The International Journal of Urban Forestry THE

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THE SPRINGTIME OF URBAN FORESTRY IN BRITAIN—DEVELOPMENTS BETWEEN THE 1ST AND 3RD CONFERENCES, 1988–1993, PART II Mark Johnston

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School of Applied Biolgogical and Chemical Sciences, University of Ulster , Coleraine , BT52 ISA Published online: 27 Mar 2012.

To cite this article: Mark Johnston (1999) THE SPRINGTIME OF URBAN FORESTRY IN BRITAIN—DEVELOPMENTS BETWEEN THE 1ST AND 3RD CONFERENCES, 1988–1993, PART II, Arboricultural Journal: The International Journal of Urban Forestry, 23:4, 313-341, DOI: 10.1080/03071375.1999.9747250 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071375.1999.9747250

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Arboricultural Journal2000, Vol. 23, pp. 313-341 © AB Academic Publishers 2000 Printed in Great Britain

THE SPRINGTIME OF URBAN FORESTRY IN BRITAIN-DEVELOPMENTS BETWEEN THE 1ST AND 3RD CONFERENCES, 1988-1993, PART II* (Continued from Arboric. Jour., 23(3), p. 260)

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Mark Johnston**

The Growth of City·Wide Projects The 1st Conference in 1988 had not only encouraged a number of national initiatives, it also prompted the development of several city-wide urban forestry projects. The impact of the Forest of London, the work of Northern Planners, the Hyndburn project and the continuing efforts in the Black Country, had all drawn attention to the potential to develop projects embracing entire urban areas. These pioneering initiatives had highlighted the need to develop a strategic approach to urban forestry and formulate a strategy or management plan that embraced the whole urban forest. Most had also emphasised the importance of partnerships of relevant organisations working together in the same area. There was clearly a desire on the part of many of the delegates at the 1st Conference to put these principles into practice through practical projects in their own districts (DAVIES, interview, 1995). The period between the 1st and 3rd Conferences saw the development of a several major city-wide projects that achieved national publicity or significance. The Black Country Urban Forestry Unit

Interest in urban forestry in the Black Country was given a major boost by the 1st Conference in 1988. Although it was to be a few years before this was formalised into a specific project, initiatives were undertaken in the intervening period by the individual Black Country Boroughs. The enthusiasm that had been engendered in their Planning Departments by the conference and through the officers' involvement in the DoE Working Party was translated into some practical action (DAVIES, interview, 1995). Many of *This paper forms the basis of part of a thesis 'the development of urban forestry in Britain and Ireland' submitted under the regulations of the University of Ulster for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. **School of Applied Biological and Chemical Sciences, University of Ulster, Coleraine, BT52 !SA. 313

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the Boroughs began to look in detail at the management of small areas of woodland which they had suddenly discovered they owned! The BTCV began working more closely with the Boroughs to promote community involvement in urban woodlands, the potential for which had been underdeveloped in the past. Much of the BTCV's efforts were concentrated in Dudley MBC where it had a Field officer working, but Sandwell and Walsall MBCs were also involved. In 1989, CLIVE DAVIES (interview, 1995}, the Regional Director of the BTCV and a member of the DoE Working Party, suggested to the other members that the relationship between the Boroughs should be placed on a more formal basis and collectively they should provide some form of focal point that would take the initiative forward at a much faster rate. Although he did not personally pursue that suggestion, it was developed by other members of the Working Party, particularly the local authority members, who agreed to approach the DoE for some funding through the Urban Programme to establish a specialist urban forestry unit. The interest in urban forestry that had begun in the Black Country in 1986 (JOHNSTON, 1997b) finally became expressed in a distinct practical project in the spring of 1990 with the establishment of the Black Country Urban Forestry Unit (BCUFU) (ANON, 1990i). The Unit was funded by the Countryside Commission which provided 50 per cent of the core costs (JONES, pers comm, 1998). The four Black Country Metropolitan Borough Councils of Dudley, Sandwell, Walsall and Wolverhampton, the Black Country Development Corporation, Bournville Village Trust and Esso UK plc provided the balance of the funding. Support and help in kind was provided by the West Midlands Regional Office of the DoE, the Forestry Commission, and the Black Country Groundwork Trust. The aim of the Unit was to promote extensive forestry planting throughout the industrial landscapes of the Black Country as a means of reclaiming dereliction, improving the public image of the area and encouraging inward investment. At the same time this would create employment, encourage wildlife and reduce pollution. A Director for the BCUFU was then appointed (ANON, 1990i). This was NERYS JONES, an applied biologist and landscape architect, who had spent the last five years as Project Manager for the St Helens Groundwork Trust. The other full-time appointment to the BCUFU was a Forestry Planner, ALAN GOODMAN, who had worked in both private and local authority forestry. The unit was supported part-time by the secondment of Peter Garner from the Bournville Village Trust. The Forestry Commission also agreed to provide a forester who would be available on a part-time basis to advise the BCUFU when required (SANGSTER, interview, 1995). An office for the Unit was located at the Red House in Sandwell which was also the headquarters of Conservation Practices, a trading subsidiary of the BTCV.

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There were a number of perceived advantages in establishing the BCUFU as a separate unit rather than as a part of one of its sponsoring organisations (JONES, 1991 a). Although funded by a range of public and voluntary agencies that were themselves involved in urban tree planting and management, it would have some independence from outside interests. It was hoped an independent unit would have some flexibility and speed of response and yet be able to remain very focused on its objectives. It would also be able to develop its own partnerships, particularly with the private sector, and work as a catalyst for practical action with other interested groups. Because of its small size, much of the implementation work would be done by other organisations while the BCUFU concentrated on developing individual innovative projects that could be replicated by others. One of the first tasks of the BCUFU was to identify the extent of derelict and vacant land, scrubland and mature woodland across the Black Country (Jones, 199lb). The officers of the Unit believed there was already a considerable area of developing woodland. This comprised a combination of fragments from the pre-industrial countryside, pockets of recent planting, and a considerable amount of naturally regenerated scrubland. There was an urgent need to begin to measure the extent of this 'forgotten forest' and to make an assessment of the rate at which it was changing. Acting on behalf of one of its sponsors, Sandwell MBC, the BCUFU commissioned the Remote Sensing Unit of Aston University to interpret aerial photographs of the entire Borough, comparing the landscape of 1989, the most recent coverage, with that of an earlier photographic survey from 1977. The results showed that in the twelve years from 1977 to 1989, total woodland cover in Sandwell had increased from 319 hectares (3.7 per cent of land area) to 555 hectares (6.5 per cent of land area) and while recent planting accounted for some of this increase, almost 50 per cent of the new woodland had emerged through natural regeneration at absolutely no cost. This regeneration was dominated by hawthorn blossom (e.g. Crataegus monogyna in the spring and included a very high proportion of emerging oak (Quercus robur). In planning terms, much of the emerging woodland had colonised sites identified officially as either derelict or reserved for development. If the full extent of a Black Country urban forest was to be realised, the findings of this initial survey had significant implications for strategic planning. In 1991, the BCUFU ( 1992a) was awarded a commendation by the West Midlands branch of The Royal Town Planning Institute for this work. This initial survey influenced much of the BCUFU' s subsequent approach to urban forestry. It was apparent that the creation of urban woodland on what was often regarded as 'difficult' sites, need not be expensive. As well as a remit for practical action, the BCUFU also had a clearly defined role to promote good practice through the dissemination of advice and literature. In 1991, it produced a poster entitled Woodland Planting Guidelines for the

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Urban Forest. This publication gave details in text and illustrations on the planning process involved in the creation of low-cost urban woodland (TUCKER, 1991). The widely distributed poster was produced with financial help from the government's Black Country Coordinating Committee (BCUFU, 199la). The BCUFU also produced a leaflet in conjunction with Tilhill Landscaping, a commercial company, that also promoted low-cost woodland planting, comparing the cost of this to other, more expensive, approaches to urban tree establishment. (BCUFU, 1991 b). Through its work in this area, the BCUFU hoped to influence the attitude of many landscape architects who were sceptical of the effectiveness of low-cost solutions and concerned that this may lead to a reduction in fee income which was usually based on a proportion of the total cost of the scheme (BAINES, pers comm, 1995). While publishing literature on low-cost woodland planting, the BCUFU was keen to establish a local practical example of its approach. Working with the Forestry Commission and Sandwell MBC, it planted a small demonstration plot at Holyhead Copse near Wednesbury. It also developed a labelling scheme with Dudley and Sandwell MBC' s which identified the best examples of new, developing and mature woodland that were then promoted as 'another part of the Black Country Urban Forest'. It was hoped the scheme would change the public's image of this land as informal 'wildscape', emphasise the importance of the continuous nature of the woodland network, and raise public awareness of the BCUFU' s work (JONES, 199la). The BCUFU also had a brief to involve local people directly in creating and managing their own urban forest. One idea, introduced from the United States, was supported enthusiastically by Wolverhampton MBC. It involved the collection of Christmas trees from local residents and recycling them as wood chip (JONES, 199la). The scheme was launched in advance of Christmas 1991 as a partnership of the BCUFU with four different departments of Wolverhampton MBC. The scheme was widely promoted through schools, libraries and community centres and in the local media (BCUFU, 1991c). It achieved the direct involvement of about 20 per cent of households in the Wolverhampton area and, as the first Christmas tree recycling scheme in Britain, it achieved considerable media coverage (JONES, 1991a). In January 1992, the BCUFU appointed a Parks Project Officer, JUDY WALKER (ANON, 1992d). The post was created with financial assistance for three years from the Countryside Commission and Walsall MSC. Walker's role was to stimulate community involvement in Walsall's parks and encourage low-cost urban forestry as a method of park regeneration (WALKER, 1992). The appointment was part of a new initiative called 'Project Greenheart', based in ten local parks and the Walsall Arboretum. During its

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first year the project involved over 1,000 children and 300 adults in woodland walks, talks, awareness days and community planting events (BCUFU, 1992b). An exhibition setting out the arguments for natural regeneration and low-cost planting in parks also toured local libraries and neighbourhood offices in Walsall (wALKER, 1992). Another BCUFU project started in October 1992 and focused on motorway corridors (JONES, 1992). This was also a three year project, funded with assistance from the Department of Transport, Countryside Commission and Esso UK plc. The project was concerned specifically with the M5 and M6 motorway corridors, the route by which many people initially see and form an impression of the Black Country. A Project Officer, CHRIS RANCE, was appointed to work with the public and private landowners to develop woodland planting schemes along the corridors and enhance the view from the motorways. The first two years of the BCUFU proved very successful. As well as promoting urban forestry locally, it also gained national recognition with its work. The BCUFU was keen to encourage other projects and initiatives throughout Britain to adopt and develop its innovative ideas. In 1992, it organised a one-day conference with the DoE and Wolverhampton MBC on urban forestry for local authorities involved in the City Challenge initiative (JONES, 1992). Many of the City Challenge bids to central Government had subsequently adopted urban forestry as their theme. The Christmas tree recycling project had also gained national attention and other local authorities were considering similar schemes. The BCUFU had rapidly established good contacts with other urban forestry initiatives such as those in Cardiff, Belfast and Edinburgh. It was also liaising closely with related initiatives such as the community forests, Groundwork Trusts and the New National Forest (JONES, 1993). Much of the BCUFU's impact both locally and nationally had been due to the very effective 'packaging' of its ideas and initiatives (JONES, 1993).1t had produced and distributed a large quantity of high-quality promotional literature and had received excellent media coverage, particularly in the local and regional press. It had also concentrated much of its efforts in promoting a singular and highly potent message about the need and potential for low-cost woodland establishment to regenerate urban landscapes. While it was not yet involved directly with much implementation, it was working with a wide range of partners to encourage the establishment of woodland according to what it regarded as good and cost-effective practice (DAVIES, interview, 1995). Because the BCUFU's core funding only covered its running costs, it had been necessary for it to devote much time and effort in applying for financial support from a wide range of public and private sector organisations in order to develop its practical projects (JONES, interview, 1997). Although there was disappointment in some quarters that the BCUFU

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had not achieved more in practice, its Director had seen its role as being to catalyse and advise rather than to undertake much practical work of its own (SANGSTER, interview, 1995). However, during its first two years it had still achieved II hectares of new planting compared with a total of 35 hectares for the four Black Country Boroughs and the Black Country Development Corporation over the same period (JONES, pers comm, I998). The BCUFU was also devoting much of its time to researching and developing a strategy for urban forestry in the Black Country which it intended to publish (JONES, interview, 1997). This would aim to provide inspiration and guidance for all those agencies which had a role to play in creating and sustaining an extensive urban forest in the Black Country (BcuFu, 1995). By the 3rd Urban Forestry Conference in 1991, the BCUFU had established itself as an innovative project that was a major driving force in the development of the urban forestry movement in Britain. After a successful first two years, it now had extensive plans for its next two years and was set to expand its staff to seven in the next six months (JONES, 1992). The Forest of Cardiff Project The Forest of Cardiff, the first city-wide urban forestry project in Wales, had its origins in the Forest of London (FoL) Project and began to be developed immediately after the 1st Conference in 1988 (wiLKES, 1991; JOHNSTON, 1992). Following a meeting between FoL Trust and South Glamorgan County Council, the local authority agreed to develop a project in partnership with other public and voluntary organisations in the Cardiff area (BARNETT, pers comm, 1995). Copies of the FoL's project document were circulated to potential partners to give an indication of the type of project being considered. When sufficient interest had been generated, a Steering Committee was formed. This comprised representatives from South Glamorgan County Council, Cardiff City Council, BTCV, UK2000 Wales, The Prince of Wales Committee, Cardiff Bay Development Corporation and the Countryside Commission (Foe, 1988). A director of FoL Trust was invited to join the committee in an advisory capacity and it was decided to call the project the Forest of Cardiff (Foe) in recognition of its links with the FoL (ANON, 1988b). Initial funding of £40,000 was obtained from the project's partners and a project office was established at BTCV' s conservation centre in Whitchurch. JULIAN WILKES, a forestry graduate, was appointed as Project Director. BTCV was very supportive in establishing the FoC, both in providing office accommodation and employing the director, due largely to the enthusiasm of its Regional Director, CLIVE DAVIES (interview, 1995). The FoC was launched during National Tree Week in November 1988 at a civic reception attended by the Mayor of Cardiff, the Chairman of the

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County Council and other dignitaries. The event attracted widespread media coverage on Welsh TV, radio and in the regional press (ANON, 1988c). During its first planting season, the FoC planted over 17,000 trees, a figure well in excess of its target of 5,000. The trees were planted through extensive community involvement with 72 different groups comprising over 5,000 people (WILKES, 1989). At the end of its second planting season 1989/90, the FoC had planted nearly 32,000 trees and involved many more community groups in more than 150 planting schemes (ANON, 1990f). The survival rate of the trees was excellent due to a programme of systematic post-planting maintenance, often undertaken by the community groups themselves. In November 1989, the FoC appointed a Public Relations Officer to increase publicity for the project and help raise sponsorship (ANON, 1990g). Attractive promotional materials were produced aimed at the public and potential sponsors, emphasising the environmental benefits of urban forestry and encouraging community involvement in planting and caring for the urban forest. FoC activities continued to attract widespread media coverage with some imaginative tree planting programmes. These included an offer of free Yew trees to churchyards and a 'Trees for Pub Gardens' scheme sponsored by public houses (JOHNSTON, 1992). In 1990, the FoC became a limited company with charitable status. Most of the partner organisations accepted a seat on the Board of Directors and all agreed to continue to support the FoC financially. The decision to establish the FoC as a company was made to increase the project's efficiency and diversify its operations (Foe, 1991). In April 1992, the FoC launched Treescene, a trading subsidiary that it hoped would make a significant contribution to its income (ANON, 1992b). Treescene would offer a landscape and tree planting contracting service to commercial companies and private individuals throughout South Wales. All the profits made by Treescene would be covenanted back to the charity to develop the FoC's community work. At the end of the financial year in March 1992, the FoC had a total income of £105,000 although the majority of this was still made up of grants and donations (Foe, 1992). By the 3rd Urban Forestry Conference in August 1993, the FoC was continuing to expand (Foe, 1993). Its staff had increased to four full-time employees with a further three employed by Treescene. Since its launch, the FoC had planted 152,000 trees and involved over 24,000 people in 382 planting schemes. The FoC had developed into a highly successful project that was making a major contribution to the promotion of urban forestry, not just in Wales, but nationally (JOHNSTON, 1992). However, with its transition to a limited company, it became more of a separate agency rather than an active partnership of organisations (DAVIES, interview, 1995). While its partners were providing funding to enable the FoC to act as an excellent vehicle for community involvement and educational activities, there was not

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yet any indication that it would embrace the wider aspects of urban forestry, such as the development of an overall strategy for Cardiff s urban forest.

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The Middlesbrough Urban Forestry Strategy

The first city-wide initiative to succeed in adopting a strategic approach to the planning and management of its urban forest was developed in Middlesbrough. Although this did not attract the national publicity of some other initiatives, its achievements were to have a considerable long-term impact on the urban forestry movement. Interest in urban forestry in Middlesbrough arose out of concern by local authority officers at the poor condition and lack of trees in the Borough. During survey work for a Landscape Plan launched in 1987, the town's tree cover had been identified as less than one per cent of the total area of the town and only ten per cent of the national average of tree cover for urban areas (HANNON, 1995). As part of a response to meet this challenge, Mick Hannon, Assistant Chief Leisure Services Officer for Middlesbrough Borough Council, decided to re-structure the Leisure Services Department and created a new Landscape Division (JAMES, 1993). An Urban Woodlands Officer was also appointed, the post being filled by Tim James, a forestry graduate formerly with Bristol City Council (HANNON, 1996). The major function of the Urban Woodlands Officer was to plan for the future expansion of the town's existing treecover through a detailed marketing and management plan. Work began immediately on preparing an urban forestry strategy for the town that would encompass the management of all existing trees and any new planting. To promote the initiative, a Middlesbrough Tree Festival was held in 1990 which attracted many local residents in an atmosphere of entertainment and informal education (JAMES, 1993). On a tide of rising interest in trees and urban forestry, a strategy was produced for submission through the local authority's committee procedure. The Middlesbrough Urban Forestry Strategy was approved by the Council in November 1991 (HANNON, 1995). The adoption of the strategy was a landmark in the development of urban forestry in Britain. This was the first time that a local authority had formally adopted an urban forestry strategy that was more than just a statement of vague policy objectives. The strategy document was divided into three sections. The first presented the relevant background information required to understand the problems facing the town's urban forest. It described the importance of urban trees and what was currently happening to them. It recommended that the way forward to a much 'greener' town was the concept of urban forestry and a description of this formed the second section of the strategy. This set out a wide range of broad policy aims for the overall management of the urban forest. The final

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section dealt with implementation and specified a range of specific policy objectives with target dates covering both the management of the existing urban forest and subsequent new planting. This aspect of the strategy was most significant because it was not just concerned with broad policy aims but included detailed practical proposals. Proposals were also made for a marketing strategy and an environmental education programme. By 1993, a survey of all highway trees and young woodland plantations had been completed and the data were being entered on to a computer data base (JAMES, 1993). Work began on an inventory of mature woodland in order to produce a full woodland working plan for the town. A tree planting strategy was also being developed to provide a framework for all future planting schemes carried out by Middlesbrough BC, or by other agencies through the planning process. While the Middlesbrough initiative was still at an early stage, it had already led to the official adoption by the local authority of an urban forestry strategy for the whole town. This had set out a comprehensive list of aims and objectives and work began to survey the various elements of the urban forest and develop individual management plans and targets. The Middlesbrough strategy was also significant because it embraced all the work of the local authority's arboricultural section, something which had not been achieved in most other initiatives at that time. Most importantly, a specialist team had been assembled in a distinct unit that was able to concentrate its efforts specifically on the initiative. That team was also busy establishing links with similar initiatives in the region, such as the Cleveland Community Forest and the Great North Forest, to share experience and ideas. Although the driving force behind the Middlesbrough initiative had been MICK HANNON of Middlesbrough BC, HANNON (1996) was conscious of the importance of assembling a team of highly professional and motivated staff that could implement his urban forestry proposals. He believes that much of the credit for the successful preparation and subsequent approval of the Middlesbrough Urban Forestry Strategy should go to his staff, in particular, the Urban Woodlands Officer. The Edinburgh Urban Forestry Initiative

Edinburgh was the second major urban area in Britain to develop a strategic approach to the management of its urban forest. In April 1988, NORTHERN PLANNERS was commissioned jointly by the Scottish Development Agency and the City of Edinburgh District Council (DC) to undertake a study to assess the potential for a city-wide urban forestry programme (NORTHERN PLANNERS, 1989a). A Steering Group was formed to supervise the study which included representatives of Edinburgh DC, Scottish Development Agency and Lothian Regional Council.

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The idea for the initiative had originated with NORTHERN PLANNERS which was based in the city and keen to pursue a local project following the interest in urban forestry generated by the 1st Conference. Two recent events had also helped to give momentum to the idea, a gift of 1,000 trees from the FoL Trust and the widespread media coverage given to Edinburgh DC's new sawmill (NORTHERN PLANNERS, 1989a). There was also growing concern among Edinburgh DC at the condition of its tree population which was generally over-mature and included many elms which were dying through Dutch Elm Disease (CHAMBERS, 1991 ). Furthermore, urban tree management within the local authority had a low profile with a correspondingly low budget and operated largely on a 'crisis management' basis with responsibilities fragmented between a number of different departments. The study results were submitted in January 1989 in a two-volume report (NORTHERN PLANNERS, 1989a). Recommendations for progressing an urban forestry programme included a comprehensive urban tree survey as a basis for the production of a city-wide strategy and management plan covering all the trees in the Edinburgh DC area. Other recommendations focused on a publicity and education programme and the retraining and restructuring of the workforce (cHAMBERS, 1991). The report also recommended the appointment of an Urban Forestry Manager to coordinate practical action, and the establishment of an Urban Forestry Group or Committee, reporting directly to the Council's Policy and Resources Committee, to simplify the existing complexity of control. The report's recommendations were accepted in principle by both the Recreation and Planning Committees of EDINBURGH DC (1989) although no immediate action was taken. In the summer of 1989, Northern Planners was commissioned to conduct a detailed survey of the city's trees. This was undertaken using students of forestry and related disciplines from the University of Edinburgh and local colleges (ANON, 1990h). Within six weeks a detailed survey had been completed of all street trees, the main city centre parks and two large woodland areas (CHAMBERS, 1991). The results of the survey were then submitted to the Recreation Department (CHAMBERS, interview, 1995). Although a survey of Edinburgh's trees had been conducted in 1976 (LAST et al., 1976), a new ..survey was considered essential to provide more detailed and up-to-date information to formulate an urban forestry strategy. The earlier survey had, however, represented a landmark in urban tree management in Britain as it was the first time the tree population of a major city had been surveyed (LAST, pers comm, 1995). In March 1991, EDINBURGH DC (1991) commissioned Northern Planners to produce a comprehensive urban forestry strategy for Edinburgh. This would be based on all the survey information now available and provide an essential foundation for a city-wide landscape strategy that would include the rehabilitation and expansion of the tree resource. In April 1991, it

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appointed an Urban Forestry Officer, DAVID JAMIESON (pers comm, 1998), to help develop and eventually implement the strategy. Located within the Planning Department, he was also charged with expanding the city's woodland resource by establishing new community woodlands. As part of its urban forestry initiative, Edinburgh DC also began to increase its use of Tree Preservation Orders (JAMIESON, 1998). In May 1991, the first draft of the urban forestry strategy was circulated for consultation to over 30 organisations and individuals (EDINBURGH DC, 1991; NORTHERN PLANNERS, 1991). This was followed by a series of 'brain-storming' sessions with the consultees to exchange and develop ideas, to promote the initiative and to identify likely levels of future support (CHAMBERS, 1991). The ideas and suggestions were then incorporated into the draft strategy, to be ratified by the Council in the August committee cycle and issued immediately for full public consultation. At this point in the initiative, Northern Planners ceased trading and the work was continued independently by KAREN CHAMBERS (interview, 1995), formerly a consultant with Northern Planners, who had now established her own practice. The public consultation exercise for the draft strategy, which should have been conducted at the end of the summer, was delayed for a few months. The delay was caused because CHAMBERS (interview, 1995) was having difficulty obtaining the results of the tree survey from the Recreation Department. The intention had been to base the final strategy on the findings of the survey and without that data it was impossible to proceed and complete the document. Eventually, the Recreation Department did release some of the data but these were insufficient and Chambers then had to re-survey a number of areas to provide the minimum information required to complete the strategy. The final draft of the strategy was completed in December 1991 (KAREN CHAMBERS ASSOCIATES, 1991). The draft strategy was eventually launched publicly at a symposium held at the University of Edinburgh in February 1992. Called 'An Urban Forest for Greater Edinburgh', this was a very successful event with several prominent speakers and nearly 200 participants (EDINBURGH scHOOL OF ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN, 1992). Only tWO days before the symposium, the strategy had eventually been adopted as Council policy by Edinburgh DC and the Lord Provost was able to announce this in his opening address to the participants (ANON, 1992c ). The adoption of the Edinburgh Urban Forestry Strategy by Edinburgh DC in February 1992 was another landmark in the development of urban forestry in Britain. After Middlesbrough, this was the second local authority to formally adopt an urban forestry strategy. However, while the strategy embraced Edinburgh's entire urban forest (JAMIESON, 1998), it was not in the form originally intended and was more of a policy document than a true strategy. It did not include any specific targets or target dates relating to its

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policy objectives and was directed more towards planting opportunities than the management of the existing urban forest (cHAMBERS, interview, 1995). These limitations in the strategy were due to the fact that the information to set precise targets was to have come from the detailed survey which had not been released by the Recreation Department. Following the adoption of the Urban Forestry Strategy, Chambers was commissioned by the Planning Department of Edinburgh DC to produce a Strategic Masterplan for the city's urban forest (KAREN CHAMBERS ASSOCIATES, 1993 ). This would provide the framework for implementing the strategy and include recommendations for the planting and protection of trees on land in both public and private ownership throughout the city. An Urban Forestry Advisory Committee was established to oversee the production of the plan. When the Strategic Masterplan was completed, Edinburgh DC would have the information to embark on a comprehensive urban forestry programme. To ensure sufficient public and private sector funding to implement the programme, a marketing, promotion and fundraising strategy was also commissioned. By the 3rd Urban Forestry Conference in August 1991, the initiative in Edinburgh was making rapid progress towards becoming a comprehensive urban forestry project. The prospects were encouraging for even more significant progress to be made in the near future (JAMIESON, 1998). The Glasgow Urban Forestry Initiative and Treewise

In early 1990, an urban forestry initiative began in Glasgow that was to achieve national recognition for its pioneering work in both 'greening' the city and in providing work for some of its many unemployed people. Despite the serious economic, social and environmental problems facing Glasgow in the late 1980s, its long-standing image as a 'grey' and depressed city was beginning to improve (GLASGOW cc, 1990). It had received much favourable national publicity after being designated 'European City of Culture' and its 'Glasgow's Smiles Better' promotional campaign had succeeded in attracting many more tourists. The image of its landscape had also benefited from the Glasgow Garden Festival held in 1988. The work of the Glasgow Eastern Area Renewal Project, in the notoriously dilapidated East End of the city, had done much to regenerate vast areas of public housing estates and had included extensive landscaping (SNELL, 1988). Interest was also being focused on the potential for extensive tree planting in Glasgow's urban fringe through the work of the Central Scotland Countryside Trust and the production of the Strathclyde Region Indicative Forestry Strategy. The proposal to establish the Strathclyde Green Belt Company, aimed partly at creating urban fringe woodland, was also generating much interest (ASH, 1987).

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In early 1990, the Glasgow Regeneration Unit of the Scottish Development Agency (SDA) commissioned Northern Planners to produce a report on what could be done to make Glasgow 'greener', and to identify how this could be achieved. No great detail was required, simply a vision of a major tree planting and management initiative with some indication of the mechanisms through which it could be implemented. The study was essentially a desk exercise, compiling existing data about Glasgow, reviewing urban 'greening' projects in some other major cities in the world and identifying the essential components of a succ:;essful urban forestry initiative in Glasgow. After several weeks of intensive 'brain-storming', the study team submitted their final report in March 1990. Entitled 2020 Vision: The Greening of Glasgow, it set out the broad principles of a thirty-year strategy embracing the whole city (NORTHERN PLANNERS, 1990b). While not including any castings or detailed proposals, as these were not required, the report contained a wealth of ideas on all aspects of urban forestry that could be applicable to Glasgow. The SDA then circulated the report to other relevant organisations in the city for their comments. At this time, the value of extensive tree planting in urban regeneration projects was also being highlighted in a consultation document entitled Towards an Action Plan for Glasgow'S Environment, produced by GLASGOW CITY COUNCIL ( 1990). In October 1990, the SDA commissioned the ASH Partnership to undertake a further study that would provide some castings and detailed proposals for a major urban forestry initiative in Glasgow. After several month's research, the results of the study were submitted to the SDA in a report entitled Glasgow Afforestation Initiative: Validation Exercise (ASH, 1991). The report stated that the establishment of an inventory and monitoring system for Glasgow's trees and woodland would be a priority in any urban forestry initiative. Following a detailed assessment of the potential for extensive tree planting in the city, the report recommended that 1,400 hectares of woodland and 112 kilometres of arterial routes should be planted over a ten year period. The cost of this would be approximately £23 million, including maintenance, less any available grants and sponsorship gained from the private sector. The report estimated that the initiative would be able to create 115 jobs, although not all would be new jobs as many existing local authority staff would be redeployed from grass cutting operations. ASH estimated its own professional fees over the period would total just over £1 million. The scale of the proposals in ASH's report had a predictable impact on the SDA. While its officials liked the idea of a major urban forestry project, the total cost of the initiative led to much debate about the value of investing such large sums of money in what they regarded as a new venture. While the SDA's expenditure on derelict land reclamation was already considerable, as in many similarly depressed cities, no other development agency had yet

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gone down the path of 'urban forestry' with any substantial financial commitment. The most cost-effective way to 'green' the urban environment was already the subject of much debate in Glasgow at this time. In March 1991, the city had hosted the 'Green City' conference, an international conference on the recently published European Community Green Paper on the Urban Environment (GLASGOW crrv couNCIL, 1991). The event, however, had focused on health and environmental issues and there had been little mention of the role of urban forestry or large-scale tree planting. Rather than implement immediately the proposed ten year programme, the SDA decided to proceed with caution. It suggested to ASH that it might consider some small pilot projects to demonstrate the viability of extensive forestry planting in urban areas. At this point in the initiative, the role of the SDA was taken over by the Glasgow Development Agency (GDA), a similar agency but with a specific remit for the Greater Glasgow area. ASH began discussions with a range of organisations involved in tree planting in the city, mainly those in the voluntary sector, to see if it could work in partnership with any of these to establish some pilot sites. The WISE GROUP (1993), one of those involved in the discussions, was a collection of community businesses with a reputation for success in creating employment through environmental improvement schemes. It was taking hundreds of unemployed Glasgow men and women and providing them with a year-long training course while they implemented the schemes. Landwise, one of the group's companies, was transforming the run down backcourts of tenement blocks into community gardens and play areas. This experience, in both soft landscaping and employment creation, could compliment ASH's expertise in the technical aspects of urban forestry. After a series of discussions between ASH and the Wise Group, the companies agreed to put a joint proposal to the GDA. The proposal to the GDA recommended the planting of several demonstration sites that would be established through a repeatable funding package. It also proposed the formation of a limited company to undertake the work, set up through the Wise Group. In August 1991, the GDA commissioned ASH to work with the Wise Group to implement the proposal and produce a detailed report about the work. As the sites had to be establishing in the forthcoming planting season, work began immediately and in some haste. ASH identified five suitable sites for planting, all of which belonged to Glasgow City Council (ASH, 1992). The Wise Group then led negotiations with the GDA, Forestry Commission, European Commission, Glasgow City Council and other agencies to develop a funding package for the company and the work. Some 50 per cent of the funding would come from the GDA in the first year and 35 per cent in the second year. However, getting the complete funding package agreed by the donor agencies was taking much longer than expected,

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particularly the sizable proportion from the GDA. As time was running out to implement the planting during the current season, the Wise Group decided to fund the initiative out of its own financial reserves until such time as the GDA's funding could be approved. At the end of 1991, the Wise Group created a new company called Treewise. The senior staff for the company were appointed consisting of a General Manager, Operations Manager and Training Manager. Simon Rennie, a forester who had previously spent several years in the Far East managing commercial timber production, was appointed as General Manager (ANON, 1992e). A supervisor, four foremen and an administrative officer were also appointed. Some twenty-four trainees were then recruited with the help of local Job Centres. At the same time as the staff and trainees were being recruited, ASH was developing a suitable training programme in association with Laganside College, a local horticultural training centre. The five pilot sites were mainly in the north of the city adjacent to large public housing estates. Planting plans for three of the sites were designed by ASH with the other two supplied by the Kilpatricks Project, a local conservation organisation. Each site was approximately 5 hectares making a total of 25 hectares. The sites were then prepared with forestry ploughing and planted with 40-60 em rootrainers. By the end of the 1991/92 planting season all the pilot sites had been planted with some 90,000 trees (ASH, 1992). Now that Treewise had been established as an efficient and effective organisation, the GDA ended its consultancy contract with ASH in August 1992. Treewise continued to identify suitable sites for planting and prepare for the next planting season. In the 1992/93 season, it planted 250,000 trees on ten sites totalling 40 hectares. The vast majority of the trees were established successfully. Treewise was also achieving success in its training and employment role. At the end of its second year in the spring of 1993, some 55 per cent of its trainees had found full time employment with 56 per cent completing their training course and attaining the SVQ Level 1 qualification (wiSE GROUP, 1993). The success of Treewise continued throughout the next year and by the end of the 1993/4 planting season it had established a further 16 sites totalling some 55 hectares. An environmental education programme was also developed involving local school children in tree planting projects on four of the sites (ANON, 1994). The establishment of Treewise as an operational unit in early 1992 was a unique development in urban forestry in Britain (DRYSDALE, 1996). This was the first time that an initiative which identified itself as an urban forestry project had successfully combined employment creation and training with urban tree planting. Not only had Treewise been a successful training agency for urban forestry skills, it had also been able to find suitable employment for its trainees in the Glasgow area. It had also demonstrated that extensive

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tree planting could be a dramatic and inexpensive way of improving the environment and image of Glasgow. Despite the success of Treewise, the various agencies involved in the initiative had yet to consider including their existing tree planting and management operations into an overall urban forestry strategy for Glasgow. The interest in these wider aspects of urban forestry that had been generated through Northern Planners' 2020 Vision report in 1990 had actually led to quite a different urban forestry initiative with more limited objectives. The scale of the initiative was also less than what had originally been envisaged. ASH's proposals in its 1991 report for a £23 million programme over a ten year period had been rejected in favour of a much smaller operation with Treewise' s annual turnover of some £500,000. The urban forestry survey and integrated planting and management plan envisaged by ASH to cover the whole of Glasgow had evolved into a funding and technical cooperation venture by a number of agencies on a limited range of sites (RENNIE, 1993). However, with the success of Treewise, interest in urban forestry among the relevant agencies in Glasgow remained high and the prospects were encouraging for developing a much wider initiative. Initiatives in Oxford and Leeds

While the major urban forestry initiatives in the Black Country, Cardiff, Middlesbrough, Edinburgh and Glasgow were attracting widespread interest, other urban tree projects were being developed with less publicity in other towns and cites. Unlike the major projects, these were mainly singleagency initiatives and most had no direct connection with the urban forestry movement. However, two of these projects are worthy of mention. The first, a community involvement project in Oxford, was clearly influenced by earlier community-based urban forestry initiatives. The second, focusing on commercial timber production in Leeds, had a significant influence on the attitudes of many professionals towards this aspect of urban forestry. The idea for an urban forestry initiative in Oxford arose among local authority staff who had attended the 1st Conference in 1988. Initial interest, however, had been stimulated as far back as 1984 following a public lecture at the Oxford Forestry Institute by Andy Lipkis of the TreePeople project in Los Angeles (HALL, interview, 1995). In late 1990, a Steering Group to develop a project was formed consisting of local amenity and conservation societies, tree contractors, councillors, local authority officers, university staff, local businessmen and tree enthusiasts (ANON, 199ld). In March 1991, another public lecture on urban forestry at the Commonwealth Forestry Institute, given by a director of FoL Trust, gave additional momentum to the initiative. After much discussion, the Steering Group decided to launch a project

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called the Forest of Oxford (FoO). This would promote the care of existing trees and encourage community involvement in tree planting and other tree related activities throughout the city. The vehicle for the Forest of Oxford's community involvement programme would be a volunteer tree warden scheme. This would be organised under the auspices of The Tree Council's national Tree Warden Scheme which had been launched in September 1990 (ANON. 1990j). The aim of the national scheme was to recruit volunteers from local communities and provide them with some training in tree planting and management. The Tree Wardens would then become the focus for voluntary tree related activities in their area. Although it was initially directed at rural areas, the scheme had enormous potential for towns and cities. In May 1991 the London Borough of Camden had launched the first urban tree warden scheme (ANON, 1991e). The Forest of Oxford project was launched in November 1991 by the Lord Mayor of Oxford at an open-air event attended by hundreds of people (ANON, 1991f). To coincide with the launch, a children's Tree Painting Competition was organised by Oxford City Council with sponsorship from British Gas pic. (Foo, 1991). A Project Co-ordinator was then appointed, funded by the local authority and located within its own establishment. By the 3rd Urban Forestry Conference in 1993, the Forest of Oxford was firmly established as a major project in the city. It had successfully involved a wide range of local community groups, schools and businesses in tree planting and tree related activities (OXFORD CITY couNCIL, 1995). However, its plans to promote this work through a network of individual Tree Wardens were subsequently modified into the formation of four 'tree groups' within the city. Although guided by its Steering Group, the project remained essentially an initiative of Oxford City Council. Almost all the funding was provided by the local authority with approximately £1000 raised each year through commercial sponsorship. The authority clearly viewed the project as a vehicle for community involvement and it had no plans to use the initiative to develop a city-wide urban forestry strategy or to include its arboricultural operations within the project's remit. While the Forest of Oxford had no direct link with either the Forest of London or the Forest of Cardiff projects, the structure and operation of the project was undoubtedly influenced by these initiatives. Another initiative, in Leeds, was to have a major influence on the urban forestry movement. Ever since interest in urban forestry began in Britain, the economic value of urban trees as a timber resource had been consistently highlighted, particularly by planning consultants. While this aspect of urban forestry was of great interest to many professionals (CARRUTHERS and STANFIELD, 1986), most arboriculturists remained to be convinced that a substantial volume of timber production from urban forests was a practical or economic proposition. What was required was an example of a local authority operation that would demonstrate how this could work in practice.

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Leeds City Council (LCC) was fortunate in having some 1,000 hectares of woodland (COUNTRYSIDE COMMISSION, 1988). In 1984, the Council adopted a woodland policy with the aim of improving standards of management and doubling the area of its woodlands. As part of this initiative, all the tree interests of the various departments were merged into a single unit under the responsibility of the Forestry Officer, Keith Rawlings. LCC already had a small sawmill and was keen to utilise this fully to exploit its commercial potential. In 1986, it purchased a wood chip fired boiler at the cost of £150,000 which it used to heat 2 hectares of glasshouses. The Forestry Unit with 37 staff was based at the sawmi11 and included a full-time joiner producing constructed timber products such as benches and fencing items for use in the local parks. This resulted in an overall saving in expenditure on these materials of several thousand pounds. LCC was keen to expand its forestry operations and purchase more woodland. Rawlings considered that established but unmanaged woodland could be brought for little more than the cost of buying open land and then planting this with trees. Furthermore, the cost of purchase could be largely offset by the immediate sale of thinnings from the unmanaged woodland (THOMPSON, 1988). Rawlings was also considering the possibility of setting up a second sawmill, the first sawmill having already produced some £80,000 of milled timber for public and private use. The success of LCC's forestry operation rapidly attracted the interest of other local authorities looking to establish something similar with their own woodland. In the immediate aftermath of the 'Hurricane', staff from LCC travelled to East Anglia to assist and advise other local authorities in timber clearance and utilisation (THOMPSON, 1988). Rawlings (1989) was asked to contribute a chapter on timber production from urban forests for the Forestry Commission book Urban Forestry Practice, to encourage further innovative projects and good commercial practice. LCC's initiative had demonstrated that significant timber production from the urban forest was a realistic proposition given a sufficient area of suitable woodland (DAVIES, interview, 1995). The success of the initiative was frequently cited in consultant's reports to local authorities and other public agencies contemplating urban forestry projects (NORTHERN PLANNERS, 1989b). However, while the potential to produce substantial quantities of timber and wood products from urban forests was being highlighted, the real economic value of this type of initiative was often overlooked (CHAMBERS, interview, 1995). This was not so much in the volume of saleable products produced but in the employment and training opportunities such an operation could provide.

Consultancy, Education and Research With the growth of interest in urban forestry between the 1st and 3rd

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Conferences, private consultancy practices were not slow to realise there were professional fees to be earned from promoting themselves as specialists in this field. The number of local authorities and government agencies commissioning urban forestry studies had increased dramatically. Some new consultancy practices were also being formed to focus on this work (ANON, 1989e; ANON, 1991g). As c9mpetition increased between practices, those already established in the field felt the need to promote their expertise and experience more vigorously. In 1990, Northern Planners became the first practice to produce promotional literature specifically on urban forestry. In 1991, The ASH Partnership became the first practice to form a specialist Urban and Community Forestry Unit (ANON, 1992f). ASH was also establishing links with a major urban forestry Consultancy in the United States (LEITHEAD, 1992). Most of the consultancy practices specialising in urban forestry consisted mainly of individuals qualified in urban planning and landscape architecture, together with a few foresters. Arboricultural consultants did not seem keen to promote their services using the term. The late 1980s had seen a rapid growth in arboricultural consultancy, with a few of these practices specialising in the management of urban trees, particularly the installation of computerised tree inventory systems (ANON, 1986); (MOORE, 1991). However, when the Arboricultural Association (1993) issued its Directory of Consultants for 1993, none had been closely involved in the urban forestry movement and there was no evidence any had been engaged in producing major studies on the theme of urban forestry. The interest in urban forestry among consultancy practices played a vital role in promoting the subject within central and local government (SANGSTER, interview, 1995). Although many local authorities wanted to get involved in the field, they did not feel they had sufficient expertise among their own staff and so engaged specialist consultants. In some cases, the local authorities were simply exploring the potential for general urban 'greening' initiatives and it was as a result of consultants' reports that the focus of this became urban forestry. The introduction of consultants into areas of work that had previously been the exclusive province of local authority tree officers was met with mixed reactions. While some tree officers welcomed their involvement, there was also considerable scepticism as many did not appear to have much knowledge of urban tree management. Much of the content of their reports was not original material and could be readily obtained from textbooks on urban forestry published in the United States (DAVIES, interview, 1995). Furthermore, the financial implications of the consultants' recommendations were in many cases unrealistic given the climate of financial constraint within which most local authorities were operating. The growth in urban forestry Consultancy was not matched by a similar growth in educational courses in the subject (DAVIES, interview, 1995).

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Although there had been a proliferation of degree level courses in urban forestry following the initial interest in the subject in the United States (JOHNSTON, 1996), this did not occur at universities and colleges in Britain. Some of the reasons for this lie in the existing pattern of educational provision in related subjects and the weak academic standing of arboriculture. While aspects of urban tree management had long been included in courses in forestry, landscape architecture and amenity horticulture, the extent of this was usually quite limited. Most of these graduates did not subsequently gain employment where they were directly responsible for the management of urban trees and therefore an appreciation of the subject was all that was required. Some universities and colleges, particularly those teaching forestry, did respond to the growing interest in urban forestry by expanding those elements of their courses concerned with urban tree management and in some cases retitling these as 'urban forestry' (DENNE, pers comm, 1997). However, they did not appear to perceive a need for new full-time courses in the subject as they believed it was already being covered by a wide range of courses in related disciplines (JONES, interview, 1997). With the growth of arboricultural education since the mid-1960s, an increasing number of professionals employed on urban tree management within local authorities came from an arboricultural background (BRIDGEMAN, 1976). However, full-time courses in arboriculture were not yet available at degree level and were limited to some form of national certificate or diploma offered by an agricultural or horticultural college. Although there continued to be much debate within the arboricultural profession about the need to develop higher level courses, by the time of the 3rd Conference in 1993, none of the colleges had succeeded in doing this. Some of the larger arboricultural contractors believed there was an increasing shortage of skilled manual workers in the industry and any new courses should concentrate on teaching practical skills (MATTHEWS, 1982). By 1993, some colleges were including 'urban forestry' as part of the syllabus of their existing courses in arboriculture. The term also began to appear in the promotional literature for some of these course. However, because of the increasing popularity of the term, its inclusion may have been more of a marketing strategy to attract more students than a genuine attempt to include the subject in the syllabus. The low academic level of these courses and their emphasis on practical skills did not allow much scope to explore urban forestry concepts in any detail. The only college to develop a full-time course specifically entitled 'urban forestry' was Askham Bryan College near York. In 1991, it began offering a three-year BTEC National Diploma in Urban Forestry directed mainly at students wishing to gain employment as tree officers in urban local authorities (ASKHAM BRYAN coLLEGE, 1990). The course was developed by PETER HEMSLEY (pers comm, 1995), Askham Bryan's Deputy Head of Horticulture and a prominent

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member of the Arboricultural Association. In the first two years of the course it had an intake of some twenty students, similar to other courses of the same level offered by the college. The period between the 1st and 3rd Conferences did not see a rapid growth in research into urban forestry in Britain. Much of the research conducted by the Forestry Commission on behalf of the DoE had focused almost exclusively on individual urban trees (HODGE, 1991) and various aspects of tree pathology. However, the BCUFU was undertaking some valuable research, particularly in the area of low-cost forest-type plantings. Another non-governmental organisation was also making a valuable contribution by collating relevant research. In 1990 the Centre for Urban Ecology, a project of the Birmingham Settlement, published 1,000 copies of The Urban Environment: A Sourcebook for the 1990s. This consisted of a series of cross-referenced abstracts, covering the years 1980-1988. Abstraction included both of the key urban forestry periodicals, the (UK) Arboricultural Journal and the (US) Journal of Arboriculture (DAWE, 1990). While most of the urban forestry consultancy studies conducted during this period highlighted research in the subject, this was not the consultants' original work and was simply an account of overseas research, mainly from the United States (DAVIES, interview, 1995). The most significant advance in urban forestry research was provided by the Trees in Towns report commissioned by the DoE. Although, by the 3rd Conference, its findings had not yet been available sufficiently long for the implications to be fully appreciated, the report was to have a major impact on central and local government thinking for some years to come. Conclusions

The period between the 1st and 3rd Urban Forestry Conferences could be described as a 'springtime' in the development of urban forestry in Britain. The initial interest and enthusiasm generated by the 1st Conference in March 1988 had increased significantly during this period. It had led to a second national conference in June 1991 and there were now plans for a third to be held in August 1993. In practical terms, all this interest had led to the launch of a wide range of new initiatives at both a national and local level involving many different public, private and voluntary sector organisations. At a national level, the period was dominated by the launch of the Community Forests Initiative of the Countryside Commission and Forestry Commission. Its enormous scale and vigorous promotion by government was unprecedented in urban fringe forestry in Britain. While the community forests concept had been influenced by the urban forestry movement and had provided a major vehicle for practical activity, the close association between the two had also led to some continuing confusion about the scope of urban

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forestry. The initiative was also placing considerable demands on the resources of those local authorities and voluntary organisations involved. Although many may have been interested in extending their involvement into a broader urban forestry initiative, they were unlikely to have been in a financial position to consider this. The Forestry Commission's Community Woodland Supplement had helped to ease some of the financial burden but this was only in respect of new woodland planting. Interest in urban forestry among relevant government departments and agencies at a national level was proving slow to develop. At a local level, some regional offices had given support to a few city-wide urban forestry projects but this was due to a personal commitment of the officers involved and was not a reflection of any national policy. Although, by the time of the 3rd Conference, the DoE nationally was playing a more proactive role, no firm government commitment to urban forestry had yet been established at ministerial level. High level political support was essential if urban forestry was to gain national credibility among government departments and agencies. This had been the key to the rapid progress made by the movement in the United States (JOHNSTON, 1996) and was something which had already been achieved by the emerging movement in the Republic of Ireland (JOHNSTON, 1997c). Outside of the Community Forests Initiative, several new city-wide urban forestry projects were launched. These were initiated mainly by local authorities, many of which had gained support from other local public and voluntary sector organisations. These projects varied enormously in their approach to urban forestry, usually focusing on a particular aspect, such as employment creation, community involvement or the production of timber and wood products. Although none had yet succeeded in implementing a comprehensive urban forestry strategy for their area, the prospects were encouraging for this to be realised in the near future. The initiatives in Middlesbrough and Edinburgh had made the most progress and the formal adoption of urban forestry strategies by their respective Councils were landmark developments which many other local authorities might be encouraged to follow. However, the potential for interest in urban forestry among local authorities to be chanelled solely into community tree planting projects was becoming apparent. The more immediate public relations benefits of a high-profile environmental project, involving local residents and businesses, was viewed as a particularly appealing aspect of urban forestry. While these local authorities appeared to be aware of the need to develop a planned, systematic and integrated approach to the management of their entire urban forest, a high-profile planting project with its reliance on voluntary labour and commercial sponsorship was financially more attractive. Unlike the initiatives in Middlesbrough and Edinburgh, most local authorities also appeared to regard their own arboricultural services as

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something that should, for the moment, remain outside the scope of any urban forestry initiative. Furthermore, while many of these initiatives had originated from a partnership of interested organisations, they had subsequently developed into separate operational entities where the partner organisations were playing a purely funding or advisory role. For many relevant professional bodies, urban forestry was now something of a 'buzz-word' and increasingly featured as a topic in their conference and seminar programmes. There was undoubtedly a thirst for knowledge on the subject among their membership although this may initially have been prompted more by curiosity than by any immediate attraction to the concept. However, as urban forestry gained more prominence in professional circles, so the debate surrounding it became increasingly better informed. The debate about definitions which had dominated the 1st Conference appeared to have been largely resolved with the acceptance that the concept embraced all the trees in and around urban areas. The period had also seen a dramatic growth in contacts between the urban forestry movement in Britain and those in overseas countries, particularly the United States. The movement in Britain had emerged out of an awareness of developments in the United States and these continued to attract much interest. In turn, the exciting developments taking place in Britain were also helping to encourage an interest in urban forestry among professionals in Ireland (JOHNSTON, 1997c). With the focus of the movement in Britain moving away from the wider aspects of urban tree management into a preoccupation with urban fringe woodland, many arboriculturists and Tree Officers began to view the concept as not directly relevant to their own area of expertise. The community forests and city-wide projects had opened up new employment opportunities for a wide range of professionals but had little significance for those responsible for the management of the existing urban forest. Furthermore, their main professional body, the Arboricultural Association, still appeared to have an ambivalent attitude towards urban forestry with some of its leadership unwilling to embrace the concept or want the Association to play any active part in the movement. A far more active participation by arboriculturists, with their unique expertise and experience in urban tree management, was essential if the movement was to retain its broad focus. What the urban forestry movement still lacked was a major national public or voluntary sector organisation that was prepared to wholeheartedly embrace the concept and commit substantial financial resources to its development. The leadership given to the movement in the United States by major national organisations (JOHNSTON, 1996), was not yet apparent in Britain. In the absence of this, Seed in Time Ltd had done its best to maintain the momentum of the movement but due to financial difficulties was

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increasingly looking to more established organisations to assume its leadership role. As the 3rd Conference approached, the urban forestry movement in Britain was entering a crucial phase. With all the interest and activity, the potential was there to follow the example of the United States if imaginative leadership and sufficient resources could be given at a national level. It remained to be seen whether the 'springtime' of urban forestry in Britain would see the movement blossom into a sustainable and effective vehicle for radical progress in the field of urban tree management.

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Published References ANoN. (1986) Advertisement for Peter Bridgeman and Associates. Full page on back cover. Horticulture Week, 21 March. ANON. (1988b) Branson's UK2000 plans new forest in Cardiff. Horticulture Week, 204, 13, p. 6. ANON. (1988c) By the left, quick plant! South Wales Echo, 29 November, p. 4. ANoN. (1989e) Advertisement for the Urban Forestry Group of Birmingham Polytechnic. Urban Forests, Issue 2, p. 8. ANoN. (1990t) Greening Cardiff. Tree News, The Tree Council Newsletter, May, p. 8. ANoN. (1990g) Forest of Cardiff is growing fast. Urban Forests, Issue 3, p. 4. ANoN. (1990h) Edinburgh tree survey goes ahead. Urban Forests, Issue 4, p. 3. ANoN. (1990i) Black Country, Green Country. Urban Forests, Issue 3, p. 3. ANoN. (1990j) National tree warden network is launched. Urban Forests, Issue 5, p. 1. ANON. (1991d) The Forest of Oxford. Urban Forests, Issue 8, p. 8. ANON. (1991e) The first urban tree warden? Urban Forests, Issues 6 and 7, p. 7. ANoN. (1991t) Forest from acorns and saplings. Photograph and text. The Oxford Times, 15 November, p. 7. ANON. (1991g) Advertisement for the Canopy Group of consultants. Urban Forests, Issue 9, p. 8. ANoN. (1992b) The Forest of Cardiff is growing. Urban Forests, Issue 10, p. 10. ANON. (1992c) An urban forest for Greater Edinburgh. Urban Forests, Issue 9, p. 7. ANoN. (1992d) Project Officer for Walsall Metro Parks Scheme. Urban Forests, Issue 9, p. 9. ANoN. (1992e) The Glasgow Tree Initiative. Horticulture Week, 17 January, p. 22.

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ANoN. (1992f) Advertisement announcing the formation of The ASH Partnership's Urban and Community Forestry Unit. Urban Forests, Issue 8, p. 8. ANoN. (1994) School children planting with Treewise. Newswise magazine. The Wise Group. Issue 35, p. 6. ARBORICULTURAL ASSOCIATION (1993) Directory of Consultants and Contractors, 1993. Arboricultural Association, Ampfield, Hampshire. 30 pp. BcuFu. (1991a) Woodland Planting Guidelines for the Urban Forest. Information poster published with financial help from the Black Country Coordinating Committee. Black Country Urban Forestry Unit, Great Barr, West Midlands. BcuFu. (1991b) Expanding the Urban Forest, The Tilhill Low Cost/High Performance Option. Leaflet produced by the Black Country Urban Forestry Unit in conjunction with the Black Country Development Corporation and Tilhill Landscaping. Black Country Urban Forestry Unit, Great Barr, West Midlands. BcuFu. (1992a) The First Two Years. A booklet/report produced by the Black Urban Forestry Unit with financial assistance from the DoE and Esso UK plc. Black Country Urban Forestry Unit, Great Barr, West Midlands. 15 pp. BcuFu. (1992b) Project Greenheart, the first year. Leaflet produced by the Black Country Urban Forestry Unit Black, Great Barr, West Midlands. BcuFu. (1995) The Black Country Urban Forest-A strategy for its development. Black Country Urban Forestry Unit, Great Barr, West Midlands. 32 pp. BRIDGEMAN, P. (1976) Tree Surgery: a complete guide. David and Charles, Newton Abbott, Devon. 144 pp. CARRUTHERS, S. and STANFIELD, G. (1986) Timber from towns. Horticulture Week. 5th December, pp. 28-29. CHAMBERS, K. (1991) City of Edinburgh Urban Forestry Strategy. In: Proceeding of the 2nd Urban Forestry Conference. Edited by Field, C. and Johnston, M. Seed in Time Ltd, Walsall. pp. 271-274. DAwE, G.F.M. (editor) (1990). The Urban Environment: A Sourcebook For the 1990s. Centre for Urban Ecology, Birmingham, together with the Nature Conservancy Council and the World Wide Fund for Nature. pp. 636. DRYSDALE, A. (1996) Training in Urban Forestry: The Treewise Experience. In: Proceedings of the Second National Conference on Urban Forestry. Held in Limerick City, Ireland, 27-29 March, 1996. Edited by Collins, K. The Tree Council of Ireland and the Environmental Conservation Organisation, Dublin. pp. 66-70. GLASGow Crrv CouNCIL (1991) 'Green City', The International Conference on the EC Green Paper on the Urban Environment. Held in Glasgow, March

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