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THE MURDERER AND HIS MURDER

AMS Studies in Modern Society, Political and Social Issues, No.19 Other Tit/es in This Series,

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No. 1. Jackwell Susman, ed. Drug Use and Social Policy. 1972. 616 pp. No. 2. Helen Wortis and Clora Rabinowitz, ed. The Women's Movement: Social and Psychological Perspectives. 1972. 151 pp. No. 3. Yonah Alexander and Nicholas N. Kittrie, eds. Crescent and Star: Arab & Israeli Perspectives on the Middle East Conflict. 1973. 486 pp. No. 4. Virginia Paulus. Housing: A Bibliography, 1960- 1972. 1974. 339_ pp. Na. 5. Henry John Steffens and H.N. Muller, eds. Science, Technology and Culture. 1974. 204 pp. No. 6. Parker G. Marden and Dennis Hodgson, eds. Population, Environment, and the Quality al Lile. 1975. 328 pp. Na. 7. Milton F. Shore and Fortune V. Mannino, eds. Mento/ Health and Social Change. 1975. 330 pp. Na. 8. Nicholas N. Kittrie, Harold L. Hirsh, and Glen Wegner, eds. Medicine, Law, and Public Policy. 1975. 605 pp. No. 9. William Barclay, Krishna Kumar, and Ruth P. Simms, eds. Racial Conflict, Dis­ crimination, and Power: Historical and Contemporary Studies. 1976. 437 pp. Na. 10. Hugo Adam Bedau and Chester M. Pierce, eds. Capitol Punishment in the United States. 1976. 576 pp. Na. 11. Ethel Toboch and Harold M. Proshonsky, eds. Genetic Destiny: Scientific Controversy and Social Conflict. 1976. 163 pp. No. 12. Virginia P. Robinson. The Development of a Professional Self: Teaching and learning in Professional Helping Processes. Selected Writings, 1930-1968. 1978. 438 pp. No. 13. David G. Gil, ed. Child Abuse and Violence. 1979. 614 pp. No. 14. Ronald J. Kase, ed. The Human Services. 1979. 353 pp. Na. 15. Anthony M. Scacco, Jr., ed. Male Rope: A Casebook of Sexual Aggressions. 1982. 326 pp. No. 16. Roger E. Schwed. Abolition and Capital Punishment: The United States' Judicial, Political, and Moral Barometer. 1983. 227 pp. No. 17. James H. Humphrey, ed. Stress in Childhood. 1984. 340 pp. Na. 18. Anita J. Faatz. The Nature of Choice, and Other Selected Writings. 1985. 347 pp.

THE MURDERER AND HIS MURDER A Review of Research

David Lester

ISSN 0275-8407

AMS PRESS, INC. New York

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Lester, David, 1942-

The murderer and his murder.

(AMS studies in modern society; no. 19) Includes bibliographies and index. 1. Murder literature. 2. Murder literature-­ United Stales. I. Tille. II. Series. HV6515.L45 1986 364.1 '523'0973 85-48007 ISBN 0-404--61626-7

Copyright © 1986 by AMS Press, Inc. All rights reserved

Published by AMS Press, Inc. 56 East 13th Street New York, N.Y. 10003

MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES Of AMERICA

to Gwen and Linda with affection

Vi i

CONTENTS 'INTRODUCTION Introduction

General Theories of Violence Ethology

3 5 5

Genetics

6

Brain Damage and Aggressioh

8

Psychoanalysis and Developmental Theories

10

A Socio-Psychological Approach

11

Summary

14

SOCIOLOGICAL STUDIES

Epidemiological Studies of Homicide

19

Victims

19

Marital Status

20

Class

20

Young Victims

21

Murderers

21

Studies of Cities

21

Murder-Victim Similarity

23

Era

24

Time to Death

25

ix

Vi i i

Importance of Homicide as a Cause of Death Summary

4.

Cultural Patterns of Homicide Murder in Other Cultures

Murder in Primitive Societies Discussion

Temporal and Meteorological Correlates of Homicide Lunar Variation Season and Month

Daily and National Holidays

6.

26 28 28

Amok

5.

25

30 32

33 36 36 36 37

Hour of Day

38

Longitude and Latitude

38

Weather

38

Conclusion

38

Sociological Correlates of Homicide Correlational Studies Age Structure

41 41 41

City Size

41

Deterrence

42

Death Rates

43

Fertility

Income Inequality and Poverty

43 44

Industrialization

46

Murdered Police Officers

46

Pol ice Strength

47

Political Stability

47

Psychological Needs

47

Status Integration

49

Religion

Southernness

Subcultures of Violence War Multivariate Studies

48 49 51

53 53

The Direction of Violence

54

The Sex Ratio for Homicide

54

The Validity of National Homicide Rates

55

Discus.sion

55

�DMJCJDE AND LAW ENFORCEMENT Homicides Committed by Police Officers Regional Variation Justifiable Homicide or Unjustifiable?

Conclusions

The Murder of Police Officers

The Effect of Police Department Firearm Policy

61

65 67 70 72

76

How are Police Officers Killed?

77

Predicting the Rates with Which Police Officers are Murdered: Gun Density

77

Police Officers Killed and the Guns Used by Criminals

79

Discussion

80

The Effects of Reduced Gun Availability

86

The Role of Guns in Murder

83

X

xi

Do Strict Gun Control Laws Reduce the Homicide Rate?

Conclusions

PSYCHOLOGICAL STUDIES

10.

Typologies of Murderers Empirical Typologies

Megargee 1 s Typology

11.

Discussion

89

119

92

Rorschach Studies of Murder

120

97

Race

122

Leadership Stereotypes

121

Prior Arrests

122

105

Sleep Disorders

122

107

Episodic Dyscontrol

123

99

100

Psychiatric Symptoms

122

107

Enuresis

123

Insane Murderers

108

Impulsive Murderers

123

Insane Murderers Versus Sane Murderers

109

Insane Murderers Versus Other Offenders

111

Women who Kill

Psychotic Murderers

111

Spouse Murder

Schizophrenics

112

Psychotically Depressed Murderers

112

Murder and Mental Illness The Incidence of Insanity in Murderers

Murder in Specific Psychiatric Syndromes 111

Discussion

12.

Johnson Temperament Analysis

Psychological Studies of the Murderer and His Murder Intelligence Test Scores

Performance and Verbal IQ Scores The Similarities Subtest

IQ and the Circumstances of the Murder

The Personality of Murderers Locus of Control

California Personality Inventory

The MMP!

113

115 115

116 116

Soldiers who are Violent Roles and Loss

124

125 126

129

Homicidal Threats

130

Murder as a Transaction

131

Homicidal Thoughts Recalling the Act

Amnesia in Murderers Denial of Murder

Suggestion and Murder Murder in Special Groups

131

132 132 133 133 134 134

117

Indians

118

Prisoners

135

Astronauts

136

11 8

118

118

Veterans

_Nazi Leaders

Discussion

135

136 136

xiii

Xi i

13.

The Relationship between Suicide and Homicide Sociological Correlations between Suicide and Homicide Suicides Versus Murderers Murder Followed by Suicide

Suicide and Homicide Victims

The Rorschach Ink-Blot Test as a Predictor of Suicide and Murder

Theoretical Notions 14.

Conclusions

Frustration and Aggression:

16.

141 146 148

156 156

157

17.

Henry and Short 171

Frustration, Aggression, and the Business Cycle

171 173

Sociological and Psychological Determinants of the Choice between Suicide and Homicide

177

Child Frustrations

186

Empirical Evidence

182

Conclusions

187

Abnormal Electrical Activity

189

The Brains of Murderers

191

Subcortical Atrophy

191

Lithium

191

Serotonin

1 91

Discussion

192

Alcoholism and Murder

Amphetamines and Murder

199

196

Discussion

199

The Victims of Murder

202

Young Victims

203

Child Victims

204

Victim Precipitated Homicide

202

Homicide Versus Suicide Victims

203

The Incidence of Homicide Threats

205

Infanticide

205 209

Cross-Cultural Studies

212

Infanticide in Non-Literate Societies

213

Discussion

20.

195

Drug Abuse in Victims of Murder

Infanticide in Lower Animals

19.

194

196

SPECIAL POPULATIONS 18.

194

The Homicide Risk for Addicts

Discussion

189

Epileptics

Murder and Substance Abuse Murder While Intoxicated

165

Suicide, Homicide, and the Business Cycle

15.

141

Political Assassinations

213

214 216

Presidential Assassins

216

Political Homicides in Acan, Mexico

219

Threats To Kill the President

218

Assassination in Laos

220

Discussion

Adolescents and Children Who Kill Discussion

220 222

224

xiv CONCLUSIONS 21.

Conclusions

229

Theoretical Highlights

229

Empirical Highlights

231

Areas Needing Further Investigatio�

233

Conclusion

234

AUTHOR INDEX

235

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION The topic of murder is an important one for our society since it is a major social problem.

In 1980,

there were over 20,000 murder victims in "the USA. Knowledge about murder can be roughly divided into two kinds.

There are clinical reports, written by

psychotherapis�s who have worked with murderers, which present anecdotal and provocative information about particular murderers.

Such reports generate many

hypotheses for future research. There is also a large body of empirical research into murder.

Research studies have been conducted by

anthropologists, psychologists, psychiatrists, sbciol­ ogists, and those in other disciplines. typically goes unreviewed.

This research

The major studies become

disseminated and cited, but the vast majority of the research goes unnoted. This raises the interesting question of what research has shown to be characteristic of the murderer and his murder.

What do we know?

murder supported or unsupported? been negelcted?

Are folk ideas about Which issues have

The results of a complete review are

always surprising, both in terms of what we find 3

4

THE MURDERER AND HIS MURDER

reported and in terms of what we find neglected.

A

review indicates our knowledge and. the lacunae in this knowledge.

It thereby serves to guide future research.

This book presents a review of what we know about murder.

It is selective.

2

It reviews research pub­

lished in the English language only.

It focuses upon

research reports and neglects clinical reports.

And

although the author seeks to include all research (abstracted mainly in Index Medicus, Psychological Abstracts and Sociological Abstracts), it is filtered through his own biases. It is hoped, however, that it informs and stimulates the reader to ask further questions about murder and to find ways of putting those ideas to empirical test.

GENERAL THEORIES OF VIOLENCE ETHOLOGY The ethological position is that aggression is innate (Lorenz, 1966) and instinctive, with its own source of energy.

In animals, there are usually

environmental stimuli that allow for the release of aggression.

There are also environmental stimuli

that inhibit the expression of aggression.

It is

assumed that if �ggressive energy is not released, it will continue to build up.

Eventually, aggression

must appear, even though an appropriate stimulus is not present in the environment. Ethologists assert that men are biologically like other animals and therefore have an aggressive instinct. Since aggression must occasionally find release, the solution to the violence problem is to find legitimate and legal activities during which aggressive energy may be discharged, such as athletic sports or hostile

5

6

THE MURDERER AND HIS MURDER

humor.

GENERAL THEO RI ES

Aggression must be ritualized and displaced.

Catharsis (emotional �elease) must be found.

Humans

do have stimuli that inhibit their aggression, such as an opponent pleading, wearing glasses, or lying on the floor.

However, modern weapons (such as long-distance

7

was thought in the 1960s to be more prone to violent

crime than normal males.

Hook (1973) reported that only mental-penal institu­

tions had been shown reliably to have more XYY males than the general population.

As to criminal behavior,

rifles) have made it possible for the aggressor riot to

Hook concluded that XYY males in penal settings were

are less likely to occur by choking than by shooting,

were similar to those of the other inmates.

perceive these or other inhib�tory stimuli.

Killings

and even less likely to occur by shooting than by bombing.

Psychologists on the whole dislike this deter­ ministic position.

As Goldstei� (1975) has said,

humans can behave like animals but this does not mean that they�-

Because we evolved from violent

not disproportionately dangerous, since their offenses Why then

is there an increase in the incidence of XYY males in

mental-penal settings?

Hook felt it unlikely that XYY

males were more prone to be barn into environments which lead to deviant behavior.

Physical features, such as

increases height (which may make them seem more

dangerous) and high frequency of acne (which may make

ancestors does not necessarily mean that we too are

them less physically appealing) might account for such

violent by nature.

men being given longer and different kinds of sentences,

GENET! CS

explanation based upon neurological differences .(such

but Hook felt that the evidence for this was poor.

Attempts to identify a genetic basis for some criminal behaviors have met with success in that studies of twins have shown that identical twins are more like to be criminals than nonidentical twins.

Genetic

research has focussed especially on violent crime as a result of the identification of the XYY male.

Normal

males have a pair of sex chromosomes labelled as XY.

(The female has sex chromosomes that are labelled as XX,1

Some males have a third sex chromosome, and the XYY male

An

as an increased incidence of brain damage) was also

without empirical support at the time, but remained a possibility. Recently, a methodologically sound study of crimi­ nality in XYY males has been conducted in Denmark.

Witkin, artd associates (1976) located all males born in Copenhagen from 1944 to 1947.

They traced 91 percent

of these who were 184 centimeters tall or higher, and among these 4,139 men they found twelve XYY men and sixteen XXY men (Klinefelter's syndrome).

Five of the

8

THE MURDERER AND HIS MURDER

GENERAL THEORIES

XYY men (42 percent) and three of the XXY men (19 per­ cent) had committed crimes, as compared to 9 percent of the normal men.

Although the three groups differed in

the incidence of crime, they did not differ in the incidence of violent crime, and only one of the XYY men had committed a violent crime.

The critical area appears to be the limbic system (Mark The limbic system comprises the

upper part of the brain stem called the thalamus, the hypothalamus, the cingulum, the hippocampus, the basal the septal nuclei, the midbrain,

and the

of experience, but rather a mix of these two components.) Mark and Ervin (1970) have described cases of people

Electrodes can be sunk into parts of the brain and stimulated with mild electric current.

This has been

found to elicit aggressive behavior when areas such as the amygdala and the middle of the hyopthalamus are (Electrical stimulation usually produces the

opposite effect to removal of the area.) This kind of research has led to the speculation that in some violent humans either the limbic system has become hyperactive due to some damage or else the cortical inputs which inhibit and control aggression have become ineffective.

They argue that

violence in susceptible individuals.

These cortical inputs are

This team has also

suggested that many violent offenders may be suffering from brain dysfunction and can be helped by medical treatment. Damage to the limbic system or cortex may be genetic or may be acquired by such physical experiences as a cutting off of oxygen, a head injury, a viral infection, or a tumor.

amygdala.

involved.

violence is thus neither simply one of heredity nor one

trigger areas exist in the human brain that can initiate

brain damage are associated with violent behavior.

ganglia,

(This theory of

inputs can be modified by experience.

by seizures in the limbic system ..

It has long been known that particular forms of

1970).

heavily dependent upon learning and so the cortical

in whom attacks of aggression and violence were triggered

BRAIN DAMAGE AND AGGRESSION

and Ervin,

9

Violent behavior could also occur as a

result of a functiona·l·abnormality such as epilepsy. (Epilepsy is not itself a disease; it is a symptom of .brain dysfunction and of electrical disorganization within the brain.)

The kind of epilepsy most relevant

for violent behavior is temporal lobe epilepsy. Episodes may start with distorted vision and auditory experiences, loss or lapse of consciousness, head turning, eye move­ ments, and lip smacking and swallowing.

There may be

emotiona'l changes such as depression or fear, and the individual may react to this fear with aggression. Few people have clearly recognizable epileptic

seizures, and the brain dysfunction is often difficult

10

THE MURDERER AND HIS MURDER

to observe in overt behavior.

GENERAL THEORIES

Mark and Ervin claim

that violent people maY in fact have brain dysfunctions of various kinds without having epileptic-like sei

A brain dysfunction may even be deep enough in the

so that recording electrical activity from the surface would not pick it up.

He saw aggression as a

In his view, the individual 1 s

natural spontaneous reaction to frustration was to

aggress outwardly toward others.

Later, Freud postu­

lated the existence of a death instinct in addition to

the life-oriented energy at drives, and, in this later theory, he saw aggression as often spontaneously directed toward the individual himself.

The individual

had to learn to displace this inward-directed aggressi toward others.

Freud 1 s later ideas have not gained general accep­ Most psychoanalytic investigators have adopted

the earlier formulation and see aggression as natural outard-directed.

Aggressions are thus built into

human existence, because everyone suffers frustration. The adult has a need for intimacy with others--what Angyal (1965) has called the trend toward homonomy--and Thus, humans inevitably suffer

frustration, and the aggression that results has to be

Freud postulated the existence of only a life instinct

tance.

aggressive fantasy).

trend toward automony).

In his early statements of psychoanalytic theory,

response to frustration.

aggression, such as regression, sutrlimatipn, and

this conflicts with our own egocentric strivings (the

PSYCHOANALYSIS AND DEVELOPMENTAL THEORIES

(sexual energy or drive)�

11

The frustration-aggression theory of

Dollard and associates (1939) assumed that aggression is an almost inevitable consequence of frustration

(though frustration can lead to behaviors other than

released.

Psychoanalytic theory describes a variety

of defense mechanisms which permit the expression of aggressive urges in socially acceptable ways.

The

aggressive impuJses can be displaced onto some accep­

table object, for example.

It may also be possible to

vicariously satisfy our aggressive urges by observing violence in others (catharsis), a phenomenon whose

existence is disputed by some psychologists (e.g.,

Goldstein, 1975).

Henry and Short (!954) have developed these ideas '

and they are discussed in de.tail in Chapter 14. .

A SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL APPROACH Goldstein (1975) has argued that aggressive behavior is best viewed as a continuum and that all behaviors

can be seen as containing some amount of aggressiveness.

Thus, violent crime differs quantitatively (in degree) and not qualitatively from the aggression that all of

us engage in on a lesser scale.

Most parents use

12

GENERAL THEORIES

THE MURDERER AND HIS MURDER

physical punishment; men imprisoned for crimes of violence are frequently first offenders; and assault and battery differs from homicide only in the avail­ ability of a weapon. For aggression to occUr, there must be an impetus to aggress, the inhibitions against aggressing must be overcome, and the situation must be perceived as appro­ priate.

In any situation, there are tendencies in the

individual both to aggress and not to aggress, and these tendencies can be categorized as long-term and short-term (or situational). At the sociological level, the subculture to which the offender belongs affects the frequency of crimes of violence.

Also� many youths belong to a subculture

in which the use of violence is approved (Wolfgang, 1958) and in which a wide variety of stimuli (such as a jostle, a derogatory rema�k. etc.) are perceived as justification for an attack in order to demonstrate daring and courage or to defend one 1 s statusToch (1969) has argued that acts of aggression usually are quite consistent with a person 1 s approach to life problems and his habitual patterns of behavior. In his study of assaults by civilians on police offi for example, Toch found that both participants may be partly responsible for the assault, and the role that each plays is consistent with behavior in other situa­ tions o

13

Many precipitants of violence can be mentjoned. Excessive drinking very frequently precedes violent acts.

Long-term high doses of amphetamines produce

panic and symptoms of paranoia, thereby facilitating the appearance of violent behavior.

Ellinwood (1-970)

reported thirteen cases of homicide and assault in people intoxicated with amphetamines.

Kinzel (1970)

measured the area around the body. into which a person does not like other people to t��spass. He found that this area was greater for a sample of violent offenders than for nonviolent· offenders.

For the violent offenders,

the area was also greater behind th€ body than in front of it, whereas for nonviolent offenders the reverse was true.

Such studies suggest short-term factors that

might trigger violence, and there are probably many other such factors that remain to be discovered. Goldstein (1975) proposed a conflict model for the onset of violence.

Given the simultaneous presenci in

a person of a number of opposing forces favoiing and opposing aggressing in any situation, the more conflict there is, the longer it will take for the individual to act, the more intense his aggression will be, and the greater will be the cognitive consequences for the per­ petrator of the aggression, such as his need to re­ evaluate the action and the victim. A currently popular developmental approach to the study of violence and aggression (and to other behaviors)

is social learning theory (Bandura, 1973).

In a long-

14

THE MURDERER AND HIS MURDER

GENERAL THEORI ES

term approach to learning less aggressive behavior,

REFERENCES

parents can be shown how to teach their children not

Angyal, A.:

to be impulsive and violent by their use of less physic

punishment or, in a positive way, by modeling fore­ bearance in the fact of provocation.

Some experts

endorse the common assumption that sports and the

violence in the media make people more aggressive; other students see these stim�li as cathartic.

Short-term

measures for lessening aggression include reducing

opportunities for alcoholic intoxication, controlling the availability of weapons (especially guns), and changing architectural plans for cities.

For example,

David and Scott (1973) have suggested that Toledo (Ohio) is laid out so as to facilitate property offenses,

whereas Rosario (Argentina} is arranged so as to

Neurosis and treatment.

1965.

Bandura, A.:

Aggression.

Englewood Cliffs:

Hall, 197r.-

Wiley,

Prentice-

David,P., and.Scott, J.: A cross-cultural comparison of juvenile offenders, offenses, due process and

societies.

Criminal. 11: 183-205, 1973.

Dollard, J., Doob, L., Miller, N., Mowrer, 0., and Sears, R.: Frustration and aggression. New Haven: Yale University Press� 1939. Ellinwood, E.: Assault and homicide associated with Amer. J. Psychiat. 127: 1170amphetamine abuse.

1175, 1970.

Goldstein, J.: New York:

Aggression and crimes of violence. Oxford University Press, 1975-.

Henry, A., and Short, J.: Suicide and homicide. New York: Free Press, Hook, E.:

Behavioral implications of the human XYY

genotype.

Science 179: 139-150, 1973.

facilitate assault.

Kinzel, A.:

SUMMARY

Lorenz, K.: On aggression. Jovanovich, 1966.

The goal in this chapter has been to briefly review

New York:

15

Body-buffer zone in violent prisioners.

Amer. J. Psychiat. 127: 59-64, 1970. New York:

Harcourt Brace

Mark, V., and Ervin, F.: Violence and the brain. New York: Harper and Row, 1970.

some general theories of why people behave violently.

Toch, H.:

In the following chapters, theories of violence that

Witkin, H., Mednick, S., Schulsinger, F., Bakkestrom, E.,

specifically deal with homicidal behavior are discussed in greater detail.

Violent men.

Chicago:

Aldine, 1969.

Christiansen, K., Goodenough, D., Hirschhorn, K., Lundsteen, C., Owen, D., Philip, J., Rubin, D.,

and Stockton, M.: Criminality in XYY and XXY men. Science 193: 547-555, 1976.

Wolfgang, M.: Patterns in criminal homicide. Philadelphia: On1vers1ty of Pennsylvania Press,

1958.

0

n ), r