Jan 31, 2016 - KEY WORDS: Refugee Crisis, Migration, Terrorism, ISIS, International Security,. European Policy ...... state warfare, material destitution and utter hopelessness, .... history will inevitably strike back at usâwith a vengeance.
Seeds of Hope and Destruction How Europe's refugee inaction threatens to undermine its own security
by Joé Majerus PhD Student with the Defence Studies Department at King's College London 31 January 2016
KEY WORDS: Refugee Crisis, Migration, Terrorism, ISIS, International Security, European Policy, Humanitarian Aid
Table of Contents I. Abstract ....................................................................................................................................... 1 II. A Call for Action ........................................................................................................................... 2 III. Seeds of Hope.............................................................................................................................. 3 IV.....and Destruction ....................................................................................................................... 8 V. Integration vs. Alienation ........................................................................................................... 13 VI. The Legacies of History ............................................................................................................. 19 VII. A Promise of Human Decency .................................................................................................. 23 VIII. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 26 IX. Endnotes.................................................................................................................................... 27
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I. Abstract This is the time for giving back to other fellow human beings in need of our support just a little bit of that relative comfort, security and ease which we ourselves have been enjoying for so long now and which we all too often take for granted as being but our own god-given birthright or prerogative. This is the time to realize that most of the people now seeking shelter and refuge with us from the anguish and horrors in their native countries have no intention whatsoever to forcibly wrest away our economic privileges, nor to undercut our established values and ways of life. That instead they merely wish to share in the same basic human rights we all hold so dear—peace, stability and, above all, freedom from fear, want and persecution. And, finally, this is also the time to link the current refugee crisis more closely to distinct geopolitical issues and concerns, notably by more systematically considering the wider regional setbacks likely to be incurred in the event that national leaders prove unable to devise applicable solutions to the real human suffering endemic to this harrowing tragedy.
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II. A Call for Action In every generation there comes a time when the calls for humanity and solidarity can no longer be ignored. When they instead demand to be answered with a single voice on a broad and united front. When the cries of millions for foreign aid and humane treatment following years of unconceivable misery and adversity must not be silenced or rejected. When they must be embraced with open hearts by all nations not as veiled attempts of the impoverished to gain illegal access to the riches of western societies, but as desperate screams for helping them overcome
the
agonies
of
protracted
warfare,
material
devastation and ethnic displacement. Such are the calls that presently reach European countries by the thousands each day as a result of the aggravating refugee crisis confronting the continent at this very moment, and they must no longer be allowed to fall on deaf ears. For one, both morality and historical experience require nothing less of us than rendering these sorrow-stricken people our
full
and
unrelenting
assistance.
Just
as
important,
however, failure to help them while we still can might also entail dire strategic consequences for our own long-term safety and security, notably by presenting Islamic extremists with the very means, mindsets and social environments ne cessary for waging war against us on a trans-national scale. Accordingly, this is the time for all of us—citizens and politicians alike—to rise up in a common effort to the arguably most daunting and formidable challenge facing Europe in this day and age. This is the time for giving back to other fellow human beings in need of our support just a little bit of that relative comfort, security 2
and ease which we ourselves have been enjoying for so long now and which we all too often take for granted as being but our own god-given birthright or prerogative. This is the time to realize that most of the people now seeking shelter and refuge with us from the anguish and horrors in their native countries have no intention whatsoever to forcibly wrest away our economic privileges, nor to undercut our established values and ways of life. That instead they merely wish to share in the same basic human rights we all hold so dear—peace, stability and, above all, freedom from fear, want and persecution. And, finally, this is also the time to link the current refugee crisis more closely to distinct geopolitical issues and concerns, notably by more systematically considering the wider regional setbacks likely to be incurred in the event that national leaders prove unable to devise applicable solutions to the real human suffering endemic to this harrowing tragedy. III. Seeds of Hope.... First of all, however, this is the time to remember where we ourselves came from, how we got to this state of comparative wealth and domestic security, what tremendous difficulties we had to surmount and what massive obstacles we had to negotiate on the long and rocky path that progressively led us into this era of unprecedented economic integration and political cooperation. Most important of all, this is the moment to recall the goodwill and assistance we were ourselves initially afforded by other peoples in our noble endeavour to build a better and brighter future for us all. To remind ourselves once again of
the
undeniable
truth, 3
as John F.
Kennedy so
eloquently put it, that "of those to whom much is given, much is required." 1 For given much we were indeed, whether we like to admit it or not. Regardless of whatever arguments critics may advance in order to not grant an ever increasing stream of refugees asylum in Europe, nobody can ultimately dismiss or refute the historical
reality
Europeans
were
that
less
themselves
than among
three the
generations most
ago,
necessitous
beneficiaries of foreign aid the world had ever witnessed. Now that we have all grown so accustomed to lives spent in material affluence, we too often forget (or conveniently overlook) the fact that modern European countries and the many social amenities their citizens benefit from would never have thrived or come into being in the first place had it not been for the kindness and generosity which other nations bestowed upon us in the wake of the second World War. True, European societies might eventually have recovered of their own accord, yet most definitely not in such rapid and comprehensive a fashion as they ultimately did thanks to the enormous level of external help and support received from other countries. During that period, vast tides of refugees and uprooted communities swept the continent from one end to the other, fleeing military occupation,
political
reprisals,
lawlessness,
economic
deprivation, or simply the near total lack of prospects at ever again being able to lead a charmed and peaceful existence in their homelands on account of the chaos left behind there by years of incessant warfare and destruction. 2 Not all of them were permitted to stay in their chosen destinations; still, millions eventually were despite vocal opposition from all sides over admitting such large crowds of foreigners into recipient 4
societies. In time, they were all successfully integrated and not seldom even became an essential and indispensable part of the larger socio-economic fabric of their host countries. 3 Thus not only did refugees find a new home in culturally different societies, but, what's more, hardly any of these nations could ultimately have rebounded all by itself from material devastation had they not received the requisite means and
financial
wherewithal
to
swiftly
reconstruct
in
the
immediate post-war years. Accordingly, charitable aid agencies such as the only recently created UNRRA (United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration) provided bitterly needed assistance to millions of homeless people through taking care of them in numerous shelters and reception centres all across Europe. 4 More significant still, however, was arguably the fact that the continent as a whole could likewise never have recuperated of its own from the systemic shocks inflicted on it by the war. The truth of the matter is that without substantial funds and grants from other nations, above all from the United States of America, our forefathers would just plain and simply have
lacked
the
capacities
to
forge
a
more
stable
and
prosperous Europe for us all. Specifically, America's monetary contributions, culminating in the 1947 Marshall Plan 5 (a programme which at an aggregate worth of over 100 billion $ in today's currencies cost considerably more than the fiscal burdens projected for abating the present refugee crisis), 6 altogether played a major and critical role in alleviating the plight endured by millions of European citizens in those desolate days. 7 In so doing, they not only helped to set entire nation-states back on the road to economic recovery, but also presented them with the freedom and opportunity to create for 5
their subjects an environment free from internal strife, political instability and/or inter-state warfare. 8 Freedom and opportunity—these two solemn words are key to understanding why it ought to be both the moral obligation and historical responsibility of this generation to welcome in our midst every person attempting to escape internecine violence and bloodshed in his or her home country. Because after all, freedom and opportunity stand at the very heart of what we are today, embodying like no other sacred conditions the essence of what a united and conflict-free Europe should look like. Freedom and opportunity therefore not only constitute some of our most esteemed values and ideals; they also form the basis of nearly every other positive aspect of the varied lives and careers we are able to pursue these days. For no matter what anyone of us may have accomplished through personal sacrifice and dedication; no matter how much effort we may have put into our daily activities, either at school, university, in our jobs or in some other professional capacity; no matter how much pride we may take from the fact that we attained financial wealth and independence entirely through our own ingenuity and commitment—in short no matter how much we may think that we owe nothing to anyone else on this planet, the indisputable actuality nevertheless remains that ultimately we all would be nothing today if at a particular moment in our own not too distant past someone would not have made the deliberate decision to help us out in our arguably darkest hour. In other words, if we had not been furnished with the elementary freedoms and opportunities to make all subsequent developments and achievements, all future individual gains and advantages possible in the first place. 6
Benevolent assistance of various kinds enabled us to move beyond
the
carnage
and
destitution
surrounding
us,
invigorating and encouraging us once more in our quest for lasting peace, security and sustainable economic growth. As a result, nearly everything we obtained thereafter would never have been feasible in such an impressive manner if we had no t been extended the same type of external aid which nowadays far too many of us apparently would like to deny foreign people flocking in droves to our shores and cities in search of no more than permanent relief from the same atrocities that once afflicted our ancestors. A relief which at the time soon was to become the original source of our enduring safety and wellbeing. A relief which allowed European nations to fashion a robust system of institutional norms and mechanisms to prevent an entire continent from being plunged anew into the mutual slaughtering of its peoples, conditions which Syrians, Iraqis and other tormented ethnicities presently still experience on a daily basis. A relief that single-handedly spelled hope and liberty not only for contemporaries living through those days, but for generations thereafter as well. A relief that stood symbolically for the possibility of finally breaking the vicious cycle of resurging conflicts and belligerency by substituting it with the idea of bringing people, even former enemies, together in the hour of their greatest hardship and distress. A relief that was before long vindicated by the peaceful evolution of a continent growing ever closer together and which since is therefore rightfully seen by so many of the oppressed and battered peoples on this earth as a genuine sanctuary of modern freedom and opportunity.
7
A relief which now must be widened beyond our own internal borders, reminding us once more that we could not possibly have reached a position in international affairs where we are called upon to act as kind-hearted benefactors to broken individuals if at a much darker time in our own history we had been left entirely to our own devices, i.e. without being given the assistance we so desperately needed then. Assistance for want of which none of the things we treasure today, not least of all our own lives in unparalleled abundance, would have fallen to us in the first place. IV....and Destruction The necessity to ensure an orderly resettlement of refugees into nations unravaged by war and human suffering is, however, not only on ethical grounds the right thing to do. Although for any decent and upstanding person such a moral imperative already ought to be more than enough incentive for lending these strangers a helping hand, we moreover also have good cause for doing so out of a less altruistic sentiment. For reasons directly relating
to
our
own
long-term
safety
and
security,
the
relocation of displaced persons is after all far more in our own national self-interest than most of our elected representatives presently seem to grasp. In that regard, much has recently been made in printed media, online blogs and various news outlets of the supposed security dangers involved in allowing huge numbers of mostly middle-eastern nationals cross our frontiers each day. 9 In a nutshell, the central argument put forward against permitting such a vast influx of foreigners usually goes like this: as it is evidentially impossible to perform 8
adequate background checks on all individuals entering our domestic spheres, local authorities are ultimately unable to always accurately determine
their
political,
ideological
or
religious affiliations. 10 This, in turn, invariably increases the risk of Islamic fanatics, if not outright terrorists supposedly acquiring
easy
and
unfettered
access
to
the
vulnerable
infrastructures of western societies. Admittedly, there can be no guarantee that such fears might not indeed prove legitimate in some cases, given that extremists posing as helpless refugees could potentially slip through the cracks of criminal surveillance and/or immigration control. Importantly, however, the prospect of thus allegedly facilitating the entry of jihadist elements into Europe as a result of more open and inclusive EU policies ultimately constitutes a far lesser evil than the developments that might realistically ensue if we deny dislodged ethnicities permanent shelter from war and
oppression.
Put
differently,
the
threat
of
terrorist
infiltration essentially pales in comparison to the negative and utterly pernicious ramifications that could follow in subsequent years if we categorically reject the requests of asylum seekers and instead compel them to return to failed states rife with sectarian violence and civilian turmoil. 11 For amid all the public outrage and inflammatory speeches heard of late in stark and shameful opposition to plans for accommodating more refugees, 12 hardly any of those in power actually appear to comprehend the true nature and novel dimension of the terrorist menace facing the international community these days through the likes of ISIS and Al-Nusra. Particularly, it is a serious fallacy to believe that the most acute and worrisome danger in regard to these jihadist networks 9
merely
stems
from
the
possibility
of
their
operatives
masquerading as victims of war and political persecution. Instead it also lies in the largely unspoken hazards of providing them with the human resources and assets needed for carrying out their nefarious schemes to begin with. 13 This above all else is the one seminal observation which the West has got to come to grips with if it ever wants to stand a reasonable chance at decisively and permanently disrupting the activities of these terrorist groupings. As outcries over taking in additional refugees show, however, this unfortunately is a matter which political leaders have yet to not only appreciate, but also incorporate into their overall approach to the intensifying crisis. Otherwise they would already long ago have recognized that aiding refugees find personal safety from the desolation of their ruined home countries is not only going to offer them a renewed sense of hope and opportunity, but will before long also entail definitive strategic gains for our own long-term security and well-being. But in order to fully perceive and understand this irrefutable reality, one of course first has to see contemporary terrorist organizations for what they actually are. With a view to further illustrate this pivotal aspect, it may therefore be appropriate to employ an analogy which arguably serves like no other to accurately describe and identify the peculiar
character
of
trans-national
terrorist
networks.
Accordingly, ISIS and Al-Nusra may best be compared to a lethally
infective
disease,
analogous
to
a
scattering
and
extremely resilient cancer that primarily affects all those areas of the international system least immunized to it and which, in consequence, will be most susceptible to transmitting its deadly 10
pathogen. 14 Accordingly sectarian violence and civil disunity in particular are by far their most powerful weapons in pursuit of their ultimate objectives, notably the overthrow of governing regimes and the incremental disintegration of an ostensibly western-imposed belief system. 15 To that end, they essentially exploit and prey upon the many instances of social unrest and state-sponsored killings which at this moment western nations appear either incapable or unwilling to halt through a more active form of intervention of their own. 16 Consequently, it is under such dreadful conditions that
extremists
frequently
acquire
their
most
valuable
instruments for committing additional acts of terrorists. 17 These instruments simultaneously consist of the conflict-ridden environments in which they have been permitted to fester, as well as of the many local inhabitants which for various reasons, ranging from outright fear and coercion to personal alienation and/or professional opportunism, 18 ultimately find themselves attracted to them. 19 Therefore it is imperative that western states help fragile governmental structures attain such levels of social justice and institutional stability as will be increasingly inimical
to
terrorist
activities. 20 Such
undertakings
must
preeminently concentrate on creating and improving political as well as economic conditions that will not only promote national reconciliation and eventually restore civil harmony, but which will, moreover, also provide regional governments with a legitimatized state apparatus for conducting anti-terrorism campaigns of their own. 21 If, however, the current situation in those countries does not allow for a practicable implementation of such measures in the foreseeable future, the international community must resort all 11
the more strongly and consistently on other suitable methods for denying ISIS and Al-Nusra additional gains in power. While it is true that many individuals ultimately do not join these groupings for reasons of material poverty or a lack of personal prospects alone, 22 it is all the same worth noting that desperate and
disenfranchised
citizens
in
war-torn
countries
often
represent the most precious and destructive commodity utilized by jihadist leaders for putting their despicable intentions into action. 23 Mitigating the sorrows and frustrations of local populations by taking away their incentives for conspiring with extremists will certainly not in and of itself result in the wholesale dismantling of terrorist networks. But such an approach may nevertheless significantly contribute towards blunting the very tools they routinely misuse for their own ends, namely the tactics of generating such anarchy and chaos in these regions as will ultimately be required to control ever greater swathes of territory, thereby steadily increasing the necessity for western democracies to eventually confront them directly—at the latest once their own interests are concerned. 24 In sum, the all but inextricable entrapment of local inhabitants into
a
perpetual
cycle
of
civilian
strife
and
national
destabilization is precisely what Islamic terrorism feeds on to begin with. 25 That is why it is of the utmost importance to forestall the advent or aggravation of such adverse situations from the very outset, i.e. before popular ills and resentment turn these countries into enemy strongholds from which the terrorist infestation might eventually spill over to adjacent areas and, in so doing, evolve into a threat of cross-regional proportions. 26 It is because of this very real danger that western nations must 12
accordingly strive to assist oppressed communities wherever possible with building a more stable and benign life for themselves, if not in their own country, then at least by enabling
them
to
escape
the
mayhem
and
despair
that
inevitably awaits them there. For if it is indeed primarily the murder of innocent Muslims rather than deep-seated religious convictions
which
in
many
instances
accounts
for
why
disgruntled and upset individuals may choose to join ranks with extremist organizations, 27 then our refusal to grant warracked refugees a life in safety and security will certainly not conduce to allay such grievances. By admitting them, on the other hand, into societies which have for a long time now been spared such awful and appalling conditions, however, we may ultimately not only help them protect their own lives, but can moreover also safeguard ourselves against the spectre of otherwise inevitably larger and extensive terrorist networks. V. Integration vs. Alienation It is on these grounds that jihadist extremism consequently needs to be contained along the lines of a global ideological front. 28 However, that battle ultimately cannot be won by a show of sheer military might alone, but essentially only through a vigorous desire to purge domestic societies of all those aspects and practices which could directly play into the hands of Islamic fanatics. Accordingly western democracies must first and foremost seek to render unattractive the allure and anticipated gains that a distraught person might associate with radical Islam, if only so as to withhold from its followers the individual willingness and social surroundings that frequently 13
form their most potent weapon for hurting other nations. 29 In particular, elected officials need to more persistently undercut jihadists' "ideological legacies", i.e. their ability to persuade men and women to engage in terrorist activities of their own. 30 This, however, can only be accomplished by discrediting the appeal and constitutive tenets of their aggressive ideological mission in the long run. 31 To that end, it is crucial to first identify where exactly the hatred and discontent of some Muslims vis-à-vis western civilization derive from and how this, in turn, may affect the radicalization and recruitment processes of terrorist organizations. In that context, it is a common misconception to attribute participation in terrorist schemes chiefly to economic poverty. As numerous scholars have demonstrated, 32 the motivation to join jihadi networks runs significantly deeper than worries about unemployment or financial distress. 33 For many it is ultimately far less a question about wealth than it basically is about values, tolerance and an unrequited sense of belonging. True, some Muslims may never accept western ways no matter how sensitive our societies might be of their religious beliefs. 34 But does this really mean that, by implication, Islam and western
democracy
are
indeed
two
incompatible
and
diametrically opposed visions of societal organization? That since Muslims are supposedly so utterly unhappy with how matters are being handled by the West, they will never embrace its ideational framework, thus rendering their integration a vain and futile endeavour to begin with? Yet for reasons pertaining to both morality and our own national
interest,
alternative
to
there
their
cannot
eventual 14
possibly integration
exist
any
viable
into
the
wider
international community. For if on account of the dire longterm repercussions outlined further above we draw up even sharper lines between Islam and the West, we after all run the serious risk of endangering our own security far more severely than many of us presently appear to realize. Hence it is vital to prevent a further alienation of Muslims by not pandering to the toxic notion of their alleged non-integrability, notably as such a misguided course of action would only additionally abet the attempts
of
radical
extremists
to
win
over
impressible
individuals to their infamous cause. 35 Importantly,
however,
a
self-critical
re-examination
of
Europe's approach to not only the ongoing refugee crisis, but to Islam in general is not meant to call into question the defining standards and ideals of its democratic organization and/or cultural traditions, not least since our values routinely form a major source of hope and attraction for many strangers to begin with. Rather, the point to be made here is for the West to more consistently honour and live up to these principles with regard to foreign minorities as well. For very often, Muslims do not take issue with western norms per se, but rather with how we repeatedly fail to do them justice by declining to likewise extend them to non-European communities. Specifically, how can their integration ever be advanced if every once and again Muslims are given clear evidence of their religion's perceived inferiority, for example through popular opposition ove r the construction of minarets in Switzerland 36 or a new mosque near Ground Zero in New York City? 37 Or, for that matter, when Europe turns down the pleas of hundreds of thousands of them for shelter and relief in one of the worst refugee tragedies the world
has
arguably
ever
witnessed? 15
Instead
Muslims
everywhere need to be provided with tangible proof that they are being offered the same kind of tolerance and respect we grant to other faiths, that rather than excluding them from the safety and prosperity of our societies we are willing to let them share in the same benefits and freedoms we all cherish so dearly, especially if as at this very instant their only other option consists of continued exposure to endless suffering and brutality. The implementation of such a less self-centered and narrowminded policy will certainly not keep every single Muslim from flirting with jihadist ideology. Nevertheless, it will invariably help to create a more pronounced and lasting sense of belonging in many Muslim communities throughout Europe. Failure to do so will only further reinforce the image of western aversion
to
organizations
Islamic with
culture, added
thereby
legitimacy
supplying for
their
extremist dangerous
doctrines. Until we all come to terms with this indisputable reality, terrorist networks may ultimately never be destroyed in their entirety, not when we miss the will and resolution to tackle them at the very heart of their structural and ideological foundations. Consequently, policy-makers need to recognize that terrorism is a threat of global proportions that can essentially only be overcome by taking it apart at the seams. That an enemy who operates concurrently on multiple fronts can, like militant communism, not be defeated on the battlefield alone, 38 but only through mellowing out from the inside, 39 so that as a result any anti-terrorism measures must above all be aimed at depriving extremists of the human capital and sectarian environments they so desperately depend upon. 40 In all of this, the necessity 16
to offer nationals of devastated countries the right to an agreeable and dignified life in freedom and security, either at home or abroad, is key to containing the threat of international terrorism, given that a more peaceful and less troubled existence than many of them presently have to bear could ultimately prohibit a potential collusion with radical groups right from the very start. As far as Islamic terrorism is concerned, the world is thus increasingly presented with a seminal choice. Either we allow ISIS
and
Al-Nusra
to
go
on
exploiting
the
fears
and
dissatisfaction of local populations, thereby assisting them to grow nearly unchecked in the process. Possibly to a point where airstrikes, reconnaissance missions and the support of rebel coalitions will no longer suffice to stymie its inexorable spread over ever larger areas. Or, alternatively, we will think of ways and means to actively compromise its recruitment drives, thus preventing it from assimilating a mounting host of subservient foot soldiers into its ranks. If in that context we might therefore through a simple gesture of goodwill and charity towards incoming refugees at the same time encourage efforts to deny terrorist factions the one tool they so heavily rely
upon,
then
our
omission
to
act
accordingly
would
ultimately not only attest to our moral depravity, but would most definitely also result in further strategic drawbacks for the entire international community, above all in terms of regional stability and security in the Middle East. To the extent that the current refugee crisis is inextricably tied to that conflict, it would of course be preferable to resolve any related issues at their original source, notably by way of durably pacifying war-ridden countries and thus stemming the 17
surge of displaced persons from the beginning. Yet absent direct military intervention or increased diplomatic pressure on ruling regimes, the international community is basically left with no other choice but to resort to alternative, if arguably less-than-perfect approaches for degrading terrorist networks. One possible avenue already explored by the United States is to train, equip and assist moderate rebel forces on the ground. Another equally important one, as US Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter recently noted, is to staunch "the flow of foreign fighters, looking out for jihadi recruits around the world." 41 In addition to these steps, however, ISIS must in the meantime also be hindered from harvesting more servile and obedient followers from battle-scarred war zones. Even if a lot of their operatives may indeed join it for purely ideological reasons, far too many others nonetheless still do so out of genuine desperation and frustration. If these young men, women and, increasingly, small children, 42 who are not always driven to extremism of their own desire, but often by circumstance alone, were instead given decidedly more favourable prospects in European societies than those awaiting them in their native countries, than such a mutually beneficial course of action might altogether stand far better chances of bolstering Europe's long-term security as well. For rather than thinking of every admitted
refugee
as
a
potentially
radical
fundamentalist,
consider the following much more disturbing scenario: each non-admitted refugee might upon return to his or her deathladen homeland ultimately be exposed even more easily to such harmful teachings. On that note, the freedom, protection and opportunities which refugee families could reasonably expect to obtain for themselves in European nations might therefore in 18
the end go a long way towards shielding deeply conflicted youths from before long sympathizing with jihadist influences in countries where such hallowed conditions are, as we know, after all still entirely lacking at this very moment. VI. The Legacies of History Once again we are creating our own demons, and no one really seems to care about it until it is too late. For in the end, it is always the same old story of failing to act before things go wrong instead of having to react to them thereafter, of allowing events to simply run their course and then being forced to rectify them afterwards. Thus when one day we find that individuals responsible for the next major attack in some western society were radicalized by Islamic extremists after their coerced repatriation to a country in the throes of intra state warfare, material destitution and utter hopelessness, people will once again ask themselves these pivotal questions: How could this happen? Why did we not see it coming? Could we not somehow have prevented it? And, crucially, who is to be held accountable? And the answer to the latter question will once more be fairly straightforward: We are too. Although none of us may bear any direct responsibility for the hideous actions perpetrated by terrorists against innocent human beings, that certainty alone nonetheless does not absolve us from sharing at least part of the blame as well, not if we might be guilty of a certain moral complicity for providing Islamic fanatics with men and women who not that long ago did not
harbour
any
resentment
whatsoever
against
western
nations but who, quite to the contrary, merely wished for a 19
little bit of sympathy and compassion towards their terrible plight and agonies. Yet in spurning their cries for humanity, we possibly drove them right back into the arms of those bent on annihilating us, aiding them to turn children and helpless individuals
into
instruments
of
war
by
exploiting
their
legitimate frustration and disappointment at being refused safety and security in countries which they themselves once regarded as symbols of hope and freedom but which, hardened and embittered by the indifference and hostility encountered there, they eventually came to despise just as much as those who recruited them out of a far more pervasive motivation. Then it will become apparent that, once again, we have obviously learned nothing from past experiences, that neither did we take to heart the lessons of history, nor recognized and understood the writings on the wall when we still had the chance to change things for the better. That as the example of Afghanistan in the 1980s and the subsequent entrenchment of Al-Qaeda in that country illustrates, it is not enough to merely contest
one's
indigenous
opponent
resistance
with
firepower,
movements
with
nor
the
to
furnish
weapons
and
machinery required for holding out against a superior enemy. 43 When we fail to realize that spending billions of dollars on the secret funding of native combatants may ultimately turn into a nightmare for later generations if at the same time we cannot bring ourselves to invest in institutional, educational and medical facilities for enabling governments to secure the peace in the years thereafter as well. 44 When through our own negligence to help war-battered populations build a safer and more stable future we ultimately invite less well-disposed elements to fill the political void in those nations, thus 20
involuntarily contributing to the formation of antagonistic forces which we will then one day have to grapple with ourselves. 45 When instead we would do well to remember that welcoming those in need of our unmitigated support will invariably bear richer fruits than continuing to ignore their pain and sorrows. That both Europe and the United States would be well advised to revisit their own history in order to discern how in the bleak and barren aftermath of World War II, it was a relief effort of an unparalled order that not only managed to put entire nationstates
back
important
on
their
feet,
geostrategic
but
benefits
which as
well.
likewise Above
produced all,
mass
resettlement and economic rehabilitation were paramount in those days to forestalling the empowerment of communist parties throughout southern and western Europe. Specifically, the latter were never given ample enough scope to capitalize on the anguish and discontent of civilian populations over a prolonged
period
of
time,
thereby
precluding
them
from
positioning their ideology and organizational forms as the only solution to the popular disenchantment threatening to engulf an entire continent at the time. 46 As millions of people who had just survived first-hand the woes and upheavals of inter-human conflict were thus not left to fend completely for themselves, the assistance which they received ultimately helped to not only renew their faith in democratic governance, but was at the same time also instrumental in reducing the over-all influence of communist movements in western Europe. 47 Undoubtedly the admission and integration of additional refugees
will
entail
tremendous
personal
and
social
expenditures in the years to come. Nevertheless, the prohibitive 21
costs of indefinitely maintaining the struggle against terrorist militias such as ISIS—which after all draw much of their internal strength and power from the recruitment of war battered communities— ultimately appear to be of far greater consequence to our future well-being. Thus we basically have but two choices: Either we are willing to carry the burdens and contribute our share to easing refugees' ongoing misery and troubles, or, alternatively, we decide to continue approaching that subject with utter indifference and a near total lack of personal concern. Well knowing, however, that if we select the latter option, the charges and sacrifices which we will then likely have to incur in our common endeavour to defeat terrorist networks, will invariably turn out to be much higher and painful. And this not only with regard to financial and material expenses, but in particular in terms of the human lives,
both
military
and
civilian,
which
the
further
intensification of that conflict will inevitably exact from us. Hence it is not only for moral and historical reasons, but also out of definitive strategic and self-serving interests that we must offer each refugee family marred by the pain and atrocities of modern warfare the opportunity to pursue a life in peace and dignity, free from tyranny, deprivation and eternal fright. In other words, rather than perpetuating a culture of fear, we must finally create and advance a culture of mercy and hope instead. Even if we may profoundly dread the prospect of cultural dilution or the corrosion of our western traditions, the inherent dangers to our own long-term safety and well-being as a result of our humanitarian inaction could ultimately far outweigh
any
such
artificially
inflated
concerns.
Rarely
therefore did the preamble to UNESCO's founding charter rang 22
more true than in the current situation: "Since wars begin in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defences of peace must be constructed." 48 Accepting refugees into our lives consequently
does
not
endanger
our
societies
in
any
meaningful way. Instead it will but help to strengthen and preserve our own peace as well. VII. A Promise of Human Decency That is why each person must do everything in their power to not only uphold, but also measure up to the values and ideals which we all prize so much and which, lest we forget, formed the cornerstone of the incredible progress western civilization has made to this day. That is why now can and must no longer be the time for empty rhetoric. If we really are the progressive and open-minded communities we claim to be in front of the whole world, then now more than ever we must allow tolerance and empathy to blaze forth as shining justifications of our humanity. Because in the end, Europe will be vindicated solely by its deeds, and not just by what it superficially stands for. This, above all else, is why state authorities must at long last seek to match the worthy example set forth by thousands of their own citizens who selflessly volunteered to render whatever assistance they could to the multitudes of refugees already relocated to their respective regions. In particular, they must strive to equal the efforts of the many local inhabitants who offered a warm and heartfelt welcome to these strangers as they first arrived in their communities and who, in many cases, likewise donated large amounts of goods to the various charity associations presently still trying to provide displaced persons 23
with whatever help and support their strained and limited capacities can spare. This is why political representatives must now lead the way in restoring safety and well-being to all those deeply shaken and informed by the physical and emotional wounds of incessant warfare in their native countries. This is why more states must aspire to emulate the relief measures adopted and put in place by Germany, of all nations, a modern republic which in the past century was after all its elf the cause of incredible suffering and humiliation to so many peoples and ethnicities, but which after having experienced first-hand the positive benefits of international assistance, has nowadays
evolved
for
many
tormented
foreigners
into
a
veritable beacon of hope, opportunity and trust in the goodness of others. This is why in the years to come history will arguably pass a kinder and more favourable judgement on senior state leaders such as Angela Merkel and Stefan Löfven, the sitting Prime Minister of Sweden. 49 Because at the hour of greatest need they not merely did what was politically convenient for themselves,
but
in
addition
to
exhibiting
true
political
statesmanship, they also displayed actual moral leadership. This is why the powers that be in all countries, including the United States itself, need to remember the words spoken less than three years ago by President Barack Obama that instead of losing sight of "the sweep of history" by turning inwards and thinking only of our own pursuits, we must reaffirm the principle that "complacency is never the character of great nations." 50 In the same speech, Obama touched upon many of the contemporary issues still demanding to be addressed in greater detail, yet he above all emphasized the fact "that if we ignore the instability and intolerance that fuels extremism, our 24
own
freedom
will
eventually
be
in
danger." 51 This
most
definitely is an assessment which cannot be stressed often enough and which, therefore, must without fail become a firm and integral part of any actions contemplated in response to this deplorable refugee tragedy. Thus rather than to simply discount the many historical precedents clearly and unmistakably bearing out this timeless and astute observation, we should all have it serve as a supreme
guiding
principle
in
international
affairs
for
anticipating the rise of any forces which might, before long, develop into a substantial threat to our own safety and security as well. Because if there is one incontestable certainty in world politics, it is ultimately the fact that at one point or another, history will inevitably strike back at us—with a vengeance. After all, the conflict in Syria and Iraq has long since ceased to be just a humanitarian cause for concern to the West; instead is has by now evolved into an existential threat of a near ubiquitous order that increasingly bears directly upon our own internal safety and security. This
consequently makes it
imperative that western states at long last develop a more coherent and all-encompassing strategy for denying ISIS and Al-Nusra additional territorial gains and human resources, notably by taking more rigorous action against repressive governments
responsible
for
significantly
contributing
themselves to the present terrorist menace through their arbitrary killing and ongoing oppression of innocent civilians, as well as by accommodating in the meantime all those of their inhabitants continuing to flee the mayhem and havoc still wrought by them on a daily basis. Hence the first step to victory in the war against jihadi extremism essentially begins 25
with how western states hereafter decide to approach that fight in the first instance. For in the event we fail to engage it on every relevant military and ideological front simultaneously, we ultimately risk having to mourn an ever greater number of people ourselves in the years to come—perhaps not on neareastern battlefields as such, but probably more frequently in our own cities and villages instead. VIII. Conclusion In the absence of light, darkness prevails.52 Yet for those coming up on the side of light, it may at times be difficult to perceive that "darkness" for what it exactly is. For the millions of people presently fleeing the carnage in their homelands, that darkness is nothing short of utter misery and despair, endless shelling and human slaughtering, unabated poverty and destitution, and, above all, crippling fear and the permanent absence of hope. Both as individuals and as nations we may think ourselves entitled not to care about this cruel and unfair state of affairs, that all things considered the problems of refugees and uprooted families are of no immediate concern to us and that, consequently, it does not fall within our remit to solve them. But if we willingly choose to do so, we all must know and live with the possibility that rather sooner than later that very same darkness may well come back to haunt us one day. If not ourselves, than arguably even more so our children. This is why we all ought to pay close attention to the saying immortalized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. that, ultimately, "darkness cannot drive out darkness: only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate: only love can do that."53 Thus if through a comparatively small show of benevolence and support extended to the oppressed and unfortunate asking at this very moment for shelter and security in our societies we can ignite the spark that may eventually shine just as bright a light for them as it once did for us, then I believe we all should do our very best to no longer keep that 26
light in the dark. For although in the end our ignorance and unawareness may be forgiven us by future generations, our apathy and indifference most certainly will not. IX. Endnotes
1
J. F. KENNEDY, "Address of President-Elect John F. Kennedy Delivered to a Joint Convention of the General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts", Boston, 9 January 1961). http://www.jfklibrary.org/Asset-Viewer/OYhUZE2Qo0-ogdV7ok900A.aspx [accessed 18 September 2015]. 2 T. JUDT, Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945, London: The Penguin Press, 2005, pp. 22-26. On the postwar refugee crisis, see in particular B. SHEPHARD, The Long Road Home: The Aftermath of the Second World War, London: Bodley Head, 2010. 3 T. JUDT, Postwar, cit., pp. 26-32. 4 G. WOODBRIDGE, UNRRA: The History of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, New York: Columbia University Press, 1950; S. ARMSTRONG-REID, D. MURRAY; Armies of Peace: Canada and the UNRRA Years, Toronto: Toronto University Press, 2008. 5 On the European Recovery Programme, see especially M. HOGAN, The Marshall Plan: America, Britain and the Reconstruction of Western Europe, 1947-1952, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. 6 B. MACHADO, A Usable Marshall Plan, in E. SOREL, P.C. PADOAN (eds.), The Marshall Plan: Lessons Learned for the 21st Century, Paris: OECD Publishing, 2008, p. 5. 7 T. JUDT, Postwar, cit., pp. 89-98. 8 See also J. PATTERSON, Grand Expectations. The United States, 1945-1974, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 129-133. 9 C. HUGHES, Jihadis enter Europe disguised as refugees fear terrorism experts, in Mirror, 21 June 2015. http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/jihadis-enter-europe-disguised-refugees-5924643 [accessed 22 September 2015]; L. HINNANT, S. EL DEEB, Q. ABDUL-ZAHRA, Refugee surge to Europe raises fears about 'disguised terrorists', in The Denver Post, 16 September 2016. http://www.denverpost.com/nationworld/ci_28820355/refugee-surge-europe-raises-fears-about-disguisedterrorists [accessed 22 September 2015]. 10 E. WHITMAN, ISIS in Hungary? As Refugees Enter Europe, Officials Fear Islamic State Militants Could Be Among Them, in International Business Times, 9 September 2015. http://www.ibtimes.com/isishungary-refugees-enter-europe-officials-fear-islamic-state-militants-could-be-2088752 [accessed 22 September 2015]; J. DETTMER, Analysts: IS Poised to Exploit Refugee Crisis, in Voice of America, 18 September 2015. http://www.voanews.com/content/islamic-state-poised-to-exploit-refugeecrisis/2969641.html [accessed 22 September 2015]. 11 On the causal links between failed states and terrorism see, for example, R. RODBERG, State Failure and State Weakness in a Time of Terror, Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2003; K. MENKHAUS, Quasi-States, Nation-Building, and Terrorist Safe Havens, in Journal of Conflict Studies, 23:2/2003, pp. 7–23; S. PATRICK, Failed States and Global Security: Empirical Questions and Policy Dilemmas, in International Studies Review, 9:4/2007, pp. 644-662; 12 J. MCHUGH, How the EU Migrant Crisis Is Fueling Right-Wing Politicians and Refugee Policies in Europe, in International Business Times, 27 August 2015. http://www.ibtimes.com/how-eu-migrant-crisisfueling-right-wing-politicians-refugee-policies-europe-2071326[accessed 21 September 2015]; M. MARTIN, Rebel Crisis Arouses Fear and Fury on Germany's far-right, in Reuters, 17 September 2015. http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/09/17/us-europe-migrants-germany-rightwingidUSKCN0RH0KX20150917 [accessed 21 September 2015]. 13 On ISIS' recruitment successes, see, for example, Y. ALEXANDER, D. ALEXANDER, The Islamic State: Combating the Caliphate Without Borders, Lanham, MA: Lexington Books, 2015. 14 C. HEGLAND, Global Jihad, in National Interest, 36:19/2004, pp. 1396-1402. 15 W. LACQUEUR, Krieg dem Westen. Terrorismus im 21. Jahrhundert (No End to War: Terrorism in the Twenty-first Century), Berlin: Ullstein, 2004, pp. 80-84. 16 RT News, 1000-strong Syrian rebel brigade defects to Islamic State, in RT News, 11 July 2014. http://www.rt.com/news/171952-thousand-strong-defect-islamic-state/ [accessed 21 September 2015]; O.
27
ROY, Der falsche Krieg. Islamisten, Terroristen und die Irrtürmer des Westens (Secularism Confronts Islam), München: Siedler Verlag, 2008, pp. 162-63. 17 B. JENKINS, The Dynamics of Syria's Civil War, Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2014, p. 10. http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/perspectives/PE100/PE115/RAND_PE115.pdf [accessed 22 September 2015]. 18 S. NAKHOUL, Saddam's former army is secret of Baghdadi's success, in Reuters, 16 June 2015. http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/06/16/us-mideast-crisis-baghdadi-insightidUSKBN0OW1VN20150616 [accessed 21 September 2015]. 19 F. GERGES, ISIS and the Third Wave of Jihadism, in G. HASTEDT (ed.), Readings in American Foreign Policy: Problems and Responses, Lanham, MA: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015, pp. 110-112. 20 H. LANG, P. JUUL, M. AWAD, Recalibrating the Anti-ISIS Strategy. The Need for a More Coherent Political Strategy, Washington: Center for American Progress, 2015, p. 3, 14. https://cdn.americanprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/ISIS-StrategyUpdate-FINAL.pdf [accessed 22 September 2015]. 21 A. TABLER, Syria's Collapse. And How Washington Can Stop It, in Foreign Affairs, 92:4/2013, pp. 99100. 22 R. PAPE, Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Bombin, New York: Random House, 2005, p. 200. 23 H. CLARK, Defeating ISIS - Go Local, in The American Interest, 10:6/2015, pp. 28-29. http://www.theamerican-interest.com/2015/06/10/go-local/ [accessed 21 September 2015]; O. ROY, Der falsche Krieg, cit., pp. 172-73; K. SHAHEEN, Food aid cuts 'making refugees targets for ISIS recruitment', in The Guardian, 13 August 2015.http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/aug/13/food-aid-cuts-makingrefugees-targets-for-isis-recruitment [accessed 22 September 2015]. 24 B. RIEDEL, Al-Qaeda Strikes Back, in Foreign Affairs, 86:3/2007, pp. 24-25; P. GORDON, Can the War on Terror Be Won? How to Fight the Right War?, in Foreign Affairs, 86:6/2007, p. 57; H. CLARK, Defeating ISIS, cit., p. 26. 25 R. PAPE, Dying to Win, cit., p. 103. 26 B. JENKINS, The Dynamics of Syria's Civil War, cit., p. 19. 27 M. SAGEMAN, A Strategy for Fighting International Islamist Terrorists, in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 618/2008, pp. 223-231; H. CLARK, Defeating ISIS, cit., p. 29. 28 R. SAWYER, M. FOSTER, The Resurgent and Persistent Threat of Al Qaeda, in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 618/2008, pp. 197-211. 29 M. SAGEMAN, A Strategy for Fighting International Islamist Terrorists, cit., pp. 223-231. 30 H. AMR, P.W. SINGER, To Win the 'War on Terror,' We Must First Win the 'War of Ideas': Here's How, in Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 618/2008, pp. 212-222. 31 P. GORDON, Can the War on Terror Be Won?, cit., p. 60, 65. 32 W. LACQUEUR, Krieg dem Westen, cit., pp. 21-27; O. ROY, Der falsche Krieg, cit., pp. 165-66. 33 R. PAPE, Dying to Win, cit., p. 200. 34 W. LACQUEUR, Krieg dem Westen, cit., p. 102. 35 O. ROY, Der falsche Krieg, cit., pp. 163-65. 36 N. CUMMING-BRUCE, S. ERLANGER, Swiss Ban Building of Minarets on Mosques, in The New York Times, 30 November 2009. http://www.nytimes.com/2009/11/30/world/europe/30swiss.html [accessed 26 November 2012]. 37 P. VITELLO, Islamic Center Exposes Mixed Feelings Locally, in The New York Times, 20 August 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/20/nyregion/20muslims.html?pagewanted=all [accessed 26 November 2012]. 38 P. GORDON, Can the War on Terror Be Won?, cit., p. 55, 59-60. 39 G. KENNAN, The Sources of Soviet Conduct, in Foreign Affairs, 25:4/1947, p. 582. 40 P. GORDON, Can the War on Terror Be Won?, cit., p. 54, 58-59. 41 A. CARTER, The Scholar As Secretary. A Conversation with Ashton Carter, in Foreign Affairs, 94:5/2015, p. 77. 42 K. BRANNAN, Children of the Caliphate, in Foreign Policy, 24 October 2014. http://foreignpolicy.com/2014/10/24/children-of-the-caliphate/ [accessed 21 September 2015]. 43 P. BERGEN, Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama Bin Laden, New York: The Free Press, 2001, pp. 63-75. 44 A. RASHID, Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil, and Fundamentalism in Central Asia, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000, pp. 175–176; R. OUTZEN, The Flawed Strategic Debate on Syria, Washington D.C.: Institute for National Strategic Studies, 2014, p. 7. http://inss.dodlive.mil/files/2014/04/SF-285.pdf [accessed 26 May 2014].
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45
G. CRILE, Charlie Wilson's War, New York: Grove Press, 2003, pp. 517-524; S. JONES, In the Graveyard of Empires, New York: Norton, 2009, p. 51. 46 T. JUDT, Postwar, cit., pp. 88-89; J. PATTERSON, Grand Expectations, cit., pp. 130-131. 47 M. KORT, The Columbia Gide to the Cold War, New York: Columbia University Press, 1998, p. 28; W. HITCHCOCK, The Marshall Plan and the Creation of the West, in M. LEFFLER, O. WESTAD (eds.), The Cambridge History of the Cold War Volume I: Origins, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 170. 48 Constitution of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, London, 16 November 1945, http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.phpURL_ID=15244&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html [accessed 19 September 2015]. 49 A. LEBOR, Angela Merkel: Europe's Conscience on the Refugee Crisis, in Newsweek, 18 September 2015, pp. 12-15; S. NORDENSTAM, Thousands of Swedes rally in support of refugees, in Reuters, 6 September 2015. http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/09/06/us-europe-migrants-swedenidUSKCN0R60UW20150906 [accessed 21 September 2015]; O. GEE, Swedish PM: 'My Europe takes in refugees', in The Local, 6 September 2015. http://www.thelocal.se/20150906/thousands-to-rallyfor-refugees-in-stockholm [accessed 21 September 2015]. 50 B. OBAMA, "Remarks by President Obama at the Brandenburg Gate", Berlin, 19 June 2013, http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html [accessed 18 September 2015]. 51 Ibid. 52 A variation of an ancient Buddhist saying. 53 M.L. KING JR., Where do we go from here: Chaos or Community?, Boston: Beacon Press, 2010, p. 65.
29
