001). The symbolic effect of “a landscape lighthouse” was intensified by night illumination of one of the blast furnaces. After the end of production, the complex suffered from a fast decline. Relatively quick shut-down of the area resulted in the absence of projects

8

Approximately 15 hectares have been protected as a monument since 2005. NCM consists of the area of former blast furnaces and a cokery (circa 10 hectares), and the area of the coal mine “Hlubina” (circa 5 hectars). The whole area is shared by two owners - Vítkovice a.s. (circa 10 hectares, originally owned 32 hectares) and Diamo s.p. (s.p. = a state owned company) (remaining area circa 5 hectares). In the area owned by Diamo s.p. approximately EUR 2 million were invested from 2002 to 2007. Total costs of regeneration are around EUR 40 million (Jalůvka, 2008).


Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change which would have dealt in advance with the issue of alternative usage of these attractive localities (Vojvodíková, 2002).9 Figure 2: The new Vitkovice area Opening of one part of the area for public in 2004 marked the coming change. In the same year, a working group within Vítkovice a.s. company was established, with a mission to create the concept of utilizing the blast furnaces area, and also to negotiate with the Czech Ministry of Culture and the National Institute for Preservation of Historical Monuments in Ostrava.10 As for its implementation, this project is currently in the preparatory phase. The project suggests regeneration of blast furnaces and the coking plant by way of multifunctional usage of the existing buildings (preserved monuments), functionally combining museum, conference centre and research centre 9

10

Time is not to be considered as the only factor, as the public sector also played a negative role with its passive approach and a certain resistance or opposition to innovative concepts (Rumpel, 2002) that are necessary in solving similar development challenges. Project preparations were inhibited particularly by contradictions concerning the clear delimitation of the area protected as a monument; the principal disagreement being in the different concepts of the extent of protection of industrial objects between the National Institute for Preservation of Historical Monuments on one side and the owner on the other side.


Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change facilities. As the project is still in the preparatory phase, its description is only indicative and it is possible and logical to presuppose some changes. The main participant in this regeneration project is the interest group of legal entities named “Lower area of Vítkovice” that was created by Vítkovice a.s. company in order to obtain subsidies from European funds, and also by Vítkovice’s subsidiary Vítkovice reality developments s.r.o., whose aim is to capitalize on the whole area and attract investment. Other partners of the project are the city of Ostrava and the Technical University of Ostrava. At present, project activities are focused on securing funds from the Integrated Operational Program of the Czech Ministry of Culture11, assuming a grant of approximately EUR 25 million. Four key projects should be funded from this grant in order to establish developments such as a technical museum or a conference centre (1500 places). Demolition of buildings and sanitation of ecological burdens will be done along with the regeneration of the Lower area of Vítkovice, financed from EU funds. These partial projects can be observed as disposing of at least potential fiscal provision. Different situations among projects include a further functional exploitation of the coking plant (gallery and space for leisure activities is anticipated to be there), and also the ambitious project of a technology and design oriented research centre with a campus, whose implementation is regarded as hardly feasible in the shorttime period. The remaining area of the northern part will be a subject of further studies, and it can be anticipated that its utilization will reflect the successful or unsuccessful regeneration of the National Cultural Monument. As mentioned before, only a small part of the project has already been implemented. One of these capitalized projects is the construction of a manufacturing hall in a former brownfield. Current projects include the removal of old ecologic burdens, and the demolition of dozens of buildings in unsatisfactory technical state, as well as sanitation of the whole area. All

11

The Lower area of Vítkovice was placed on an indicative list of projects intended for primary support from this program. Besides this program, financing from the Regional Operational Program “Moravskoslezsko” is also anticipated.


Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change of these projects are funded predominately by the state. As the project of regeneration of the Lower area of Vítkovice is in fact only in an embryonic state, only partial assessment is possible. The project of the Lower area of Vítkovice area is currently the largest urban regeneration project in the Czech Republic. From the viewpoint of future functional use, this development can be considered another project inspired by the “alleged ‘best practice’ IBA Emscher park” (Hospers, 2002), as this park defined itself as a “Workshop for the Future of Old Industrial Areas” (Knapp, 1998). This inspiration can be clearly identified in the regeneration of the National Cultural Monument, which is in fact a copy of one of the main IBA projects, i.e. regeneration of 200 hectare area Zeche Zollverein in Essen (e.g. Landry, 2000, Matěj, 2006).12 Regarding the accomplishment of the project’s aims, the Lower area of Vítkovice can become a “breeding place for new ideas that possibly contribute to local economic development” (Hospers, 2002, p. 402), as industrial tourism will be only one of the planned functions.13 In comparison to a large number of other brownfields, the Lower area of Vítkovice has clear legal and ownership relations, as the only owner is Vítkovice a.s. company. The dominant position of Vítkovice, as the only owner of the land, and at the same time as a developer, concentrates the control over the whole area into its hands, while cooperation with the city and other public sector bodies is practically limited only to consultations, which was also confirmed by the mayor of the city.14 12

The northern part of the project has the ambition to follow the example of IBA where “old industrial heritage has been transformed into new spaces combining modern functions with creative designs” (Houtum and Lagendijk, 2001 p. 759).

13

Planned regeneration of the whole Lower area of Vítkovice has similar characteristics with thematic priorities of IBA, i.e. betterment of industrial heritage, new job opportunities, natural park, sports or cultural activities (e.g. Kilper, 1999, Bömer, 2000, Shaw, 2002),naturally in a considerably smaller spatial measure.

14

The Mayor’s statement: “All land belongs to Vítkovice a.s. company and the city of Ostrava has nothing in common with the project. Nevertheless, Vítkovice a.s. company consult its intentions with us, and follow our remarks.”


Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change The question remains, whether the regeneration of the Lower area of Vítkovice will not be driven only by the “economic rationality” of the private developer15 at the expense of public interest, which is evident if we consider the importance of this area for further development of the city as a whole. Another question is the overall spatial, functional and time coordination with the regeneration of other areas within the city. The future of this project remains open, and provokes many questions. First of all, important flagship projects that were initially taken into account, for example the football stadium or the research centre, are not going to be implemented; in other words, their realization is currently not relevant, which can have a negative consequence in the attraction of new investors. At the same time, the probability of reaching the planned volume of investment is declining together with the possibility to complete the principal parts of the project by 2015. A distinct impulse for the regeneration can come from the potentially successful candidature of the city of Ostrava to become the 2015 European Capital of Culture, as some land could be used to build the infrastructure necessary for organizing this event (e.g. gallery, concert hall etc.).16 A number of unknown facts also complicates the impact on the city image of Ostrava. It can only be anticipated that effects on external image will not be too substantial, as mainly imitative physical structures will be established (in the framework of (Hospodářské noviny, 2008). It is necessary to mention that the city of Ostrava focuses especially on regeneration of the 40-hectar brownfield of a former chemical factory, and on construction of a stadium on the basis of PPP. 15

Regeneration of the Lower area of Vítkovice constitutes a new significant actor on the real estate market in Ostrava, and at the same time it enables the Vítkovice a.s. company to diversify its activities beyond its traditional production. The company was in a way forced to start handling the condition of the area as the majority owner. Favourable situation in the real estate market was then a convenient moment for activation of the Lower area of Vítkovice potential.

16

Many ambiguities exist concerning the future of the NCM owned by Diamo s.p., as the regeneration project applies only to the part owned by Vítkovice a.s. company.


Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change Ostrava, or even the whole Czech Republic, of course relatively innovative). However, the situation is completely different in the case of internal image. If the project of regeneration is at least partially implemented, the position of city perception among its inhabitants will be reinforced, which will lead to improved quality of life. Marian Bridge The construction of the Marian Bridge is an excellent example of a 1990s flagship project implementation in Ústí nad Labem (for more see Krsek 2005). Generally speaking, it is a project similar to the Erasmus Bridge in the Kop Van Zuid project in Rotterdam (for more see Doucet, 2009, this volume), especially regarding its physical appearance and the context of its realization. The main assumption for evaluation of the Marian Bridge as a flagship project is the fact that the bridge can be considered among the most discussed, most original, and most expensive buildings in the Ústí region after 1989. From the industrial city image change perspective, the symbolic significance of the bridge becomes obvious, as well as its iconic dimension for city marketing. The construction of the bridge took place between 1993 and 1998, with total costs of EUR 30 million (according to the exchange rate of April 2009). The main investor was the city of Ústí nad Labem. The height of bridge pylons is 60 metres and the whole bridge is 179m long. Annual operational costs after its completion are approximately EUR 400.000. It is an extraordinary, original and well-done work from the purely an architecture point of view. Moreover, in the Ústí region and in the city of Ústí nad Labem, there are only a few similar examples of excellent modern architecture. The bridge has been awarded many national and international acknowledgements. The most important was a ranking amongst the 1990s ten most beautiful buildings of the world in a survey organized by the respected periodical Structural Engineering International.17 The architect of the bridge is Roman Koucký, one of the most prominent personalities of

17

Other awarded constructions were e.g. Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao, the Millennium Dome in London, or Petronas Twin Towers in Malaysia.


Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change modern Czech architecture. Furthermore, the bridge was an excellent symbolic instrument for expressing the new after-revolutionary dynamics, and represented the prospect of changes in economic and moral upswing of the post-socialistic society. The bridge has become an important new dominating feature of the city, and an icon for its external presentation. From the financial point of view, it was one of the most important projects in the region in its recent history. The overall costs of the project realization were circa EUR 30 million, which equalled the city’s annual budget of that time. The city funded the project from a bank credit, whose instalments were not paid back earlier than 2008. It was the largest transportation infrastructure investment made by a Czech city since World War II (inclusive of Czechoslovakia). The project’s budget became the subject of an extensive discussion, with many experts, as well as laymen, doubting the amount of investment in comparison to its potential, significance, and position of the city. Opponents think that the construction of the Marian bridge is a typical example of “wasteful exhibitionism” of the period after the Velvet revolution (for more see Krsek, 2005). From the perspective of future financial sustainability of such project’s implementation, annual operational costs of the bridge (approx. EUR 400.000) turned out to be an important factor, which proved to be too burdensome for the city. This was one of the reasons which brought the city to a decision to sell the bridge to the national Road and Motorway Directorate of the Czech Republic for EUR 3.800.000 in 2008. Evaluation of the bridge’s functionality is ambiguous, especially from the point of view of its contribution towards the elimination of transport problems within the city. The transport situation within the city is very complicated (especially due to the long-term senseless solution of transport in the city without any conception). It is therefore very difficult to imagine the functionality of local transport without the Marian bridge. On the other hand, opponents’ criticism is acceptable, as they consider the conception of the bridge to be too oversized for the transport demands of the city (only a few dozens metres from this new bridge is the Doctor Beneš Bridge, better situated and creating a natural link between the two city districts (the centre and the city district called Střekov), transport capacity Petr Rumpel, Ondřej Slach, Pavel Bednář, Jaroslav Koutský, 19

Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change of the present infrastructure facilities could have been only extended and increased. Figure 3: The symbol of the bridge and its use in the city marketing (front page of an English version of the city of Ústí nad Labem official web site)

(see www.usti-nad.labem.cz) Generally speaking, the evaluation of this flagship project, even after more than 10 years from its realization, is not unambiguous. Expectations for the symbolic function of the bridge were not accomplished; moreover we can even say that its symbolic function turned against the bridge itself. Idealistic expectations of economic growth and moral maturity of a new society after the revolution have not come true, and the symbol of the bridge seems to be “inadequate” in comparison to the significance of the city and the quality of life. It seems to be too “majestic” or as if “from another world”. In addition, for many people, the bridge remains to be a “too big and constantly visible” reminiscence of the big financial expense of the city, which still performs unsatisfactorily with its economic restructuring and social transformation. On the other side, it can be said that the construction is slowly becoming an integral part of the city identity, and a strong expressional instrument for external marketing of the city (see above the front page of an English version of the city’s web site). Purely from the architecture point of view, the bridge has no comparable alternative in the city. From a transportation point of view, further appreciation of the bridge can be expected, as the traffic load in the city centre will certainly continue to grow. Conclusion The overall conclusion and comparison of all three projects (or their effects on image change) is complicated by the different time, typological, as well as institutional level of the projects. While the project of the Marian Bridge has already been implemented, and its effects can be at least partially 20, Petr Rumpel, Ondřej Slach, Pavel Bednář, Jaroslav Koutský

Reimaging of industrial cities in Czech Republic: selected drivers of change analysed, the projects in Ostrava are in initial their phase of realization, and therefore evaluation of their impacts is very difficult. Both projects in Ostrava are characterized by a clear emphasis on property-led development. This results in considerable risks, especially in connection with the global economic crisis. The project in Ústí nad Labem is, on the other hand, a public sector-led development, and has the same (problematic) characteristics similar to big infrastructure projects abroad. Generally speaking, it can be said that the projects (especially those in Ostrava) are based on analogical or imitative functional and symbolic usage like projects from Western European countries, which implies that the overall conclusions from the projects will contribute to profiling of external image, but more to its unification that an authentic profiling in comparison with other similar cities. On the other hand, it is necessary to emphasize that a certain unification of external image through these big projects is positive in the context of the historic development of both cities, as it indicates at least a positive change in existing development trajectory of both regions. References AMIN, A. An Institutionalist Perspective on Regional Economic Development. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 1999, vol. 23, no. 2, pp. 365-378. BIANCHINI, F., DAWSON, J., EVANS, R. Flagship projects in urban regeneration. In Rebuilding the City: Property-led Urban Regeneration. London: E. and F. N. Spon, 1992. Ch. 15, pp. 245-255. BIANCHINI, F., LANDRY, C. The Creative City. London: Demos, 1995. BIANCHINI, F., PARKINSON, M. Cultural Policy and Urban Regeneration: The West European Experience. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993. BODENSCHATZ, H. Vorbild England: Urbane Renaissance in Birmingham und Manchester. kunsttexte.de, 2005, no. 3, pp. 1–18. BOSCHMA, R., LAMBOOY, J. The prospects of an adjustment policy based on collective learning in old industrial regions, GeoJournal, 1999, vol. 49, no. 4, pp. 391–399.


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