Stories from Jihadists

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Mirra Noor Milla: Faculty of Psychology, Universitas Indonesia, Depok. ..... him to study at a Muhammadiyah boarding school in Lamongan, East Java, followed by another boarding school ..... I went there [Pontianak]... and when I got there, do.
Stories from Jihadists: Significance, identity, and radicalization through the call for jihad

Mirra Noor Milla Faculty of Psychology, Universitas Indonesia Idhamsyah Eka Putra Faculty of Psychology, Persada Indonesia University Division for Applied Social Psychology Research Ahmad Naufalul Umam Faculty of Psychology, Universitas Mercu Buana

RUNNING HEAD: Stories from Jihadists WORD COUNT: 10000s Address for correspondence: Mirra Noor Milla: Faculty of Psychology, Universitas Indonesia, Depok. Email:[email protected] [Milla, M. N., Putra, I. E., & Umam, A. N. (Forthcoming, 2019). Stories from Jihadists: Significance, identity, and radicalization through the call for jihad. Peace & Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology]

Stories from Jihadists: Significance, identity, and radicalization through the call for jihad

Abstract The present study aims to explore how narrations, stories, and memories are planted in the jihadists' mind. In particular, the primary concern of this study is the interests of Indonesian Muslims to join jihadist groups and their willingness to sacrifice possessions, families, and even lives. Five main informants who are members of jihadi groups in Indonesia and 18 additional informants who have been linked with key informants participated in this study. The findings revealed the motivation of personal significance through four step of radicalization. It is found that the narratives of the jihadists were an expression of the self-worth that is motivated by the need to increase the quest for significance in God’s eyes. This study highlights the importance of alternatives to meaning in society that are available and accessible by jihadists to facilitate them to reach a self-fulfilled identity. This self-fulfilment may prevent the jihadists from being manipulated by leaders from radical groups to perform a radical collective action. Keywords: the quest for significance, ideologization, radicalization, jihad, narrative.

Dear God, if You're destined a bullet shot through my heart. And then I found Thee. Please, accept all my sacrifice. Had I repent, for all the memories that I remember. There is a bullet, and gunpowder. I miss Dad and Mom, I also miss her, but I was more longing for Thee. (‘Aku Melawan Teroris’, Imam Samudra)

A small group of Indonesian terrorists strongly believe that violence and intimidation are the appropriate strategic tools to solve social problems that rooted in the unholy law of democracy (Putra & Sukabdi, 2013). Thus, it is crucial to view terrorists’ reasoning from their rationality that differs from the general public (Moghaddam, 2006.). To understand how radicalization was unfolded through terrorists’ mind, we can learn from the case of Bali Bombing in 2002 as the most significant terrorist attack in Indonesia. As summarized by Milla (2010), more than two hundred people have died, which most of them were Australian tourists. There were two suicide bombings in two different places, one at Sari Club and the other was in Paddy's Café, Kuta, Denpasar Bali. This location was known as the crowdest tourist attraction, especially on Saturday night, which was also the night when the tragedy happened. The perpetrators of terrorist attacks were later known as the members of Jemaah Islamiyah, an underground Islamic organization that sent their members to conflict areas such as Afghanistan, Moro Philippines, and Ambon, Poso in Indonesia. Three Bali bombers convicts were sentenced to death in November 2009, they were Imam Samudra, Ali Ghufron and Amrozi. Some others were sentenced to life in prison. Imam Samudra, one of the convicted Bali Bombing, explained that the Bali bombing intended as retaliation for American atrocities against the Palestinian people, and some other Muslim-majority countries where America was deemed responsible for their destruction through war. One of the leaders of Jemaah Islamiyah, Hambali, has given a religious verdict that Indonesia has become warzone because there have been conflicts in Ambon and Poso, where many Muslim were killed. This verdict was generalized throughout entire Indonesian soil that made every location is justified as the target of the

skirmish. Since then, every suicide attack seemed to follow this very same reason, even though they were perpetrated by different groups. Researchers have been trying to decipher terrorists’ mind for years and several conceptual frameworks have been made from terrorists’ interviews and observation. Webber and Kruglanski (2017) posited that there are three critical factors in radicalization, namely; the individual need that motivates one to engage in political violence, the ideological narrative that justifies political violence, and the social network that influences one’s decisions along the pathway to extremism. While Kruglanski et al. (2009) have elaborated perspicuously that individual motivation as an effort to restore and gain personal significant values in which the enemies had repealed, but the process on how that motivation evolves into engagement in terrorism had yet been explored. Accordingly, Milla, Faturochman, and Ancok (2013) investigated terrorists of notorious Indonesia’s Bali bombing and presented stages of involvement terrorism which are pre-radicalization, self-identification, commitment and indoctrination, and subsequently jihad ideologization. Nonetheless, despite the fact that it shed a light in radicalization the process of an individual, it did not put personal motivation into account, the stages described by Milla et al. (2013) relied heavily on leader-followers interaction within terrorist organizations. Therefore in this study, we aim to synthesize Kruglanski et al. (2009) concept of the significant quest with the process of radicalization explained by Milla et al. (2013) to see the words of terrorists’ themselves in describing their effort of gaining personal significance during the four stages of radicalization. We aim to investigate terrorists’ narratives of significance quest that embedded in the four-stages radicalization process in Indonesia. Throughout the radicalization process, we should be able to see how a terrorist construct their meaning in life, from how it begins to the firm belief to sacrifice themselves.

Terrorists’ Motivation: Personal Significance There have been psychology scholars to understand the personal motivation to support and join terrorism. One possible explanation is the intention to defend Muslim ’s social or group identity. This was found mainly in the middle east region that experienced social and political intervention from foreign countries (Moghaddam, 2008; Gray, 2010). In Indonesia, the Islamic identity motive did not resonate well with the majority of Indonesian Muslim who have democratic ways in implementing Islam (Azra, 2006). We suggest that Indonesian terrorists were more likely to be driven by personal factors than social identity factor. Gómez et al. (2017) posited that “sacred value”, or an irreplaceable value (Atran, Axelrod, & Davis, 2007) can drive someone to be devoted to a cause or a group. Before identity defense comes to play, the idea of “fictive brothers” solidarity that based on religious teachings is firstly indoctrinated in order to create a foundation of group and ideology for further action (Atran, 2004). Later, this sacred value becomes a perpetual theme in terrorism act, especially when the sacred value of Islamic teachings and cultures deemed at stake (Atran, 2006). Aforementioned sacredness did not stand alone, it works hand on hand with sense of social identity to form a sense of belongingness to the group, as Atran and Axelrod (2008, pp. 230) stated, “It is the “who we are” identity aspect that is often so hard for members of one culture to understand regarding another.“ A member of radical organization shed his tears when he heard about a young boy who was killed during skirmish with enemy, he wept because he fight longer but he hasn’t martyred yet, he was envying the boy and reassuring himself to keep fighting because he believes that it was the path that God has given to him. This experience was considered a clear manifestation of how sacred value matters over material or instrumental value (Ginges, Atran, Sachdeva, & Medin, 2011). For all that, Kruglanski et al. (2014) conceptualize the need to feel significant through value and identity preceded and open the door to the process of radicalization. Even though an innate personal motivation to maintain own sense of significance in this world is common for all people, terrorists have taken effort in their quest for significance to the extreme level, mainly driven by the dogmatic fear of death and political turmoil that limit one’s worldview in terrorism ideology (Kruglanski et. al., 2009). As

it was described in a meta-analysis by Jost, Sterling, and Stern (2018), individuals struggle to stand against existential threats have a constant positive relation with their tendency to cling to dogmatic understanding. According to the quest for significance theorem (Kruglanski et al., 2014), a radicalization process began with an arousal of the goal of significance, usually in a form of an actual or perceived significance lost through humiliation, failure, loss, stigma and anomie. It triggers one’s pursuit of significance, regaining his or her existence in the social world. Ideology and beliefs later facilitate this quest, they provide a system of meanings for anyone who subscribes to the ideology and beliefs. Finally, the social process occurred in an ideological group preserves certain norms, goals, and activities to reach the goal of significance. Kruglanski et al. (2014) argued that when individuals become fixated into one particular goal and believed that there is only one feasible way to reach that goal, they become captivated in the counterfinality goal system. In this system, a goal is deemed so important that it may devalue any other goals. Subsequently, Kruglanski et al. (2014, p. 88) also explained, “When a cause is very important to an individual, the possibly detrimental effects of a chosen means would be of minor concern”. Evidently, referring to Sri Lanka’s deradicalization program that implicitly reduce detainees’ quest for significance by introducing them to alternative means to reach significance beside their involvement in radical cause (Kruglanski et al., 2014), interfering one’s concept of personal significance is indeed useful to reduce one’s commitment toward terrorism afterwards (Dugas & Kruglanski, 2014).

The Four Stages of Radicalization: Pathway to Terrorism During the process of radicalization, one’s quest for significance is ‘welcomed’ by terrorist ideologies (Kruglanski et al., 2014). Accordingly, a specific process of Indonesia’s terrorist includes four stages of radicalization (Milla et al., 2013) that stem from an analysis of homegrown terrorists’

radicalization process in Western countries (Silber & Bhatt, 2007). These stages represent how a nonconflict area breed terrorists through meaning-seeking. According to Silber and Bhatt’s (2007) analysis on terrorism cases in USA and other similar patterns in Europe, the first stage is called pre-radicalization. It refers to life situation, such as environment and life events, that made someone vulnerable to radical ideas and tend to join a radical group. Particularly in Indonesia’s setting, this stage is manifested in a form of education and value internalization at home and at school that facilitates specific understanding of Islamic teachings. The second stage is the self-identification, this is when an individual began to identify themselves to a social group that is the terrorist group. On the third stage, commitment is required and indoctrination intensively occurs. This time, an individual is not only generating their own ideas of being a true Muslim but constantly receiving group norms and values from group leaders. Finally, the last stage called jihad ideologization, an individual is involved in an attack (Milla et al., 2013). Kruglanski (2013) suggested that the particular process in Indonesia embodied the concept of significance quest, the need to feel that one’s existence is meaningful. One’s devotion in the cause did not effortlessly emerge, a journey of personal quest for meaning in life firstly guide someone to the belief toward jihad ideology and to commit to its cause. In order to get a better understanding of how an innate motivation of significance quest is unfolded during radicalization process especially in Indonesian context, we revisited the interviews with Bali bombers to see their pursuit of significance on each radicalization stages. This paper will give an essential contribution to the significance quest’s embodiment as previously argued by Kruglanski (2013). Method Participants and procedures Participants in this research are 2002 Bali bombing convicts who were affiliated with Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), a branch of a jihadist group under Al-Qaeda’s ruling. Six jihadists (initials: IS, AG, AI,

AR, MB, and UP) were selected as key informants, The six key informants were involved in the 2002 Bali bombings; IS, AR, and AG were executed in 2009, AI and MB were sentenced to life, and UP was condemned for 20 years in prison. Among all of our participants, only AI, UP, and MB expressed their remorse to their deeds, while IS, AG, and AR stayed faithful to their ideals as a justified jihadist. We put the names in abbreviation in order to protect the privacy of the convicts’ families. The data were obtained through interviews and from close readings of documents. The informants were interviewed in prison (Batu Nusakambangan Prison, Polda Metro Jaya, and Surabaya Porong Prison). During interviews, we delivered some questions about their lives, families, education, and critical events that lead them to their involvement in a global jihadist group. Specifically for group leaders (i.e., IS, AG), they were asked to explain about organization policies and s relating to the justification of jihad. Alongside our interview guideline aimed to explore the history and reasoning of their involvement in terrorism, we allowed the informants to loosely talk about other topics if it was preferred. Interview data. The interviews were conducted in two periods The first period was from 2007 to 2009, it involved AG, IS, AR, and AI prior to their execution. The second period was from 2013 to 2015, it involved MB and UP. The duration of the interviews ranged between 2-4 hours, and each participant had 3-6 interview sessions. All participants had consented to be interviewed and be the part of a study. Their responses were recorded and transcribed for analysis purpose. The data were structured first in chronological order, subsequently, they were classified through the personal quest for significance theme and the radicalization stages. Existing documents. We also obtained the data from close readings of documents including previously unavailable primary sources such as personal letters, autobiography manuscript, in addition to published materials written by or about the jihadists in prison. One published document was AR's biography, the biography of IS, AG, AI, and MB also have been published and we were given permission

from the writer to use them in a research. UP was the only informant who did not have a biography. The other document was interview verbatim. The manuscripts belonged to AG; it contained his dreams story and testament, also cassette of his religious preaching in prison. The manuscripts were given voluntarily by detainees and detainees’ family and were agreed by aforementioned parties to be published. Similar to interview data, the existing documents were also structured in chronological order and then classified to the themes.

Analytic Strategy Initially, our interactions with the informants did not have planned structure due to unpredictable security measure toward them in prison. Besides, they tend to prevaricate when being interviewed with a specific structure. They would rather talk openly about their stories and ideas without any feeling of being interrogated. Each informant spoke in a various ununiformed way, disregarding the fact that they were convicted in the same case. For instance, AG tells his story through the saying of ulema he adores, and he never mentioned any of his family. On the contrary, UP and IS talked a lot about his wife and family while also occasionally recite the sayings of scholars when they tell their stories. Whenever our informants wanted to say to their ideas about the system that governs their lives, they always mentioned the similar scholars and sacred book’s quotations. To accommodate the informants’ rigidity and disorderliness in delivering information and to provide “a certain shape, structure, or plot to a sequence of events” (Murray, 2003, pp.98), the data were analyzed using narrative approach. We consider narrative approach as a relevant approach because it suits chronological order of the story better at which in this narrative analysis, information gathered from one informant was arranged in a chronological plot, and were analyzed to find certain patterns. We reflect our method on Riessman’s framework (1989; 1990; 2005) in deciphering a narrative talk to extract only the relevant themes from entire texts. Here, we were interested to know how the past was told or written, and

how the speaker gave it meaning. Our analytic strategy included the following procedures: all collected data were transcribed and then clustered for each informant. The data were then classified and grouped by using an open coding system (Gibbs, 2007) regarding their effort in avoiding significance loss and seizing the opportunities if being significant (Kruglanski et al., 2014) in the four-stages of radicalization framework (Milla et al., 2013).

Results In this section, four chronological themes are presented. Each of the themes represents different stages in justifying jihad, those are pre-radicalization, self-identification, indoctrination and commitment, and ideologization of jihad. These four themes were based on chronological order to portray the radicalization process of jihadist group. Pre-radicalization: Early significant lost and prospective significant gain As Silber & Bhatt (2007) mentioned, the environment plays the first role in forming terrorists’ identity. Terrorists initially get their knowledge about jihadists from close family members, schoolteachers, or people they respected in the community who consistently familiarize the concept and the glory of jihadists through stories or expression of admiration. This is the reason why the formation of jihadist identity begins with the idolization of jihadists through relational internalization at an early age. Assuming the identity of a jihadist is a process of modeling others’ identity. The paragons that being looked up by newcomer jihadists are usually authority figures who dictate a guidance on how to be good and accomplished Muslim. These figures provide daily life etiquettes to be followed and they also provide a sense of meaningfulness to their disciples. It helps new jihadist to form a new identity as well as the pride of their newly assumed jihadist identity. In Kruglanski et al., (2014) term, this is where terrorists firstly learn how to gain their significance through figures whom he looked up to.

For jihadists, the role models can be derived from contact and relations with jihadist figures, either directly or indirectly. Through the contact and experience of interaction, the jihadists believed that respecting, praising, and idolizing the popular jihadists or ulema before finally following their actions, would become a pathway to fulfill their quest for meaning. Their relational experience along with the positive value that they learn from other jihadist figures provided them a script for identity reference. Once their identity is dominated by the mean of defending God’s religion, jihadist archetype becomes salient in their daily life’s narrative. Later, it will lead their whole religious life in order to become a good and accomplished Muslim. Key informant AG was an example of a jihadist in describing this theme. AG came from a religious family, with a father who constantly reminded him to model his life on mujahid (one who engage in a jihad) ulemas. “My father often told us heroic martyrdom stories of brave Muslim soldiers and uncle Abdul Mu’thi. I don’t know why he keeps repeating those particular stories to his children. I guess the stories mean so much to him, or there was an expectation that in the future his children will follow in their footsteps. Wallahua’lam [God knows best].” (AG’s prison manuscript)

AG’s understanding about jihad was then reinforced in his formal education. His father sent him to study at a Muhammadiyah boarding school in Lamongan, East Java, followed by another boarding school, Pondok Pesantren Al Mukmin in Ngruki, Sukoharjo, East Java. His knowledge and understanding of Islamic teachings were later forwarded to his brothers, AR and AI. Both of them were convicted in the Bali Bombing terrorist case. Both admired their brother who was known as a militant with vast religious knowledge. Whenever they needed a religious guidance, they would come to AG. Jihadist idolization was inherited through generations

in AG’s family. He got it first from his

father’s hope and intensive internalization. The stories of martyrs stood out as core inspiration for AG since he was in elementary school. AG then passed the knowledge, stories, and inspiration to his brothers. AG was a respected person whom people considered as teacher and role model to his brother.

“I often thought about my brother; a well-known militant who had experience living in Afghanistan. So I wrote him a letter and told him of my desire to follow him to Malaysia. When I met him I said that I wanted to be like him….” (AI.01.01)

“Whenever I needed help I would contact my brother, at the time, he was living in Malaysia. I received a lot of religious advice from him, so much so that I understood my religion more and realized the importance of jihad.” (Amrozi, 2009).

They both idolized their older brother, AG, who was known as a militant with first-hand jihadist experience in Afghanistan. AG became the main model in the formation of their jihadist-identity. The consolidation of jihadist identity for AI began in adolescence, while he was still undergoing high school education. Through religious training in schools, AI received information that Muslims in various countries were being treated unfairly, humiliated and oppressed. It encouraged him to fight for his religion. After he evaluated his life as the youth of Islam, he felt meaningless for doing nothing for his religion, or even for his parents and family. This was unlike his older brother AG, who had long struggled in Afghanistan as a jihadist. The desire to follow his brother to become a jihadist fighter in Afghanistan got stronger. "I then contacted him, and I said, I wanted to learn as he was ..." (interview with AI in prison) The transformation process of AR occurred through a process of self-evaluation in early adulthood. From a young man who often made trouble and frequently flirted with girls in his village, he then became committed as a jihadist. AR started to evaluate his life and tried to consolidate his identity. After divorce with his first wife, AR decided to follow AG to Malaysia to study religion more deeply. That was where AR started a new story of life as a religious fighter. AG became his religious teacher, giving him a new life, and also finding him a new wife to marry for the second time (Amrozi, 2009). As a part of identity consolidation, self-evaluation that AR experienced is a process of his new identity formation. Individuals who underwent identity evaluation will achieve a new, better-suited identity according to their renewed value. Jihadist is an identity that acquired through redemption as well

as the quest for meaning. This is the kind of identity that only those who are spiritually appropriate can achieve, and being promised the highest place in front of God (Milla, 2010). Similar to AI and AR, another key informant, IS, also came from a religious family. He had experience of interaction with people who taught Islamic values, religious laws and jihad. IS was familiarized with what he perceived as ‘the true Islam’ through a pesantren Ramadan (short-term education during the holy month of Ramadan) organized by Muhammadiyah and PERSIS (Persatuan Islam/Unity of Islam) in Banten. Through his teachers, IS understood that Islam should be implemented in real life, and not merely be a ritual. “For me, that Ramadhan week was filled with guidance and grace. That was the point where I realized how beautiful Islam is, how great Islam is, and how perfect Islam is. And that is also where I understood that Islam is the only way to glory in life and in death….” (Aziz, 2004).

After that Ramadhan training, IS then started to withdraw from his friends in school, never watched TV again and he spent much of his time alone, confining himself and only reading books about jihad. He was very impressed with the book "The Signs of God in Afghanistan", which described how God glorifies the mujahids in Afghanistan. Since then, IS set a determination to be a fighter in the land of jihad (Aziz, 2004). When he was in Afghanistan, IS met with jihadist clerics such as Abdul Rosul Sayyaf. He was one of the leaders of the mujahideen in Afghanistan who was categorized as the ulema ahlu-tsughur, an ulema who has combat experience in the field. In jihad, his, or judgment, must be followed, "... in the matter of jihad, ulema ahlu-tsughur were much closer to the truth..." (Aziz, 2004). IS’s experience in Afghanistan was the result of his gradual knowledge and identity-forming as a jihadist. His study and enthusiasm on Islamic jihad have led him to a face-to-face meeting with his idol. For him, jihadist is the only figure who has the authority to be heard and to be followed.

The desire to learn from a jihad cleric overseas was also experienced by ID and UP. Their voluntary departure to learn from famous Muslim figures demonstrated how influential those figures were in shaping the jihadists’ thoughts and understanding. Their intention to enrich their knowledge in a foreign country was tested when they were met with a completely different situation from when they studied religion in Indonesia. Besides the desire for fighting to defend their religion, the other reason of why they want to go abroad as a foreign fighter was to fulfill their dream to learn from notorious international jihadists. The role model will later be transformed into the idol figures with increased influence and authority toward terrorists’ personal life. Besides, their involvement in jihad battleground as in Afghanistan gave them an opportunity to have relational experiences with jihadist clerics as well as mujahedeen from various countries. Their role and experiences as combatants had reinforced and strengthened their jihadist identity. Their desire to contact directly with jihadist groups and learn more about Islam in the jihad battleground had brought them to become a foreign fighter in Afghanistan. Most jihadists strongly desire to deepen their Islamic understanding in line with their need for identity transformation. This desire can usually be achieved through a hijra (migration). The learning process started before they join jihad groups, and was intensified thereafter. It sets up an elaborate example of how a person pursues his or her significance toward the idea of becoming good Muslim.

Self-identification: Group identification and identity fusion Due to incompatibility with current majority of Indonesian Muslim’s worldview, jihadists’ identity and values have been constantly rejected by the public and those who brought it could not properly defend their ideas (Azra, 2006). The rejection brought conspiracism into radical Muslims’ minds; they experienced feelings of perceived threat, perception of injustice, oppression, and humiliation toward them (Gray, 2010) that will later present even more cognitive dissonance to their beliefs. This condition pushed

them to protect their beliefs from threats and uncertainties by withdrawing oneself from the society which becomes a precondition for upcoming ideological narratives from a radical group that in line with their worldview and beliefs. What happened later was an enhancement on self-identification and the replacement of personal opinion by group narratives. This is when previous personal identity that has lost its significance is replaced by a new group identity that offers greater significance. The group defines ingroup and outgroup very clearly, The polarization of us and them strengthen along with perceived threat and perception of injustice. At this kind of critical condition where one has difficulties in seeing alternatives, radical groups are commonly fixated into a single fashion to reach their goal. They believe that their action was about answering ‘the calling’ from God to fight in His cause, which was justified by religious scriptures as a form of obedience toward God or as Atran & Axelrod (2008) called it, a sacred value in the action. Jihadists defined themselves as fighters who defend their oppressed Muslim brothers. Therefore, the jihadist identity gave a sense of heroism to the identity holder. Jihadist group usually demand member’s selflessness and sacrifice in order to show their solidarity and empathy toward the fellow Muslims who suffer across the globe. This theme has constantly appeared in jihadist stories. It is what Swan Jr. et al. (2010) mentioned as fused people or those who “denote feelings of shared essence and oneness with the group”. In this case, self-identity has been replaced by group identity. Group goals become personal goals, group successes become personal successes, and likewise, group failure is also considered as members’ individual failure. The fusion eventually makes someone willing to sacrifice anything for the group. It was clearly expressed by UP, who had assembled the bomb that exploded in Bali's Sari Club and Paddy's Café in 2002. He claimed that he was preparing to go to the Middle East to defend Muslims in Palestine before he got caught. His desire to leave for Palestine was to help fellow Muslims there who were being oppressed. For four years, he lived and fought alongside the Moro fighters in the Philippines,

with the same reason. He was willing to leave his hometown, enter the armed conflict area and plunge into the battlefield, with the risk of loss of property and life. He said that he was willing to do jihad voluntarily, and he also understood the consequences that the action demands him to sacrifice anything, and yet he insisted to do it because he believed that there is a promised reward in this life or hereafter. “Jihad made us unselfish, always thinking of our brothers. We became more patient with whatever happens to our life” (interview with UP in prison). The strong desire to assist and defend fellow Muslims was also demonstrated by IS when he explained why he was involved in the Bali bombings. "What is experienced by Muslims in Palestine, Afghanistan, Kashmir, Iraq and others, has touched us and the conscience of all Muslims ... Indeed, the believers all are brothers. "(Aziz, 2004). IS also explained: "If tens, hundreds of children and Muslim women were murdered and raped in Ambon, in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and we did not do anything, just remember Quran 4:75, and what is the matter with you that you do not fight in the way of God, and the oppressed among men, women, and children who pray for defense… then we are therefore in sin!" (interview with IS in prison)

Similarly, the identity fusion through solidarity and empathy to defend Muslim’s brotherhood was also described by AI. He felt “the calling” to help his Muslim brothers in Bosnia, Palestine, and Afghanistan after watching a video about the suffering of Muslims in those countries. This calling manifested one’s spiritual maturity, it shows a unique quality of a jihadist that stood out among other ordinary people. It is a sign that someone is ready to carry out the holy mission of jihad and being prepared to receive a glorious reward as a martyr.

“After watching a film of Muslims in Palestine, Bosnia and Afghanistan, my heart was moved... I wanted to fix myself, I feel as if I hadn’t done anything meaningful so far... So I immediately contacted my brother AG in Malaysia, whom I’ve heard had gone to Afghanistan; my intention was just to study to become a militant like him...” (Interview with AI in prison)

Indoctrination and commitment: The calling for jihad as the chosen one

Perceived threat, the perception of injustice, and awareness toward oppression and humiliation experienced by fellow Muslims around the world are being taught by leaders as a calling to fulfill God’s command, to fight in His cause. Those who aspired to answer the calling believe that their action is the embodiment of their personal commitment, but the way to undertake this ‘calling’ is heavily influenced and strictly instructed by group leaders’ narratives. As Gómez et al. (2017) explained, the embedded sacred value of jihad is a profound factor for terrorists’ devotion to the cause. In this stage, we will see a new perspective to decipher terrorist role that was being internalized to terrorist recruits. The required conditions to reach significance were being detailed and the recruits should abide by groups definition of true Muslim, or a significant person according to the Islamic way of life. In salafi-jihadist group, those who believe that jihad is the only way to solve Muslim’s problem see warzone as a dreamland to fulfill their goal of being killed in the name of God or syahid. However, not everyone who got the chance to die in the warzone can be rewarded as syahid, because Allah will only give the title of syahid for those who are worthy. One way to achieve that worthy standard is by keeping the spirit of jihad every time, it leads jihadist to always being prepared and longing to go to the warzone. The notion of being the chosen one made them willing to sacrifice wealth, family, and their self in order to fulfill God's sacred task. Jihadist carried out the frequent talks about warzone and holy war in order to manifest their sense heroism and identity. As described by AI: “The commandment of jihad is very hard to do and only selected few are able to bear this. Those who finally martyred are merely fulfilling God’s fate. At that time ... we were in a tank that brought troops to the battlefield, we were ready to plunge into battle. However, in the middle of the road, we received the news that the Soviet surrendered ... I was very, very disappointed ... I cried ... " (Interview with AI in prison)

They believe that by fighting in the name of Allah’s religion, they will eventually get awarded a victory from Him. IS said clearly, “Jihad is the only way to solve the problem at this time ...”. They also believed that jihad’s calling only resonate to those who are ready. It explains why they feel that the means of jihad is mandatory and non-negotiable. AG in his preaching stated, “If the call of jihad had been announced, so it is compulsory for all of healthy Muslims to answer that call, if they refuse to participate they have already sinned... “ (AG’s preaching in prison). IS belief that offense and oppression should be resisted, and fellow Muslims need to be protected as a mean to establish Allah’s religion (Aziz, 2004). Any difficulties and any sacrifice in doing jihad were believed to be paid with an equal reward as promised by Allah. Those who fight must win, and those who are killed will be rewarded with heaven’s best reward. Accordingly, those who already identify themselves as jihadist will constantly seek the chance to go to “jihad zone” across the country or even across the globe. It explains why foreign fighters are willing to leave their hometown, belongings, and family when they join any jihadist group. The reason why were they willing to sacrifice themselves to defend Muslims in other countries was because their personal identity had fused with the group. This group had become very important in their lives. Their identity fusion and their belief of sacred values, that defending oppressed Muslim fellows was jihad, explained their willingness to fight and sacrifice (Swann, Gómez, Seyle, Morales, & Huici, 2009; Gómez et al., 2017). This made them want to always confirm their identity. Living in a community that implements Islamic sharia in their social life became an ideal life for them. They thought that dignified living is a kind of living that implements Islam as they know it, and fighting for this dream of dignified living is deemed as a holy mission. Outfitted with experience in the battlefield and various skills and expertise, and supplied with sufficient logistics, Afghanistan combatants are easily mobilized into war. warzone has a special place in jihadist life because it is the final actualization of their ideals. It goes beyond self-meaningfulness as a

glorious fighter. It is about deciphering worldly business into a single, uniformed worldview, which gave them a sense of security, serenity, and happiness by knowing exactly what is right and what is wrong. Living in jihadist or any kind of homogenous community reduces one’s dissonance because everyone thinks and behaves the same way that confirms each other’s beliefs (Kruglanski, Shah, Pierro & Mannetti, 2002). Subsequently, their identity grows even stronger because of that. This was clearly stated by MB. “The Afghanistan environment has turned us into mujahedeen, implants jihad in our body and soul... young mujahedeen men like us are expected to grow into trees that will later bear fruit. Fruits that can be consumed by any number of people. Just imagine how much a tree would suffer if it does not flower or bear fruit …” (MB in Ismail, 2010).

Their involvement in the field of jihad gave them combat experience, social interaction experience with fellow jihadists and mujahedeen ulema, as well as recurrent training in the form of tarbiyah maknawiyah (spiritual education) activities. This strengthened their identity and preparedness to be deployed in various actions with group encouragement and under the conviction of carrying out God's commands. Jihadist identity grows a sense of heroism that willing to sacrifice anything for his/her group, backed up with a hope of God’s rewards and help.

Ideologization of jihad: What jihad means and dream of an Islamic state In the final stage when jihadist should be ready to execute an action, they need a solid, final justification to bind their meaning and goal. As for our informants, Afghanistan under the Taliban ruling was a perfect place to allow that to happen. Beside experiences in jihad battlefield, direct interaction with international figures in Islamic movement can change their understanding of Islam and the ideology of jihad. The respected ahluts-tsugur cleric (clerics who take part in battles) and the belief that jihad is the way to achieve victory were the main themes of the jihad ideologization.

Jihad training and experience were essential activities in the jihad ideologization. The ideology of jihad dictated the perception of jihad as war (jihad qital) as the main obligation for all Muslims. Jihad obligation is a religious verdict (a point of Islamic religious law that was produced by religious authority) that is used as a justification for offensive jihad. Terrorists only acknowledged the opinion of the ahlutstsugur ulema, and rejected the interpretation of jihad as ‘struggle in daily life’ from the mainstream group which was considered to have no combat experience in jihad battlefield. Jihad interpretation in terrorist groups mainly says that war is the only mean to restore Islamic golden age, an era when Islam used to rule and conquer a large part of the world. Islam that possesses political sovereignty over a certain land (qoidah aminah) is believed to be the precondition of sharia establishment. Without political power, sharia cannot be implemented. Sharia that governs personal and public affairs is believed to be the key to Islamic golden age revival. IS expressed that he only trusted fatwas from them, “…when it comes to jihad … I refer to fatwas from ahluts-tsugur ulemas; those who are physically in the field of jihad.” (Aziz, 2003; p. 67). For the same reason, IS saw Osama bin Laden’s idea of jihad as the supreme truth: “Beneath Syaikh Osama bin Laden’s statements, in his capacity as an ahluts-tsughur mujaheed, lie many syar’i dalil [strong rationale] to operate a global istishsdiyah [suicide bombing]. He is not a prophet; he is not ma’shum [sinless], but his fatwas, perspectives, and statements concerning jihad in all of its forms approaches the truth far closer than from those who have never stepped foot in jihad battlefield, let alone fighting infidels with weapons...” (Aziz, 2003, p. 187)

AG also shared this trust in Osama bin Laden. “…It is not a secret now that Saudi is an ally of America in the Middle East. For him [Osama], Jews and Crusades shall not step foot in the holy lands. Even Rasulullah once decreed: “Out you infidels from the Arab peninsula!” And since then, without any strong argumentation and often by force, Osama was named as a khawarij [follower of Ali ibn Abi Thalib] by Saudi ulemas. Those ulemas have followers in Indonesia so that the stigma spread even here.” (AG’s prison manuscript)

The conviction of carrying out jihad as mandatory has led them to join cells that mobilize jihad in many different conflict areas. As explained by AI, "I then contacted my older brother in Afghanistan ...." (Interview with AI). In a similar context, UP who frequently tried to find ways into global jihadists group in Palestine and jihad battlefields all around the world said, "I'm actually in preparation to leave for Palestine before being arrested in Pakistan by the security forces." (Interview with UP). AI, AG, AR, IS, MB and UP also stated that they would never leave jihad, even though they knew that they had to leave their family behind, sacrifice their property, and even their lives. They deeply believed that jihad was the road to victory; it was a command that only a few selected people had the opportunity to fulfill this duty. In addition, they also claim jihad as rewarding, they felt the pleasure of being in the jihad arena, as described in the following statements: ".... Jihad was a command ... People perform jihad to carry out the commands of God, so why is it prohibited? "(interview with IS)

"... Jihad... it's difficult ... must be able to resist the pain, the injury; we should be strong because medical treatments in the battlefield are only temporary. Even eating and sleeping are difficult .... but yes, jihad transforms us to be more patient, and not selfish ... I will continue to perform jihad in the conflict zone." (Interview with UP in prison)

The conviction of carrying out God's command as deeds with supreme value, syahid or died in defending Allah’s religion, caused them to feel a calling to the battlefield. To plunge into the jihad field is what the jihadists always wanted to do. However, the desire was simply not enough to bring them to the battlefield. They must wait for their leaders to send them to go. The recurring theme of this narrative is the craving for being in the land of jihad and the desire to return to the battlefield, as described by AI and MB—both lived in Afghanistan for 2 to 3 years. “I felt that our jamaah program is just great... I went there [Pontianak]... and when I got there, do you know what they told me to do? To make bread... with Faturrahman... well we were bored… Faturrahman said he is going to the Philippines... and I went home, teaching in Pesantren… I did not stop. I started to find materials that I can make into a bomb...” (Interview with AI in prison)

“After experiencing the tumult of battle in Afghan’s jihad, and experiencing the celebration of Islamic jihad victory in Khorasan, there was one afternoon, after gardening activities, I was resting on the porch and asked myself: ‘Why was I assigned here? Is it really just to take care of the banana fields?’” (MB in Ismail, 2010)

After Afghanistan, some of them assumed duties from the jamaah to help Moro Muslims. Some returned to Indonesia to fulfill their duties in spreading Islam. Most of them became teachers or religious preachers in villages or small towns, or did other economic activities, mostly through business or farming. When conflict arose between Muslims and Christians in Ambon and Poso, the jihadists seemed to feel their passion for jihad have come again after previously losing their sense of meaning when no conflict is available to facilitate their jihad aspiration. The call of jihad also provides a sense of meaning to those who seek the context of ‘fighting for God’s religion’. Subsequently, the mix between internal motivation and external facilitation brought new jihadists into the romanticism of Islamic golden age revival in the upcoming actions. However, jihad execution outside the mainstream code of conducts conflicted with their previous beliefs. It later brought a new conflict in their thoughts. As AI explained, “I was simply befuddled! The excitement was not the same as i’daad (preparation for war) before! During i’daad, I was always happy, but that time it wasn’t so! At first, I disagreed with the plan to bomb Bali, I had no interest in doing it. But then, everybody agreed to carry out the plan, especially my brother whom I trust his judgment. Eventually, I found myself agreeing with them and carried out the plan.” (Interview with AI).

Compared to jihad in the conflict zone with a clear strategy and role division, jihad in peaceful zone has so many unclear tasks and hazy strategies. He even felt as if he was never asked to be directly involved in the act, even though he was aware that his colleagues were planning something to do in Bali. In this case, the leaders of terrorist group had used new recruits’ quest for meaningfulness by using their obedience toward leaders and by giving unclear instruction in order to obscure the operation. As MB explained his

role in Bali bombing at 12 October 2002, “I was not actually directly involved. They only use my bank account to transfer funds. I was also recruited because I can handle driving long distances, and I was asked to drive them to Bali in the car that carries the bomb.....” (MB in Ismail, 2010)

"I refused to join the attack in Bali, but then DM calls. I finally agreed because I know DM very well for he is my friend. He asked for my help because he knew I can make bombs ... But I have to admit that during the preparation, I was not too excited ... I prefer to work in conflict areas ... " (interview with UP)

The condition occurred because the jihad "calling" had been accepted as a duty. They also had no chance to challenge the decision of the group leader, hence the obstacles and doubts did not hinder them in performing the task. Their desire to fight in Allah's way and obtain martyrdom had brought them longing for the jihad battlefield. Being a jihadist was their identity, and getting syahid was their ultimate goal in order to restore Islamic golden age. But the most important thing on this stage is that their devotion to the sacred value of religion is being manipulated by the leaders to serve the group’s political goal. It was not simply a question of fierceness in war, it was much more about knowing when fighting is unavoidable, and how the fight is to be conducted. In Kruglanski et al. (2014), this is a state where an individual does not want to lose an opportunity for an ultimate significant gain to be a martyr. A terrorist might lose his or her significance if they cancel their action in the middle of the way, they should finish what they started to avoid humiliation or significant loss if they did not do it. When jihad becomes a primary obligation, and the generalization of the conflict area is being constructed to support the goal, the practice of jihad espoused by the mainstream Islamic groups has been reinterpreted by radical jihadist groups. War becomes the only one interpretation of jihad fi sabilillah. This is what we called as jihad ideologization.

Discussion We have presented four general chronological themes as following: 1) Pre-radicalization: Early significant lost and prospective significant gain, 2) Self-identification: Group identification and identity fusion, 3) Indoctrination and commitment: The calling for jihad as the chosen one, 4) Ideologization of jihad: What jihad means and dream of an Islamic state. And thoroughly, we elaborated how significance quest is embedded in each stage. There are some points to note regarding these process. First, it can be seen how jihadist expressed the fear of losing their significance when they could not fulfill their aspiration to be a jihadist. Kruglanski et al. (2009) explained that the feeling of insignificance is an unpleasant feeling that demands an action to restore one’s importance in society. Adopting radical ideology is one of the ways to regain significance, by holding on into a cause, an individual will feel that their presence is meaningful for the triumph of that cause. Second, jihadist identity becomes the key of reference, because their movements were not triggered when a person felt personally mocked, but rather when a group that belongs to them is being attacked. Since the personal identity and group identity were fused, attack to the group identity considered an attack on personal identity. Third, by believing that what they are doing is sacred, a whole process is dictated by certain ideology that gradually requires the believers to sacrifice themselves. These three important things constitute the narration of jihadist and they have been implemented in the radicalization pathway, from precondition toward radical ideology to self-ideologization of jihad (Milla et.al., 2013). These findings add substantial details on 3N (need, narrative, network) concept of psychological factors in radicalization (Webber & Kruglanski, 2016), we specifically unfolded how the need for significance is driving someone to be involved in terrorism act through narrative development inside a terrorist group network. We argue that the social relation, identity, and ideology are interconnected in jihadists’ narrative, and it can be understood better through their need to be significant in this life. It is important to note that

in the mind of the jihadists, this need is obtained through the path of war as a part of their belief in afterlife reality. They feel that the “calling” of jihad is a sign that they were selected by God, the chosen one. Being a person who is chosen by God to die in His cause as a martyr is the greatest honor for jihadist. This commitment stems from a belief of obedience to God’s command, an action that is driven by its sacred value (Atran & Axelrod, 2008). Individuals have a fundamental desire to be respected, to be someone that matters, and to sense that one’s life has meaning in accordance with the values of their society (Kruglanski et al., 2009; Kruglanski et al., 2013). This unconditional love toward religion stimulated the quest for significance in God’s eyes (Kruglanski et al., 2013). To them, fighting in the front line to sacrifice their body and their soul to protect fellow Muslims and carry God’s words with a promise of heavenly rewards and honorable position in front of God is a beautiful sense of existence that the terrorist can’t get anywhere else. The jihadists went to the battlefield, leaving their family, and all of their belongings behind. They were all set for the worst, ready to lose everything even their own lives. The jihadists were willing to do everything to defend their suppressed Muslim brothers. Their willingness to join as warriors on the battlefield and to sacrifice themselves to defend their fellow Muslims is also based on the conviction of living God's command. Under conditions of real or perceived threat, the tendency to self-sacrifice intensifies (Sheikh, Gómez & Atran, 2016). We consider that Muslims who share narrative themes of jihadist are not limited to the members and sympathizers of Islamic terrorist groups. Since the basic tenet of holy war is transcribed in the Quran, there are non-terrorist Muslims who dream about fighting for Islam to be respected and the resurrection of Islamic kingdom/government as described by God. The difference between non-jihadists and the jihadists is their ways to achieve their goals. In this matter, the narratives of jihadists in Indonesia, who were passionate to fight for the honor of Muslims and the glory of Islam, was driven by the motivation to gain personal significance. Preconditioned by value internalization that grows in a

supportive network, the idea of utilizing jihad as the sole significance-gaining tool becomes crystallized in jihadists mind. Accordingly, the dynamic of significance quests throughout the radicalization process elaborated our proposition of why terrorism acts happened in Indonesia. First, Indonesia is not a conflict area and ranked among top 10 of most peaceful countries in the world (Gallup Law and Order, 2018), most of the jihadists were not experiencing trauma or desire to retaliate for personal loss. They tend to feel the threat of significance loss through group pressure that monopolizes the interpretation of religious perfection in jihad. Secondly, social and political support is an important factor that can explain one's involvement in radical behavior (Kruglanski et al., 2009). Compared to most conflict zones in the middle east, Indonesia has relatively lower political and social support to radical groups (Gray, 2010). However, Indonesian jihadists may face a socially based significance loss, “significance loss relates to one’s social identity that is disrespected by others” (Kruglanski et al., 2014, pp. 75). The humiliation of a member of Islamic group may arouse a considerable significance loss that felt by all members of the group. This significance loss was expressed by the informants when they felt the urge to retaliate the sufferings of Muslims in Afghanistan and Palestine. Therefore, although our informants were physically not existed among the suffered Muslims, they lived among people who felt the similar socially based significant loss. For that reason, the explanation of identity role and belief in jihad as a mandatory sacred war become vital in explaining the readiness to be engaged in jihad as a fighter. This commitment is what might separate religious violence perpetrators from common Muslims in Indonesia. Moreover, we see that the ideology narratives have begun through the process of searching for truth through the teachings of religion experienced by the jihadist shows a typical phenomenon; their search to find the truth are preceded by their belief that is not critically examined. This assumption is, indeed, supported by Conway and colleagues’ studies explaining that terrorist groups tend to relate with the simple mind instead of complex mind (Conway, Gornick, Houck, Togwood & Conway, 2011).

The cognitive traits from political conservatives and religious fundamentalists as described by Young, Willer, and Keltner (2013) were associated with the use of rule-based moral processing. In the story of jihadists, their moral values are derived from the interpretation of Qur'an and Hadith by respected religious figures. They show their respect to authority, especially to ulemas and their leaders. This is not surprising since many scholars have also presented the association between religion, obedience, and submission (Ginges et al., 2009; Saroglou et al., 2009). We emphasized that the stories from jihadists are much influenced by authority figures (relational trust), group status and the strengthening of group identity (identity), also the belief in a single interpretation of the meaning of jihad as qital. These selfstories of jihadists are the stories about self-worth in order to meet the need of quest for significance as Muslim kaffah (accomplished), that were manipulated by leaders who pushed them until the ultimate goal, justified by sacred religious value. In sum, our investigation on Bali bombers has elaborated how a quest for personal significance is transformed on each stage of radicalization. Nonetheless, we should advise that this particular understanding of terrorism tied closely to the context. In this case, our informants are self-inspired jihadists who constructed the meaning of war in a peaceful country that the majority of its resident is Muslim. Referring back to where the four stages of radicalization were originated in Western countries (Silber & Bhatt, 2007), we might see a different form of significance quest on alienated immigrants or new Muslim converts in adopting a radical jihadist ideology. That being said, it is essential to see our proposed framework of significance quest in four stage of radicalization in other differing communities. Future studies need to address the contexts and historical background that relevant to extremists' probable effort to define their significance through violence.

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