Resettlement Experiences of Five Chinese Skilled ...

Resettlement Experiences of Five Chinese Skilled Women Migrants to Australia* Lai-kwan Regin Ip Griffith University

Wing Hong Chui City University of Hong Kong

A rich migration literature has been written on the issues and difficulties that Chinese migrants encountered in their adjustment in various host countries. Instead of focusing on negative migration experiences, this paper aims to examine the subjective experiences of middle-class Chinese women who perceived themselves as successfully settled in Australia. More specifically, this paper analyzes the in-depth interviews of five skilled women migrants from Hong Kong to understand how they were able to overcome obstacles during their early resettlement years. A content analysis of interviews allowed themes to emerge that revealed how the five women were able to resettle in Australia. Their responses fall into three themes that are explored in this paper: (1) common issues faced at the start of resettlement, (2) the recognition of individual resilience and informal social support in facing adversity and resettlement in Australia, and (3) possible strategies to orient themselves to life in a new country.

Introduction The primary objective of this paper is to report the findings of a small-scale qualitative study to explore the experience of skilled international migration from Hong Kong to Brisbane, the administrative capital of Queensland, * An earlier version of this paper was presented in an international conference on Middleclass Chinese Migrants in Australia: Settlement, Needs and Dilemmas, Griffith University, Brisbane, 15-16 February 2002.

Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, Vol. 11, No. 3, 2002

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Australia. Most importantly, it provides an avenue for these five immigrant women to tell us their stories regarding their migration to Australia, and in so doing hear their voices in the light of their adjustment and settlement in their destination country. There is an abundance of geographical, psychological, sociological and social work literature focusing on the negative experiences of international migration such as racism, feelings of sadness and adjustment difficulties (for example, Minas et al., 1996; Li, 1997; Schak, 1999; Bulbeck, 1999; VandenHeuvel and Wooden, 1999; George and Tsang, 2000; Markovic and Manderson, 2000; Jirojwong and Manderson, 2001; Mak, 2002). This, in turn, may eventually construct the image or stereotype that migrants are rather vulnerable and are always in trouble. Not much work pays attention to the resilience of migrants and the strategies they have used to overcome the problems associated with resettlement (Pohjola, 1991; Inglis and Wu, 1994; Lam, 1994). This paper aims at providing a balanced account of the migration experiences of Hong Kong Chinese migrants by outlining their resilience and coping strategies during the resettlement process. This paper is organized into five parts. Firstly, a selective review of literature on Chinese migration will be provided. The second section deals with the methodology and selection of the participants. The third section presents case vignettes of five middle-class Hong Kong Chinese women migrants. All of them migrated from Hong Kong to Brisbane between the late 1980s and the early 1990s, and are professionals in the areas of social work or human services. In the fourth section, three themes generated from the in-depth interviews will be reported, mostly in the form of direct quotations. The three themes are (1) common problems faced at the start of resettlement, (2) the recognition of individual resilience and informal social support in facing adversity and resettling in Australia, and (3) possible strategies to orient themselves to life in a new country. The final section is a concluding summary of this qualitative study.

A Review of Literature According to Skeldon (1994), Chinese migration from Hong Kong has been an important topic for research and inquiry since the late 1980s. During the period of 1985 to 1992, there is an upsurge of emigration from Hong Kong. This remarkable emigration movement is usually explained by the impending political changes in 1997, the transfer of sovereignty from British Colonial government to China (see also Wong, 1992; Findlay et al., 1993; Ip, 1999; Mak, 2001). There are two emigration waves, around 1987–1988 and 1990–1992, which are related to two critical political issues: the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration between the Chinese and British Govern-


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ments in 1984 and the Tiananmen Square incident in 1989. Both issues aroused Hong Kong people’s fears and uncertainties about future Chinese rule. According to official data, the number of emigrants from Hong Kong was estimated to rise from 19,000 in 1986, to 30,000 (increased by about 58 percent) in 1987, then to 45,800 (increased by about 53 percent) in 1988. Another record number was in 1990, when the number of emigrants increased by 48 percent, from 42,000 in 1989 to 62,000 in 1990 (Skeldon, 1994). However, the significance of this migration movement is not only its size but also the composition of this emigration population. According to the unpublished data of Hong Kong Government, it is estimated that 66 percent of the working age emigrants and 34 percent of total emigrants could be classified as “managers and administrators, professionals and associate professionals” (Skeldon, 1994). The emigration of a large number of people who are skilled and welleducated is regarded as a big loss to Hong Kong. Emphasis has been placed on looking at the detrimental consequences of international migration such as the loss of talents and highly skilled manpower in Hong Kong (Kwong, Liu and Tang, 1989; Ng and Choi, 1989). On the other hand, which countries will gain from Hong Kong’s loss and what has happened to this “best and the brightest” groups also attract attention. Australia, Canada and United States are the main destinations of Hong Kong skilled migrants. Table 1 compares the population composition of Hong Kong and Hong Kong emigrants (to Canada, Australia and United States) in terms of the percentage of degree holders and people in high-level occupations. Between 1985 and 1991, from 2.8 percent to 4.6 percent of the Hong Kong population were degree holders and from 5.0 percent to 11.4 percent were in high-level occupations. However, the proportions among migrants were from 13.4 percent to 30.7 percent (degree holders) and 22.3 percent to 50.1 percent (in high-level occupations) in Australia; and from 12.8 percent to 24.5 percent of degree holders and from 13.1 percent to 34.3 percent in high-level occupations in Canada. In this regard, Australia had attracted the most highly qualified Hong Kong emigrants during the periods from 1985 to 1991. Based on Australia’s settler arrivals data, about 90 percent of Hong Kong settlers fell into the “professional/technical,” “managerial/clerical,” and “skilled trades” occupational categories in 1988-89 (Pookong and Skeldon, 1994). Table 2 shows the trend of Hong Kong settler arrivals in Australia by migration category in Australia between 1984 and 1991. About 64.8 percent of Hong Kong settlers are classified in the skilled migration group, i.e., Independent, Skilled Business and other skilled. Also among


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TABLE 1 PROPORTION OF DEGREE HOLDERS/PROFESSIONALS: TOTAL HONG KONG POPULATION AND EMIGRANTS TO PRINCIPAL AND ALL DESTINATIONS, 1985-1991 (IN PERCENTAGES)

1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991

Hong Kong

Canada

Australia

United States of America

All Countries

2.8/5.0 3.0/4.9 3.3/5.1 3.5/5.5 3.7/5.7 4.0/6.0 4.6/11.4

18.2/15.8 14.3/13.1 24.5/30.7 17.4/29.4 15.6/26.7 12.8/21.1 14.0/34.3

14.2/22.6 13.4/22.3 16.6/26.2 14.5/23.3 17.2/27.5 24.2/36.8 30.7/50.1

8.5/9.1 9.2/10.3 9.0/11.6 11.1/15.9 11.4/16.3 9.3/15.4 8.4/20.6

13.2/14.0 11.8/14.0 18.7/24.6 15.0/24.4 14.5/23.4 14.5/23.7 16.7/35.0

SOURCE: Skeldon, 1994:32

those in the category of Family Migration, many had professional or technical background (Inglis and Wu, 1994). Apart from the political environment of Hong Kong, another factor that caused the upsurge of Hong Kong skilled migration to Australia is the shift to a new Australian migration policy in the mid-1980s that favored skilled migration and attracted qualified independent and wealthy business migrants (Mak, 2002). This is an important component of the Australian government’s economic policies to facilitate the transition to a knowledgebased economy (Inglis, 2002). TABLE 2 HONG KONG SETTLER ARRIVALS IN AUSTRALIA BY MIGRATION CATEGORY, 1984-1991 Family Skilled Migration Independent Business 1984-85 1985-86 1986-87 1987-88 1988-89 1989-90 1990-91 Total (%)

1,960 1,868 1,418 1,645 2,106 1,894 3,110 14,001 (31.6)

46 19 74 606 1,363 2,323 7,227 11,658 (26.3)

310 335 687 1,799 2,158 2,292 1,802 9,383 (21.2)

Other Skilled Humanitarian 809 760 1,102 1,317 1,368 1,131 1,156 7,643 (17.3)

62 47 47 60 77 231 147 671 (1.5)

SOURCE: Pe-Pua, Mitchell, Iredale and Castles, 1996:6


Other

Total

109 88 70 150 235 183 99 934 (2.1)

3,296 3,117 3,398 5,577 7,307 8,054 13,541 44,290 (100.0)


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However, it is interesting to explore whether these countries have benefitted from the import of a large number of highly qualified and skilled Hong Kong migrants. To a certain extent, it depends on whether these people are able to resettle in the host country and contribute their skills and expertise to the society. Studies about these migrants’ resettlement experience and process provide some partial answers (Lam, 1994; Li, Jowett, Findlay and Skeldon, 1995; Pe-Pua et al., 1996; Findlay and Li, 1997; Li, 1997; Inglis and Wu, 1994; Mak, 2001, 2002). A number of studies show that migration can be a stressful life event and a painful experience for migrants. In general, the literature gives a rather unpleasant picture of Chinese migration. For instance, Chow (2000) reports that Chinese immigrants in Canada have experienced humiliation and discrimination due to their non-European background. Even migrants with high qualifications and expertise are not spared from these experiences. Lam (1994) interviewed 25 Chinese immigrant families in Canada. All the couples were professionals or running their own business in Hong Kong prior to their emigration, and they generally expressed disappointment and dissatisfaction with their life in Canada. They not only had problems in adjusting to the different lifestyles but were also disappointed by the fact that their qualifications and experience were not recognized. Doing household chores was a big challenge to women skilled migrants who were used to having domestic workers or in-laws to do the job in Hong Kong. This finding is consistent with the study conducted by Pe-Pua et al. (1996). In addition, Lam found that the majority of the respondents had the intention to return to Hong Kong. In fact, data revealed that many of these Hong Kong emigrants return to Hong Kong after staying overseas for a few years. For instance, the Hong Kong Government estimated that 12 percent of people who emigrated between 1982 and 1992 returned to Hong Kong (Skeldon, 1994). However, this percentage is a rough estimate which includes those emigrants who are not skilled. Return migration is always explained partly due to the “attitude” of the Hong Kong emigrants. In Lam’s study, all the respondents said that the primary reason for their emigration was the political uncertainty in Hong Kong, prompting many of them to consider emigration as a means of securing citizenship in another country, which is considered a gateway to a “safe haven” (Lam, 1994:167): ... once we get the Canadian citizenship and passport, ... we have an alternative. We won’t be caught unprepared. When China turns Hong Kong into a living hell, as Canadian citizens we’ll be protected by Canada. This is what we call insurance.


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On the other hand, some studies presented another picture (Findlay and Li, 1997; Li, 1997). Li (1997:80) argued that though Hong Kong’s mass migration movement appears to be related to the political environment, the migrants may have “different perceptions and goals regarding their move.” Migration decisions may be closely related to the values that developed from a person’s entire life course. For example, a research participant in Li’s study said that her decision was based on her longing to study and live abroad since childhood; another saw migration as an opportunity to pursue further studies. Employment is another issue that appears to be significantly related to skilled migrants’ resettlement into another country. Inglis and Wu (1994) observed that Hong Kong skilled migrants in Australia were less affected by unemployment when compared with migrants from other countries. According to Mak’s (2001) study in Australia, five out of six Hong Kong skilled Chinese migrants were able to find a job within six months’ time and twothirds of them are in the same field of occupation. Yet about one-third expressed their intention to return to Hong Kong for attractive salary and career advancement opportunities. Based on the data set (Hong Kong subsample) compiled by Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Australia, Khoo and Mak found that family factors are significant in determining Hong Kong skilled migrants’ intention for permanent settlement. Migrants with relatives in Australia and seeking “a better future for their family” are more likely to settle permanently (cited in Mak, 2002). Mak’s (2002:6) study also suggests that Hong Kong skilled migrants with school age children could be facing a “career versus family dilemma.” As parents, particularly mothers, they struggle between staying in Australia with the children and sacrificing their own career development, and going back to Hong Kong to pursue their career. In Mak’s earlier study (1991), she identified that a group of skilled migrants, the so-called “contented settlers,” chose to stay with the family and let go of their career development. These people devoted their time to family life and the children’s education and tried to use their children’s outstanding academic performance in Australia to compensate for their disappointment over their career prospects. The astronaut family is another phenomenon associated with Hong Kong skilled migrant families (Mak, 1991, 1993; Lam, 1994; Pe-Pua et al., 1996). One of the parents, usually the father, chooses to continue the career in Hong Kong and maintains contacts with the family through phone calls and frequent travels between two places. Both Lam (1994) and Pe-Pua et al. (1996) reported that the disruption of family life/family relationship and the deterioration of the marital relationship as problems faced by the astronaut family. The spouse left behind is usually the wife, and has to take up the burden of running a family



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and caring for the children with no support. However, Pe-Pua et al. (1996) found that while some women in astronaut families became more independent and capable of managing their own life, some said that their husbands’ absence did not affect their life at all and they quite enjoyed their new-found freedom. Regarding husband–wife relationship, some believed that their relationships with their husbands weakened. For example, they did not have common topics with the husbands and they sometimes suspected the husbands of having extramarital affairs. On the other hand, some stated that their relationships were strengthened as they missed and treasured each other more. The above review indicates that the experience of immigration is a complex phenomenon that is mediated by both environmental and individual factors (Li et al., 1995). Migrants may respond differently in a new social, cultural and political environment due to external factors as well as personal reasons. The majority of studies concerning emigration from Hong Kong in the late 1980s were generally conducted in the light of the political environment at that time. These studies are very helpful in depicting the migration phenomenon. The diversity of migrants and their migration experiences cannot be neatly reduced into a few categories. A balanced view of the migration experience is provided by studies that focus on the unique and personal aspects of immigration to appreciate the diversity of experiences. The use of story telling, case study or autobiographical approach in migration studies helps to locate the individuals as they actively engage in the migration process, make decisions and adjustment, and experience the pains and pleasures of their journey (Li, 1997).

Methodological Note In the present study, our ‘cases’ are the women migrants with professional training in social work and the ‘issue’ that we investigate pertains to their settlement and experiences after moving from Hong Kong to Brisbane. The reasons for selecting social work migrants as case vignettes go beyond convenience sampling. Social workers, as a skilled migrant group, face similar issues to what other skilled migrants encountered. For example, transferring their occupational qualification and experience, and cultural differences in looking for jobs and the work context are commonly cited (see Mak, 2002). Both authors are also Hong Kong migrants with formal social work qualifications, and are equipped with adequate linguistic skills and cultural sensitivity to interpret and analyze the rich data generated from the interviews. This study adopts a qualitative collective case study design, where the study of multiple cases provides insight into an issue, and the analysis


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extends both within and across cases (Stake, 1995). According to Stake (1994), the collective case study represents an "instrumental" style of inquiry into a particular issue. A merit of this qualitative approach is the ability to capture the similarities, differences and contradictions of the perceptions and experiences of the women by allowing them to speak freely and candidly. According to Findlay and Li (1997:34), "A useful starting point for qualitative research on migration issues is the recognition of human beings as pro-active, socially embedded, intentional agents who influence and are influenced by the social worlds in which they are located." In addition to focusing on the uniqueness and diversity of the migration experience, this study also uses a resilience or strengths perspective to identify the positive and adaptive qualities of the participants. In the realm of psychology, social work and clinical counselling, resilience is widely used as a framework for study and intervention. This leads to a change from the documentation of distress and problems to the identification of factors that contribute to successful coping and adaptation (Saleebey, 1997; Turner, 2001; Gardner and Harmon, 2002). The resilience framework studies the capacity of individuals to withstand considerable stress and hardship and "go on to live functional lives with a sense of well-being" (Turner, 2001: 441). Migration is generally known as a difficult experience for people as they move to a new environment and start almost everything anew. To deal with the adversities that emerge, migrants may need to mobilize all the resources that are available to them, including the ability to access formal and informal help and support. They have to make use of their inner strengths, a resilient self with particular strengths that can enable them to find the positive out of negative experiences. Though migrants with similar class background may experience common problems, their ways of dealing with problem could be very different but equally successful. Five individual in-depth interviews were conducted in Cantonese by the first author in late 2001, yielding rich primary data for this study. All participants are female aged from late thirties to early forties and most are married with one child. Two of them migrated to Australia around 1985; another two in 1991 and one in 1995. Four of them left Hong Kong after the two critical political events, namely the signing of the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984 and the Tiananmen Square or June Fourth Incident in 1989. However, none of these four attributed their decision to move to Australia directly to these two events. Rather three participants said that migration was a compliance with family decisions and a chance for adventure, and the remaining two regarded it mainly as an adventure. Their response in one way or another echoes Findlay and Li’s (1997:38) finding on migration decision – “an individual’s migration decision is situated in his or



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her history,” rather than deriving only from an individual’s circumstances in the period immediately prior to his or her departure. Despite having various adjustment and settlement difficulties, all participants in this study felt that they have successfully resettled in Australia. This qualitative study exploring the experiences of migrants relies on the participants’ perceptions to define what a successful settlement meant to them subjectively. Based on their self-reports, three indicators of successful settlement included “feeling themselves as part of the community,” “creating their own space and social network,” and “enjoying their life in a new country.” Before presenting the findings in detail, two matters require clarification. First, this study by no means intends to arrive at any generalizations regarding the experiences of women immigrants. Rather we are interested in learning how the participants coped in times of hardship (see Chow, 2000). In order to ensure anonymity, pseudonyms are used throughout the paper. Second, all interviews were transcribed verbatim and then interpreted and analyzed according to themes and codes. It is vital to both the reader and the people who were interviewed to identify our role as researchers. Both authors have had the experience of migration from Hong Kong to Australia and were trained and practising social workers in Hong Kong. While we may be able to understand better the experiences of professional migration and to offer adequate interpretation of the participants’ accounts, one possible danger is that our own experiences and values, and our research interests could be imposed on the participants’ views. Other migration researchers such as Findlay and Li (1997) and Li (1997) have discussed similar concerns.

Case Vignettes Ai has been living in Australia for 15 years. She was a social worker in Hong Kong for eight years. She migrated to Australia with her husband in 1986, and gave birth to a child in the same year. When her child was two years old, she began to look for jobs by seeking assistance from the employment agency, but without any means. Then she enrolled in a course to learn some clerical and administrative skills. After completing it, Ai took a one-year course in social work at one of the universities in Queensland because her social work degree in Hong Kong was not recognized. She got a part-time counselling position in an organization that she had worked in as a student social worker as part of her social work training. Her husband has gradually established his own business and her child is doing well in high school. She is now working full-time in the area of international student services.


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Han has been living in Australia for 16 years. She migrated to Australia with her parents and siblings in 1985 after she finished her undergraduate training in one of the local universities in Hong Kong. After moving to Brisbane, she failed to find any jobs, and then decided to enroll in a two-year postgraduate human services program in a university. It took her some time to find a job in human services after completing her degree. Han’s partner migrated to Australia and eventually got a job in his profession. They got married and afterwards had their first child. Hee worked as a community social worker for six years and was on the teaching staff in social work in a Hong Kong tertiary institution. She went to Australia in 1987 to take a two-year master’s course in social work and migrated to Australia in 1995. Hee has been living in Australia for six years. At the time of the study, she was a full-time doctoral student and took up some part-time teaching and fieldwork coordination work in a university. Ong has been living in Australia for 10 years. Ong practised social work in Hong Kong for six years. She first migrated to New Zealand with a ninemonth old baby in 1989 and her husband joined them half a year later. In 1991, her whole family chose to resettle in Australia. Though she tried to apply for some work as a clerk, she did not manage to get any. Then, she enrolled in a one-year graduate course in tourism. After completing the graduate course, she was offered a half-time counsellor post. Now she is working full-time in providing services for the disabled. Rae has been living in Australia for 10 years. She was a social work practitioner in Hong Kong for seven years. She emigrated to Australia with her husband and two-year old child in 1991. She spent the first year in looking after her child and adjusting to the new environment. The following year, she took a one-year social work course, which qualified her to practise as a social worker in Australia. She got her first job in human services after finishing her program. At the time of the study, Rae was working full-time in the area of student welfare. Adjustment Difficulties When the participants were asked to discuss their initial adjustment in Australia, it was not surprising that some negative feelings and emotions were reported by all five participants. Even though their migration was voluntary, feelings of isolation and homesickness were mentioned. They missed their extended family members and friends in Hong Kong. In Hee's case, for example, although she has established her social network in Australia (she studied in Brisbane some years ago), she still felt that her bond and attachment to friends in Hong Kong are stronger than those in Australia. A recent study conducted by Jirojwong and Manderson (2001)



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also found that a majority of the Thai women immigrants expressed feelings of loss, sadness and emotional adjustments during the interview. In addition to homesickness, all except one participant, Hee, reported that at times they felt lonely and isolated during their first two years of settlement. Three participants, Ong, Ai and Rae, psychologically oriented themselves to use the first two years to adjust to the new environment. However, instead of using childcare service, they preferred to look after their children at home and thus further distanced themselves from the community. Feelings of abandonment and helplessness were aroused in Ai and Ong, and they said: I felt that I was abandoned. I was at home with my child most of the time. It’s so quiet, no people to talk to … no phone calls. I just felt that I was being left behind. I was lonely and vulnerable. I didn’t have any leisure and my son was very attached to me. What I did was to strive for survival. My lifestyle was very different from that before. I didn’t watch TV at all. I stayed at home with my child and made play dough with him. While looking after a child could keep one occupied, parenting was not easy for the participants. Looking after and supervising their children constantly gave them lots of stress in their daily lives, and posed some hindrance in their engagement with the host society. Ai shared her helplessness regarding her son’s poor health: [My son] was always sick, cried a lot and ate very little after going to the childcare center. The center staff asked me to take him home. However, my husband was very impatient with [my son], yelled at him and beat him sometimes. I felt very sad … sometimes when my child cried, I cried, too. Language barrier was another difficulty the immigrants faced, although all of them were university graduates in Hong Kong. It is important to bear in mind that Hong Kong is a Cantonese-speaking city ruled by British colonial government before July 1997, and young children start learning to read, write and speak English in kindergartens and schools. One major concern raised by the participants regarding the language problem was the accent of their spoken English. Three of the participants (Han, Rae and Ai) found that the English they have learned did not work in Australia. They admitted that they had problems in understanding Australian English, and at the same time the Australians did not understand their spoken English. One participant, Rae, who studied in Britain for a year said that she did not have communication problems with the British but found commu-


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nicating with the people in Australia sometimes frustrating. Their individual experiences indicate that the language barrier not only caused practical difficulties such as misunderstanding but also created stress, frustration and a sense of inferiority. Three participants said that they were not confident in speaking in English, including answering phone calls: I think English was a problem for my adjustment. I found the English here very difficult to understand. I felt lonely. But when the phone rings, I’ll be very scared to pick it up. Simply because I am not certain whether I can understand what they say over the phone. Ai When I first arrived here, I went to a church where many white people attended. Since I felt that my English accent made it difficult to communicate with those English native speakers, I went to the Chinese church instead. Han But Hee, drawing from her experience of living in different countries, believed that the problem was not only language but was more of the social and cultural context of the conversation. For example, she recognized that different places may have their own linguistic styles that are related to the values and culture of the society: “Sometimes, it is not that you don’t understand the language, but it is the context you are not familiar with.” Furthermore, Ong thought that her ethnicity and gender rather than her accent put her at a disadvantage: “I had the experience of being discriminated and harassed. I thought it is because I am an Asian woman rather than problems with my English.” Finally, employment problems, such as difficulty to find a job and lack of confidence to join the labor force, were discussed by the participants in this study. All were aware of the fact that it is unrealistic for a newcomer to expect that they can get a job soon after migration. Three participants (Ong, Rae and Ai) who were experienced social workers in Hong Kong were not confident that they could find a similar job in Australia. Despite this, Ong and Ai wanted to try their luck and applied for several jobs, while Rae did not make any attempt to get a job. They said: When I first moved to Australia, I thought that I could get jobs other than social work. I applied for some clerical work but I was not even offered a job interview Ong



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I had no idea what kinds of job I could get. I knew that I didn’t know the culture here too well. I thought of getting some clerical work or assisting my husband in running his business. ... When both my husband and I had no income, we took small jobs like sending advertisements to mailboxes during weekends. We had been chased and bitten by dogs. Sometimes, we had to bring our child with us. I applied for jobs through the Commonwealth Employment Services in 1989 and couldn’t get any. I was very desperate at that moment. Ai I didn’t apply for jobs at all [during the first few years of immigration]. I had no confidence to attend an interview and didn’t know how to apply for a job. I was so disempowered. Rae On the other hand, Hee was rather confident that she would continue to work in her profession as either a social worker or an educator in human services once she completes her doctoral studies. However, she believed that it took time to do her study and integrate into Australian society: When I came here, my aim was to further my studies. There is no hurry to get a job. My experience [in Hong Kong] tells me that it takes time to get used to the work environment and in time I can also gain my confidence gradually. Another participant, Han, also spent her first two years in completing a human services course because she believed that a qualification obtained from an institution in Australia would be very useful for her to get a job: At that time, I was only a fresh graduate from Hong Kong. I knew that I needed to take some courses to better equip myself to secure employment in a different country. Despite the above-mentioned difficulties, all five women immigrants from Hong Kong claimed that they had successfully bounced back and were enjoying their life in Australia. They attributed their successful resettlement to several factors, which are individual resilience and efforts, and the seeking of informal and formal social support. Individual Resilience and Perseverance As indicated in the five case vignettes, all participants except Han got their first job in the area of social work or human services after obtaining some


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formal qualification and training in educational institutions in Australia. For instance, Hee, Rae and Ai took courses in human services; Ong studied tourism; and Han is currently enrolled in a doctoral program in social work. Instead of complaining why their formal qualification obtained in Hong Kong was not accredited, they appreciated having the opportunity to further their studies in Australia. Han, Rae, Ai and Ong pointed out that their further studies provided them with opportunities to know Australian culture and society, and to make direct contacts with the people in the labor force. Additionally, gaining more knowledge about the host country boosted their confidence to re-engage in their profession: My husband encouraged me to study social work again … One of the course requirements was to complete a supervised fieldwork placement in an organization assigned by the university. Actually I am now working in the organization where I completed my practice placement. After I finished my placement, the manager offered me a part-time post. A year later, they wanted me to work full-time. ... I was more confident about my ability to use language in communication by attending the university. Before that, I thought I was useless and my self-esteem was very low. Ai I enrolled in a 4 year course and then completed my practice placement in a Chinese community service agency. This placement was very useful to me and it helped me to learn the system and work culture of Australia. After graduating from this one-year course, I got a job in human services. th

Han I went to a university and took a one-year Graduate Diploma in Tourism. This course was very demanding and it required me to conduct research and attend community meetings. I had the chance to meet up with many people in the industry. Then I gained knowledge and ideas about the culture, the people and the environment in Australia. After graduation, I felt that I was ready to work. I applied for a counsellor post and got it. Ong Like other participants, Han also found taking a human services course worthwhile but she took a bit longer to gain employment, perhaps due to her lack of work experience:



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I found the course very useful and the practice placement helped me in networking with people in human services. I spent a rather long time on finding a job before I got a position as a childcare worker in a multi-cultural service setting. A year or so, I got a social work post in an ethnic welfare agency. According to VandenHeuvel and Wooden (1999:14), "an important aspect to successful immigration and integration into the Australian community is often related to gaining employment." Indeed gaining employment has a very special meaning among the participants. Ai, Ong, Han, Rae related their full participation in the labor force as an indicator of their successful resettlement and made them feel “part of the society” and “were able to enjoy life in Australia.” Ai said: Life has become more stable and my family has become settled after I got the job. I have started to realize that Australia is my home. I appreciate the Australian lifestyle … a good living environment, space and freedom. In fact, four out of five participants (Ai, Ong, Han, Rae) stated that they would have returned to Hong Kong if they could not find a job in Australia: We planned that if we couldn’t get any job, then we would go back to Hong Kong and took it (migration) as an experience. ... I think having a job is very important to me. It gives me lots of satisfaction and the feeling of settling down. Rae Well, I had thought of returning to Hong Kong. After my husband and I got stable jobs, we didn’t want to go back. We don’t want to start everything all over again in Hong Kong. Moreover, we enjoy the lifestyle and environment here. Han From the above accounts, all participants chose to further their studies as a means to enhance their employability and this method seemed to work. Their individual efforts to widen their horizon and to make good use of learning opportunities were important in their eventual settlement. One may question what motivated them to be receptive to learning though many of them were highly skilled professionals in Hong Kong. The factors, which they thought supported them in the face of adversity and helped them get through the difficult times in the resettlement process, include their life philosophy, beliefs and personality. Ong, Rae and Ai said that they had a


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rather strong character, which made them very tough and persistent. They subscribed to common sayings such as “Never give up” and “Where there’s a will, there’s a way.” Moreover, they claimed that their strong character was largely shaped by their life experiences in childhood and early adulthood. Ong and Rae revealed that they grew up in poor families and had a rather stressful childhood: I think my personality helps me a lot in adjustment. I am very stubborn but also I am optimistic. Once I make a decision, I won’t hesitate and regret. I just look forward and try to find hopes for myself. For example, I appreciate even very small achievements and let go of bad feelings. ... I am used to a difficult life and I am not afraid of it. ... I had to support my family when I was about 10 years old. I remembered that I carried heavy stuff back and forth from my home to the factory. Ong I have strong faith about myself. I know I can make it if I try hard. I needed to do two part-time jobs as a tutor to support my undergraduate studies and family while I was a social work student in a university in Hong Kong. Rae Two participants were from a middle class family background and they rather had a different outlook when dealing with crises. Han’s inner strength derived from her religion, Christianity, whereas Hee made good use of a reflective approach to view life. They detailed: I have my own religion. I believe in God. He will arrange everything for me and He won’t abandon me. God will lead me when I am lost. Moreover, I am a very optimistic person, and am confident that I would have no problem in adjusting myself to the new environment sooner or later. Han To deal with my frustration, the first [thing] I always do is to be patient and not to hurry things. I’ll think through and reflect on the issues and problems I encounter. Sometimes I accept that there must be something I won’t understand and I can’t solve completely. Frustration is a part of life, and I’ll keep trying to use more creative ways to deal with it. Hee



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Another crucial element emerging from the interview data that explains the participants’ successful resettlement is their open-mindedness. All participants made it clear that they were willing to start everything anew and they did not compare their post-migration life and situations with what they had in Hong Kong before. Instead of looking back on their previous professional status and well-paid jobs, they attempted to establish their credibility and gain new experience in Australia. They were psychologically prepared that settling in Australia could be quite a rough and tough time for Hong Kong migrants who usually put money and status as their priorities. Two participants commented: I think migrants should have the determination to stay and shouldn’t take their status and money too seriously. One ought to start from a junior position if he/she changes to a new environment. Rae People who want to migrate here need to be psychologically prepared … They should see themselves as fresh graduates and prepare to start everything from the beginning. Please don’t try to compare here with Hong Kong. They have to earn their credibility and people’s trust and confidence by action rather than words. Ong The realistic and positive attitude among the participants helped them to get through the dissatisfaction and disappointment that were brought about by occupational dislocations and the downward occupational mobility that many professional migrants experience (see Lam, 1994). Another theme emerging from the women immigrants’ accounts that explains their successful resettlement relates to their aspirations to improve their quality of life and to pursue a peaceful and relaxing lifestyle. A metropolitan region like Hong Kong is famous for its rapid pace of life and overcrowding in public places. In this study, one of the overriding reasons for their decision to emigrate from Hong Kong was their dream of getting a better quality of life in Australia: I studied in Britain with my husband for one year and both of us enjoyed the life there … very quiet and relaxing. Then we decided to migrate to another country. We didn’t like the lifestyle in Hong Kong … we have no space … too many people in the streets. We chose Australia because the weather is good and it is very spacious. I enjoy being on my own and gardening. Rae


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Both my husband and I think that a nice living environment is far more important than other things like money and status. We enjoy the life here. We have more time with the children. Family is very important to me. Han However, our finding differs from Lam’s (1994) study on Hong Kong migrants in Toronto. Lam (1994:168) found that the major adjustment problem for the Hong Kong migrants was that they were dissatisfied with the “quiet and dull” life in the new country. One plausible explanation for this difference is that the five participants in this study shared similar expectations of their immigration and yearned for a more relaxing living environment. Seeking Other Support Apart from the participants’ individual efforts and beliefs, they acknowledged the importance of the support from formal and informal networks in helping them adjust to Australia. Ai, Rae and Ong used childcare services and Ai and Ong sought assistance for employment from a government agency. Nevertheless, some might not find these services or assistance too helpful at times: My child always had poor physical health after going to the childcare center. Perhaps the ways the staff looked after kids are very different from ours. I was guilty when my child was sick. I should have taken her home instead but I couldn’t … I had to attend the university almost everyday. Rae The main source of support and help is the participants’ personal or informal social network, including their spouses, parents, siblings and friends. Rae, Ong and Ai considered the emotional support and understanding from their spouses as of utmost importance in engendering resilience in order to face the challenges in the early years of resettlement. They said: My relationship with my husband has strengthened … we mutually support each other and if we have problems we will deal with them together. Ong



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I think my husband helps me a lot in adjusting to the life here. He encouraged me to study … and to take the course in a university. He pushed me to do something I wanted to avoid. Both of us went through hand in hand in going through the dark ages. Ai My family – my husband, my child and I – wanted to settle here and we tried our best to achieve it. Of course, we mutually support each other. Rae In many respects, family members and friends offered emotional and psychological support even though some of the relatives remained physically in Hong Kong. Most participants were thankful for their siblings’ and parents’ unfailing and continuous support. Ong expressed that she was very close to her two brothers who phoned her regularly and visited her from time to time. Ai and Rae also maintained close contacts with their extended family members and friends in Hong Kong through phone calls and writing letters. Hee and Han both thought that the support of friends was of equal importance to that of their family: Both my family and my friends in Hong Kong and Australia are very helpful to me. I know that I can rely on them when I really get into trouble. Hee When I first came here, my friends in Hong Kong were very supportive. We kept in touch with each other by writing letters and chit-chatting over the phone. I was still financially dependent on my family and I knew that my parents would arrange things for me and I didn’t need to worry too much. Han As well as using the existing social network, Han, Ai and Ong also established new networks in Australia. They went to the church for various reasons. While Han was a devoted Christian, Ong and Ai wanted to make new friends by attending church. I used to go to church in Hong Kong because of my religion. I spend my leisure time in church here too, or sometimes I go out with my neighbors and friend that I make in the Uni. Han


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I went to the church because I was very lonely. My ex-landlord introduced me to a church, which now I think is more like a cult. Ong We had been to church. It’s boring. We made some friends there. In the first place, I thought going to church might help to change my husband’s bad temper and then he could be more patient with our son. However, I found that it didn’t help and stopped going. Ai

Conclusion Migration can be a difficult experience because newcomers are required to start almost everything anew and adapt to a new culture and society. The stories convey the message that the participants’ own beliefs, values and personality were an important source of courage that enabled them to cope with the adversities that they faced during the resettlement process. Their settling down in Australia–feeling themselves as part of the community, having their own space and social network, and enjoying their new life – is more than just the outcome of several environmental factors. The stories of the participants indicated the diverse but equally effective ways to face challenges and change negatives to positives by being patient and creative, and by playing an active role in engaging themselves in Australian society. To deal with adversities that emerged in the process of settlement, the findings also showed that migrants mobilized all the resources available to them, including support from their husbands and family, access to higher education in an Australian university and other support services. However, the services for assisting skilled migrants to gain employment and orienting them to life in a new country provided by community organizations and the state government seem unable to cater to their specific needs. Mak (2002) reflected on the skilled migrants’ low use of these services and pointed out that this migrant group could have benefitted from more advanced English language classes and cultural orientation programs. Perhaps settlement assistance and the delivery of these services to highly skilled professional migrants is an area that authorities need to pay more attention to. Finally, this study also found in-depth semi-structured interviews as a meaningful way of understanding the perceptions and experiences of women immigrants. Although migrants with a similar background may experience common problems, their ways of dealing with them can be very different but equally successful. The presentation of their similarities and differences helps to reveal the individual views of migrants who have their own perceptions and goals regarding their moves and settlements (Li,



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1997). This research method not only allowed the participants to talk freely about their unique and subjective experiences but also to share their positive experiences with others.

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