The Goliath Family in Jericho: Funerary Inscriptions

The Goliath Family in Jericho: Funerary Inscriptions from a First Century A. D. Jewish Monumental Tomb Author(s): Rachel Hachlili Source: Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 235 (Summer, 1979), pp. 31-66 Published by: The American Schools of Oriental Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1356554 . Accessed: 05/04/2014 06:59 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

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Goliath

in Jericho: Family a First Funerary Inscriptionsfrom Monumental Tomb Jewish Century A.D. The

RACHEL HACHLILI Tel-Aviv University Ramat-Aviv, Israel

An unusual monumental tomb was discovered recently during salvage work in the Jericho Jewish necropolis (Hachlili 1979) and was excavated on behalf of the Archaeological Staff Officer of Judea and Samaria.' The tomb is the largest one excavated until now in this Jewish cemetery. It consists of two chambers at different levels, connected by a passage and a short staircase. The tomb is unique in that the walls of both chambers were plastered, and the upper

chamber was decorated with a brightly-colored fresco depicting a vine with leaves, trellis and ripe grapes, and birds perched on the branches. The upper chamber, A (fig. 1), had eight loculi (kikhim) and a central pit. A second pit had been dug in the east wall, close to the entrance, and was filled with a large pile of skulls and bones, as was loculus 8. The second chamber, B (fig. 2), was smaller, with six loculi and no pit. Inside the tomb 22 ossuaries were found distributed in the loculi of both chambers, as

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well as on the floor and benches, with a total of 32 inscriptions written or incised on 14 of the ossuaries. The purpose of the present article is to discuss these inscriptions, which reveal much about the occupants of the tomb. I. The Inscriptions The inscriptions and relevant information, a translation, a brief explanation, and the anthropological data are given in Table I. General observations regarding the inscriptions will be discussed, but only two outstanding inscriptions, numbers 3 and 14, will be examined at length. The inscriptions appear on the front, sides, and lids of the ossuaries. They generally include the name of the deceased and his family relationship, with the exception of Inscriptions 3a-b (figs. 40-43) and 14 (figs. 45, 46). The inscriptions are incised into the soft limestone with a chisel (or nail?), with the exception of Inscriptions 3a-b, which were executed in ink, and Inscription 14, whose Greek letters were written with charcoal. Most of the inscriptions are repeated at least twice on the ossuaries and sometimes three or more times. There

are only three ossuaries inscribed with one inscription: Ossuary I, Inscription 1 (fig. 3); Ossuary VI (lid),Inscription 14 (figs. 45, 46) and Ossuary XIX, Inscription 10 (figs. 35, 36). Of these inscriptions 17 are in Greek, and the remaining 15 are in the Jewish (Square) script. There are three ossuaries, found together in one loculus, with bilingual inscriptions: Ossuary XVIII, Inscriptions 9a-c (figs. 27-30); Ossuary XX, Inscriptions I la-c (figs. 31-34); and Ossuary XXI, Inscriptions 12a-b (figs. 37-39). The occurrence of bilingual inscriptions on ossuaries is not uncommon. (For examples of bilingual inscriptions see Frey 1952: nos. 1293, 1344, 1350, 1372, 1373, 1374; Klein 1920: 21, no. 17; 24, no. 47; and Avigad 1962: 10, fig. 16). The bilingual inscriptions on Ossuaries XVIII and XX (figs. 27-30, 31-34) appear to be executed by the same hand. In the Greek inscriptions, the letters are almost identical in execution, which is especially evident in the inscriptions engraved lengthwise across the lids of the ossuaries (figs. 30, 34). These letters are crowded and very elongated. The style of the script and the spelling of the words


1979

THE GOLIATH FAMILY IN JERICHO

are very similar, to the extent that in both inscriptions the scribe incised an omicron instead of an omega. Inscriptions 9b and I lb (figs. 28, 29; 32 33) in Jewish script are written in the same cursive style, indicating that they were incised by the same hand. Inscriptions 8 (figs. 18-22) and 13 (figs. 24-26) were also inscribed by the same hand. Inscriptions 5 (figs. 10, 1) and 6 (figs. 12, 13) were incised by the same person, as indicated by their similar cursive Greek script and their unusual position at the edge of the ossuaries' front, both written vertically from top to bottom. The individuals interred in these two ossuaries were father and son. There are two ossuaries, XIII and XXI, which held the remains of only one body, but with two different names appearing on each ossuary. On Ossuary XXI, Inscription 12a (figs. 37, 38), the name "Yehoezer son of Eleazar" appears, while on the side of the ossuary, Inscription 12b (fig. 39), the name "Eleazaros," is written in Greek. The appearance of the name Eleazar was most likely intended to stress the point that Yehoezer was the son of Eleazar (but see Mayer 1924: 59, n. 1). On Ossuary XIII, Inscription 5a (fig. 10), "belonging to Menahem," is incised, while the second inscription, 5b (fig. 11), gives only the name "Simon". The remains of the individual in this ossuary are probably that of Menahem, the son of Simon. Inscriptions 7a and 7b differ slightly. Inscription 7b indicates a three-generation geneology where bat probably means "granddaughter." In Inscription 7a the bat between Nathel and Shlomsion is missing, perhaps due to lack of space. This inscription is unusual in the fact that Mariah, of the third generation, traces her ancestry back to a woman, Shlomsion. There are no other Jewish funerary inscriptions where this occurs. (But see "Ishma el bar Pelata", where bar in this case means "grandson";Hachlili 1978: 45, 48).

33

historical figure, for the first time in an ossuary inscription. In addition, the Greek word for ossuary, XOPOE (soros), appears at the end of Inscription 3a (see below, Conclusion C). Note the Greek theta which appears on the side of the gabled lid, possibly meant to indicate that the lid and ossuary belonged to Theodotos, as theta is the first letter of his name in Greek.

Theodotos is the only Greek name appearing on any of the ossuaries found in this tomb (all other names being Jewish). It is the Greek translation of the Jewish name (Nath[an]el (see below) which appears on Ossuary XV, Inscriptions 7a-b (Table 1, figs. 14-16, 49). Theodotos is probably Nath[an]el's servile name. The association between these two names is strengthened by the fact that many slaves and freedmen adopted Greek names at the time of their enslavement (Gordon 1924: 100, 105; Duff 1958: 56; Westermann 1955: 96).2 Following the name Theodotos is AHEPOY: (Freedman of) which is his status indication (Weaver 1972: 47, 72), i.e., he was manumitted by Queen Agrippina (Weaver 1972:29, 64-65). It is likely that he was taken as a "political slave," considering that he was from a prominent and important family. Many Roman slaves were war captives (Treggiari 1969: 4; Westermann 1955: 84). Jewish citizens were often sold into slavery following rebellions. There is an inscription mentioning a captive from Judea during the reign of Claudius (Bang 1910: 233). Josephus records the selling of Jewish citizens into slavery on several occasions: during the time of Casius in 53 B.c. (JW 1. 180); during the revolt in Judea at the time of Varus, Legate of. Syria in 4 B.C. (JW 2. 39-54; Ant 17. 254-68, 289); and at the time of the Jewish Revolt (JW 3. 62). From inscriptions 3 and 7 it is clear that Theodotos/Nath[an]el, who belonged to the second generation of the family interred in this tomb (see fig. 49), was taken as a slave after the birth of his daughter Mariah. However, it is impossible to determine how long Theodotos was enslaved or Inscription 3 (figs. 40-43). his age when he received his manumission (cf. BAXIAIXXHX OEOAOTOYAHEAEYOEPOY Weaver 1972: 103-104, who states that the average AFPIHHEINH' XOPOE of manumission was between 30 and 40). age of of Theossuary Theodotos,freedman QueenAgrippina The Queen Agrippina (fig. 44) mentioned in this Inscriptions 3a-b on Ossuary VIII are the most inscription should be identified with Agrippina the interesting inscriptions found in this tomb. The two Younger (A.D. 15-59), daughter of Agrippina the Greek inscriptions were written in ink on both Elder and Germanicus, who in A.D. 49 married upper corners of the back of Ossuary VIII. They are emperor Claudius, her uncle (Tacitus, Ann 12. 1-8). unique in that they mention Queen Agrippina, a She acquired the title of "Augusta" (Empress) in


34

RACHEL HACHLILI

TABLE

BASOR 235

1: THE INSCRIPTIONS

CHAMBER

A

THE INSCRIPTIONS

Location

Ossuary No.

Inscription Location on No. Ossuary

Before Loculus 1

I

Figure No. in Text

Inscription on Ossuary

1

Front

3

2a

Lid

4-5

n,~> ttH 11: "tw•r

2b

Back

6

a,• "t't nt

MAPIAHM FY IOYAOY

and passage

II Ill

IV

Before Loculus 1 Before

Loculus

P 1_

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lt,'•

I

In Loculus I under Ossuary

V

In Loculus 1 above Ossuary

VI

IV

Between Loculi I and 2 The lid was in

14

Inside lid

45-46

t (?)

the pit VII

VIII

In Loculus 2 (front)

3a

Back (left) 3 lines

3b

2 lines

4a 4b 4c

Front Back Lid (inside)

7 8 9

5a

Front (left) vertically Side

10 1i1

IMON

Front vertically Side

12

XIMON

13

IMON

In Loculus 2(back)

IX

In Loculus 7

X

In passage between Chambers A and B

CHAMBER

Before Loculus ii

XII

Before Loculi 12-13

XIII

On floor 5b 6a On floor 6b

XV

XVI

On Floor

On floor below Loculus 15

XVII

On floor

XVIII

In Loculus 14 front, right

XIX

In Loculus 14 front, left

XX

In Loculus 14 back (right)

XXI

In Loculus 14 back (left)

XXII

Back (right)

40-41 40, 42

OEOAOTOY AHEAEY OEPOY BAEIAIEEHE AFPIHHEINHE EOPOE OEOAOTOY AHEAEYOEPOY BAEIAIXEHE

AFPIHHEINHE

B

XI

XIV

ABFA EZ (?) H O?) (

In Loculus 15

7a

Front

14-15

7b

Back

16

7c

Side

17

IOEZPO3 IOEZPOX IXMAHAOY IOEZPOX IXMAHAOY MANAHMOE

itt'E' •[]n. mn ~: ir Tpr't, n:

n ,t[4]nm "•:rr'n n': a" Tn'

8a

Left side

18-19

8b

20-21

8c 8d

Right side, inside rosette Lid, end Lid, end

9a 9b

Side, upper Side, lower

27, 29 28-29

IOEZPOX IOEZPOY [OAIA?OY

9c

Lid

30

IOEZPOY

10

On front between two rosettes

35-36

2AAQMH FYNH IQEZPOY TOAIA9OY KAI IXMAHAOX YIOX KAI IfEZPOX YIOX

I la 1lb I Ic

Side (top) Side (bottom) Lid

31, 33 32-33 34

XEAAMXIOYX MHTPOY IOEZPOY TOAIA?OY t ' oW n,,3 " ,'1 p''t0, XEAAMXIOY MHTPOX IOEZPOY [OAIAOOY

12a

Front (corner)

37-38

12b

Side

39

13a

Back

24-25

13b 13c

Lid Lid

26 26

':p

t'4Z

8t

22 23

~'

n,, IOEZPOY

"~•,ti "l"r13

"•' "'

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TOAIA?OY

EAEAZAPOE


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1979


ANTH ROPOLOGICAL Translation of Inscription

Comments

Mariame wife of Judah

TY- abbreviation of TYNH

Yehoezer, son of Eleazar Goliath Yehoezer, son of Eleazar Goliath

Human No.

Sex

Age

I1 2

F ?

20 yrs. 6-11 mo.

3 4 5

? ? ?

4 yrs. 10-11 mo. 5-6 mo.

6

M

?50 yrs.

7

M

+ 50 yrs.

DATA Comments

Fused thoracic vertebrae

8

M

+ 60 yrs.


9

F

+ 40 yrs.

Skull missing

10

M F?

+ + 60 yrs.

Very tall

11

12

M

50-60 yrs.

Tall

13 14

Child Child

Il1-12 yrs. 4-5 yrs.

15

Child

5-6 mo.

16

F

20 yrs.

17 18

M ?

50 yrs. 16 yrs.

19

M

40 yrs.

Crippled

20

M

18-20 yrs.

Tall

21

M

40-50 yrs.

22

F

40 yrs.

23

?

4 yrs.

24

M?F

40-50 yrs.

25

Child

3-4 yrs.

26

M

20-50 yrs.

Yehoezer son of Yehoezer Goliath Salome wife of Yehoezer Goliath and her son Ishmael and her son Yehoezer

27 28

F Child

40-50 yrs. 3-4 yrs.

Shlomsion mother of Yehoezer Goliath Shlomsion mother of Yehoezer Goliath Shlomsion mother of Yehoezer Goliath

29

F

50-60 yrs.


30

M

25-35 yrs.

Very tall (femurs 53 cm long) est. stature: 1.885 m

31

Infant

5-6 mo.

Theodotus, a Freedman of Queen Agrippina - Ossuary

Yehoezer Yehoezer son of Ishmael Yehoezer son of Ishmael Two different names on the same ossuary

Belonging to Menahem Simon Simon

40 yrs.

Simon Maria daughter of Nat[an]el Shlomsion Maria daughter of Nat[an]el daughter of Shlomsion Maria daughter Yehoezer Akabia Yehoezer Akabia Akabia

Two names, on one ossuary, referring to one individual

Yehoezer Akabia Yehoezer Akabia

Yehoezer son of Yehoezer Goliath Yehoezer son of Yehoezer Goliath

Yehoezer son of Eleazar Eleazar Yehoezer Akabia Akabia Akabia Akabia


35

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RACHEL HACHLILI

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BASOR 235

RACHEL HACHLILI

44

Fig. 38. Photograph of Inscription 12a.

Fig. 37.

5 ,, CM,

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k::.

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45


1979

3.

of ossuary and Inscription

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mmmm ?? :?;?.?.i:!-: :: ,•??::?.

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.

46

RACHEL HACHLILI

S~E

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Fig. 44. Agrippinaminor.Roman,ca. A.D. 50. A.D. 50 and was the owner of a large number of

slaves in her own right (Weaver 1972: 64). It is believed that she poisoned Claudius in A.D. 54 in order to ensure her own son Nero's succession. In the first years of Nero's rule she continued her coregency (Tacitus, Ann 12. 64; 13. 21-22). Later she lost her power and was murdered in A.D. 59 by a freedman (Tacitus, Ann 14. 3-9; Josephus, JW 2. 249; Ant 20. 148, 151). Agrippina maintained close contacts and was on good terms with the Jewish king Agrippa II and his family. The Jews enjoyed royal favor under Queen Agrippina, who on one occasion interceded on their behalf during the riots between the Samaritans and the Jews in A.D. 52 (Josephus, Ant 20. 135). Her good relations with the Jewish community might explain her freeing Theodotos. In being freed by Queen Agrippina, Theodotos obtained Roman citizenship and a special status reserved for those who had been slaves of the Augustae. Weaver (1972: 28) considers freedmen of the Augustae "a distinctive series of secondary imperial gentilicia, which are useful for dating... and qualify for associate membership of thefamilia Caesaris." He also claims (1972: 47) that the status

BASOR 235

nomenclature of freedmen and slaves of Augustae tended to be less formalized than that of thefamilia Caesaris proper and that it was possible to distinguish them from freedmen of the emperor. There are only two other (Latin) inscriptions regarding freedmen of Agrippina who bore the nomen of their patron: (CIL VI: 20384, "Iulia Aventina Agrippinae Augustae lib."; and CIL VI: 37591, "Iulia Agrippinae Augustae 1. Zosime"(see also Weaver 1972: 64). Summary. This greek inscription is written in the form customary for funerary inscriptions of freedmen: it retains his personal, servile name, Theodotos, followed by the status indication (the fact that he was manumitted) and his patron's name, Queen Agrippina (see also Weaver 1972: 76, 87). Funerary inscriptions of freedmen do not usually include the father's name and place of origin, and this was also the case in Theodotos' inscription (Duff 1958: 52; Treggiari 1969: 251). This inscription indicates: (1) the legal fact of Theodotos' manumission (Weaver 1972: 62); (2) that he was manumitted by Queen Agrippina and thus was an "imperial freedman" (Duff 1958: 143147; Westermann 1955: 109-113;Weaver 1972:299300); and (3) that the events recorded in this ossuary inscription were considered by the family to be important, indicating Theodotos' special status as a Roman citizen (Weaver 1972: 1-2). It is probable that Theodotos/Nath[an]el, a member of a prominent Jewish family in Jericho, was enslaved after being taken a prisoner of war (perhaps during a civil disturbance in Judea). Possibly he was then taken to Rome where he adopted his Greek servile name, Theodotos (a translation of his Hebrew name Nath[an]el). He became the slave of Queen Agrippina and might have been a domestic slave in her household. It may also be suggested that he was in charge of Roman interests or property of the empress in Jericho itself, or in some other neighbouring area. However, there is no indication for this latter suggesiton.' Later, during her reign (between the years A.D. 51-55) he gained manumission, which was perhaps due to Agrippina's close relations with Agrippa II and his family. After his release he returned to his home in Jericho, where he died and was placed in the family tomb (see also Treggiari 1969: 33, 35, 230), and on his ossuary was written a funerary inscription which indicates his position as an "imperial freedman". Inscription 7 on Mariah's ossuary established his position in the family: Theodotos/



1979

:: :•i.

47

.. .

re ii.iii

4J

...

o

5 ? --.-,

CM.

INS. 14

Fig. 45.

Fig. 46. Photograph of Inscription 14.

Nath[an]el (the freedman of Queen Agrippina), son of Shlomsion and father of Mariah.

The inscription consists of eight letters of the Greek alphabet: an alpha, beta, gamma, and delta appear in the first line. Next, in line 2, is an epsilon. The second letter in line 2 resembles a nu, but it is more likely a zeta, as it follows the alphabetic order. For the same reason, the second letter in line 3 is read theta, even though the form is very unusual. A horizontal line cuts across the width of the lid, and under it is one letter, possibly a phi or psi. It is clear that Inscription 14 is a Greek abecedary. Alphabetic abecedaries have been found heretofore in Israel, but none so far with Greek letters. There are several incomplete Hebrew abecedaries dating to earlier periods. They usually appear on seals, ostraca, and pottery vessels (Hestrin 1972: nos. 9, 10, 11 [seals]; Hestrin and Dyagi-Mendles 1978: 157, no. 127; 161, no. 129; Demsky 1977: 16, n.7). Recently another Hebrew abecedary in triplicate was found at Kuntillat Ajrud, dating to the late 9th or early 8th century B.c. (Meshel 1978: fig. 11).

Inscription 14 (fig. 45, 46) ABTFA EZ H

?(?)

Inscription 14 was executed in charcoal, inside the lid of Ossuary VI. The lid was found standing in the northwest corner of the pit, with the inscription facing the tomb's entrance (fig. 1). During the time of the tomb's use, it seems that the lid was lifted from Ossuary VI, the letters were written, and then the lid was purposely placed facing the entrance.


RACHEL HACHLILI

48

From the Second Temple period a number of abecedaries have been found, one at Gezer and several at Qumran (DJD II; 92, 178, 179; P1. XXVII: 11, LIV: 72, LV: 79-80). Outside of Israel, Greek abecedaries are known (Dornseiff 1925: 158168;Coogan 1974:62-63), but few have been found in tombs of the Roman period (Dornseiff 1925: 163, no. 14; 165, no. 28; 166, no.l; 168, no. 9). Scholars usually interpret these abecedaries as writing exercies (Demsky 1977: 16; Hestrin and Dyagi-Mendles 1978: 161). The Greek abecedary found at Jericho is unique in that it is the first occurrence in Israel as well as the first in a tomb. This abecedary, purposely written in the inside of an ossuary lid and facing the tomb entrance, cannot be explained, however, as a simple scribal exercise. How should it then be interpreted?Perhaps it had a "magical" significance (intended to ward off intruders or related to spirits of the dead?). There is ample evidence of a mystique of letter in the ancient world (Dornseiff 1922:20-23), and from the second century on Jews had known of the Phythgorean concept of the creative power of letters and numbers (see Trachtenberg 1939: 82). It may even be suggested that some of the incomplete Hebrew abecedaries on seals should be regarded as amulets connected with "magic"and not as scribalexercises. Another possible explanation for this Greek abecedary is that the letters might have indicated some sort of order in the tomb, i.e., by assigning letters either to the loculi or the ossuaries. However, there is no evidence of single letters in the tomb or on the ossuaries. Even though proof is lacking for a "magical" interpretation, it seems to be the most logical and acceptable explanation for this unusual inscription. II. Names, Expressions, and Terms A. Names. Most of the 13 personal names appearing in the Goliath family are common in the onomasticon of names appearing in ossuary inscriptions. There are three new names appearing for the first time: Nath[an]el, Akabia, and Goliath. Most of these names appear in other contemporary sources and are often spelled in the same way, but occasionally there are slight variations (e.g., Shlomsion and Yehoezer). A few names are written only in Jewish script (Akabia, Mariah, and Nath[an]el), while several names are written in both Jewish and Greek script (Eleazar, Goliath, Shlomsion, and Yehoezer).

BASOR 235

The names appearing in the Goliath family and their comparisons to other ossuary inscriptions are given in Table 2. The individual personal names will first be discussed alphabetically, and then Goliath, the family name, will be treated. will be treated. 1. Personal names. Akabia (H':pZ) appears in Jewish script on Ossuaries XVI and XXII, a total of eight times. This is the only occurrence of this name written with an 'alep both at the beginning and the end. It is unusual in that spelled in this way the name has no meaning. Names ending withyod 'alep occur rarely during this period. There is an example from another Jericho inscription where the name Platia (,' •) ends with yod 'alep (Hachlili 1978:46, figs. 8, 9; for other examples of this ending see Klein 1920: 28, and Benoit et al. 1961: 99, 223). This ending is pronounced ya, having the same sound as names spelled with yod he. There are several occurrences of similar names: (1) Akabiah (m::py), spelled with an cayin at the beginning and ending with a he, means "following after"; it is found, e.g., on an inscription from Masada mentioning Akabiah the priest (Yadin 1965: 84). (2) In the second century A.D.Akabiah (n':py) is the name of a Rabbi, Issi ben Akabiah (T:py p: ,Dt; b. Pesahim 113. 2; Yoma 52. 2). (3) Akiva (x:•py) is spelled with an Cayinat the beginning and an 'alep at the end and is inscribed on an ossuary (Milik 1956-7: 247 and fig. 16: 2). (4) In the Mishnah, the name Akabia ( :3py) appears spelled with an Cayinat the beginning and an 'alep at the end (Avot 3: kl Eduyyot 5: 6). Possibly Akabia ( 3rpj) is a transliteration of the Greek Akabia (AKcaptloo),which begins with an alpha, appearing in an inscription from the Hauran (Lidzbarski 1902: 219; however, Lidzbarski transliterates the word into Hebrew, spelling it with an cayin [py~]).

Eleazar (ry•H, EAEAZAP) occurs four times in the Jericho inscriptions, nos. 2a, 2b, 12a, 12b. Eleazar is a common name during the Second Temple period (see Table 2; Bagatti and Milik 1958: 92). Ishmael (IEMAHA) is written twice in Greek on Ossuaries XXI (Inscription 4) and XIX (Inscription 10). The Greek name is spelled as it appears in the LXX and in Josephus. Ishmael rarely appears in the onomasticon of the period, but it has occurred previously in a Jericho funerary inscription in


1979

IN JERICHO

THE GOLIATH

49

F,4dlLY Jewish script, written on a bowl (Hachlili 1978: 45 figs. 3-5, 13). Judah (IOYAOY) appears in Greek on Ossuary I (Inscription 1). It is a common name in the onomasticon of the period (Table 2; Bagatti and Milik 1958: 84-85). Menahem (MANAHM), written in Greek is mentioned once in inscription 5a. The name occurs only occasionally in the onomasticon of the Second Temple period. The spelling is as in Josephus (Ant 15. 373, 374, 377, 378; JW2. 433, 440, 446-49). The name occurs in Jewish script on an inscription from Dominus Flevit: "Menahem of the sons of Jachim -priest" (Bagatti and Milik 1958: 89-92, fig. 18: 1, photo 81). is quite common in the onomastiMariah (i~?•) of this con period (Table 2; Bagatti and Milik 1958: It 78-79). occurs three times on the same ossuary, XV (Inscriptions 7a-c), in Jewish script. Mariame (MAPIAMH) appears only once in Inscription 1, in Greek. Mariah and Mariame are probably variations of the same name (Bagatti and Milik 1958: 78-79). Salome (EAAIMH) appears only once in Inscription 10. It is a common name in this period, and there are several occurrences of Salome in Greek (see Table 2). It is considered to be an abbreviation of the name Shlomsion (Mayer 1924: nos. 10-11), but it can also be an abbreviation of Shlomith or a name in itself, spelled in Hebrew r u (see also Bagatti and Milik 1958: 79-81). Shlomsion appears in (t'rwateV: EEAAMEIO) Inscriptions I la-c, and variations of it occur on and 7b. This name is very Inscriptions 7a (1t,9t,') onomasticon of the period. common in the Shlomsion, in Jewish script, has been written in various ways (Bagatti and Milik 1958: 71-72; Milik 1956-57: 240-241, 245-46, fig. 13; Mayer 1924: 59). The spelling of Shlomsion in Inscriptions 7a-b and I1lb is unique in having a fin instead of a sade. The appearance of this name in Greek script (Inscriptions 1la,c) is missing the nu at the end of the name. The appearance of this name in Greek is rare but is found on an additional ossuary from Jerusalem, where it is spelled differently: EEAAMACIQN (Milik 1956-57: 239-40, fig. 4; and 241, fig. 5). It seems that this name had several variations in both Jewish and Greek script. Simon (XIMQN) occurs in Inscriptions 5a-b and 6, all three times in Greek script. It is spelled with an omega (Hachlili 1978: figs. 10, 11). Simon and the Hebrew equivalent, Shimon, is one of the most

common names of this period (Table 2; Hachlili 1978: 45, figs. 10, 11). Theodotos (OEOAOTOE)-Nath[an]el The name Theodotos appears in Greek in(7[.]t0.). Inscriptions 3a-b and means "given by God". The name Nathel in Inscriptions 7a-b, which also means "given by God", is probably a shortened form of the name Nathanel or, as suggested by Cross, is considered that Theodotos is the simply a slip. It (rt.•.), Greek translation of the Hebrew name Nathanel (Frey 1952: 195; Klein 1920: 102; Mussies 1976: 1052), and thus these two names refer to the same person (see above). Theodotos occurs occasionally in the onomasticon of the Second Temple period (Frey 1952d: no. 1270 and 1404; Schwabe and Liftshitz 1974: inscription 128). Nathanel (Nathel) is not a common name but occurs in its Greek transliteration, NATANHAOE, on an ossuary (Frey 1952: no. 1330). In the Bible Nathanel is a name used by priests (Neh 12: 12; Ezra 10: 22; 1 Ch 24: 6. Yehoezer (1tyin, IQEZP ), the most comGoliath in the name mon family, appears in both Jewish and Greek script. Seven individuals were named Yehoezer in this family (see Table 3 and the Family Tree, fig. 49). The spelling of this name in the Jericho inscriptions is unusual. In Inscriptions 2a-b, 8a, 8c-d, 9b, 12, and 13a-c, Yehoezer is spelled with a he, while the name is usually written without it: "r?ll. There are a few other occurrences of Yehoezer spelled with a he: earlierexamples include a 5th century B.C.inscription inscribed "to Yehoezer from Jericho" (n' rTn (Helzer and Ohana "nt7'm) 1978: 49, 73). Parallels from the Second Temple period are found in the ossuary inscriptions of the "Kallon" Family (Grimme 1912: 531-32, Table 2). In Josephus it is spelled Joezer or Joazar (1791) (Ant 17. 164). The name Joezer also occurs in the Beni-Hazir inscription (Avigad 1954: 61-62; also Rahmani 1961: 107, n. 12). In GreekYehoezerandits relatednamesare spelled in various ways: e.g., IQZAP, IQAZAP (Ant 17. 164, 339; 18. 33, 26; JW 2. 21, 7; Life. 29). The same Greek spellings found in Josephus occur in the LXX. In all our Greek inscriptions (4a, c; 9a, c; 10; I la, c) Yehoezer is written with an epsilon added after the omega. It is likely that the epsilon was added in the transliteration of "•yin (Yehoezer) to the Greek. A variation in the spelling of IQEZP (Yehoezer) is found in Inscriptions 9cand 11c, where the omega becomes an omicron, possibly dueto lack of space. 2. The Family name Goliath (n 5,, FOAIAO).


BASOR 235

RACHEL HACHLILI

50

TABLE 2: Names and Comparisons on Ossuaries JERICHO Page in Text

"Goliath" Family Oss. No.

Family Insc. No.

10-11

XVI; XXII

8; 13

11

II; XXI

2a, b 12a 12b

Jewish Names

Names: Greek

Akabia

Eleazar

x ztp

"T'.', EAEAZAP

XXI

nm," Goliath

2a, b 9b; lIlb

XVIII; XIX; XX

9a, c; 10; la, c

Frey 1952

1216, 1247, 1264a, 1287, 1288, 1294, 1304, 1308b, 1309 1337, 1356, 1357ab 1337, 1387

Dominus Flevit Bagatti et al. 1958

25

37c

14-16 FOAIA?

Ishmael

II, XVIII XX

"Jerusalem" Family Hachlili 1978

989,r0, IEMAHA

4

p. 45; figs. 3; 5; 13

11 XII; XIX

4, 10

Judah

IOYAOY

11

I

I

1283b; 1385

Manahem

MANAHM

11

XIII

5a

1344

Mariah

n"

12

XV

7a-c

1390

7a; 34c

Mariamh

MAPIAHM

12

I

I

1341, 1387

37b

Nathel (Nathanel)

1,m

!3

XV

7a, b

Salome

XAAOMH

12

XIX

10

1237, 1293b, 1343b, 1374b

te,." ez' XEAAMEIO

12

XX. XV XV XX

11ib; 7a 7b 1l a, c

Shmo

12

1223, 1265: 1316 1297, 1315, 1,Ytz. 1317ab, 1353, 1363 1253: '.tv 1254, 1292, 1297 1298, 1299, 1317a, 1318, 1350a, 1351 1352, 1354, 138451

p',we, Shlomsion

Shimon

"Tym':

5b; 6a-b

13-14

II, XVI, XX XXI, XXII XII, XVII XIX, XX

2; 8a, c-d; lib: 12a;9b: 13 4: 9a, c; 10 Ila, c

1351a, 1352b, 1353b-c, 1354a-b

13

VIII

3a, b

1270

IDEZPOX

Theodotos

?EOAOTOX

p. 45, figs. 10-12 1355a, c

XIII, XIV

XIMON

Yehoezer

p. 45; figs. 3-5


17a, b

5, I1, 34a, b 37d


1979

JER U SALE M

JERUSALEM

Milik 1956-57

51

Kidron Valley Avigad 1962

Judean Hill-

Givat

Nazarite

Country Avigad 1967

HaMivtar Naveh 1970

Family Avigad 1971

Givat Mt. of Olives Barag 1979

Unpublished-

HaMivtar Ossuary Dept. Kloner 1972 of Antiquities

p. 247: HDpy, fig. 16:2

p. 102, pl. 18:2 One ossuary

Two ossuaries

Three ossuaries

p. p. p. p.

240, 241, 245, 240,

fig. fig. fig. fig.

4: p ,•t, 5: n1eW' 13:2: n7e, 4

p. p. p. p.

242, 244, 246, 247,

fig. fig. fig. fig.

78 11 14 16:7 p. 8, fig. I1; p.9, fig. 14, I5

p. 109, no. 2

p. 199, fig. 9

p. 131, fig. 16:1 p. 135, fig. 22 p. 33, pl. 11: p'e

Rahmani 1961 p. 107; fig. 7


52

RACHEL HACHLILI

This name is written in Jewish and Greek script on four ossuaries. Five of the inscriptions were incised on three ossuaries, numbers XVIII, XIX, and XX, found in loculus 14 of chamber B, and belong to the mother, her son, and his wife (bilingual Inscriptions 9 and 11, and Inscription 10 in Greek). In Inscription 2 on Ossuary II, Goliath appears in Jewish script. Goliath in these inscriptions is spelled exactly as it is written in the Hebrew Bible and the LXX. Goliath, the Philistine, is known from the Bible where he is described as "A mighty man... of Gath, his height was six cubits and a span" (1 Sam 17: 4). In the LXX and in an unpublished Qumran scroll, 4 Q Sama (as Prof. Cross has kindly informed me), his height is 4 cubits and a span, ca. 2 m.4 In the Babylonian Talmud the name Goliath is explained: "Goliath (was so named), said R. Yohanan, because he stood with affrontery before the Holy One" (b. Sotah 42b, which also states that Goliath means, as in the Bible, "coming from Gath'").In the later legends of the Jews, Goliath is described as "Goliath the giant, being the strongest and greatest of Orpah's four sons" (Ginzberg 1946 III: 414; IV: 85-88; VI: 250). All the above references emphasize Goliath's most outstanding physical characteristic: his stature. In each inscription where the name Goliath appears, it is added to the personal name and family relation of the interred individual. Goliath appears in inscription 9 (Yehoezer son of Yehoezer Goliath), where Yehoezer Goliath should be identified with Yehoezer bar Eleazar in Ossuary XXI (Inscription 12), who was exceptionally tall (see below). Inscriptions 10and 11 mention the wife and mother of Yehoezer Goliath and here refer to the second generation of Yehoezer in Ossuary XVIII (see Family Tree, fig. 49, and Table 3-"Yehoezer [b]"). Thus it is likely that both the first generation and second generation Yehoezer had the same name, Goliath, added to their personal name. An additional occurrence of the name Goliath in Inscription 2 (Yehoezer son of Eleazar Goliath) refers to another member of the family, Eleazar, with the same nickname, Goliath. Thus the name Goliath is not the name of one individual but a nickname describing a physical characteristic which became a family name. This interpretation can be supported by the skeletal remains of four male members of this family who were exceptionally tall. The height of Yehoezer son

BASOR 235

of Eleazar, the Goliath mentioned in Inscription 12 is estimated to be 188.5 cm. (in Ossuary XXI; see Hachlili and Smith below), which is very close to Goliath's height in the LXX. Nicknames and appelatives occur during the Second Temple period (see also Goitein 1979:517). On ossuary inscriptions there are appelatives referring to a profession: "Dftn, "the scribe" (Frey 1952: 289, nos. 1308 a-b); in:n, "the priest" (Frey 1952: no. 1317; DTm:, Bagatti and Milik 1958: 8992); Nicanor of Alexandria "who made the doors" Simon "builder (Avigad 1967: 124); nton nu: ~t, lI of the sanctuary" (Naveh 1970: 34). Another example of an appelative added to a personal name "the Nazarite" (or "the monk"; Avigad is "• 1971:.n, 198). Appelatives referring to a physical characteristic have not been previously found on published ossuary inscriptions' (although there is a later example from the Beth Shecarim cemetery; Schwabe and Liftshitz 1974: 147, Inscription 175, n. 4). However, Josephus (Life 3. 4), when recounting his ancestry, describes two forebearers whose nicknames refer to their physical defects Xtitov o

FOAIAOOY

II; XVIII; XX XVIII; XIX; XX

a) IEMAHA

4

XII

b) IJMAHA

10

XIX

28

Father of Yehoezer (d) and possibly son of Yehoezer Bar Eleazar and Shlomsion probably interred in Ossuary

Judah

IOYAOY

Menahem

MANAHM

Mariah

nne

7a-c

XV

Mariame

MAPIAMH

1

I

Nat[an]el Theodotos

Vt[3]n3 OEOAOTOE

7a, b 3a, b

XV VIII

12

XIX

27

XX XX XV

29

I

XI (Human

XIII

no.

17).

Son of Yehoezer Goliath (b) and husband of Mariamh, possibly son of Yehoezer Bar Eleazar and Shlomsion, probably interred in Ossuary IV or V (Human

5a

9?).

The nickname of the family.

Ishmael

1

no.

20

no.

7 or 8).

Son of Simon (in XIV) possibly grandson of Yehoezer Bar Eleazar and Shlomsion.

22

1

Daughter of Nathel/Theodotus (in VIII) and granddaughter of Shlomsion. Wife of Judah. Nathel-Theodotos, probably the same individual (see p. 00), father of Mariah, son of Shlomsion, freedman of Queen Agrippina.

Salome

EAAOMH

10

Shlomsion

8w,•r,11 EEAAMEIO

lb 1la, c 7a

Simon

EIMON EIMON a)

lrny IQEZP ,t•y •DD

b) " "Wyin "Ty' "2 IQEZPOY IQEZPOE FOAIA?OY

Yehoezer

Mother of Yehoezer Goliath (b), grandmother of Mariah and wife of Yehoezer Bar Eleazar (a).

7b

XV

6a, b 5b

XIV XIII

21

Probably son of Yehoezer Bar Eleazar (a) and Shlomsion, and father of Manahem.

12a; 9b 9a, c

XXI

30

Husband of Shlomsion and father of Yehoezer Goliath (b).

XVIII

26

Son of Shlomsion and Yehoezer Bar Eleazar (a) husband of Salome.

XIX

28

Son of Yehoezer Goliath (b) and Salome.

9b; I lb 9a,c; 10; 1 la, c 10

c) IQEZP

Wife of Yehoezer Goliath (b) Mother of Ishmael (b) and Yehoezer (c).

d) IQEZPOE IEMAAOY

4a-c

XII

19

Possibly a grandson of Yehoezer Bar Eleazar and Shlomsion.

e)

8a, c, d

XVI

23

Possibly son of Yehoezer Goliath (b) and Salome.

XXII

31

Possibly infant son of Yehoezer Goliath (b) and Salome.

yn •"3H "l

f) HT3 "p g)

13a-c

•'

1H ' "•l nT,, "

1•Tn

2a, b

II

3, 4, 5

Sons of Eleazar (b) and possibly grandsons of Yehoezer Bar Eleazar (a) and Shlomsion.


1979


55

and Zlotnick (1966: 160, n. 8) interpreted as being mistranslations of the LXX word oopog (soros), here meaning InN(but see Meyers 1971: 60-61). (3) Gloskoma in Greek was a variant of yoooKo~Lov and meant a "case to keep reed musical instruments (Liddell and Scott 1940 I: 353; Klein 1908: 34, n. 2. Krauss 1910 I: 398, 399, and n. 173). The term yaooaoKo~ov was found inscribed on a tomb wall in the Beth Shecarim cemetery (Schwabe and Liftshitz 1974: no. 50, 78). In an inscription from Pamphilia, gloskomon refers to a sarcophagus (Ormerod and Robinson 1910-11: 235). From these inscriptions and their contexts it is possible to conclude that the term gloskomon means "burial or coffin" (but see Meyers 1971: 53-54). The term •poDit (gloskoma), which is probably a transliteration of the Greek into Aramaic, occurs several times in Rabbinic writings: 0D13p(M. Oho. 9. 15);and 1p3eDt(T. Oho. 10. 8), referring to Ifl and its purifying laws (Meyers 1971: 55). Semahot 12. 9 is the only place where the term ptyD''is connected with a container for collected bones. It occurs once again in Semahot 3. 2 (npD•V), where it refers to a child's coffin (Zlotnik 1966: 107, see note: "a small or simple casket, aron"). This term is spelled differently in each of the four citations above. The above data indicate that the term gloskomon C. Termsfor Ossuaries. is a later term than ostophagos and soros, possibly The Greek Terms. In Inscription 3a on Ossuary originating from the second century or later (see VIII the Greek word LOPO2 (Soros) appears for also Meyers 1971: 53, 69). Secondly, it must be the first time in an ossuary inscription. Three terms, asked whether the term gloskomon means ossuary, thought to be Greek words for ossuaries, are i.e., a container for secondary burials. It may not discussed below: necessarily refer to an ossuary, but rather to a box (1) Ostaphagos. Only one ossuary, from Jerusa- or a container (ptI) in the LXX, or to the burial or a lem, was previously thought to bear a term for coffin in the inscriptions. We should note that "ossuary": ooazoyoayo (ostaphagos), meaning Hntb'lp is the present-day term in Modern Hebrew "bone eater"(Sukenik 1937: 129-30, P1. V:4 and fig. for ossuary. The Greek word 2OPO2 (Soros) in Inscrip6:4; Meyers 1971:49-51; Avigad 1967: 141, fig. 35). tion 3a was a term for ossuary in use during (2) Soros. In the Hebrew Bible the word ttnN the Second Temple period and is equivalent to tpn (aron) has three different meanings: coffin, conits and peculiar variants when used in the context of tainer, and holy ark. Aron meaning "coffin" occurs only once in the Bible (Gen 50: 26) and refers to the secondary burials and bone collection. Ostophagos coffin used to transport Joseph's bones from Egypt (ooro~ayoo) may also have been used, but it was to Israel. In the LXX this word is translated into not the standard term for ossuary in Greek, as has In Rabbinical sources been claimed (Avi-Yonah 1955: 799). The term Greek as soros (aopoo). was later used for dealing with ossilegium, the term tpnw(aron) was NHe1p3 and (ytooomolov) used to describe both large coffins (sarcophagi) and coffin or burial, but not exclusively for ossuary, as secondary burial containers (i.e., ossuaries). There in modern Hebrew. The last word on the first line of Inscription 13a is are some problematic words, such as ol 0(y.Moed Qatan I. 4), n•N (Sanhedrin 6. 12), and tItn problematic. The first and last letters are clear-a (Semahot 12. 8) which Lieberman (1962 V: 1235) qop and 'alep, respectively. The four remaining

Shlomsion" but means "Mariah, daughter of Nath[an]el, granddaughter of Shlomsion." "Mother of" in Jewish Script: ATnT. Ima di ("mother of") appears in Inscription 1lb (as suggested to me by Prof. J. Naveh). The spelling is Aramaic: Un, with a he at the end, is the usual way of spelling "mother"in Aramaic (Segert 1975: 208). The reference to Shlomsion as the mother of Yehoezer is unusual; when women are mentioned in ossuary inscriptions they are generally listed only as the wife of a male member of the family. The word "mother"on ossuary inscriptions is very rare and appears on only one other ossuary from Jerusalem (Frey 1952: 1363). "Mother of" in Greek Script: MHTPO2 ("mother of") appears in Inscriptions 1la, c. It is also found rarelyin ossuary inscriptions. There is an occurrence of MHTPO2 on an ossuary from Jerusalem (Frey 1952: 1376) and MHTHP on an ossuary from the Kidron Valley (Avigad 1962:5, fig. 6). "Wife of" in Greek Script: TYNH ("wife of") occurs in Inscription 10. In Inscription 1, TY appears, probably an abbreviation of TYNH. TYNH appears in ossuary inscriptions from Jerusalem (Frey 1952: no. 1284).


56

RACHEL HACHLILI

letters are difficult to discern, and the word may be read in two different ways: XDItc, or XtiZ (I would like to thank Dr. L. R. Rahmani, who first suggested to me the latter reading). The word NtoDp is probably a term and not a name. It is possible that this way of spelling the word--NoDep instead of NPp--may indicate smallness in size, i.e., a small ossuary (see Jastrow 1926: 283, 311, 391, 1034). In Hebrew, ste (kufsa) means box or chest. It is similar to the Greek Kalia (kapsa), also meaning case or chest for storing (Krauss 1899: II 517-18; Liddell and Scott 1940 I: 873). In Syriac the word which is the same as the is explained as an amphora Greek term KcWgltKrlo or urn (Payne Smith 1901 III: 3555). Krauss (1910 I; 398) refers to the Hebrew kufsa and the Greek term kapsa together with glosskomon, and thus it is possible that kufsa (HDp) could also mean a bone container. Therefore the word kafsusa (o1De) in Inscription 13 should be considered an Aramaic term for ossuary. (There is also a word appearing in T. Mikva'ot 6. 3 which is similar to ourterm: kufsai; see Krauss 1899 II: 499-500.) It is noteworthy that very rarely has an Aramaic term been found in ossuary inscriptions (Naveh 1970: 37; Meyers 1971: 79). The other possibility is W1•3Tp, meaning "cinnamon. Cinnamon in Greek is spelled rtvvaioCLov with a mu at the end (Liddel and Scott 1940: 953), while in Hebrew it is spelled with a nun at the end: tpp. Cinnamon occurs in the Bible several times: Exod 13: 23; Prov 7: 17; Cant 4: 14;Jer 6: 20; Sir 24: 15 (for later references see Levi 1889 IV: 340). Cinnamon is a high tree, evergreen, from whose bark was made an ingredient of incense or ointments (JW 4. 390; Ant 3. 197; see also Levy 1889 IV: 340). Cinnamon at this time was considered a perfume and was associated with a sweet smell. (It should be noted that in the LXX and Theodotian the word KItvvaxoiLovin Jer 6: 20 is translated as "sweet cane".) Examples of personal names derived from plants and trees occur already in the Bible (Noth 1928: 230-31), as well as in later periods. A common name derived from the palm tree appears in several variations in both Greek and Hebrew: 8,non (Tamaria; Cowley 1923: no. 8 [111]); •OpTr(Dikla; Jastrow 1926: 319); enrn (Tamra; Jastrow 1926: 1679); and on an ossuary, OAMAP (Tamar; Frey 1952: no. 789). Hebrew names transliterated into Greek and derived from the Hebrew word n.nt (Teana, "fig tree") are attested in a funerary

BASOR 235

inscription reading etvoo (Schwabe 1941: 931), and on an ossuary, where the same name is spelled differently, OeEuvaao (Frey 1952: no. 1233). Another example of a species of tree used as a name occurs in inscriptions 75 and 76 from the Beth Shecarim cemetery:IAKGB OOYOA, "Jacob (son of) Thoutha" (Schwabe and Liftshitz 1974:49; here thoutha is the Aramaic form of the Hebrew word thuth, "mulberry"). The use of the 'alep at the end of the word •tmip marks the Aramaic form of Hebrew names (see above comparisons and also Cowley 1923: nos. 24 [64]; 2 [21]; 2 [18]; 18 [4]). There is one occurrence of a similar name, where a Parthian king is named KtvvaCIo4(Ant 20. 63-65); his name was probably derived from the Greek word rtvva~iopto (Ant 20: 63-65, n. 3; but cf. McCown 1937: 20 and n. 3 there by Albright). If this word in Inscription 13a (Ossuary XXII) is it should be seen as an to be read as endearment (or Nei.p, pet-name) for the child, Yehoezer Akabia, interred in the ossuary. Perhaps it can be translated "sweet" (as cinnamon smells sweet). There are similar examples of this practice in the Bible: (cf. Noth 1928: 223, who 072, , n 07,z, these wordst, as "balsam".)This may have translates been added to this ossuary inscription both as an endearment and in order to differentiate this Yehoezer Akabia from the second Yehoezer Akabia interred in Ossuary XVI (Inscription 8). III. The Family Relations (fig. 49) The family relations in this tomb are determined by : (1) the inscriptions; (2) the anthropological data; and (3) the placement of the ossuaries. The third factor is problematic due to prior disturbance in the tomb, but the most important group of ossuaries (Ossuaries XVIII-XXI) were all found in situ in kdkh 14 of the second chamber (fig. 2). The family relations are summarized in the Family Tree in fig. 49, which was determined by all the above-mentioned factors, including a computer analysis which established the probability of the family relations in this tomb (see further Hachlili and Smith below). The basis for this family tree is the four ossuaries (XVIII, XIX, XX, XXI) found in kdkh 14. In their inscriptions most of the important details for constructing the basic outline of the family tree are found. The two ossuaries found at the back of the kdkh, Ossuaries XXI and XX, contain the remains


1979


of Yehoezer son of Eleazar (H30, Inscription 12) and his wife Shlomsion (H29, Inscription 11). The two ossuaries found in the front of the kakh held the remains of Yehoezer son of Yehoezer Goliath (H26, Inscription 9) and his sife Salome (H27), who was buried with her two children Ishmael and Yehoezer (H28, Inscription 10). Inscriptions 9, 10, and 11 establish the family relationship of Shlomsion, Yehoezer son of Yehoezer Goliath, and Salome. Inscription 11 informs us that Shlomsion is the mother of Yehoezer Goliath, and Inscription 10 mentions that Salome is the wife of Yehoezer Goliath. Thus the relationship of these three-a mother, her son, and his wife-is established. Yehoezer son of Eleazar is the only individual in kdkh 14 whose inscription (no. 12)does not include reference to his family relationship. However, from the placement of his ossuary with the other three, and from Inscription 9 on his son's ossuary (Yehoezer son of Yehoezer Goliathi),it is clear that Yehoezer son of Eleazar must be the father of the family and husband of Shlomsion. Another identificaiton is evident from Inscription 7a-b: "Mariah, daughter of Nath[an]el, daughter of Shlomsion" (i.e., the granddaughter of Shlomsion). As discussed above, Nath[an]el in Inscription 7 is to be identified with Theodotos the Freedman of inscription 3 interred in Ossuary VIII, and thus Theodotos/Nath[an]el is Shlomsion's son and Mariah's father. From the placement of several of the ossuaries, plus the information revealed in their inscriptions, those interred inside these ossuaries are also members of this family. One ossuary, XIII, is inscribed with the name Menahem and on the other side, the name Simon appears. A second ossuary, XIV, has an inscription with the name Simon. Thus Simon (H21 in Ossuary XIV) and Menahem (H20 in Ossuary XIII) are father and son, Simon possibly being a son of the tomb's founders, Yehoezer and Shlomsion. Ossuary I contained the remains of Miriam wife of Judah and her infant. Assuming that her relation to the family was through her husband Judah (H7, 8 ?), it is likely that Judah was a son of Shlomsion and Yehoezer son of Eleazar. There is one ossuary, II, which contained three children and whose inscription read: "Yehoezerson of Eleazar Goliath." From the inscription it is certain that the three children were members of this family, one or all of them being the sons of Eleazar

57

Goliath. Eleazar Goliath (H6 ?) is also very likely a son of Shlomsion and Yehoezer son of Eleazar. Two small ossuaries, XVI and XXII, are inscribed with the same name-Yehoezer Akabia. Each ossuary held the remains of young children. It is possible that the name was reused after the death of one of the children. From the name Yehoezer and the placement of these two ossuaries in close proximity to the group of ossuaries in kdkh 14 of chamber B, it may be concluded that the two children were probably grandchildren of Yehoezer and Shlomsion and the offspring of Yehoezer son of Yehoezer Goliath. The information obtained from the inscriptions and the anthropological data can be summarized as follows: (1) The tomb contained a family of three generations, the founders of the tomb, Yehoezer son of Eleazar and Shlomsion, having had six sons. The six sons and their wives were buried along with 14 of their offspring. Family tombs containing ossuaries with inscriptions hold no more than three generations of a family, and even these are rare. They include: (a) the "Kallon" family (Klein 1920: 11), which consists of only three generations interred in ossuaries in the tomb. Kallon and Jeshebab, whose names were referred to in the inscriptions, were not found interred in this tomb. As in the "Goliath"family, "Kallon"is probably the family name, whose members belong to the house of Jeshebab. (b) A second example is the "Kidron" family (Mayer 1922: 56-59), where no more than three generations are interred in ossuaries. (c) The same is true for the "Dositheus" family from Jerusalem (Sukenik 1928: 121). (2) It is evident from this tomb that only the sons and their families were buried with their parents. Daughters of a family, upon their marriage, were considered memebers of their husband's family and were most likely buried in their husband's family tomb. (This is also evident from the other family tombs mentioned above; see Klein 1920: 8-11; Avigad 1954: 61-62; Sukenik 1928: 121.) (3) The inscriptions reveal that the status of Shlomsion, the wife of the tomb's founder, was important. Her inscription (1 la-c) refers to her as being the mother of Yehoezer Goliath and does not mention her husband, as is customary in funerary inscriptions of women. Mariah's inscription (7b) says that she was the daughter of Nath[an]el, and the daugher (i.e., granddaughter) of Shlomsion. These unusual inscriptions can possibly be ex-


58

RACHEL HACHLILI

BASOR 235

The bet generally is executed as a square letter. plained as follows. From the anthropological examination, Yehoezer son of Eleazar died at the There are two occurrences of the bet written in the young age of approximately 35, while his wife cursive "figure 2." In Inscriptions 9b, Ilb, the gimel is written in a Shlomsion died at the approximate age of 60. This cursive style, while in Inscription 2 it is written in the as her status very family, important may explain in its usual way. she husband her outlived by many years, having was responsible for raising the children. Thus her The he is a very interesting letter, as it is name appears in the inscriptions of other family sometimes written formally and in other cases it is members, instead of her husband's name. cursive, as for example, in the characteristic Was Goliath a Priestly Family? Several factors "reversed K" form of the Herodian script (Cross indicate that the "Goliath" Family might have been 1961: 184). Similar cursive he's are found in the a priestly family. Beth Phage inscriptions (Bagatti and Milik 1958: (1) The tomb was an unusual and outstanding fig. 24; Avigad 1958: col. XXII). Especially monumental tomb in comparison to all the noteworthy is the he written in two different ways previously excavated tombs found in the Jericho on the same inscription (nos. 8a and Ilb). The cemetery. The tomb has two large chambers, the cursive he is usually ligatured. first one decorated with a fresco; it opened onto a The lamed occurs formally and in the cursive large courtyard surrounded by benches and had a inscriptions as a long stroke (Hachlili 1978: 52 and miqveh (ritual bath) attached to it (Netzer 1978:58fig. !4). 59). It is possible that the courtyard was used by the The mem is triangular. community as a "mourninghouse", but the fact that The nun appears as a medial and final letter. it was attached to this tomb may have been because is the medial nun that appears in Noteworthy the family was priestly and needed its own purifying 7a and b, is similar to the nun in an Inscriptions bath. from Dominus Flevit (Bagatti ossuary inscription (2) The use of the name for three consecutive Milik and 1958: 73, fig. 18: 4, photo 93; 93, generations in the family was a custom mainly and to one in the Temple Scroll 26a-e) inscription characterizing prominent Jewish families, especial1977 17, 1). (Yadin fig. I: ly the priestly oligarchy ( see above and also Rahmani 1961: 107 and n. 12). The cayin appears in its usual way but is (3) Although most of the names occuring in this occasionally ligatured as in Inscriptions 9b and 1lb family are relatively common in this period, the (there missing a stroke). names very frequently occur among priests. (See The qop is usually written with the downward also Stern 1961: 21 and n. 119, where he suggests stroke completely closing the letter, but note the that the name Eleazar was used mainly by priests). very different qop in Inscription 13, in the third Literary evidence for a large community of priests word on the first line. that resided in Jericho comes from b. Tacanith 27a: The taw is usually the looped, cursive taw. "Twenty-four divisions of priests were in the Land Ligatures. Several letters in these inscriptions are of Israel, and twelve of them were in Jericho." consistantly ligatured: (1) In Inscriptions 2a, b and 9b, letters in the words ben (Tp)and bar (12) are (2) Another pair of letters which often ligatured. IV. Paleography (fig. 47) appear ligatured are the he and waw. Usually the (For general bibliography on this subject see: cursive he is connected to the waw or is cut into by Avigad 1958; Cross 1961; Baillet, Milik, and de the waw (see Inscriptions 2a and 8a, and Bagatti Vaux 1962). and Milik 1958: fig. 24). The same very cursive ligature appears in Inscriptions 9b and 1lb, where the waw consists of a small stroke added to the A. The Jewish Script. upper section of the letter he (Avigad 1958: 79, The 'alep is usually written with the left leg where he considers it an earlier he). (3) A third omitted. There is a slight difference between the lagature occurs in the letters cayin and zayin in the medial and final 'alep (see fig. 47 and Hachlili name Yehoezer. In Inscription 2a it can be 1978: 49, 52, and fig. 14). There is one gamma- compared to the Beni Hazir inscription (Avigad 1954:63, fig. 37). A very different cursive ligature of shaped 'alep in inscription 13c.


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60

RACHEL HACHLILI

the same two letters appears in Inscriptions 9b and 1ib, where the Cayinlacks a stroke. A new ligature, gimel-lamed, appears in the word Goliath on Inscription 1lb. Note that some of the letters, the bet, he, red,and taw, are "ticked" on many of the inscriptions (fig. 47). There are two sets of ossuary inscriptions which were probably executed by the same person (Inscriptions 9 and 11; 8 and 13). Palaeographically, Inscriptions 9b and lilb are poteworthy, as they were written in a very developed cursive manner and have two unusual ligatures (figs. 28, 29, 32, 33). The ossuary script in the Jericho inscriptions combines cursive and formal elements, resulting in different forms of the same letter, often appears together in a single inscription (see the he in Inscription 8). Some of the cursive letters are peculiar in form and are similar to those discussed by Avigad (1958: 81): the 3alep with the missing left leg, the bet in the shape of the "figure 2", the "reversed K" he, the single stroke lamed, the "N" shaped het, the triangular mem, and the looped taw. It may also be possible to add the ligatured cursive cayin-zayin to this group of letters. Avigad (1958: 81 and n. 46) defines these forms as a "Judean" local development of the cursive hand. A chronological order for the inscriptions is impossible because the differences in the inscriptions' script are due to the individual styles of the writers, but from the archaeological evidence and palaeographic comparisons, these inscriptions can be dated to the first century A.D.(i.e., A.D. 10-70;see below). B. Greek Palaeography (fig. 48). All the Greek inscriptions, with the exception of Inscriptions 3 and 14, were incised on the limestone ossuaries. Inscriptions 3a and b were written in ink, with formal and very well executed letters. Inscription 14 was written with charcoal and was roughly executed. The remaining Greek inscriptions can be divided into three groups according to the style of execution: Inscriptions 4c, 5a-b, 6, and 12b are very cursive. A less cursive style can be seen in Inscriptions 1, 4a, and 10. Inscriptions 9a, 9c, I la, and I Ic were probably executed by the same hand, with incised letters. It should be noted that 9c and I Ic, which appear on the lids, were inscribed in an elongated script on the wide half of the lid, which resulted in very vertical and crowded letters. This

BASOR 235

lack of space may be the reason for the spelling of Yehoezer with an omicron instead of an omega. The alpha which appears in the cursive inscriptions is well-known in its looped left side (see fig. 48, Inscriptions 1, 5a, and 10). The cursive eta is written in the shape of a chair h (Inscriptions 1,4c, 5a, and 10), while a formal eta appears in Inscriptions 3a, 3b, and 1la. The mu and nu in the very cursive inscriptions are erratically incised (see Inscriptions 4c, 5a-b, and 6). V. Dating In dating the tomb and its inscriptions several factors must be taken into account: the archaeological, historical, and palaeographic evidence (especially the family tree) as well as the overall picture of the Jewish cemetery at Jericho. The terminus ante quem for burial in ossuaries in this tomb (and the entire Jericho cemetery) is approximately A.D. 68-the date of the Roman conquest of Jericho (Hachlili 1979: 35; but see Rahmani 1978: 111-112). Inscription 3, mentioning Queen Agrippina, gives an absolute date in connection with this tomb. The date of Agrippina as Empress is A.D.50-54 (see above), and this indicates the time span during which Theodotos could have been freed. It is difficult to determine when he was taken into slavery, how long he was a slave, and at what age he was given his freedom. It seems, however, that he was taken as a slave when he had reached adulthood, and only after his daughter Mariah's birth. Third-generation Mariah died at the age of 40, and assuming she was one of the last to be buried in this Jericho tomb, she must have been born near A.D. 30. Her father, Theodotos/Nath[an]el then, must have been at least 20 years of age at her birth. Since Theodotos/Nath[an]el was freed between the years A.D. 50-54, ca. 20 years after the birth of his daughter, he would have been approximately 40 years of age at the time of his manumission. In summary, Theodotos/ Nath[an]el was in Jericho at the time of Mariah's birth, was taken a slave afterward, and was freed by A.D. 54. He then returned to Jericho and possibly lived several years before he was buried in his family tomb. The inscriptions reveal that the tomb contained a three-generation family. Assuming that the tomb was first used for the burial of Yehoezer son of Eleazar (in Ossuary XXI, Inscription 12a), who died at approximately the age of 35, then the time


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62

RACHEL HACHLILI

BASOR 235

span of the three generations represented by generations of one family. Another interesting Shlomsion, Theodotos/Nath[an]el and Mariah, point is the different spellings and variations of covers approximately 60 years. Thus the tomb was names: Akabia, Nath[an]el, and Shlomsion (in used between A.D. 10 and 70. This date agrees with Aramaic); Yehoezer and Shelamsion (in Greek). the dating of the small finds and the pottery (3) Five ossuaries were inscribed with the name Goliath in addition to their own name. This is the of the and also with the tomb, assemblage of the entire Jericho chronology cemetery (Hachlili only usage of this name outside of the Biblical 1978: 55; 1979: 35). The general picture revealed by references to the "Goliath the Philistine". The the excavations at the Jericho cemetery is that the appearance of the name Goliath on these ossuaries earliest phase of primary burials in wooden coffins can only be explained as an appelative (nickname), dates to the Ist century B.C.,ending approximately which was based on the exceptional stature of at the beginning of the Ist century A.D.(ca. A.D.6). several of the male members in this family. Through Secondary burials in ossuaries followed immediate- the anthropological evidence, it is clear that the ly after, continuing until the destruction of Jericho. inscriptions accurately relate the names and (For a different opinion regarding the dating of number of persons interred in the ossuaries. secondary burials in ossuaries see Rahmani 1961: (4) A new Greek term for ossuary soros (XOPOX), and possibly a new Hebrew term, mDeD 116 and n. 2; 1977: 24-25; 1978: 111-112). (kafsusa), appear in these Jericho inscriptions. (5) The palaeography is similar to the general VI. Summary and Conclusions ossuary Jewish script of Jerusalem, and it has some This monumental tomb sheds new light on the of the peculiar forms that can be considered part of problem of secondary burial in ossuaries during the what Avigad (1958: 81) coined the "Judean local first century A.D.Three generations of a family were development of the cursive hand." Noteworthy is buried in this tomb, and from the inscriptions and the advanced cursive hand of Inscriptions 9b and anthropological data it is possible to reconstruct 1lb and the new ligatures which appears for the first time. the family tree. The inscriptions in general testify to the usage of The large number of Greek and Aramaic Greek by the Jews of the Second Temple period, inscriptions discovered in the tomb is very signifiand 3 and 14 may indicate that Greek Inscriptions cant and permits several conclusions. was more common than Aramaic at this time (see (1) The most important and interesting inscripalso Sevenster 1968: 148). They also give further tion found was no. 3: "Theodotos, freedman of of evidence the close between Jericho relationship Queen Agrippina." This is the first time that a nonand The Jerusalem. decoration and workmanship literary source mentions a Judean Jew who was most likely taken slave as a result of the political of the ossuaries, as well as the palaeography, are turmoil in Judea at this time and who was undistinguishable from those ossuaries found in the manumitted by a Roman Empress. This inscription Jerusalem area (Hachlili 1978: 48). Even this tomb was unable to answer the also gives us an absolute date that helps in dating the entire tomb. following question: Why were some of the ossuaries A second inscription, no. 14, is also noteworthy. inscribed while others were not? Perhaps only the This is the first time that a Greek abecedary has most important members of the family were been found in Israel, and its placement, facing the entitled to receive an inscription on their ossuary. tomb entrance, indicates that it may have had a The large number of inscriptions does indicate "magical" purpose. that this family was a literate, bilingual and (2) The onomasticon of names used by the prominent Jewish family. Moreover, the evidence "Goliath" family consists of Jewish names, except suggests that the family could have been one of the for the name Theodotos, the servile name of priestly families known to reside in Jericho. From the archaeological data of this tomb, along Nath[an]el. Most of the names are common in the Second Temple period onomasticon. Many names with the information from the entire cemetery, it appear in both Jewish and Greek script, having may be concluded that the custom of secondary been transliterated from the Hebrew into Greek. burial in ossuaries among the Jews should be dated Examination of the names also reveals that Jews to the beginning of the Ist century A.D.,continuing often used the same name for several concurrent until the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D.70. (There


1979


is evidence of sporadic continuation of this custom from the period of the destruction of Jerusalem until the Bar Kokhba revolt, i.e., mid 2nd century A.D.)

63

inscriptions, is thus one of the more significant discoveries of the Second Temple period, bringing new insight into the social history of the Jews at this time.

This Jericho tomb, with its large number of

NOTES

'The excavation was directed by the writer and Dr. E. Netzer of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, with the participation of Prof. Patricia Smith of the Hebrew University, Hadassah Medical School, Laboratory of Physical Anthropology, on behalf of the Archaeological Staff Officer for Judea and Samaria. Thanks are due to the Staff Office, E. Damati, for permission to publish the material. All photographs are by Z. Radovan, and all drawings were done by D. Behar. Special thanks must be given to Ms. Ann Killebrew for her most helpful, efficient, and conscientious assistance in the excavation and research. Thanks are also due to Dr. V. Tzaferis and Prof. Shatzman, who helped with some aspects of the inscriptions and their interpretation; to Prof. F. M. Cross, who saw the inscriptions and read the manuscript, for his helpful suggestions and criticism; to Dr. L. Y. Rahmani for his help, advice, and encouragement; and to Prof. M. Stern, who read the manuscript and added certain comments. The writer, however, accepts responsibility for the final interpretation advanced here. 2It should be noted that Theodotos son of Vettenus, who appears in the Mt. Ophel inscription (Frey 1952:no. 1404), was considered by some to be a freedman (see also Sevenster 1968: 132, nn. 2-3; Mussies 1976: 1057). 'There is one inscription recording an estate of Agrippina in

Egypt, but it is not clear to which Agrippina-the Elder or the Younger-it refers (Johnson 1936: 129, inscription 62; 482). Another possibility is that Theodotos was connected with the management of the balsam plants in Jericho. There is a historical story related by Josephus (Ant. XV: 96 and JW I: 362) that the Jericho area was given to Cleopatra by Antonius, and Herod collected the royal revenues for her from the area (including those from the balsam plantations). Another historical account is recorded by Pliny (NH XII: 111-123) stating that the balsam plantations constituted part of the Romanfiscus. However, he refers to the fifth year after the conquest of Judea. The quesiton is : What was the position of the plantations during the time of Theodotos? Did they belong to the Roman emperors or not? There is no indication that Theodotos was in any way connected to this except by the fact that he came from Jericho and was buried there. 4Regarding measurements of the cubit (ammah) see Scott 1970: 346-49: common cubit = 17.5 inches = 444.5 mm; the long ("royal")cubit = 20.4 inches = 518.6 mm; a span = one half cubit (shorter) = 8.7 inches; or one half cubit (longer) = 10.2 inches. SExcept possibly on an ossuary from Givat Hamivtar, where the word p1y/l~nappears, which Yadin translates as "the one hanged with knees apart" (Yadin 1973: 19, 22).

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