retirement issues for roman catholic priests: a

RETIREMENT ISSUES FOR ROMAN CATHOLIC PRIESTS: A THEORETICAL AND QUALITIATIVE INVESTIGATION KEVIN L. LADD INDIANA UNIVERSITY SOUTH BEND THOMAS V. MERLUZZI UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME DANIEL COOPER VANDERBILT UNIVERSITY REVIEW OF RELIGIOUS RESEARCH 2006, VOLUME 48(1): PAGES 82-104

The first portion of this paper presents a literature review and sets out a course of investigation concerning retirement issues facing Roman Catholic priests. The second section summarizes the appropriateness of adapting Ruble and Seidman 's (1996) model of transitions to the context of Roman Catholic priests. The third portion consists of a qualitative analysis of responses from retired priests (N = 68) that reveals themes supportive of the adopted model. The final segment notes additional research possibilities.

PART I: RETIREMENT THEORY

A

lthough aging in the diocesan priesthood is obviously not a new phenomenon, the expectation that priests will retire is a relatively recent development. As a person with a unique calling in contemporary society, it is very likely that the priest's transition into retirement is marked by psychological events not encountered by the general public. Yet there is a paucity of research eoneeming the mechanisms that help or hinder this proeess among priests. The purpose of the current paper is to provide a basis for discussing these critical issues with the intent of establishing a more formal research agenda.

Introduction In 1935 Congress passed the Social Security Act establishing the age of 65 as the normal time for govemment and business employees to leave the work force. The previous anomaly of retirement became commonplace as a topic of thought, discussion, and preparation among American workers. It was not until following the Second Vatican Council in 1965, however, that dioceses were encouraged to develop policies eoneeming the retirement of priests. A recent survey (Lewis and Fahey 1997) indicated that, as of 1996, approximately half of the dioceses in the

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Retirement Issues for Roman Catholic Priests: A Theoretical and Qualitative Investigation United States had a mandatory retirement policy. Roughly two-thirds of priests retired before 75 years of age. These numbers, however, do not necessarily paint a crisp picture of what retirement actually means among priests. Lewis and Fahey (1997) report that 94% of the dioceses provide the option for a "retired" priest to engage in either full or part-time ministerial service. Although not stating how many priests avail themselves of this opportunity, Nugent (1976) noted that, when compared to secular workers, more priests continue their sacerdotal duties after "mandatory" retirement age. This observation is substantiated in a separate report (Bishops' Committee on Priestly Life and Ministry 1985), noting that priests listing themselves as "retired" reported that they still worked an average of 25.4 hours per week. Barely a third of those surveyed who were over 70 years of age claimed they were fully retired. The very presence of the work-continuance option suggests that the nature of retirement in the priesthood is rather ambiguous and that a substantial number of priests deal with this uncertainty by continuing their work. This is not to suggest that Americans retiring from secular employment do not engage in any sort of work; it is to note, however, that secular employees are more likely to find a different type of work relative to that from which they retire. Such ambivalence among priests toward retirement as a time to disengage from their priestly duties is not entirely unanticipated (Verdieck, Shields, and Hoge 1988). The vows of ordination carry the sense of a permanent commitment to service. In fact, John Paul II continued service even in the face of severe physical limitations, providing a unique model for priests. These realities stand in contrast to central components of retirement in American culture: the pursuit of personal leisure and the cessation of formal service. In spite of this potential incongruity, priests have entered and will continue to enter into retirement. What remains unclear are the psychological ramifications of this transition. The growing body of literature eoneeming retirement from secular employment will undoubtedly afford some insight.

Previous Research: Priests and Retirement A search conducted on psychological, sociological, and medical library databases indicated that there is a lack of published literature directly exploring retirement among diocesan priests. One qualitative study by Aranha (1993) investigated the process of psychological and religious adaptation to retirement in the U.S. using a small sample of 33 priests (7 from the US and 26 from India). Those interviewed were satisfied and adjusted in their new role. Aranha suggested that one way to encourage such experiences in other priests was to institute pre-retirement counseling and planning in every diocese. In addition, he recommended providing options for living arrangements, support groups, and opportunities for suecessfully retired priests to share their wisdom. Lewis and Fahey (1997) provide some evidence that a limited amount of this type of preretirement counseling exists. They report that 23% of the responding dioceses regularly offer programs centering on retirement planning. This relatively low pereentage leads to the conclusion that intentional planning for retirement may not occur for many priests, at least not within a diocesan context. In contrast to Aranha (1993), Kaiser, Peters, and Babchuk (1982) reported that about a third of the priests they interviewed (total sample A^= 27) were not satisfied with retirement. They resented their diminished leadership roles and reported declining health. A report from the Bishops' Committee on Priestly Life and Ministry of the National Conference of Catholic 83

Review of Religious Research Bishops (1985) corroborates this aura of dissatisfaction for some who are retired. Over one third of those surveyed who were 65 or older reported being in fair to poor health. Poor health status and retirement, however, do not always coincide. In fact, in a close analysis ofthe Bishops' Committee (1985) data, Fichter (1985:103) found that the retirees appeared "even more healthy than their non-retired peers." The retired priests were less likely to complain about emotional stress, tension and nervousness, or to say they are worded, as compared to the priests still actively fulfilling sacerdotal roles (cf. Nelson 1989). In short, those who were retired were relatively well adjusted, and the dissatisfaction reported appeared as an artifact of the analysis. Connollen (1989) investigated the relationship between life satisfaction and retired priests' perceptions of retirement policies. He discovered that when priests believed the policies were well designed, higher levels of satisfaction were reported. He also found that satisfaction increased to the extent that the individual priest practiced positive behaviors in the areas of financial security, personal health, social networking, transportation, continuing work, and the use of leisure time. In other words, retirement satisfaction rested on a combination of controllable and uncontrollable factors (see also Bricker and Fleischer 1993; Gannon 1981; Hoolaghan 1992). Everitt (1990) investigated factors potentially accounting for differences in retired priests' perceptions of retirement. He found that those whose perceptions were more positive tended to have better attitudes toward leisure, spiritual renewal, and limited service (i.e. reducing the workload or hours). Everitt concluded, as did Aranha (1993), that pre-retirement counseling emphasizing the benefits of leisure activities would contribute to retirement satisfaction. In conjunction with this conclusion, he also argued for the inclusion of spiritual concems as an integral portion of any pre-retirement program. Comparing the adjustment of retired clergy and retired professors, Acuff (1967) found that the clergy tended to score higher on a measure of purpose in life. He also found that religious involvement, regardless of profession, resulted in better adjustment, a finding consistent with research in the general population (Markides 1983; Payne 1994). While this may seem a more or less automatic benefit to the priest entering retirement, his religious involvement is also in a state of upheaval as he moves from the role of leader-participant to observer-participant. An additional unpublished paper (Johnson 1997) provides a summation of five years of investigations into the issue of retirement among men and women religious (A^s - 2,000 and 7,000 respectively), diocesan priests (A^= 1,250), and Catholic laypersons (A^ = 400). Focusing on spiritual development in individuals over the age of 60, he identifies 15 areas of importance that differ in terms of average values across four discrete samples. Analyses are not available, however, to clarify which of these segments is most influential upon retirement adjustment or how the variables are inter-related. In sum, the available literature explicitly focused on the retirement of diocesan priests is sparse. It includes no known longitudinal studies, primarily small regional samples, and displays little consistent theoretical guidance. There is an obvious need for intentionally designed and executed research programs to illuminate the distinctive processes associated with the priest's transition into retirement, including an objective evaluation of how that movement is facilitated or impeded. Remaining cognizant of the uniqueness of the diocesan priest's experience, portions of mainstream psychological retirement literature may be useful in addressing these fundamental theoretical and methodological concems. 84

Retirement Issues for Roman Catholic Priests: A Theoretical and Qualitative Investigation

Retirement in the General Population In a very broad sense, retirement represents an economic and social practice for controlling the number and the age of persons in the workforce. One intention of the 1935 Social Security Act was to remedy the economic ills of the country by removing older workers so that younger people could enter full employment. A by-product of this legislation, and of the'labor movement, was the establishment of underpinnings for a moral economy: Workers deserve a reward for their long years of labor (Karp 1989). Retirement challenges. But is it truly a reward? At the personal level, retirement represents a transitional event potentially fraught with adjustment problems. In particular, the movement away from active employment typically necessitates at least minor alterations in housing conditions (Reitzes, Mutran, and Pope 1991; Tripple, McFadden, and Makela 1994), economic status (Bailey, Scott, and Tumer 1994), social status (Rosow 1985; Starr 1972), and personal identity (Akiyama and Antonucci 1993; Berkman et al. 1995; Brandstadter and Greve 1994; Havasy 1989; Young 1989). If such potentially painful changes await, then why do people retire? Beyond the existence of certain mandates, there are a number of compelling reasons for retiring. Over the last twenty years, the top two motivations cited for entering retirement are a personal desire to leave the work force and health problems forcing the decision upon the person (Ekerdt, Bosse, and Glynn 1985). The same study notes a third common reason for retirement, predominately among men, as a failing business or the loss of job. Women more typically cite familial concems (e.g., a husband's retirement or the need to care for an ailing family member). It is interesting to note that many of the factors identified as leading to retirement are negative in valence (Aldwin et al. 1991; Colbum 1982). The "reward" nature of the process may be severely questionable (Weiss 1995). Indeed, the negative causes of retiring are precisely those hampering subsequent adaptation to the new role (Crowley 1986; Hans and Rott 1991). Serious illness, whether personal or that of a spouse, loss of employment, or a host of other events can be very detrimental to the person's well-being at any point in life, but may be even more salient in the retirement years where they may lead to isolation (Fry 1990; Keith 1985, 1986; Keith, Goudy, and Powers 1984; Leventhal 1984; Thompson 1994). Retirement buffers. So how do people adjust to the new retired lifestyle? Even though negative situations may precipitate retiring, most people transition successfully and experience no increase in healthrelated problems (Cohen-Sachs 1993; Dryer 1989; Koenig 1994; McFadden 1995). In general, the presence of good health, an adequate income, maintaining personal possessions (Kamptner 1989), sustained involvement in both religious (Doling and Young 1987; Ellison 1994; George, Koenig, and Siegler 1988; Krause 1995) and other social activities (Lawton 1989; Maddox and Eisdorfer 1962) and a flexible personality style (Coleman and Ruth 1996; Neugarten, Havighurst, and Tobin 1968; Reis and Gold 1993) all contribute to successful adjustment in this new position. In addition, the majority of people tend to stay in the community in which they lived and have access to their social network and activities (Baltes and Baltes 1990; Hess 1972; Mutran, Pope, and Reitzes 1991). This continuity provides a solid base from which to explore the role of a retired person (Aldwin et al. 1990; Aldwin et al. 1993; Johnson 1988; vanTilburg 1992).

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Review of Religious Research Planning in advance of retirement helps people develop reasonable expectations about their prospects for the future (Jensen-Scott 1993; Longino and Lipman 1981). This foreknowledge can contribute to the formation of better attitudes toward retirement and more successful dealing with the emotional adjustment involved in the withdrawal from the role of worker (Kasschau 1974). Early planning is perhaps most important because of the simple need to prepare financially. Most financial planners suggest that retirement planning should begin by the age of 30 and may have several phases. In their 30s and 40s, employees should start a retirement account or annuity. Upon entering their 50s, they need to become acquainted with retirement options and social security information. Finally, when retirement actually transpires, more specific actions must occur such as budgeting, augmenting income, and health insurance. However, a substantial portion of persons nearing retirement do not take advantage of opportunities for formal planning for retirement. In a national study of non-retired workers Ekerdt and Hackney (2002) concluded that, along many dimensions, workers were quite ignorant conceming looming retirement financing. Though a direct comparison is not possible due to questionnaire differences, this percentage is quite like that for priests, as noted above (Lewis and Fahey 1997). The literature paints a rather consistent picture of the generic retired person as satisfied if she or he: is in good health, chooses to retire, intentionally plans for retirement, has access to sufficient monetary resources, maintains a social support network, and possesses a fundamentally flexible personality. What remains to be seen is the extent to which this profile adequately describes the Roman Catholic priest.

Linking Priests and the General Population The few studies directly investigating priests' retirement concur with these broad points conceming retirement adjustment, and a rough consensus emerges. Yet this agreement is fundamentally one of the simple description of an end state, and comments little on the process whereby that condition is achieved. In other words, although the end product may look similar (happy retirees plan ahead, are mentally flexible and physically healthy) there is no guarantee of similarity beneath the Surface; a janitor, a CEO, an actor, or a priest, may all be retired but they certainly experienced life in unique ways up to that stage. To understand the points of contact among disparate people and also to develop an appreciation oftheir unique joumeys requires investigations specifically guided by theoretical considerations.

Retirement as Developmental Process Among the most familiar approaches to understanding the uniquely psychological experience of retirement, both in general and at the level of the individual, is the lifespan developmental perspective. The major emphasis here is on the unfolding process of the human life. At different points during the course of living, unique tasks confront the person. One of the most comprehensive theories of life-span development is that of Erik Erikson (1950; 1982). Especially relevant to the current work, he emphasizes the struggle between generativity (helping to establish the next generation) and stagnation in middle adulthood (roughly 40-60 years of age). The crisis successfully negotiated results in a prevailing sentiment of caring and altruism while self-centeredness and manipulation are lessened. McAdams, de St. Aubin, and Logan (1994) have offered empirical support to this section of Erikson's theory (cf Constantinople 1969), while Kotre (1984) strove to include physical as well as mental characteristics. 86

Retirement Issues for Roman Catholic Priests: A Theoretical and Qualitative Investigation Erikson further postulates that the struggle to see life as having coherence and achieving a sense of personal integrity are the major tasks of the fmal stage of life. For many, nearing the end of the life span fosters a life review (McAdams 1996). The individual looks back over life and searches for its meaning, attempts to reconcile conflicts, and strives to gain insights into the various paths traversed. A positive resolution to these inquiries results in the experience of personal integrity and the virtue of wisdom; despair and melancholy are the negative counterparts in a person fraught with regrets. Cut from a very similar theoretical cloth, Levinson (1978; 1986) focuses more specifically on male development, describing the same time period as comprising an early (45-50) and a midlife transition (50-60). Prior to the early phase, the man has been forced to evaluate major components of his life (e.g., career goals, marriage, basic assumptions and beliefs). With this introspective period behind him, a man may experience life as more satisfying and productive. During this early stage, a new life order may evolve characterized by judiciousness, wisdom and compassion (Perlmutter and Hall 1992). The midlife transition next signals a time of consolidation. Men display a preference for stability and an avoidance of dramatic changes. This time marks a shift in emphasis from seeking one's identity in the market place to a focus on family, friends, spouse, and self (Ford 1988; Hanson and Wapner 1994). Sheehy (1995) eloquently calls this the beginning ofthe age of mastery.

Other Theories of Retirement Jonsson (1993) outlines several less developmentally-oriented approaches used in the past to study retirement. One of the most venerable is the notion that retirement is a time of disengaging from society (cf. Cumming and Henry 1961; Havinghurst, Neugarten, and Tobin 1968). Conceptualized as a period of graceful withdrawal, this hypothetical gradual departure is argued to yield higher satisfaction in retirement. A second idea contends that the major challenge facing retirees is keeping busy. In this framework, more activity during retirement increases its positive appeal. Additional theorists contend that the "post work" era is one marked by fundamental congruence of the self, a period of adjustment, or as a developmental phase. Jonsson (1993) concludes that retirement is most like a job. The experience represents a new sort of occupation that takes a while for the individual to adjust to, but eventually he or she settles into a familiar routine. Hansson (1989) offers a slightly different view, conceptualizing the relation of retirement to the "clock" or timing of society, social norms, or a gradual contraction of the individual's social roles. The broad task for the person is to make comparisons between one's self and those in proximity. The older theories, especially, tend to place retirement in a conceptual box as an unique event removed from the commonplace experiences of people. The newer theories, while helpfully setting retirement in the context of a continuation of life, continue to emphasize a rather static end-state of being retired.

Retirement as Transition In order to devise a program of research dedicated to understanding and facilitating the transition into retirement for diocesan priests, a theoretical starting point elucidating psychological mechanisms is essential. Although this is without question a truism, it is also a daunting task. By any account, the psychological literature concentrating on the aging process, as well as similar literature across other disciplines, lacks a sense of cohesion. Even when 87

Review of Religious Research the theoretical bases are specified, as in the above noted works, operationalization of the precise mechanisms of change is elusive. The plethora of ideas and approaches makes it difficult to catch a vision of the entire picture. One theoretical endeavor stands apart in this regard. Ruble and Seidman (1996) coordinate the current morass around the topic of transitions. Incorporating a wide swath of definitions, their argument unfolds that transitions are composed of two primary facets. First, intentionally avoiding the logical circularity inherent in subjective definitions, a transition is designated as a phase or shift in a person's life that is objectively identified by the culture. This dismption may include traversing the distance from high school to college, or more directly for the present interest, shifting from work into retirement. From the psychological perspective, the point of interest centers on how the person is influenced by encountering this change-initiating event. Emphasis is equally strong on the second facet of investigation: the changing relation between the person and the context. The reciprocal nature of behaviors and contexts is well known. For instance, if a person thinks she will have fun at the next board meeting, she will enter with a fun-seeking attitude which can influence the context of the meeting, perhaps even so much as to make it enjoyable not just for herself, but for others as well. Similarly, the beliefs one holds approaching retirement can have a strong impact on the actual experience of being retired. With this background in place. Ruble and Seidman (1996) tum their attention toward developing a model reflecting how transitions unfold. Again reaching widely across the theoretical landscape, the authors postulate a four-phase sequence (see Table 1, below). The first phase concems the initial state of relations between the individual and the context. This pre-transition status includes such considerations as the individual's personality, where he or she is in terms of psychosocial development, age, and so on. These factors set the stage upon which the transitional event will be played out. The next phase revolves around the particular event. At this junction, the essential characteristics of the event become important. Is the event "normal?" Do I have any control over what is happening to me? How does the event make me feel? In a very fundamental fashion, the answers to these questions determine event interpretation; this interpretation is critical for establishing pattems of reaction and coping. The third phase centers on the actual change(s) taking place. What is happening or changing? Potential shifting components here include but are not limited to: social status and role, economic condition, personal identity, intimate relationships, the availability of social networks, physical accommodations, geographical location, psychological resources, and physiological capabilities. During this phase, it is crucial to consider the different mechanisms at work; discrete forces press for certain types of interpretations of the change in process. Ruble and Seidman (1996) argue that across the literature, the type of disturbance encountered is a central component influencing how change unfolds. Does the environment demand something new of me (e.g., new job responsibilities)? Are my social relationships or is my position within society undergoing a metamorphosis? Do I detect substantial divergence between the past and an uncertain future? The answering of these questions is heavily dependent upon the first two stages, namely, what the individual brings with her or himself (prior state) and the conditions under which the transition precipitates (onset).

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Retirement Issues for Roman Catholic Priests: A Theoretical and Qualitative Investigation A second set of mechanisms in play during the change phase of a transition addresses the person's response to the event. Does the individual find a way to incorporate the novel situation into previous understandings of him or herself? Or is it necessary to revise the selfunderstanding and construct a new view of the world and elucidate one's place in it? Again, as is readily apparent, both prior state and onset characteristics are of paramount influence concerning the choices settled upon, whether heavily reasoned or relatively automatic. The final phase of a transition encompasses the establishment of stability between the individual and the environment. This resolution may mark a retum to a state similar to pretransition, or it may entail the development of a new way of interacting. Either way, the resulting consequences are potentially either good or bad for the individual. Life may be "just as lousy as it was before" or "finally back to normal." Alternatively, the person may believe the transition represents "out of the pot and into the fire" or "deliverance from a truly bad situation." This four-phase approach successfully integrates previous literature concerning not only retirement, but also other similar moments of disruption of one's life experience. From this theoretically inclusive platform, then, is where the discussion concerning the retirement of diocesan priests may be profitably launched. The framework provided is one that has the flexibility to incorporate diverse subjective life experiences (e.g., Eriksonian developmental tasks) and simultaneously to direct the objective investigation of the processes exemplifying the transition in question. To explore these avenues from a variety of perspectives, individuals with personal and theoretical knowledge were invited to consider the outlined aspects of retirement-as-transition. Conversation focused upon the particular transition into retirement of the diocesan priest, and also included discussion of how the religious priest may experience the movement into retirement; comparisons with clergy of other faith traditions provided further insight.

PART II: RETIREMENT AS TRANSITION THEORY APPLIED TO ROMAN CATHOLIC PRIESTS A group of ten Caucasian males met to discuss issues concerning the retirement of diocesan priests. The participants represented a wide variety of perspectives: Clergy (both Roman Catholic and Protestant), gerontology, psychology, sociology, religious orders, and diocesan and academic administration. With an age range of nearly four decades, those gathered also represented a diversity of personal proximity to the topic at hand.

Emergent Themes The stmcture for the discussion was the theory of retirement as transition based on the work of Ruble and Seidman (1996). The four hypothesized stages (prior state, onset, change, and equilibrium) of this theory guided the discussion ofthe retirement of priests. Setting the context for this discussion were two relevant streams of thought recurring at multiple junctures dudng the meeting. One of these broad themes centered on a reduction in the supply of clergy in the not-toodistant future. Given this trend. Bishops are wrestling with the fact that they have a supply of highly experienced priests who are or will become technically inaccessible due to mandatory retirement regulations. 89

Review of Religious Research A second underlying theme was the unique nature of the priestly role. When one works for a private company, one can retire and sever the connection between the person and the job. Priestly work, however, is not readily put aside or retired from in that same sense. While professors, business executives, or mechanics may willfully choose to cease the practice of their professions, a priest does not cease to be a priest upon retirement. This theological meshing of the role of the priest with the person who takes on that designation may be cmx ofthe issue of diocesan retirement. The cessation of priestly labor is, in important ways, antithetical to the theology of ordination. This predicament resulted in a questioning ofthe appropriateness ofthe term "retirement" with respect to priests. Much more than a mere linguistic exercise, this inquiry strikes at the heart of ordination theology. The practice of retirement is a well-established vehicle for the termination of a secular occupation, and the word "retirement" has a similarly long history of use in secular vocabulary as a time of relaxation and a separation from one's prior activity. While the concept of retirement is relatively easily adapted to a priest's situation, explicit development of a theology conceming the aging priest and retirement is not so simple. One suggested step toward this intentional reflection was to take notice of current practice in the Church. In some dioceses, priests are encouraged to continue certain sacramental duties, even after reaching the age of mandatory retirement. This practice seems to be a de facto manner of getting around the twin difficulties of the lack of priests and the dearth of theological guidance on the topic. In other words, for certain priests, retirement may not be a problem, because it never becomes a real issue. If the individual desires to work beyond the mandatory retirement age, work is available and the "mandatory" aspect of the law is altered; resignations must be duly submitted as required, but it is not necessary for the resignations to be immediately accepted. For the person who wishes to retire, the law provides a natural moment for this transition to commence. To bring the vocabulary of the Church in line with its practice, participants suggested, could provide clarity. Suggestions were offered of terminology such as "senior priest" or emeritus priest instead of "retired priest" to designate one who has relinquished administrative duties but has not abandoned sacramental or contemplative activities. This type of alteration, accomplished with minimal difficulty, appears to provide a natural and theologically valid way of bridging the transition from full to reduced or no parish responsibilities. It is with these two recurrent topics in mind that the specific eomponents of the Ruble and Seidman (1996) model (see Table 1) were approached. What follows is an ordering of the very rich interchange of ideas, concems, and insights.

Stage One: Prior State Factors The first stage of retirement-as-transition examined the pre-existing conditions or the qualities a priest brings with him across the lifespan. While health conditions may appear to stand apart from the other two as a purely physiological matter, literature within health psychology has shown that both possessing adequate social support (Fletcher and Hansson 1991) and maintaining a sense of personal control (Grossman et al. 1995; Kobasa 1979; Mirowsky 1995) augment the quality of one's health. Attribution theorists have long contended that the searches for meaning, control, and self-esteem are central to the maintenance of emotional and physical health. It makes both theoretical and practical sense that in spite of their unique role and life-style, the resolution of these foundational issues is still of paramount importance to priests. 90


Table 1

Four Phase Temporal Model of Transitions* 1. Prior State Factors theology of ordination personal spiritual condition health status financial security physical possessions developmental stage sense of control familial relations

role models in retirement age living arrangements leisure pursuits general personality social network sense of meaning theology of retirement

job status sexuality job satisfaction self-esteem job commitment general life satisfaction emotional well-being models of ministry

2. Onset: The context of retirement Normalizing Features Timing (early/late) Sequence (orderly/disorderly) Prevalence or probability of occurrence (e.g., High: school change; Low: death of relative, job loss) Ritualized vs. unstructured (rites of passage) tnitiation Features Endogenous (e.g., becoming an uncle) vs. exogenous (e.g., moving to new home) Chosen (e.g., priesthood) vs. forced (e.g., major illness) Time for anticipation and planning vs. an unpredicted occurrence Fxperiential Features High/low intensity or magnitude (e.g., becoming a priest vs. buying a new hat) Short/long duration (e.g., eating bad food vs. becoming a priest) Positive/negative valence (e.g., going drug free vs. intimate friend's death) 3. Change: Disturbance and reaction Disturbance Type: New environment demands alteration in duties and responsibilities, both administrative and sacred, familiarity with new geographical location for living (e.g., banking, shopping, etc.) Shifting social relationships in terms of size, density, intensity, proximity, reliability, type of network available, social role, responsibility for others Perceived differences between the former and the present / future states of existence as well as disengagement from ministry, non-structured time, expectations for the future, interpretations of the past Response Options: Re-capture / re-create the former way, rejection of new position, continuation of same work styles Adapt / change according to the demands of the present or future situation, establish new tasks, selfdirected activity 4. Equilibrium: Regaining balance Positive life satisfaction, contentment, happiness, security, serving as role model, spiritual director, advisor Negative anxiety, fear, anger, resentment, abandonment, depression, addictions, despair, low esteem, low sense of personal control *Note. Adapted from Ruble and Seidman (1996).

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Review of Religious Research In support ofthe notion that meaning, control, and self-esteem are important, some opportunities are provided within certain dioceses (e.g., spiritual formation, cultivating intimate relationships for wrestling with concems), but these were reported to be relatively few and far between. Paradoxically, the job of being a spiritual leader, helping others uncover meaning, find control, and experience self-esteem, consumes so much of the priest's time and energy that he frequently lacks the time to attend to his own growth. By and large, the creation of development encounters is seen as the responsibility of the individual, though some official gatherings were also noted as exceptions. One difficulty raised with sporadic official assemblies was that they are typically transitory and do not provide a setting in which truly meaningful relationships may be easily fostered; spontaneous intimacy is rarely effective over a lifetime. In short, priests may feel as though they are helping others at the expense of maintaining their own personal long-term support habits and networks (CARA Summary Report 2000). If this practice is allowed to occur, the personal senses of meaning, control, and esteem may all suffer, creating a situation where a priest is at a psychic low point when it becomes necessary to face the issue of retirement.

Stage Two: Onset Context The first stage addressed the qualities that a priest brings to retirement; stage two concentrated on the established context the priest encounters immediately prior to the actual time of retirement. Specifically, the model proposes an investigation of normalizing, initiation, and experiential features. Considering normalizing features includes an exploration of event timing for the individual: Is the transition happening for this person at a moment comparable to when it occurs for similar others? Normalizing factors. In general, participants believed that if the time of retirement was abnormally early, the root cause was poor health. No examples were cited of priests who claimed early retirement for other than this reason. This fact, of course, does not mean that such events do not take place, but it does suggest that they are relatively rare. More common were recollections of late retiring priests or individuals who desired to extend their active service beyond the official retirement age. Such stories raise an interesting question: What is the real age of retirement? In other words, when, if at all, does retirement actually take place for most priests? The official policy seems to flex in many instances, making the issue of "normal timing" elusive. An additional component of the normalizing factors centers on the communal nature of the event. Is the moment ritualized or does it pass by in silence? Here there was general agreement. Retirement from active priestly function generally occurs quietly with the exception of any celebration the local parish may wish to conduct. This lack of consistency conceming timing and the potential negativity associated with "quiet," uncelebrated retirement may create intense psychological challenges. It is quite conceivable that a priest who sincerely wishes to retire at the officially sanctioned age may feel pressured to remain active, while in another situation a priest who does not wish to retire may feel forced to do so. The absence of predictability in such situations can impair a person's sense of control and hence his well-being. Similarly, the general discomfort generated by the non-ritualized passage can contribute to an experience of malaise and trepidation.

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Retirement Issues for Roman Catholic Priests: A Theoretical and Qualitative Investigation Initiation factors. Tuming attention toward the initiation features of the retirement context (part two of the second stage), the ambiguity the priest faces appears to continue unabated. Although the standing regulation is that retirement is mandatory, it is by no means a certainty, given the long history of differential enforcement. Again, this divergence between policy and practice, while intended to ease the transition, may in fact make the experience more arduous. General agreement arose that pre-retirement planning was a component essential to the creation of a positive context for entering the process. This time of planning not only allows the priest to establish a degree of monetary independence, but more importantly, it forces him to contemplate the retirement experience. In order to carry out planning for retirement, the priest must generate expectancies conceming the event. That planning may initiate a process of adjustment to the future role of being retired or a senior priest. If, however, it is unclear that retirement will ever be necessitated, the incentive to plan for it is drastically diminished. The lack of pre-retirement planning observed among priests, and subsequent problems in adjustment may be due, in part, to ambiguous application of retirement policy: "I never thought it would happen to me." Experiential factors. The final segment of this second stage focused on the experiential context. Retirement is an event of great personal significance occurring in the wider context of the aging process. While retirement is emphasized in many quarters of American society, the topic ofthe effect of aging on individuals is less frequently addressed. The juxtaposition of these contrasting realities could be the source of psychological malaise. The long-term change of high personal intensity passes by relatively unheralded beyond a single party and a token gift. Although retirement signals a new experience, the individual is, in many ways, isolated. Such feelings can set the stage for experiences of abandonment, worthlessness, and depression once retirement has actually commenced. When combined with various other fears (i.e., change in residence, general anxiety about aging), this process could infiuence future adjustment negatively.

Stage Three: Encountering Change In this phase of the model, the emphasis is on the actual change occurring. Here is where the expectations meet reality and where the context is established. Two broad foci of this period include the nature of the disturbance experienced and the options for response that are available. Disturbances encountered fall into three broad categories: environmental, social, and cognitive. Environmental alterations may include a lack of administrative duties, moving to a different geographical location, and a surplus of unstructured time. Social shifts deemed crucial by group consensus revolved almost exclusively around intimacy changes. It was noted that when the environment is modified, a very large portion of the social network is inherently dismpted. Not only is the social position or status drastically restructured, but also at a fundamental level, the priest may be in a quandary conceming care giving. He has dedicated most of his adult life to caring for others in a specific context and now that way of relating to others is removed. This change, in some cases, will necessitate leaming new ways of relating to others. While for some priests geographical movement may facilitate their ability to make significant transitions in their relationships, for others the change may promote isolation and loneliness.

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Review of Religious Research The cognitive disturbances are more demanding to evaluate because they differ from person to person. In general, these disruptions center on expectations and comparisons; the individual must come to terms with past, present, and future. The degree to which the priest is able to understand these as continuous aspects, is the degree to which he is likely to manifest successful adjustment. Cognitive evaluations of this type are closely connected with the response options the priest may envision. He may seek to continue working as he always has in the past. While this tactic is used by a great number of priests with success, it obviously does not fit into the traditional definition of retirement. An altemative to this continuation approach is to begin an exploration of new ways of living. That exploration includes an investigation of manners of serving that were not previously viable options. It may even include an increase in leisure activities, although a consensus emerged that "play" is a difficult concept for many priests to embrace with abandon.

Stage Four: Finding Balance The final stage of the retirement transition was outlined by the model as a time of establishing a sense of homeostasis, whether positive or negative. Outcomes discussed directly related to the resolution to the three fundamental life searches noted above: meaning, control, and esteem. Maladaptive conclusions are made manifest through an intense fear of change, enduring negative emotional states, and a variety of addictive behaviors. Healthy solutions include a deepening appreciation for the spiritual dimension of life, the development of wisdom, and a sense of life's continuity. Yet the question of how to help priests effectively cultivate their best qualities remains largely unanswered from a psychological perspective (in many senses because it has seldom been asked in the professional literature). What this particular gathering contributed was an intentional dialogue on the topic. From the midst of that dialogue, some issues arose that are not amenable to psychological investigation, such as the formulation of theological understandings. Other topics, such as concems about the availability of priests or perceptions of retirement policies, and how these relate to well-being, are in the purview of psychological research.

Summary of Discussion The consensus apparent was in accord with previous literature in the field of social psychology. The picture emerged of a successful retiree as a person who is in good health, who chooses to retire, intentionally plans for retirement, has access to sufficient monetary resources, maintains a social support network, and possesses a fundamentally fiexible personality. The obvious challenge is to identify and provide the opportunities conducive to the formation of positive attributes early in the priest's work. Such opportunities are typically dealt with in a relatively passive fashion, leaving the priest to "find his own path." While this freedom of exploration is certainly of great value, the tools needed for this task are not necessarily intuitive to all priests. This theme, voiced in numerous ways, recurred in each session: If more attention was paid to the growth and development of priests during the formative parts of their labor, retirement issues might not be as daunting. The real dilemma may not be retirement per se, but the ability to avoid buming out along the way. To paraphrase one participant, the concem should perhaps be greatest not for those who finally quit and retire from active service, but for those who quit well in advance of retirement.

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PART III: QUALITATIVE INVESTIGATION To explore these avenues, a research program was undertaken in conjunction with the National Federation of Priests' Councils (NFPC) and the Diocesan Fiscal Management Conference (DFMC). In this project, retired priests from across the United States spontaneously suggested issues that had both positively and negatively impacted their experiences of retirement. One fundamental reason for this task was to evaluate how closely the social psychological theorization corresponded to the actual experiences of priests in the field. Results of this investigation appear in summary below. Although geographically broad, bear in mind that the sample involved in this study is not truly random and hence may not adequately reflect the opinions of all Roman Catholic priests.

Sample Retired priests' names were obtained via nomination from the NFPC, DFMC, and from the Kennedy Directory; 68 of the 200 persons contacted retumed usable data. This represented a 34% rate of response. Submissions arrived from 29 of the 50 States. Ranging in age from 65 to 88 years, the average respondent was 77, had served for 43 years (ranging from 15-54 years) and had been retired for 8 years (ranging from 1-29). All participants were White and 14 reported the designation of Monsignor.

Coding Responses Each priest was invited to provide a brief essay concerning what aspects had been the most rewarding and the most challenging conceming the entire retirement process. The reaction to this open-ended inquiry varied. Three respondents, after filling in the five demographic questions, provided no further information. Several attached extra pages, having filled the single sheet provided; one person provided an entire chapter from his autobiography. The average response, typically handwritten, filled approximately one half of an 8.5 x 11 inch sheet of paper. Categories were established in conjunction with Ruble and Seidman's (1996) notion of retirement as transition: prior state factors, onset characteristics, experiencing change, and regaining equilibrium. Two members of the research team coded each of the 65 essays with respect to words, phrases, or themes related to each of the four independent categories. Interrater agreement exceeded 93%. In the case of dissimilar judgments, researchers made a joint determination of the appropriate coding.

RESULTS Stage One: Prior State Factors Among the issues relevant to the first stage, living arrangements were the most often cited concem (14 references). "I live in the Rectory as pastor emeritus where I was pastor for 14 years.... The pastor is very gracious and helpful and I assist occasionally." "I now live in the Rectory in the same room I had when I was pastor here." "I live in an apartment by choice." "I live in the family home, left to me by my Mother. I prefer this to an institution." "It was not easy finding and fumishing an apartment, but I did so." "The most rewarding thing for me was the fact that I could live independently in buying my own home." "I live in a retire-

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Review of Religious Research ment center with several other retired priests. After living alone for so many years, it's nice to have others around." Pre-retirement commitment to their job as priest was the second most often cited factor (10 references) with influence on preparation for retirement. "If one is a priest and is still in fairly good health, he cannot fully retire and still be a happy camper.... If one wishes to have dignity for himself and be happy in the 'golden years' he cannot give up...." "I felt as though I was being held hostage for those last two years of my ministry. Retirement is not all I had hoped for." Having one's health, engaging in leisure activities, and "feeling young" tied for third most often cited factors (4 references each). "God has blessed me with good basic health." "Health problems prompted my retirement." "The down side would be to have nothing to do, or to be ill." "I would like to stress again the benefits of regular exercise for health of mind and body." "Remain active is my motto." Job status was weighted heavily by only a few (2) priests. "My greatest ill feeling is that the Bishop and Diocesan committees don't talk with me anymore. Being put out to pasture is one thing, but no longer being considered as part of the farm is another. I think experience occasionally needs to be called upon. As priests, we still need to be acknowledged and accepted before our funeral Masses." "I miss the prestige of being a priest." "A challenge comes when you realize you are not as important to many people as you once were." Job satisfaction, financial stability, and spiritual preparation were identified by very few ofthe participants (1 reference each). "I prepared cautiously and bought an ideal home on a lake and spent ten years fixing it up to my needs [before I retired]." "My Social Security and Diocesan retirement provide nicely for my expenses. I am blessed with comfortable living arrangements and no financial problems." "Health care costs have been a burden." "I now drive a shuttle for $5.50 a hour to make ends meet. A stressful and tiring job." "I try to keep up the regular spiritual exercises that sustained my priestly life." Health, social connections, and a sense of control were previously identified and the responses by the priests seem to confirm these aspects. There is a notable injection of pragmatism, however, as the priests intuitively combine these concems under the topic of living arrangements.

Stage Two: Onset Characteristics Considerihg the onset of the retirement experience, two respondents suggested that the process was disorderly and only one felt it occurred too early. "The Bishop phased out the position I held, so he retired me." Among those expressing strong opinions, more than a quarter (18 respondents) felt the shift away from official full-time service was of relatively low importance. "I have lived different lives; a school boy, a soldier, a student, an optometrist, a student again, and then a priest, then retirement. Each change took some getting used to, then that way of life became ordinary." "There was never really much of a transition because I continued doing priestly work." An equivalent number (18 priests) stressed the idea that the shift was a good experience. "More time for culture and leaming—visits to museums, lectures, and such." "I strongly believe priests should retire by 70—absolutely by 75—no pastorate beyond 75.1 am disturbed by the remarks of John Paul II casting aspersions on retirement of priests."

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Retirement Issues for Roman Catholic Priests: A Theoretical and Qualitative Investigation Given the ambiguity surrounding the process of retirement as a diocesan priest noted above, these reports were a bit surprising. It is not clear why approximately one third of the priests in this sample would contend that the transition was of little importance, unless, of course, these priests are also those who will fundamentally ignore that the shift has occurred.

Stage Three: Experiencing Change With regard to the actual retirement event, nearly half (29) of the survey participants emphasized that the most notable change occurred in their environmental demands, such as the reduction of administrative duties. "I rejoice in freedom of activities and ministries. I can now happily ignore the irrelevancies of Rome." "...relief from attending meetings 110 miles away...is one ofthe greatest advantages of retirement." "Now I get to do what I was ordained to do—be a priest with no administration, no Parish Council, no Altar Society, and so forth." "Rewards: Deliverance from administrative hassles...." An additional fifth of the people (12 respondents) reported that the major disturbance they encountered centered on the need to reinterpret how they should spend their time. "I found retirement most difficult to go from a full day in the acdve ministry to an empty day. In the months that followed I sank into a deep depression which made hospitalization necessary." "I found the holidays to be extremely difficult. Saying Mass in my own little chapel...lacked the joy and excitement of a parish celebration. ...not being asked by a fellow priest to concelebrate was very painful. I [have now] become very involved in [a Catholic organization helping children and the elderly]." "After retirement, I found it very necessary to have a schedule for the day. Just having a blank day brought on its own difficulties." "The fact that we have nothing to do can be frustrating. So it behooves all who are facing retirement to plan their future lives so that they will be needed. We must make deliberate efforts to take care of an aging body with proper diet and exercise and make ourselves available to help others.... It may require finding new interests that never crossed our minds." "As senior citizens we have an opportunity to amortize a debt with God. If he gives us the added years of retirement, we can use them for much good." "I created a web page for the parish and keep it up to date each month." Altered social networks were the most disturbing to less than one fifth of the respondents (10). "The down side—I enjoy people, hence sometimes find it lonesome." "Socialization with priests and other friends, dinners, trips together are a welcome antidote to boredom." [I had to move and now] I miss my friends and family." "I have a brother and sister...whom I often visit." "The retired priests ofthe Diocese have a regular monthly luncheon...arranged by the Priestly Vicar ofthe Diocese. His office also picks up the tab!" "Losing contact with the active priests is a worry for me...I am easily led to isolation and loneliness. The thought of dying alone is a worry. I think there should be some sort of association for retired priests that enables them to keep in contact." "I am blessed to have a very close priest friend calling me on a daily basis. I wish every priest had a friend like him." In attempting to deal with these various sources of disturbance, nearly half (29 priests) suggested marked attempts to fit into their new positions as quickly as possible. "I took a job as chaplain for one of the leading cruise companies. I was on stand-by to sail when called. Made many cruises—mostly in the Pacific, Alaska, Far East, Japan, China, Russia, South Korea." "Following the Rule at that time, I sent in my resignation, but I also sent a letter to all the Diocesan High Schools indicating that I wanted to be on a faculty.... I have been at the same School now for 6 years as a counselor and find it most satisfying." "I decided to 97

Review of Religious Research wdte a book on the origin of words." "I visit retirement homes to help people pick winning teams in football polls. Go Irish!" A similar number (28) of the priests dealt with the dismption by making some attempt to hold on to the former way of life. "[In retirement I] am the chaplain of the Monastery, parttime chaplain of [a Sister's organization], and take care of several nursing homes. I also help at diocesan parishes when the Pastors request." "Since 'retirement' I have been chaplain to [a retired Sister's community]...and serve their spiritual needs—Mass every day, anoint and bury. I am also on their development committee. Every Sunday I say Mass in [another] Parish. I hear confessions when needed (six times this month)." In particular, those who struggle with the new environmental demands are more likely to attempt to maintain the former lifestyle. "With the shortage of priests in this area, I am busier now than I was as a full-time Pastor. Busy I am, but well and happy [after being hospitalized for depression upon retirement]."

Stage Four: Regaining Equilibrium Referring to the fourth stage (balance), a majority (46 priests) reported that retirement was fundamentally a positive experience and that they were happy. "I would pick the same life if I had to live it over again." "I enjoy the opportunity to read a lot, to enjoy the woods in which I live next to the lake, the wild animals, the great variety of birds, the giant trees and the little bit of maintenance necessary or desired." "[I find retirement] most fulfilling." "The priesthood has brought me much satisfaction and a feeling that maybe I have contributed something of value to people, young and old." By contrast, barely one tenth (8 respondents) lifted up very negative perceptions conceming their present retired state. "My retirement [means] that the Diocese pays only the retirement pension to me rather than the salary I had received." "Most of the time I feel quite useless." "[Among the priests in my retirement residence] there are a number of walking wounded." "[I retired so I would not] be a burden to a parish in my last few years." "One of the problems of retirement is the sense and feeling of no longer being needed." "We had to drastically limit marriages and funerals because it cut across the duties ofthe parish clergy who in most cases wanted to safeguard their standing with the people. It's surprising how jealous some parish clergy can be!!!" "[Sometimes] people treat you differently [for instance] at a religious goods store where they know you won't be buying much anymore." "I guess it is the loss of being needed which was the hardest to take. I wish there was a political action committee for retired clergy." "I think Bishops should remember their retired priests, maybe having an annual dinner instead of totally forgetting them as if they were on the same list as the dead priests ofthe diocese." "Retirement is absurd." "I can't hit the golf ball as far any more."

DISCUSSION The primarily positive evaluations were rather unexpected. It was anticipated that the anonymous format might elicit more negative than positive reactions to the retirement process. Several possible interpretations exist for this finding. It may be that those with the most negative experiences are not willing to respond. Altematively, there may simply be fewer priests than expected who have had a difficult transition into retirement. It may also be the case that those with the most negative experiences do not remain in the priesthood until retirement age, so the remaining cohort are those who are satisfied. 98

Retirement Issues for Roman Catholic Priests: A Theoretical and Qualitative Investigation An additional surprise concemed the factors not mentioned spontaneously. The anticipated frequent spiritual and theological references to topics such as the meaning of ordination and retirement per se were uniformly absent. Issues related to role models, or more specifically the lack thereof, were also expected but not observed. Although a few instances arose, very few made mention of the imbalance between retiring and new priests and the potential impact of their retirement on the larger church. Given the previous roundtable fomms at the initial conference, expectations existed for a large number of comments pertaining to the relatively disorganized process of moving into retirement across dioceses and the lack of formal recognition of the retired priest in the hierarchical structure of the church. These comments did not materialize. Similarly, although much discussion focused on the difficulty of maintaining social networks, the vast majority of priests raising this topic suggested that their networks remained reasonably well intact upon retirement. Broadly speaking, the above findings suggest that priests may not be as different from the general population as was initially believed. Those who continue in their calling until retirement age cite the importance of influences such as health and autonomy much as do other retirees from various walks of life. As noted above, however, caution must be used in drawing conclusions too firm for the data to support. These are outcome measures, obtained here via retrospective responses, and do not yet reveal much about the process leading to this point.

PART III: RESEARCH POSSIBILITIES The multiple stage model of retirement as transition appears well suited to guide research conceming retirement among Roman Catholic priests. In the following sections, a variety of options are noted for each of the model's stages. Most of these could be combined and evaluated simultaneously if funding were available on an extended basis to facilitate a longitudinal investigation.

Stage one: Prior state In several ofthe documents reviewed it was noted that some dioceses are experimenfing with individual annuity accounts that are capitalized by the diocese but controlled by the individual priests. A longitudinal analysis of those priests in a comparative design with a matched group of priests from other dioceses without such policies might reveal the psychological and economic benefits of the annuity program prior to retirement and afterward. The analysis of adjustment could focus on the three aspects of personal well-being (i.e., meaning, control, and self-esteem) noted in the conference report

Stage two: Onset A survey of dioceses could determine the variety of contexts and rituals that accompany retirement. For example, some dioceses use a positive transition process whereby priests are invested into senior priesthood status. Other dioceses do not have formal senior priest status. The function of the rituals and titles that accompany retirement may help determine the psychological value of those practices. Certainly the ritual and investiture into senior priesthood might enhance the meaning attached to the aging and retirement process. Other practices and policies could be categorized to determine the normalizing processes (or lack thereof) of retirement that constitute the initial context ofthe transition. In the lay world there are several normal timing markers that many be used to determine retirement. 99

Review of Religious Research Those same markers are not necessarily meaningful to priests because of the nature of the priestly role (i.e., ordination to a lifetime of service) and the shortage of priests. The adjustment process may be affected by the practices (and/or policies) and the non-normalized timing that is characteristic of retirement for priests. Finally, there is some inconsistency in the implementation of retirement policies that may have some deleterious effects on priests as they approach retirement.

Stage three: Experiencing change Certainly the largest environmental disturbance is a move away from the administrative tasks involved in the priest's life as a pastor. Another might be the physical change from familiar environs to a new residence. Positive adjustment might result from seeing these changes as challenges as is the case of persons with hardy personalities. Alternatively, the stress of change may not be handled well by priests who must move reluctantly. How these transitions are handled may be a function of the priest's personality and preparation for the transition. Another disturbance is the potential loss of social support. Some priests have chosen to stay in the geographical confines of their parish and participate in the sacramental aspects of their church. However, it was noted in the conference that very few priests have the financial resources to be able to own or rent a home or apartment. Thus, the transitions in social support or the maintenance of social support are critical to adjustment to retirement. Unlike lay people who retire and retain their family as a support system, priests do not have that kind of support available. Cognitive disturbances can include depression and loneliness. It is not uncommon for a retiree to experience depression as a function of the loss of role. That process may even be more poignant for priests who have had little preparation for retirement and feel that it is antithetical to their priestly role. Along with the disturbances are the options that are exercised to handle them. Coping styles can be explored to determine the optimal styles that are used to maintain emotional balance during the initiation of the retirement process.

Stage four: Finding balance Stage four of the transition model deals with the restoration of balance in the life of the retired priest. Outcomes may be determined by the different perspectives that one takes conceming the retirement process. For example, economic outcomes are defined by the adequacy of financial resources in retirement. There are psychological adjustment issues that are defined by positive emotional well-being and adaptation. As noted earlier, positive adjustment is also a function of the ability to perceive meaning in one's life before and after retirement. In addition, the perception of personal control and self-esteem are also critical ingredients for positive adjustment. There are social outcomes that have to do with the maintenance or development of social supports and way to meet intimacy needs. There are health outcomes that have to do with the presence of debilitating diseases. It would be important to assess the value of these outcomes for priests in the longitudinal design. A fruitful next step could investigate how well they are achieved by priests as a function of the component in the four stages of transition described the points above.

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CONCLUSION In sum, there is a paucity of research on the retirement of Catholic diocesan priests. Moreover, there is some doubt as to whether extant models of retirement apply to a great extent to priests. The lifetime role of a priest and the shortage of priests make the wholesale adoption of lay retirement research untenable. The research agenda outlined above proposes to take a broad survey research approach to the topic in order to generate comparative data from a variety of dioceses around the country.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work was prepared under grants from the National Federation of Priests' Councils, the Diocesan Fiscal Management Conference, and an Indiana University South Bend Faculty Research Grant to Kevin L. Ladd and a grant from the Retirement Research Foundation to Thomas V. Merluzzi. Please direct correspondence conceming this work to Kevin L. Ladd, 1700 Mishawaka Avenue, South Bend, IN or via email: [email protected].

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