The Diocese of Zanzibar and the Universities' Mission ...

Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations

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Anglicans and Islam in East Africa: The Diocese of Zanzibar and the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (1923–63) John Chesworth To cite this article: John Chesworth (2014) Anglicans and Islam in East Africa: The Diocese of Zanzibar and the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (1923–63), Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations, 25:2, 231-243, DOI: 10.1080/09596410.2014.880570 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2014.880570

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Date: 21 October 2015, At: 23:00

Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations, 2014 Vol. 25, No. 2, 231–243, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2014.880570

Anglicans and Islam in East Africa: The Diocese of Zanzibar and the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (1923–63) John Chesworth*

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School of Philosophy, Theology and Religion, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK This article examines the legacy of Godfrey Dale, who in 1923 published a Qur’an in Swahili, with the intention of letting people “know what the Qurʾān does say.” The work of his successors is explored. It discusses the proposals for work amongst Muslims submitted by lay and ordained members of the Diocese of Zanzibar for consideration at the 1944 Diocesan Conference, as the Diocese prepared for the situation after World War II. Finally, it examines the role of the Diocese with particular reference to Christian–Muslim relations as Tanganyika and Zanzibar prepared for Independence. Keywords: Gerald Broomfield; Godfrey Dale; Neil Russell; Tanganyika; Universities’ Mission to Central Africa; Diocese of Zanzibar

Introduction Islam has been present on the coast of East Africa, through the presence of traders, from within a few years of Muhammad’s death. Christianity arrived with Vasco da Gama in the fifteenth century, but it was not until the middle of the nineteenth century that there was a sustained Christian missionary presence, beginning with the arrival of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in 1844, followed by the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA)1 in 1864, together with Catholic missionary orders and Protestant missions. Initially these missions came with the twin imperatives of evangelization and to combat the slave trade. The UMCA was founded in 1857 following David Livingstone’s challenge to the universities in lectures given in Cambridge and Oxford. The first mission, sent out in 1860 and led by Bishop Charles Mackenzie, went to Lake Nyasa, but malaria took its toll. Mackenzie’s successor, Bishop William Tozer, established a base on Zanzibar in 1864. The mission extended its work to Nyasaland (Malawi), Portuguese East Africa (Mozambique) and Northern Rhodesia (Zambia). The UMCA joined with the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in 1965 to form the United Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (Mundus 2004). The CMS maintained a presence around Mombasa from 1844, with a small number of missionaries. In Buganda, Kabaka Mutesa, ruler of the Baganda from 1856 to 1884, having followed Islam, was now looking to Christianity to bring light and hope to his country. However, after H. M. Stanley’s letter to the Daily Telegraph in 1875, calling for pious and practical missionaries to go to Buganda, CMS sent a party of missionaries and from then onwards greater interest and effort was expended on Uganda than on the coast. Coincidently this led to the establishment of CMS mission stations in Tanganyika, providing an access route to Uganda (Anderson 1977, 18–19). Other Christian missions arrived, with Lutheran and Unitas Fratrum (Moravian) missions mainly working in German East Africa and Presbyterian and Methodist missions mainly in Kenya. Interestingly, the Society of Friends (Quakers) established a mission on the island of

*Email: [email protected] © 2014 University of Birmingham


232 J. Chesworth Pemba in 1897 and a Friends Meeting House still exists there. Early Catholic missions working in East Africa included Missionaries of Africa (White Fathers), Holy Ghost Fathers, and the Benedictines (Anderson 1977, 46ff; Sahlberg 1986, 47ff). The arrival and spread of Christianity in East Africa is related in Hastings (1996) and Sundkler and Steed (2000). Anderson-Moreshead (1955) and Blood (1955, 1962) tell the history of the UMCA, including the development of the Anglican Church in the Diocese of Zanzibar. Work amongst Muslims in East Africa at the end of the nineteenth century is discussed by Sigvard von Sicard (2000), who focuses on Zanzibar and the UMCA, whilst Pawliková-Vilhanová (2000) looks at mission work amongst Muslims in East and Central Africa. Chesworth (2008) gives an overview of mission work amongst Muslims in Kenya and Tanzania up to the end of the twentieth century. By the 1920s, most missions had a very limited presence on the predominantly Muslim coast, preferring to move inland to work amongst followers of traditional religions. The UMCA remained on the coast, working in the Diocese of Zanzibar, acting as a Christian presence and engaging with the Muslim population. The Diocese of Zanzibar originally covered parts of three separate colonies: the entire coast of Tanganyika-mandated territory, formerly German East Africa; the Zanzibar protectorate; and the northern part of Portuguese East Africa. This study focuses mainly on the area covered by the Diocese of Zanzibar following the division of the Diocese of Masasi from the northern section in 1926. The Diocese then included the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba and the northern Tanganyika coast, including the cities of Dar es Salaam and Tanga. It was a missionary diocese of the Province of Canterbury, with the bishop receiving his consecration and jurisdiction from the Archbishop of Canterbury (Broomfield 1938, 5). The Diocese, together with its neighbours, became part of the Province of East Africa in 1960. Diocesan records and UMCA archives, held at Rhodes House, Oxford, have been reviewed in order to assess the work amongst, and attitudes towards, Muslims in the Diocese of Zanzibar between 1923, when the UMCA published the first Qur’an in Swahili, and 1963, when Zanzibar achieved Independence. Godfrey Dale (1861–1941) and the Swahili Qur’an By 1923, the Diocese of Zanzibar had been led by Frank Weston (1871–1924) for 15 years. He was well known in the Anglican Communion because of his highly critical reaction to the Kikuyu missionary conference of 1913, where the Anglican bishops of Mombasa and Uganda had attended an ecumenical communion (Weston 1913, 1914), and for his contribution to the Anglo-Catholic Congress in 1923 (Porter 2004). In East Africa, Weston had helped shape the Diocese and the work of the UMCA, giving clear guidance in many aspects of faith and order. Two developments are of especial note. In 1911, he founded an order of sisters, the Community of the Sacred Passion (CSP), to serve Africa by a life of prayer and missionary work. The CSP withdrew from active work in Tanzania in 1991, leaving behind the Tanzanian Community of St Mary of Nazareth and Calvary (Chama cha Mariamu Mtakatifu [CMM]) (Anglican Communion 2008). And in 1919, he authorized the Zanzibar rite, a form of the Eucharist which he described as being “[the] 1549 [Anglican order of service] adapted, with Rome supplying the priest’s prayers” (Bowen 1968, 70–71). In 1922, with Godfrey Dale’s return to Britain, the Bishop of Zanzibar, Frank Weston, was concerned that the Diocese should continue to engage with Muslims. He recruited Gerald W. Broomfield (1895–1976), who wrote: It was in order to be an understudy to [Dale] that I myself first went to Africa in response to an appeal by Bishop Frank Weston. … The hope was that I should eventually be fitted to carry on this work in

Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 233 the approach to Islam on the intellectual and theological basis. But it was not to be. Within nine months … shortage of staff compelled the Bishop to send me to take charge of a parish. (Broomfield 1954, 7)


Godfrey Dale had worked in the Diocese from 1888 and had written several books on Islam in both English and Swahili. In 1923, Dale’s Tafsiri ya Kurani ya Kiarabu kwa Lugha ya Kisawahili was published by SPCK. Dale explained the outcomes he hoped for in producing the Qur’an: (1) Everything that is made manifest is light. If it is good, it is seen to be good; if evil it is seen to be evil, by the general moral sense of mankind, especially when that moral sense is under the guidance and control of the Spirit of God. There can be no satisfactory conclusion reached when much of the evidence required is hidden from view. (2) Ignorance will be proved to be ignorance, and inaccuracy will be proved to be inaccuracy. (3) The general African public will no longer be able to say, “If these Christians could read the Koran they might not remain Christian.” (4) The general African public will know what the Koran actually does teach on such subjects as slavery, polygamy, divorce; and will compare it with Christian teachings. And as Christian teaching has largely prevailed on these subjects in the past, why should we doubt whether it will prevail in the future? (5) Modern Islam in Africa is very largely unhistorical, especially on the subject of Mohammed’s infancy, later conversion, miraculous power and sinlessness. We shall be very much surprised if our teachers do not make full use of all the passages in the Koran which run counter to the extravagant belief of a later idealism with regard to Mohammed. (Dale 1924a, 8) How was the Qur’an received? Gerald Broomfield had responsibility for selling copies of it in Zanzibar. In March 1924, the editor of Central Africa, the UMCA’s monthly magazine, gives a report on the initial reception of the Swahili Qur’an: Padre Broomfield, in a letter just to hand, has sent some information about the reception which the book has received from various classes of the Zanzibar population. We gather that anyone who desires a copy has to make an application to him: that means the circulation is under control. Over a hundred copies were sold in the first seven weeks in Zanzibar alone, and the sale continues … Padre Broomfield says that in the first moments of excitement at the news of the arrival of a Swahili Koran, a proposal was made by some Moslems in their zeal to buy up as many copies as possible and make a public holocaust of them. Apparently this was vetoed by some of the Arabs. (Dale 1924b, 42–43)

The editor of Central Africa was Godfrey Dale, and other remarks about the book’s reception in the editorial are very defensive. Because Dale was not a Muslim, his reasons for producing a version of the Qur’an in Swahili were viewed with suspicion and his ability to understand Arabic and his style of writing in Swahili were also questioned: “Some Muslim scholars suspected that [the] Canon had intentionally twisted the translation so that he could use it for attacking the Qur’an, … now it is out of print and is not seen even in big libraries” (Rizvi 2003, 1). Anne Bang regards Dale’s purpose in producing a Swahili version of the Qur’an as being: [T]o provide a tool for the missionaries active in Zanzibar. He was also of the view that a vernacular version of the Quran would be beneficial to the Muslim population, whose religious education chiefly consisted of “parrot-like” memorisation of the Arabic text … Unsurprisingly, his work did not make it into either the government schools or the Quranic schools. It was, however, used in the mission schools. (Bang 2003, 176–177)

234 J. Chesworth Dale continued writing and in 1925 his Islam and Africa was published by SPCK with the object of: “supply[ing] European teachers of African Christians, who are living in districts where Islam is aggressive, with a small manual dealing with the points which are certain to be discussed when Christian and Moslem come into contact” (Dale 1925, iii). Even if Dale’s tone sounds patronizing today, he makes the point that Christians need to understand Islam in order to be able to respond to it. Writing 30 years after Dale’s retirement, Broomfield reflects on his methods and questions their appropriateness:


What I saw of Dale’s work and my own small efforts in the same direction led me to the conclusion that we shall make few converts from Islam through controversy on the intellectual level. Dale would have discussions with Muslim teachers, often surrounded by a large Muslim audience, and it seemed that he was quite first-rate in the way he presented his arguments and answered theirs. And they loved it, but they loved it as an argument. It was all perfectly good-tempered, and the Muslim audience seemed to applaud with equal pleasure when a debating point was made either by Dale or their own leaders. One never seemed to get anywhere. (Broomfield 1954, 7)

Did the Diocese and the mission have a specific policy? It seems that Bishop Weston was aware of the need for an expert, to engage with Muslims at an intellectual level and to enable the Christians to relate to Muslims.

Bishop Birley (1924–43) Tragically, Bishop Weston died in office in 1924. He was succeeded by Thomas Birley (1865– 1949), who, in his 20 years as bishop, held only one Diocesan Synod, in 1928, and he is reported to have been so upset at the conduct of certain of his priests that he refused to hold another (UMCA Archives, Box A [4] 1: Memorandum by Herbert Sydenham concerning Bishop Birley). However, work amongst Muslims continued through avenues of health services, education and pastoral visiting. All these influenced Muslims, through the service and witness of the Christians involved. There are several reports in Central Africa of Muslims asking to be baptized following a period of time in hospital, and of school children becoming Christians, with or without parental blessing. Gerald Broomfield eventually became frustrated at not being able to use his expertise because of his many other duties, and in 1935 announced that he was to return to the UK to concentrate on theological writing; this in turn was frustrated by his appointment as General Secretary to the UMCA in 1936. Work amongst Muslims in the Diocese was carried out by Africans, both ordained and lay, as well as by UMCA missionaries. One of the African deacons, Alban Ali (1888–1945), came from a Muslim family and aspects of his ministry are documented in Central Africa: Alban Ali, Deacon, … came from the French Comoro Islands. In Zanzibar there is a colony of these who are called “Wangazijia”. They are fanatical Muhammadans. Alban when a youth went to school in Ng’ambo (native quarters) … was converted and baptised. Immediately he had come under severe persecution; his father, a rich man in the Comoros, disinherited him; he was stoned, beaten and left to find lodgings where he could; but he persevered and remained faithful. In due course he became a teacher … Ordained deacon in 1924 he worked for the most part in Zanzibar … On a visit in 1934 [the writer] was overjoyed to see how well he knew the people and with what respect and affection he was greeted by both Muhammadan and Christian. (Broomfield 1945)

On the mainland, the Diocese developed its work amongst the Zigua people who lived to the north of Dar es Salaam. Mary Bulley (1875–1965) reported that, when a new church was built in the area, some parts of the work were beyond the skills of the small Christian community and local Muslim craftsmen worked on the church. “Is it a vain hope that all these and their

Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 235


companions will be brought to worship in the church they proudly call ‘our church,’ even though the possibility seems very far away?” (Bulley 1931, 89). In 1935, the UMCA Annual Review reports (p. 1) that a teacher, once a Muslim, was writing tracts in Swahili and Arabic as his contribution towards the conversion of Islam in his own country. Frustratingly, the report neither names the teacher nor gives the titles of the tracts. The teacher was in fact Ernest Mkomwa; there are four tracts in the UMCA archives that could be his.2 The lack of detailed information about the tract writer illustrates an ambivalence towards African involvement in the church at the time. The onset of World War II reduced the work of the Diocese and the mission, as many staff joined the armed forces.

1944 Diocesan conference When Bishop Birley announced his retirement in 1943, senior church leaders asked for permission to hold a Diocesan Conference, which Birley approved with alacrity, noting that he would not be present. Once permission was granted, a call was sent out to the whole Diocese, to ordained and lay, missionary and African, to make submissions about the work of the church. The call for submissions also reached neighbouring dioceses. These submissions were compiled into a cyclostyled document, a copy of which was presumably given to each of the delegates. Several of the submissions, which were in English and Swahili, concerned the work of the Diocese amongst Muslims. They included: Rev. Fr Neil Russell: A Memorandum on certain aspects of our Parochial work. Evangelism There is the gravest absence of any zeal for evangelising others among our Christians and our teachers. So much so that in one coast parish I am informed that the Lutheran Christians desisted from open air preaching because of the ridicule of our Christians. If the Moslems are regarded as being objects of such activity at all, it is too often with the idea of defeating them in argument rather than in seeking for some common basis from which to advance to their conversion. Rev. Yusuf Mnubi Teachers of Islam prevent adults and even children who desire to be instructed in the Christian faith. Also they prevent children from studying at Mission schools, when they say that Christianity is European and if you enter you will eat pork, so now many are prevented from converting. What advice can we be given? We Evangelists are hurting in our hearts [my translation].3 Miss [Grace] Bridges Lee Direct Evangelisation The formation of an Evangelistic staff … fully trained in Theology and if possible in Comparative Religion in order to combat Islam. For it seems to me that our Parochial System thinly spread over the surface of a vast Moslem population has allowed the whole onus of winning and making and teaching converts to fall on the teachers, … I would suggest Evangelists in each parish, under the priest of course, regularly visiting … I would suggest that [Evangelists] from among their own tribe is preferable. Miss [Gwendoline] Dawson Would it be possible after the War to establish in Zanzibar a small college or House of priest and lay experts in Islamics? Their aims would be: (a) To explore all avenues of approach to Moslems and to the Mohammaden religion, and to study their doctrines and practices with a view to finding the best means to present Christian truth as the answer to all these.

236 J. Chesworth To act as advisers on all problems connected with Islam, to other priests in the Diocese who wanted expert advice to help in their work with Moslems. (c) To get in touch with the younger generation of educated Moslems. In this connection, their house would be a centre where such young men would be encouraged to come for discussion, social intercourse, reading, study circles, lectures etc. The community might include an Indian Priest who would work and visit amongst Indian Moslems in Zanzibar. (d) But the predominating aim would be to endeavour to show the young modern educated Moslem the meaning of sacramental Christianity, not only its devotional but also its social implications.4


(b)

In January 1944, the 30 delegates, who consisted of 11 ordained men (eight UMCA, three African), eight women (four UMCA [two teachers, one doctor, one nurse], four CSP sisters), and eight lay Africans (seven teachers and one dispenser), met for two weeks.5 The new Bishop, William Scott Baker (1902–90), arrived part way through the conference and heard the recommendations of the various committees. The minutes of the conference show that work amongst Muslims was discussed by the subcommittee for Parochial Affairs under the heading of Evangelism. The membership of the subcommittee was: Chair: Ven. Herbert Sydenham (1904–88), Archdeacon of Korogwe Secretary: Rev. Edward Lury (1907–78), Headmaster of St Paul’s School, Kiungani Ven. Guy Hanbury (1887–1969), Archdeacon of Dar es Salaam Ven. Edmund Clarabut (1888–1969), Archdeacon of Zanzibar Rev. H. Mang’enya, Priest-in-charge, Misozwe Mwl. [Teacher] P. Nkanyemka, Headmaster of St Paul’s School, Kideleko Mwl. Kiama, Headmaster of St Martin’s School, Msalabani Rev. Neil Russell (1906–1984), Warden of the Theological College, Hegongo, was absent through ill-health. Also contributing: Canon [Augustine (Austin)] Hellier (1884–1954), Chancellor and Administrator Mwalimu J. Keto, Headmaster of St Michael’s School, Korogwe.6

A verbatim record of the discussion committee was kept, in English and Swahili; the points raised included: Tuesday January 11th 1944 “Need for More Christians” Canon [Augustine (Austin)] Hellier [began the discussion] Africa has two peculiarities: (1) It has large areas with few peoples. (2) The population of Africa is more or less stationary. The people of Africa can be divided into three groups: (1) Those who have become Christians. (2) Those who have heard about Christianity. (3) Those who have not heard at all. Therefore (1) This last group must be brought in. (2) This work must not be left to priests and preachers only. (3) Every Christian must become a missionary among those with whom he comes in contact.

Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 237 There are three ways of doing this: (1) By Public Preaching, which should be revived. (2) By Preaching Jesus through Education. (3) By preaching Jesus through Medical work Fr. [Edward] Lury – Outside Preaching The memoranda seemed to suggest that this was not being done. It is done in other ways. It is not always desirable e.g. in hostile Moslem surroundings. In any case it was largely a matter of vocation. It is dangerous to say that everyone should do it.


Other ways in which it may be done: (1) (2) (3) (4)

Public Funerals Hymn singing instead of wailing at funerals Christmas Nativity Play performed in the out stations Lantern Lectures, in out schools.

Archdeacon [Herbert] Sydenham: (1) Perhaps groups could settle down for a short time on a Sisal Estate to preach Christ. (2) It is possible to preach without degenerating into argument. (3) Have we not made the mistake of hiding Our Lord from the people? Mw.7 Paolo Nkanyemka: U.M.C.A. is the only Mission in Zigualand: therefore open air preaching could be done. Preaching should be done in hospitals It would be good to sing hymns and preach in the streets Preaching to Muslims – there is no opportunity for teachers. It would be better if the older people who are not working preached.8 Mw. John Keto: To preach amongst Muslims It is essential to know the Bible and the Qur’an first, there should be a lecturer who knows the Qur’an at the training colleges in order to train teachers so that they know how to attract knowledgeable Muslims.9 Canon Hellier (1) Bp. Weston pointed out that to meet organised opposition of educated Moslems needs properly trained men to organise the work. (2) A recommendation should be sent to the Bishop for a college of experts to live in Zanzibar and organise this section of the work. To deal with Moslems and Indians. They could travel round the country also. (3) To deal with Moslems we must understand Moslem books and Moslem Religion, e.g. Canon Dale’s work in Zanzibar. (4) Christian Unity must be sought. Every Christian should be a missionary.10

According to the Proceedings of the Conference, the following recommendations were given to the bishop: V Evangelism – The Witness of the Individual Christian a. The first task is to stir up the Missionary Spirit in all our Christians b. Methods of Evangelism

238 J. Chesworth We recommend the development of a system of Lantern Lectures; to this end we suggest that an appeal for such lanterns should be made in England, in order that every Parish may have one, with suitable supply of slides in each Archdeaconry. Public Preaching, which consists of preaching the Gospel without attacks on other religions, if used with care, will also be of great value. The Africans on the Committee have drawn our attention to the grave dangers attendant on Public Preaching at night in the villages. In this connection, we recommend that the Literature Committee produce a series of Evangelistic Tracts, some of them to be [Swahili] in Arabic Script, for use largely in connection with Lantern Lectures and Public Preaching but also for use by themselves.


c. Personnel Specialists, to work amongst Mohammedans and Indians. We urge the appointment of an expert or experts. We feel the first need is for two or more Indian priests. We suggest an approach to the Bishop of Colombo and the Cowley Fathers and the Fathers of the Oxford Mission to Calcutta as a first beginning. We are also convinced that it would be of great assistance to have at least one Islamic expert in the Diocese.11

These recommendations give a clear idea of the approaches that the diocese felt were needed. They also indicate that the senior clergy referred to decisions made by Bishop Weston and by implication ignored Bishop Birley’s episcopacy. How far were the recommendations enacted? The Reverend Arthur Lewis, who arrived in 1947, was sent to Zanzibar to learn Arabic and to study Islam, but records do not show that he became the much-needed “expert.” He retired from the UMCA in 1958. Further research is needed to ascertain how much public preaching was done, with or without magic lantern slides, but it appears that the exigencies of the post-war years meant that relatively few of the recommendations were in fact carried out.

Preparing for Independence Work responding to Islam continued and Neil Russell increasingly became a key figure in the Diocese. Neil Russell joined the UMCA in 1934 and worked in the Diocese of Zanzibar until 1967. Writing in 1949, he reports on the work in Zigualand and talks he had with Muslims about the Gospel and Islam as he travelled around his parish. He concludes by saying: The only way of penetrating Islam is prayer and more prayer. Everywhere there are open doors – many more ready to hear than to do – but I personally feel that our job is on the whole to gradually [to] change the heart of the community – and that the move will at last come communally as a wave. We don’t look for quick results. (Russell 1949)

Prayer for the Diocese and the UMCA, both in personal devotions and as part of regular services, was regarded as central to the work of the church. This included prayers specifically for Muslims. For those praying for the work of the UMCA, the booklet Praying for the Church Overseas (Broomfield 1964, 18–19) includes an intercession for the conversion of Muslims;12 whilst correspondence between Austin Hellier and Robin Lamburn in 1947 discusses the text of a proposed revision of a set of propers for use in a votive mass for the conversion of Muslims.13 In 1951 there was an increase in Muslim opposition to the work in Zigualand: This was the result of a campaign, conducted and financed from outside the area, which included the free distribution of some very tendentious pamphlets. To meet these, Father Russell wrote an answer which has been printed for us by the Lutheran Press at Vuga, and copies are being distributed free in the affected areas. By the end of the year the campaign seemed to have expended itself, and the attendance at most schools had again risen. These outbreaks of Muslim opposition seem to be endemic in that area, and on the whole do more good than harm by putting our Christians on their

Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 239 mettle, but conversions are still very few in Zigualand. We seem as far as ever from finding an answer to the challenge presented by the Muslim world. (UMCA 1952)


This illustrates the tensions and uncertainties as Tanganyika and Zanzibar were preparing for Independence and the roles that Christianity and Islam would play in the emerging states. The main emphasis during the 1950s was on preparing for Independence. The Diocese continued its work in education and health and became increasingly “Africanized,” with more senior roles going to African priests such as John Sepeku, later to become bishop of Dar es Salaam and first archbishop of the Church of the Province of Tanzania. The UMCA had a real concern for the future and published two books that reflect that concern. The first was by Lyndon Harries, a former UMCA missionary, who became a lecturer at the School for Oriental and African Studies, University of London. He wrote Islam in East Africa, published in 1954, which was: [W]ritten with primary reference to Zanzibar, Pemba and the mainland opposite in Tanganyika. Its purpose is to help readers to understand something of the character of Islam in relation to the African people … [Harries] points out that Islam presents a constant challenge to the Christian Mission in East Africa … the challenge has to be met, but first it has to be more clearly understood. (Harries 1954, cover)

As well as relating the history of the various Muslim groups present in East Africa and the essentials of Muslim faith and practice, it also addressed the challenge to Christians, coming to two important conclusions: The first is that the Christian Church must be made strong and independent of political fluctuations … it would be a mistake to think that … the Church is being built in a political vacuum. The second conclusion is that Islam in East Africa is an ever-present challenge to the Christian Church. Islam is not in a hurry. Islam has survived ruder shocks in East Africa than the present loss of political supremacy. (Harries 1954, 31–32)

Then, in 1957, Gerald Broomfield, by then UMCA General Secretary, published Towards Freedom. This includes a chapter (6) called “From Islam,” which reflects on the resurgence of Islamic confidence during the 1950s. Broomfield explains that the initial attraction of Islam for Africans is a desire for “civilization,” pointing out that the Swahili word for civilization, ustaarabu, means “being like an Arab” (Broomfield 1957, 70). With the coming of Christian missionaries and European colonialists, the focus on what was “civilization” shifted and people were attracted to Christianity, for its education and sense of civilization. With the move towards Independence, Islam was regaining confidence and becoming attractive again. It is worth noting that in Tanganyika the majority of the political leaders in the struggle for Independence were indeed Muslims (Chesworth 2004). Broomfield raises the difficulties of explaining the Gospel to Muslims – that such discussion: lead[s] almost inevitably to argument. It can easily become acrimonious, but this must be avoided at almost any cost. On the other hand, if the Christian speaker has enough patience and humility, the discussion can be conducted in a perfectly friendly spirit. Indeed many Muslims in East Africa seem to love an argument, and those in the audience will happily applaud points scored on either side. The Christian needs much patience because he will have to discuss many matters which seem to him to have little or no bearing on the truth of the Gospel, and to give serious answers to many arguments based on premises which he holds to be invalid or irrelevant. (Broomfield 1957, 75–76)

By the late 1950s the dioceses in Tanganyika, Zanzibar and Kenya were preparing to become the Province of East Africa. This was inaugurated in 1960, with Leonard Beecher as the first archbishop, bringing four UMCA dioceses together with CMS dioceses in Tanganyika and Kenya. In 1958, the Tanganyika Broadcasting Corporation (TBC) began religious broadcasts: “Anglicans share with other non-RC Christians in providing a fifteen minute programme on a

240 J. Chesworth week-day once a week, and a programme lasting thirty minutes, every other Sunday” (Lury 1958). Edward Lury became TBC’s first Religious Broadcasting Officer (Christian), with a Muslim counterpart. Writing in 1963 he explains:


One of the platforms of the religious broadcasting policy here has been that there must be no attacks of any kind on the views of Christians of other denominations or men of other faiths. We say: “By all means preach all that you believe yourself, but don’t attack what the other fellow believes” … This does not exclude the possibility of conversion by radio services … by its very quality it will attract the uncommitted listener [who] may say this religion is for me. (Lury 1963)

In 1961, SPCK published a book in Swahili, Allahu Akbar by Lyndon Harries, which is a revised version of a book by Godfrey Dale originally published in 1909 as Khabari ya Dini ya Kiislamu. The preface explains that Harries was aware that very few Muslims had written about Islam in Swahili, and that many Muslims did not know much about their own faith. He used Dale’s 1909 book as a basis in order to help both Muslims and Christians to understand more about Islam. Following Tanganyika’s Independence in December 1961, the Diocese of Zanzibar made preparations for the future and three suffragan bishops, two of whom were Africans, John Sepeku and Yohana Lukindo, together with Neil Russell, were consecrated in 1963 (UMCA 1963). They were appointed in preparation for the planned division of the Diocese into three: two dioceses on the mainland, the Diocese of Dar es Salaam with John Sepeku as its bishop, and the Diocese of Tanga with Yohana Lukindo, whilst the islands were to remain as the Diocese of Zanzibar under Neil Russell. Neil Russell was based on Zanzibar during the preparations for Independence there and reports: But this is of course, a different world from Tanganyika, with its own political and social problems; not only a common desire for freedom from the British Protectorate, but violent rivalry between the predominantly Arab National Party, and the predominantly African Afro-Shirazi Party; and the growing Trade Union element … Everywhere is dominant Islam, the cry to prayer goes up, from human throats and through the radio, all round the Cathedral; the hooter sounds at sunset every evening as a call to prayer. What a land of opportunity, and what a task, and what a call for you to pray. (News from Africa July 1963, UMCA Archives, Box USPG Pers 1955–64)

Bishop Russell saw the potential on Zanzibar and Pemba: This bishopric of mine is “the day of small things” but I think pregnant things. Catechumens are coming forward, of course mostly among non-Muslims. But coming back from Pemba … with an all-Muslim company of mobile police, some of them came and sat round me and asked me to explain what – if any – were the fundamental differences between Christianity and Islam. They attentively and intelligently listened to the answers, and then said “and what does one do if one wants to become a Christian?” (News from Africa August 1963, UMCA Archives, Box USPG Pers 1955–64)

Zanzibar gained Independence in December 1963, with the Sultan as head of state, but there was a revolution in January 1964, following which church schools were nationalized and Bishop Russell was expelled. The Diocese of Zanzibar was divided into the Diocese of Dar es Salaam and the Diocese of Zanzibar and Tanga during 1965; Zanzibar finally becoming a separate diocese in 2001.

Conclusion What does this overview of 40 years of work amongst Muslims have to tell us, 50 years on? The example of the work of the UMCA and the Diocese of Zanzibar in the final years of the colonial period serve as a reminder that:

Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 241 .

. .

Debate and disputation may not be an effective method. Broomfield had his doubts, seeing it as an argument that one side can win and which serves to entertain the crowd, but rarely convinces or persuades someone to change their faith. Evangelism amongst Muslims is not going to be effective unless first there is understanding of Islam. For ministry in a Muslim majority area to be effective it seems to require a quiet presence, undergirded with prayer, serving the whole community, and bearing witness through both presence and engagement.


The work amongst Muslims in the Diocese of Zanzibar and the contribution of local Anglicans, together with Europeans through the UMCA and the CSP has yet to be fully explored. Such research could be helpful in gaining insights for future work amongst Muslims.

Notes 1. UMCA was originally known as the Oxford and Cambridge Mission to Central Africa (1858–60), and it then became the Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin and Durham Mission to Central Africa (1860–65), before being called the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (1865–1964) (Mundus 2004). 2. Kwa Namna Gani Yesu Kristo Bwana Wetu ni Mwana wa Mungu? (In what way is our Lord Jesus Christ the Son of God?), eight-page tract, npd; Mwokozi Hana Buddi Kuwa Hana Khatiya (It is necessary for the Saviour to be without fault [sinless]), eight-page tract, npd; Khabari za Kufufuka Kwake Bwana Wetu Yesu Kristo (News of the resurrection of Our Lord Jesus Christ), four-page Tract, npd; Leteni Hoja Zenu Mkiwa Mnasema Kweli (Bring your arguments [discussions] if you say the truth), eight-page tract, printed at Universities’ Mission Press, Mkunazini, Zanzibar, no date (UMCA Archives, Box D I [2]: Arabic and Swahili Papers 242, 247, 248 and 272). 3. Submission in Swahili: Waalimu wa Kiislamu wanawazuia watu wazima hata na watoto wapendao kufundishwa Dini ya Kikristo. Tena wanazuia watoto wengine wasisome katika schools za Mission wakisema Dini ya Kikristo ni ya Kizungu mkiingia mtakula nguruwe sasa walio wengi wanashindwa kuingia Dini, Shauri la kufaa nini? Sisi Wainjilisti tunaumizwa mioyoni mwetu. 4. UMCA Archives, Box A 4 (1): Preparatory Memoranda for Diocesan Conference Parts I, II & III, 1943. 5. See Appendix 1 for list of delegates. 6. UMCA Archives, Box A 4 (1) Vol. I: Proceedings of the Conference, 1944. 7. Mw. = Mwalimu (teacher). 8. In Swahili Heri tuimbe nyimbo katika miji na kuhubiri. Kuhubiri kwa Waislamu – nafasi haitoshi kwa waalimu. Afadhali wazee wasio watu wa mshahara wahubiri. 9. In Swahili: Kuhubiri kati ya Waislamu. Lazima ujue mambo ya Bible, na Koran kwanza, Mwalimu awekwe katika training Colleges ajuaye mambo ya Koran ili waalimu wajue jinsi ya kuwavuta Waislamu wenye akili. 10. UMCA Archives, Box A 4 (1): Verbatim Report of Proceedings of 1944 Diocesan Conference, 1944. 11. UMCA Archives, Box A 4 (1): Vol. I Proceedings of the Conference, 1944. 12. See Appendix 2 for text of this prayer. 13. Correspondence between Austin Hellier and Robin Lamburn on revision of liturgy (in the author’s possession).

References Anderson, W. B. 1977. The Church in East Africa 1840–1974. Dodoma: Central Tanganyika Press. Anderson-Moreshead, A. E. M. 1955. History of the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa, Vol. 1: 1859– 1909. New revised edition. London: UMCA. Anglican Communion. 2008. “Anglican Religious Communities: Community of the Sacred Passion.” Accessed January 16, 2012. www.anglicancommunion.org/communities Bang, A. 2003. Sufis and Scholars of the Sea: Family Networks in East Africa, 1860–1925. London: Routledge Curzon. Birley, T. H. 1924. UMCA Annual Review. 1924. “Annual Review: II. The Diocese of Zanzibar.” UMCA Annual Review 43 (510): 104–106.


242 J. Chesworth Blood, A. G. 1944. A New Creation: A Review of the Work of the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa. UMCA Annual Report. London: UMCA. Blood, A. G. 1955. History of the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa, Vol. 2: 1907–1932. London: UMCA. Blood, A. G. 1962. History of the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa, Vol. 3: 1933–1957. London: UMCA. Bowen, J. R. 1968. “The Church of the Province of East Africa.” In Modern Anglican Liturgies, edited by C. O. Buchanan, 70–89. London: Oxford University Press. Broomfield, G. W. 1938. The Universities’ Mission to Central Africa: What it is. Think It Over 1. London: UMCA. Broomfield, G. W. 1945. “Obituary of Alban Ali.” Central Africa [UMCA] 752: 95–96. Broomfield, G. W. 1954. “Foreword.” In Islam in East Africa, edited by L. P. Harries, 7–8. London: UMCA. Broomfield, G. W. 1957. Towards Freedom. London: UMCA. Broomfield, G. W. 1964. Praying for the Church Overseas. Revised and enlarged edition. London: UMCA. Bulley, M. 1931. “Kwa Maizi.” Central Africa [UCMA] 49 (581): 89–90. Chesworth, J. A. 2004. “Muslims and Christians in East Africa since Independence: Shifting Fortunes and Perceptions.” Journal of African Christian Thought 7 (2): 39–47. Chesworth, J. A. 2008. “The Use of Scripture in Swahili Tracts by Muslims and Christians in East Africa.” Diss., University of Birmingham. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk/150/ Dale, G. 1909. Khabari ya Dini ya Kiislamu. London: SPCK. Dale, G. 1923. Tafsiri ya Kurani ya Kiarabu kwa Lugha ya Kisawahili. London: SPCK. Dale, G. 1924a. “A Swahili Translation of the Koran.” Moslem World 14 (1): 5–9. Dale, G. 1924b. “Editor’s Notes: The Swahili Koran.” Central Africa [UCMA] 42 (495): 42–43. Dale, G. 1925. Islam and Africa. London: SPCK. Harries, L. P. 1954. Islam in East Africa. London: UMCA. Harries, L. P. 1961. Allahu Akbar. London: SPCK. Hastings, A. 1996. The Church in Africa: 1450–1950. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Lury, E. 1958. “Tanganyika Broadcasting Corporation.” Central Africa [UMCA] 904: 73. Lury, E. 1963. “Religious Broadcasting in Tanganyika.” Central Africa [UMCA] 962: 21–23. Mundus (Gateway to missionary collections in the United Kingdom). 2004. “Biographical History Universities’ Mission to Central Africa.” Accessed January 16, 2012. www.mundus.ac.uk/cats/11/ 1050.htm Pawliková-Vilhanová, V. 2000. “Crescent or Cross? Islam and Christian Missions in Nineteenth Century East and Central Africa.” In Mission und Gewalt, edited by U. van der Heyden and J. Becher, 79–95. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. Porter, A. 2004. art. “Weston, Frank (1871–1924).” In Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/36844 Rizvi, S. 2003. “Introduction.” In Quran Tukufu, edited by A. J. Mayunga, 1–2. Dar es Salaam: Ahlu’l-Bayt (a.s.) Assembly of Tanzania. http://quran.al-shia.com/sw/quran/tarjomee/moq/01.htm Russell, N. 1949. “Open Doors in Zigualand.” Central Africa [UMCA] 796: 42. Sahlberg, C.-E. 1986. From Krapf to Rugambwa: A Church History of Tanzania. Nairobi: Evangel Publishing House. von Sicard, S. 2000. “Missionary Attitudes and Approaches to Muslims, Zanzibar 1864–1890.” In Mission und Gewalt, edited by U. van der Heyden and J. Becher, 113–137. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. Sundkler, B., and C. Steed. 2000. A History of the Church in Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. UMCA. 1935. “Editorial.” UMCA Annual Review 1. UMCA. 1952. “Muslim Opposition.” UCMA Annual Review 6. UMCA. 1963. “Consecration of Three Assistant Bishops.” Come Back Africa: Annual Review 17. Weston, F. 1913. Ecclesia Anglicana: For What Does She Stand? London: Longmans, Green & Co. Weston, F. 1914. The Case Against Kikuyu: A Study of Vital Principles. London: Longmans, Green & Co.

Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 243 Appendix 1. Members of the 1944 Diocesan Conference


The Lord Bishop of Zanzibar (The Rt Rev. William Scott Baker) *Anne The Sister, Community of the Sacred Passion Clarabut The Ven. E., Archdeacon of Zanzibar *Edith Mary The Rev. Mother Superior, Community of the Sacred Passion *Francesca The Sister, Community of the Sacred Passion Gibbons Dr M. J., Doctor in charge, Hospital and Medical Training School, Minaki *Gibbons Rev. Canon R. M., Principal of St Andrew’s College, Minaki Hanbury The Ven. G. S., Archdeacon of Dar es Salaam Hellier The Rev. Canon A. B., Chancellor and Administrator Keto Mwalimu J., Headmaster of St Michael’s School, Korogwe Kiama Mwalimu M., Headmaster of St Martin’s School, Msalabani *King Miss N., Headmistress of St Anne’s School, Kideleko Lury The Rev. E., Headmaster of St Paul’s School, Kiungani Mackay The Ven. Malcolm, Archdeacon of Magila Mang’enya The Rev. H., Priest-in-charge, Misozwe Mwinyipembe The Rev. Canon S., Priest-in-charge, Amani Mfuko Mwalimu D., Head[?]master of St Andrew’s College, Minaki Mhina Mwalimu P., Senior Master of St Andrew’s College, Minaki Mhando Mwalimu M., Headmaster of St Bartholomew’s College, Kiwanda Njama The Rev. P., Priest-in-charge, Kideleko *Nkanyemka Mwalimu P., Headmaster of St Paul’s School, Kideleko Playne Miss E., Principal, St Paul’s School, Kideleko *Ramadhani Mwalimu M., Headmaster of St Paul’s School, Kiungani Reeves Miss E., Sister-in-charge, St Augustine’s Hospital, Magila *Russell The Rev. N., Warden of the Theological College, Hegongo (unable to attend the Conference owing to illness) Sankudu Tabibu A., Dispenser-in-charge, Tongwe Stephens The Rev. C., Principal of St Bartholomew’s College, Kiwanda, Diocesan Treasurer Sydenham The Ven. H., Archdeacon of Korogwe *Thomasine The Sister, Community of the Sacred Passion Wilkinson The Rev. G., Vice-Principal of St Andrew’s College, Minaki; Assistant-Secretary to the Conference *not in the photograph in Blood (1944, 31).

Appendix 2. Praying for the Church Overseas [Prayer] For the conversion of Muslims Antiphon. The Lord our God is one Lord: and thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thine heart. V. A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up unto you of your brethren. R. Unto him shall ye hearken. Almighty God, our heavenly Father, have mercy upon the Muslims and all others who are strangers to thy redeeming love; and grant that they Church may so powerfully exhibit to them the indwelling of the Holy Ghost, that they may be brought to confess thy Son Jesus of Nazareth as their Prophet, Priest and King, and to share with us the fellowship of the same Spirit, to the glory of thy name; through the merits of the death and passion of the same thy Son, Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. (Broomfield 1964, 18–19)