THE ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION OF THE NORTH

THE ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION OF THE NORTHEASTERN AND CENTRAL POLABIAN (WENDISH) RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL SYSTEM

BY

Roman Zaroff

A thesis submitted in the Department of History, the University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, June 2000.

DECLARATION OF SOURCES

The work presented in this thesis is, to the best of my knowledge and belief, original and my own work, except as acknowledged in the text. The material has not been submitted, either in the whole or in part, for a degree at this or any other university.

Roman Zaroff

2

Szczecin Wolin

TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments Abbreviations 1.

p.

5.

p.

6.

p.

7.

p. p. p. p. p.

8. 16. 21. 26. 28.

Introduction

Statement of Purpose Historiography Sources Naming, Spelling and Terminology Historical Background 2. Christian and Foreign Influence on Polabian Beliefs Sventovit and His Alleged Christian Etymology Cult of Triglav and Multicephalism Shrines Priesthood The Oracles and the Horse in Polabian Divinations The Horn in Polabian Iconography Human Sacrifice The Boar Christian Influence Other Influences 3. Henotheism and Syncretism Harvest and Fertility Deities Elements of Solar Cult War Deities and Military Functions of the Polabian Gods Origins of Polabian Deities Sventovit and Yarovit - Perun Disguised ? Regional Importance

p. 45. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p.

46. 48. 63. 70. 74. 82. 84. 91. 92. 98.

p. 100. p. 107. p. 113. p. 117. p. 122. p. 126. p. 140.

4. Political Developments in North-Eastern and Central Polabian Polities p. 148. Veletian Union The Ranove Other Polities - The Stodorane and Brezhane

p. 159. p. 170. p. 190.

5. Political Developments in North-Eastern Polabian City Emporiums p. 201.

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p. 201. p. 210. Wolgast Demmin and Gützkow

p. 212. p. 216.

6. Conclusion p. 226. Borrowings in Pre-Christian Polabian Beliefs and Practices Militarisation of Polabian Deities Religion and Politics Implications of the System

p. 231. p. 232. p. 233. p. 241.

Appendices p. 246. Maps and Pictures

p. 261.

Bibliography

p. 271.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Above all, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor Prof. Dr. John Moorhead of the Department of History at The University of Queensland for supporting and directing me through my research, providing professional advice and for his always warm and friendly attitude. I also wish to express my sincerest appreciation to him for helping me with English, truly an enormous task, and for translations of many Latin texts. I would like to express my thanks to Polish scholars Prof. Dr. Jerzy Strzelczyk from Adam Mickiewicz's University of Poznań, Prof. Dr. Henryk Samsonowicz from Warsaw University and Prof. Dr. Lech Leciejewicz from Wrocław University, all in Poland, who assisted and directed my research during my trip over there. My appreciation also to Sorbian historian Mĕto Pernak of Berlin who provided me with a valuable Polabian perspective for the issues addressed in my thesis. Thanks are due also to Assistant Prof. Dr. Antonopoulos Panagiotis of Ioannina University in Greece for helping me with some Greek terms and translations. Finally, I would like to thank my wife Agnieszka for helping me with my German, and especially for her understanding, moral support and encouragement during my research and writing of my thesis. In those sometimes difficult and stressful times, she always stood by me, being a true inspiration.

Roman Zaroff Brisbane, June 2000 5

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ABBREVIATIONS AB - Adam of Bremen Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum ARF - Annales Regni Francorum Ebbo - Ebbo Vita Ottonis Episcopi Babenbergensis HB - Helmold of Bosau Chronica Slavorum Herbord - Herbordus Dialogus de Vita Sancti Ottonis Episcopi Babenbergensis MP - Monachi Prieflingensis Vita Ottonis Episcopi Babenbergensis TM - Thietmar of Merseburg Chronicon SG - Saxo Grammaticus Danorum Regum Heroumque Historia SIC - Slovo o polku Igoryeve (The Song of Igor's Campaign) SKDS - L. Leciejewicz, ed., Słownik Kultury Dawnych Słowian (Almanac of the Ancient Slavic Culture) SSS - Słownik Starożytności Słowiańskich (Almanac of the Slavic Antiquities)

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1. INTRODUCTION The term Polabian Slavs is a generic name applied to the westernmost branch of the Western Slavs, now almost extinct. Those people are often referred to as Wends, but mainly in older historiography. In the Middle Ages they occupied the territory more or less corresponding to the former state of East Germany, the region enclosed by the Baltic Sea in the North, the Oder-Neisse rivers in the East, the Ore mountains in the South and the Elbe-Saale rivers in the West (see map 1). In Central Europe, with the exception of the Baltic Prussians and Lithuanians, some of the Polabian Slavs resisted Christianisation and remained stubbornly pagan until the middle of the twelfth century. In the course of history the Polabian Slavs came under increasing political pressure from the Franks and later from the Empire, in the period between the eighth and the twelfth centuries. From the north they were also hard pressed by the Danes and in some periods from the east by the growing strength in Poland of the Piast dynasty. By the end of the twelfth century most of the Polabian Slavs fell under German or Danish political control. Some of them in the central region, what is now the Land of Brandenburg, and the tribes in the South were fully incorporated into the Empire. Others, like the Obodrites and some of the Veleti in Western Pomerania, became part of the Empire as autonomous duchies ruled by the local princes, while the island of Rügen and the adjacent mainland territories, although they continued to be ruled by the Slavic dynasts, had to acknowledge Danish suzerainty. The whole territory, despite some areas being under the Danish crown, became subject to strong German political and cultural influence. Assimilation and German colonization facilitated the process of the Germanization of almost the entire area between the Saale-Elbe and Oder-Neisse rivers. Over the centuries the Polabian Slavs have almost entirely disappeared as a distinct people. However, the process is not fully completed even today, for a small Sorb minority still retains its distinct cultural identity. The modern Sorbs, numbering around 100,000 people are living today in eastern Germany 8

in the region of Lusatia (Lausitz in German or Łužica in Sorbian), mainly around Bautzen and Cottbus. Approximately 60,000 of them still speak a Slavonic language. Although this work does not deal directly with the Sorbs of Lusatia, it is dedicated to those surviving Polabian Slavs. (For Slavic names of German places see Appendix 2) STATEMENT OF PURPOSE It is often overlooked that the history of this particular region played an important role in modern Europe, if not the world. The area occupied by the Polabian Slavs covered roughly, as has been said, the territory of the former state of East Germany. The former state of Prussia, that had so great an impact on the history of Europe, was formed entirely on this and other Slavic territories of the Polabians, Pomeranians, Poles and Old Baltic Prussians. East German surnames, being very often of Slavic etymology, alone bear witness to the fact that people of this region are a Germanic-Slavic mix, a fact which gave the area its people, culture and history distinct characteristics. The following work aims to explore and analyse the history of the area and people that has been largely neglected by English-speaking medievalists. Most of the time when the history of this region is analysed it is presented from the point of view of the Empire and focused on eastward expansion of the German-speaking world.1

But it has to be

remembered that the history of this region cannot be fully comprehended without understanding the "other side". Therefore, this work is an attempt to fill this gap in the history of medieval Europe. The research will concentrate on the medieval period, basically between the tenth and twelfth centuries, the times of a desperate struggle of some of the Polabians to retain their independence, and cultural and linguistic identity. It will not deal, however, with the entire region and all the people living between the Elbe-Saale and Oder-Neisse rivers. It will focus mainly on the north-eastern section of that territory as 1

For example, see: A. Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 1056 - 1273 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988) and J. Fleckenstein, Early Medieval Germany (Amsterdam, 9

well as the central region of the former state of East Germany, that is, roughly the modern Land of Brandenburg (see map 2). It will deal with the area not only of what are commonly agreed to have been Veletian lands but also people of Wolin, Szczecin, the Ranove of Rügen, the Stodorane of Brandenburg and the Brezhane of Havelberg (see map 2), leaving both the Obodrites and mainstream Sorbs outside the scope of this work. Therefore, to avoid confusion and discussion unrelated to this work, the term Veleti will be only applied to a Veletian Union whose affiliation is not a matter of scholarly dispute. It is a matter of classification, which is largely beyond the scope of this work, to what branch of Polabian Slavdom particular people belonged.

Nonetheless, the usage of

certain terms in this work has to be briefly clarified. Traditionally the Polabian Slavs are divided into three main groups. The Sorbs dwelt in the southern half of the region, that is, between the middle Oder, Neisse river in the east, the Ore Mountains in the south, and the Saale river in the west. In the north, a line going roughly from Magdeburg to Frankfurton-Oder divided the Sorbs from the Obodrites and the Veleti. The Obodrites lived in the north-west as far as Hamburg and Kiel, and as far as the Warnow river to the east, while the Veleti lived in the north-east, between the Baltic sea, the Warnow and Oder rivers and the Sorbs in the south. Nonetheless, it has to be remembered that this division is an arbitrary one.

The early medieval Slavs were a relatively uniform people speaking

practically the same common Slavic language and possessing similar material culture, although there were some differences, mainly in pottery types (for Slavic tribal names appearing in the text, see Appendix 1).

It has to be acknowledged, that some scholars

would associate the Ranove of Rügen island with the Baltic Slavs, together with the Pomeranians, as yet another separate group distinct from the Veleti. Some others would include them among the Veleti. The sources do not provide a clear picture.

New York, Oxford: North-Holland Publishing Co., 1982). 10

Adam of Bremen himself was slightly confused about it. He definitely saw the Ranove of Rügen as a separate people. However, in one passage he stated that opposite the Veleti lived the Ranove on Rügen, in another that Veletians occupied the Baltic coast only between the mouth of the Peene and Oder rivers.2 Especially modern Sorbian scholars often regard the Stodorane of Brandenburg and Brezhane of Havelberg, whose material culture shows affiliation with both the Veletian north and the Sorbian south, as Sorbian people.3 But in some of the historical sources the Stodorane were called the Veletians as often as they were distinguished as totally a separate people.4 As for the people of Wolin and Szczecin (Stettin in German) they are often included among the Pomeranian people, mainly by Polish scholars.5 Whatever the case, this work treats the north-eastern Polabian Slavs, including the people who lived east of the Warnow river, those of Rügen island and member tribes of the Veletian Union, as a single cultural unit. It also includes the people of Wolin and Szczecin as they shared many religious beliefs with each other. Therefore, they shall all be called here the North-Eastern Polabians.

As for the Stodorane of

Brandenburg and the Brezhane of Havelberg they are grouped as Central Polabians. Analysing these Central and North-Eastern Polabians together has some merit, on the basis that this work deals to a large extent with the pre-Christian religion of the Slavs. And in this context, certain similarities in cults and religious concepts allow us to treat them as an entity, albeit an artificial and historical construct. For example, a deity called Yarovit was worshipped in the Veletian lands, at Wolgast, but also at Havelberg by the

2

AB, II.22, IV.18. J. Brankačk, & F. Mĕtšk, Stawizny Serbow Vol. 1 (Bautzen/Budyšin, Germany: Ludowe Nakładnistwo Domowina, 1977), p. 23. 4 AB, IV. 13 and 18. 5 For example: T. Wasilewski, Historia Słowian Południowych i Zachodnich (Warszawa: 3

Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1977), p. 59. 11

Brezhane who generally are not classified as a Veletian tribe, while Triglav's cult was reported at Stodorane's Brandenburg as well as at Szczecin. The time boundary of the research has an upper limit defined by the collapse, political subjugation, formal Christianisation and subsequent Germanization of these Polabian people. We may say that the year 1168 is a marker here as the last Slavic pagan temple at Arkona on Rügen island was destroyed by the Danes then.6 The lower time limit is less clearly defined. In principle, the ninth and tenth centuries are the times when major religious and political developments took place among the north-eastern and central Polabian Slavs. However, many of these processes began much earlier, at the time of Slavic settlement of the area, that is the sixth-seventh centuries.7 Moreover, many of the Polabian religious beliefs and political institutions also which will be often referred to and discussed are rooted in common Slavic tradition from the pre-Migration period. The position adopted for this thesis is based on the theories of the early twentieth century French sociologist Emil Durkheim.

His analysis of the mutual relationship

between religion and social order brought him to the conclusion that gods and other spiritual beings are invented personally by some members of society as a means of control over the members of that particular society.

He also viewed religious beliefs and

activities as something which held a society together in times of external or internal pressure.8 Durkheim's sociological theory postulated that religion evolves together with the society that practices it. So do the gods themselves and their functions, domains and characteristics. This is undoubtedly one of the strongest arguments for religion being a

6 7

SG, XIV.39. K. Godłowski, 'Problem chronologii początków osadnictwa słowiańskiego na ziemiach

połabskich w świetle archeologii', in J. Strzelczyk, Słowiańszczyzna Połabska Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 1981), p. 49-50. 8 Durkheim, E., The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1915), pp. 347 and 418-419 and 422; also some commentaries in J. H. Hick, Philosophy of Religion (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice and Hall, Inc., 1990), p. 30. 12

social phenomenon.9 Durkheim's argument concerning the changes within religion being connected with and resulting from social changes was taken further by the American social scientist Guy Swanson. He postulated that more complex societies require more complex beliefs, rituals etc. In this context, all religions can be viewed as social phenomena, to a large extent reflecting the society that practices them.10 For example, the animistic and totemic religions of the Australian Aborigines fulfil their social functions for a huntergatherer society.11 While the agriculture based, hierarchical societies of the ancient world, like those of Mesopotamia or Egypt, had a large pantheon of gods organized in a hierarchy, in principle resembling the social structure of society and with numerous gods looking after particular domains, usually those of the greatest importance for that particular society.12 In simple terms it can be illustrated by the fact that there are no Sea Gods among the desert Aboriginal tribes, and no Serpent-Gods among the Eskimos,13 or no king-like gods if there are no kings in the society. According to Durkheim, the external expression of religion such as cults, rituals, totems, certain behaviour or taboos are elements of social cohesion.

They acquired their special characteristics and were

sanctified by the association with sacred and spiritual forces. The ceremonies and rituals are the elements of binding the people together, and simply a process of socialization. They create the feeling of belonging to a community, social group, fraternities etc., while at the same time forbidden objects, actions or people, are elements of exclusion from a 9

Evolution of religion: E. Durkheim, 'Review - " Guyau - L'Irréligion de l'avenir, Étude de Sociologie" ', in W.S.F. Pickering, editor, Durkheim On Religion (London: Routledge & Kegan Ltd., 1975 ), p. 33. 10 Religion and society mutual influence: J. Wach, 'Religious Organisation', in T.F. O'Dea & J.K. O'Dea, Readings on the Sociology of Religion (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice and Hall, Inc., 1973 ), p. 79, also in: J. Bowker, The Sense of God (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973 ), pp. 26-28. 11 On Aboriginal religion, see: K. A. Roberts, Religion in Sociological Perspective (Belmont, Ca., USA: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1984), pp. 307-308. 12 Religions in agricultural societies: P. Berger, 'The Meaning of Secularisation', in T.F. O'Dea & J.K. O'Dea, Readings on the Sociology of Religion ( Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1973 ), p. 216. 13

given society. All this provides clear guidelines for identification with the particular group and the proper, acceptable behaviour.14 In the context of Durkheim's theory, our research will concentrate on two main areas. Firstly, it will look into the evolution of Polabian religious cults viewed within the framework of common early Slavonic beliefs and the socio-political changes that had taken place in the region, and then how those beliefs responded to the challenge from Christianity and to political pressure from the encroaching Empire. Secondly, it will explore the relationship between the early Slavic social and political institution of tribal assembly with the early Slavic society; and explore the role such assemblies played in the tenth and twelfth centuries among the Polabians we are concerned with. Furthermore, their political response to the pressure from the Empire in the West and to some extent from the Danish in the north and the Polish from the east shall be explored. The scattered and incomplete nature of the evidence makes a systematic treatment of the field nearly impossible. Therefore we will concentrate on particular aspects of the question, in chapters that constitute a series of interlocking inquiries into religion and political life among the Polabian Slavs. Further, we will employ a multi-disciplinary approach that involves archaeological excavation and findings, linguistic analysis, and to some extent material available from ethnographic sources. Here, it has to be acknowledged that the uncritical projecting of relatively recent customs and expressions of folklore back into the pre-Christian times is not a valid approach, because various elements expressed in folklore shaped by multiple internal and external factors cannot be for certain traced to so remote and obscure period. However it has to be also acknowledged that folklore tends to preserve ancient customs and beliefs, albeit too often mixed and confused with later cultural elements. Therefore, the safest approach in

13 14

For the Eskimo sea gods and deities, see: K. a. Roberts, K.A., Religion, pp. 55, 79. Ceremonies & rituals: E. Durkheim, The Elementary Forms…, pp. 10, 348. 14

utilizing ethnographic data will be to use it only to verify and support evidence from existing written sources, and only in very general terms. The limited nature of the materials directly bearing upon the Polabian Slavs makes it legitimate to use the New Comparative method, and we will not hesitate to use data from other parts of Slavdom and, where necessary, the wider Indo-European world. A Comparative School of Religious Studies emerged in the late nineteenth century. Its origins were connected with advances in linguistics at that period. By that time linguists had become aware that most of the European languages and those of India and Iran shared a common Indo-European ancestry. The Comparative School of Religious Studies began from the premise that if languages shared some common origin, then the pre-Christian beliefs of the Indo-European peoples would also share many elements. However, although it seems to be true in general terms, the early religious scholars, such as the Germans Adalbert Kuhn and Max Müller, simplified this notion and attempted to link the deities of different people purely on the basis of similarities in their names,15 such as the attempt to equate the Indian Dyaus with the Greek Zeus.16 Soon, however, it became obvious that despite the real linguistic relationship of the names of some deities they were conceptually totally different gods.

Besides, although the Comparative

School did not postulate or promote the supremacy of the so-called Aryan, or Caucasian people, many nationalist and racist ideologies and movements subscribed to the findings of this school of thought. As a result, a naive approach to the complex mythologies of varied people as well as its accidental association with discredited supremacist ideologies made a Comparative School not popular among scholars, especially in the post-Second World War period. However, a New Comparative School of Religious Studies, which began to emerge before the war, was based on a different more rational 15

C. S. Littleton, The New Comparative Mythology (Berkley: University of California Press, 1973), pp. 23-25, 33-36. 15

approach and was championed by the French philologist Georges Dumézil and the Romanian scholar Mircea Eliade.17 It rightly recognized the common Indo-European heritage of many people's beliefs, but at the same time cautiously took into consideration a time gap and diffusion of beliefs, regional variation and non-Indo-European influence on different religions. As a result the New Comparative School postulated certain conceptual and functional similarities in the religious ideas of the various IndoEuropean peoples. At the same time it acknowledged that this common heritage and sharing of certain concepts forms only a part of any given religion, which cannot be perceived exclusively in an Indo-European context. Hence, in each case this heritage forms only a part of what is a single but much broader set of any particular beliefs.18 One of the fundamental notions of the New Comparative School is that the IndoEuropeans shared a concept of a hierarchical tripartite division of cosmic and divine order, which was reflected in the structure of earthly society. According to this theory proto-Indo-European people divided the world into the three main functions of sacred and sovereign, military, and subsistence or the material maintenance of society. This threefold division found expression in many thoughts and ideas developed in later times including a world division into celestial, earthly and underground common among IndoEuropean speakers.19 In a Slavic, and Polabian context this tripartite functional division is not clearly visible, however, some of these Indo-European elements in their religion will be explored. The use of the comparative method in the case of the early Slavs has its own merit. The linguistic similarity of all the early Slavs and their similar material

16

C. S. Littleton, The New Comparative Mythology, p. 144. A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Artystyczno Filmowe, 1982), p. 14; and C. S. Littleton, The New Comparative Mythology, p. 6. 18 G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, Vol. 1 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), pp. XVI-XVII. 19 C. S. Littleton, The New Comparative Mythology, pp. 6, 17-19, 59; and M. Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1 (London: William Collins Sons & Co. Ltd., 1979), pp. 192-195. 16 17

culture (Prague, Zhitomir and Penkovka pottery) indicate that they were relatively uniform people. Even today practically all Slavic languages are intelligible. This allows us to draw parallels between their religious beliefs and early political structures. Of course, it has to be acknowledged that the early Slavs differ in many respects, especially after their Migration Period. It can be argued that way if someone focuses primarily on the differences. Nonetheless, it appears that the early medieval Slavs were the most uniform European people of this period. The Celtic culture of Ireland and England are often compared and used for comparative studies in the same way, although no one claims they were identical. Then, finally, an attempt will be made to show what impact, if any; the Polabian set of beliefs and institutionalised cults had on the internal structures of the political entities in the region.

It will also consider whatever the North-Eastern and Central Polabians

attachment to their beliefs and way of life contributed to their downfall, and if so, in what respects they failed to be a match for their adversaries. HISTORIOGRAPHY As the topic of this work is mainly not well researched area the historiography of the subject, especially in English, is not extensive. There is no single English publication devoted to the Slavic religion, Polabian beliefs or Polabian political structure. Nonetheless, some books provide information on those subjects. An excellent background for the history of the Polabian Slavs is the work edited by G. Barraclough, Eastern and Western Europe in the Middle Ages (1970). It is a collection of papers written by Czech, English, German and Polish scholars. The articles provide background and a good overview of the German-Slavic relationship, Germanic expansion to the East, and its consequences. Another excellent work is Northern Crusades (1980) by the English scholar Eric Christiansen.

In its first two chapters the author provides

17

probably the most balanced overview of the social, economic and political situation in the Baltic basin written in the English language. Two books by Francis Dvornik are worth consideration, The Slavs: Their Early History and Civilisation (1956) and The Making of Central and Eastern Europe (1974). Although they are not recent they have large sections on the Polabian Slavs and provide reasonable historical background. Also Zdenek Vaňa's The World of the Ancient Slavs (1977), although general in nature, gives an introductory-like chapter on the Polabians. As for the Slavic religion a book by the Polish archaeologist and historian Leszek S³upecki Slavonic Pagan Sanctuaries (1994) is an excellent work on Slavic cult centres providing deep insight into pre-Christian Slavonic beliefs, not only from a historical but also from an archaeological perspective. It provides comprehensive data on religious shrines, sanctuaries, temples and artefacts from around Slavdom, and has large sections on the Polabian Slavs. A good but somewhat obsolete book is that by the late Marija Gimbutas, titled The Slavs (1971).

Also, worth attention is A. P. Vlasto's The Entry of the Slavs into

Christendom (1970). Although, this book explores the process of the Christianisation of the Slavic people from a Christian perspective, nonetheless it gives some background information on Slavic paganism. There is also an interesting article about the cult of Sventovit and the shrine at Arkona by L. Ellis, 'Reinterpretations of the West Slavic Cult Site in Arkona', in The Journal Of Indo-European Studies, vol. 6, No. 1 & 2, 1978. Although the article is brief it provides a good overview in English of interpretations.

archaeological excavations at Arkona and its various

In non-English publications a book by the German historian Erik

Wienecke, Untersuchungen zur Religion der Westslawen (1940), needs to be mentioned. Wienecke made an unusual claim in regards to the nature of the Slavic religion, based on his unique interpretation of the medieval sources. He postulated that the use of terms such 18

as temple, idol etc., in relation to Slavic religion in various chronicles was a literary construct, which he called interpretatio ecclesiastica. On this premise Erik Wienecke claimed that the Polabian Slavs did not construct temples and had no idols or any sort of sacred images.20 Since then this claim has been repudiated by the Italian scholar Raffaele Pettazzoni, and a number of Slavic historians, as well as invalidated by archaeological findings.21 Unfortunately the legacy of Erik Winecke is sometimes still felt even today and similar claims still sporadically "rattle" in modern historiography.22 The theories and claims made by Erik Wienecke are discussed in detail in later sections of this work. Of enormous value is Hans-Dieter Kahl's Slawen und Deutsche in der Brandenburgischen Geschichte der zwölften Jahrhunderts (1964).

It provides a

comprehensive study and analysis of sources for political issues in relation to the twelve century Slavs in the modern Land of Brandenburg, a territory where Slavic Stodorane and Brezhane once lived. The other non-English works worth consideration include a number of publications in Polish. Among them is Słownik Kultury Dawnych Słowian (Almanac of the Ancient Slavic Culture, 1990), edited by Lech Leciejewicz, a dictionary-like publication with a number of general articles about early Slavdom. This work explores various facets and issues in Polabian history and is useful for general references. Słowiańszczyzna Połabska (Polabian Slavdom) edited by Jerzy Strzelczyk includes a number of papers presented at the conference of the same name held at Poznań in Poland in 1980. As for the Slavic religion, there are a number of Polish publications on the subject. They include Aleksander Brückner's Mitologia słowiańska i polska (Slavic and Polish 20

E. Wienecke, Untersuchungen zur Religion der Westslawen (Leipzig; Otto Harrassowitz, 1940), p. 170. 21 For Pettazzoni argumentation, see: R. Pettazzoni, Essays on the History of Religions (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1954), pp. 151-163. 22 G. Alexinsky, 'Slavonic Mythology', in P. Grimal, editor, New Larousse Encyclopaedia of 19

Mythology, 1918). It has to be taken into consideration that, since the first publication of his work, a number of Brückner's findings and theories have been challenged and shown to be wrong by modern research, and especially by recent archaeological discoveries. Nonetheless, Brückner's book is a well and methodically researched work that provides many findings and conclusions that are accepted today. Henryk Łowmiański's Religia Słowian i jej upadek (The Religion of the Slavs and its Fall, 1979) is a more modern work. In his book Łowmiański advocates a view that the Slavs before the formation of states, in the ninth and tenth centuries had no polytheistic beliefs, and their religion, with a supposed lack of well defined deities, was basically animistic. This notion, however, is strongly contradicted by the common naming among the Eastern, Western and Southern Slavs, of later deities. The topic will be discussed in detail later. Nonetheless, Łowmiański's analysis and research on the subject of the Slavic religion from around the tenth century and after is a valuable contribution to the knowledge of Slavonic mythology and beliefs. Aleksander Gieysztor's Mitologia Słowiańska (Slavic Mythology, 1982) provides comprehensive insight into the Slavic religion in general as well as on the more elaborated Polabian cults. Gieysztor subscribed to the New Comparative school of religious studies and he drew a number of interesting parallels between Slavic and other Indo-European beliefs expanding the understanding of the subject. Furthermore, there is a book titled Religia pogańskich Słowian (The Religion of the Pagan Slavs, 1968). It is a compilation of papers presented at a conference of the same name that was held in Kielce in Poland in 1968.

It contains a number of articles on

various aspects of Slavic mythology and religion, written by leading historians, providing a broad spectrum of current views and opinions in respect to pre-Christian Slavic religion

Mythology (London: The Hamlyn Publishing Group Ltd, 1983), pp. 281-287. 20

and mythology, as well as a perspective into the history of research and ideas on the subject. Also, there is Boris Rybakov's Yazichestvo drevnikh Slavian (Paganism of Ancient Slavs, 1981) published in Russian. This is a fundamental work on early Slavonic beliefs. Although it focuses mainly on the beliefs of the Eastern Slavs, it is a valuable source of information for background knowledge about the Slavic religion. A number of archaeological works are vital to a better understanding of the Polabian and common Slavic religion. In the German language, Joachim Herrmann's Archäologie in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik (Archaeology in the DDR, 1989) is a comprehensive and detailed description of archaeological sites and finds in the former state of East Germany. Another position is Ewald Schuldt's Der Eintausendjähringe Tempelort Gross Raden (A Tenth Century Temple Site at Gross Raden, 1990) a detailed publication about excavations, analysis and findings from a Slavonic cult site at Gross Raden in the Mecklenburg region. Although this area falls outside the region of the Polabian Slavs that this research is concerned with, the extension and quality of excavations as well as detailed reconstruction and rebuilding of the cult centre provides us with deep insight into Slavonic cult centres and how practices were organized. Furthermore, there are many similarities between Gross Raden and other north-eastern Polabian sites, and some parallels with the descriptions found in historical accounts. Finally, there are also numerous publications devoting chapters or paragraphs to early Slavic history and religion, and sometime to the Polabian in particular, as well as papers published on the subject that are listed in the bibliography. Deficiencies have been observed in recent research in relation to north-eastern and central Polabian religious and political systems. This applies to the uncritical acceptance of the god Perun as a prototype for war-like Polabian deities such as Sventovit, Svarozhits, Yarovit and Triglav. Also, the issue of Christian influence on these beliefs has never been 21

fully explored, and if attempted the findings were tinted by a Christian perspective. Neither has the perception and rejection of the new faith been analysed from the perspective of the non-Christian Slavs. Furthermore, it appears that in the Polabian context the role of the tribal assembly, the veche, has been commonly overestimated, while at the same time the leading role of the pagan priesthood has never been fully explored. These matters shall be considered in detail below. SOURCES There are no Slavic sources dealing with the Polabian pre-Christian beliefs, as this branch of the Slavs became literate with the advent of Christianity, that is, after being subjugated by the Empire or by the Danes. Therefore, the sources have to be treated with extreme caution, taking into consideration that as non-Slavs their authors could have been prejudiced against the Slavs.

At the same time, it is reasonable to assume that foreign

authors were not very well informed, or indeed ignorant about their state of affairs and spiritual life, simply because they were outsiders. And even when mentioned, the nonChristian people of the region not only played a minor role, but their beliefs were portrayed as evil and in a very unfavourable way.23 The bulk of our research will be based on the analysis of primary sources of the period, that is the tenth-twelfth centuries, and that includes the following chronicles. The oldest is the account provided by Ibrahim-Ibn-Jacub. He was a tenth century Jewish traveller from the Spanish caliphate who, around 965-966 visited a number of Western Slavic principalities including those of the Obodrites, Poles and

Czechs

(Bohemia). The reason for his expedition is unknown, but he might have been in the service of the caliph of Cordoba. He wrote a "Description of the Slavic principalities", providing also some information on Wolin and the Veletians. The original work of

23

S. Urbańczyk, 'O rekonstrukcję religii pogańskich Słowian', in Religia pogańskich Słowian (Kielce: Muzeum Świętokrzyskie w Kielcach,1968), pp. 29-30. 22

Ibrahim-Ibn-Jacub was not preserved, and it survived only as part of a larger historical work by an Arab writer of the eleventh century, Al-Bekri. Although his account is not very extensive, it is a very useful source taking into consideration that he had no affiliation with any Central European power or the Christian Church.24 Thietmar was a bishop of Merseburg between 1009 and 1018. He was born in 975 in Walbeck, west of modern Duisburg on the German-Dutch border, in the upper class family of count Siegfried of Walbeck. Magdeburg cathedral.

He received his education at the school located at

Thietmar's views are pro-imperial, supporting the expansion of

Saxons and other frontier nobles into the Slavic and pagan east. His Chronicon appears to be intended as a chronicle of the bishopric of the Merseburg, but as Thietmar approached its history in the broader imperial context, it turned out to be a chronicle of the Saxon dynasty's deeds. His Chronicon, written between 1012 and 1018 at Merseburg, is one of the most important sources about the pre-Christian religion of Veletian people. It gives a detailed description of the temple of Svarozhits, and his cult, and it is a good source of information about the socio-political structures of the Veleti. Thietmar in his writing used a number of chronicles, annals and documents. Up to Book V he used extensively Widukind of Corvey's Res Gestae Saxonicae, and the Annales Quedlinburgenses, both tenth century sources. Books V to VIII cover Thietmar's lifetime and are often based on eyewitness accounts and his personal experience. Thietmar was well informed about contemporary events. He participated in a number of campaigns during Henry II's war on Bolesław the Brave of Poland, fought over the control of Lusatia after the death of the emperor Otto III. It began in 1002 and lasted with intervals until 1018. Generally,

24

J. L. Wyrozumski, Historia Polski do Roku 1505 (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1984), pp. 11-12; and SKDS, p. 143. 23

Thietmar's chronicle is regarded as a reliable source, especially from Book V onward.25

Adam of Bremen was a canon at the cathedral school at Bremen. He wrote Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum sometime between 1072 and 1076. Adam's Gesta is basically a history of the Hamburg-Bremen bishopric and he shows neither much interest nor understanding of the Slavs and their affairs. Nonetheless, as the diocese of Hamburg-Bremen was then located near the Slavic frontier the chronicle is a source of much information about the contemporary Slavs and to some extent about their religion.26 Of great importance are three biographies of bishop Otto of Bamberg (before 10701139) who led missions into Pomerania in 1124-25 and 1128. On the first occasion the mission was organized and supported by the Polish king Boles³aw the Wry-Mouth. His mission extended well into the lands west of the lower Oder river, and covered Szczecin (German Stettin), Wolin and the Wolgast district. The first biography of bishop Otto of Bamberg, known as Vita Prieflingensis (from the abbey at Prüfeningen) is most likely to have been written by Wolfger, around 1140-1146. He was a Benedictine monk and librarian at Prüfenigen abbey.

There is a strong indication that Vita Prieflingensis was

based on an eyewitness account, although the author himself most likely did not participate in the missions. His account is the shortest but commonly accepted as the most reliable. The second was written by Ebbo who was a monk of the Benedictine abbey at Michelsberg sometime in the early 1150's. There is no doubt that Ebbo knew bishop Otto personally. Ebbo's main source of information about Otto's second mission was the priest Udalric, who accompanied the bishop to Pomerania in 1128. The third and last biography of bishop Otto, Dialogus de Vita Sancti Ottonis Episcopi Babenbergensis was also written at Bamberg by a Benedictine monk named Herbord. It was written

25 26

M. Z. Jedlicki, in TM, pp. XIII-LVIII. SKDS, p. 11; and F. J. Tschan, in AB, pp. XIV-XXIV. 24

around 1158-1159. He did not know bishop Otto personally, but must have known some people who took part in Otto's missions. Herbord's Dialogus is composed as a dialogue between two monks Tiemo and Siegfried, who both knew bishop Otto. It seems reasonable to assume that the Dialogus is mainly based on their account. In Book III Herbord relied heavily on Ebbo, but surprisingly he never mentioned or acknowledged his dependence in his Dialogus.27 The historical validity of all three biographies has been often questioned on the basis that they were a part of a drive for the canonization of Otto of Bamberg, therefore many stories these lives contain might have been inventions of pious authors. No doubt this may be the case in relation to the miracles and deeds of bishop Otto of Bamberg during his mission, but it is very unlikely that the information relating to the pre-Christian Slavic cults was fabricated. All the biographies were written shortly after Otto's death in the circles of the Bamberg bishopric and there is no doubt that the memory of the mission must have been still fresh at Bamberg. Moreover, it appears that at least Ebbo and Herbord relied on the accounts of monks who personally participated in the mission. More important yet, Slavic religion was a mere background to Otto of Bamberg's mission and life, and there were no reasons to fabricate or invent anything there as it had no significance whatsoever in relation to his canonization process. Therefore, in the context of this research, the biographies of Otto of Bamberg could be assessed as containing rich original material about the Slavic pre-Christian religion at Wolin, Wolgast and Szczecin.28 Helmold of Bosau was a twelfth century German priest at the church of Bosau on the Slavonic-German frontier in northern Germany. Helmold's Chronica Slavorum, written

27

J. Wikarjak & G. Labuda, Pomorze Zachodnie w żywotach Ottona (Warszawa: PWN,1979), pp. 20-23, 31, 36-37, 40, 141; and S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijanstwa w powstaniu policefalnych posągów kultowych u Słowian Zachodnich (Prace Historyczne, Vol. XVII, 1995), pp. 70-71. 28 J. Wikarjak, in Herbord, Dialogus de Vita Sancti Ottonis Episcopi Babenbergensis, pp. V-XI. 25

not later than 1171, despite its title is a history of Saxony. Nevertheless, as the duchy's history is closely linked with the conquest of the Slavic east, it contains a substantial body of material dealing with the Polabian Slavs. The earliest part of the chronicle, up to the second half of the eleventh century, is to a large extent based on Adam of Bremen, from whom Helmold often copied entire passages. However, many events of the twelfth century he witnessed himself. Regardless of the pro-Saxon character of the chronicle the later part of it especially is regarded as relatively well informed and reliable.29 Saxo Grammaticus was a Dane who was a chaplain of the bishop of Roskilde. He wrote sixteen volumes of his Gesta Danorum, sometime after 1185. He died around 1204. His work is a primary and most important source about pre-Christian beliefs on Rügen island. The chronicle provides a vivid description of the pagan cult there and the temple of the god Sventovit at Arkona, and its destruction in 1169.30 A relatively deep knowledge and understanding of the Slavs and their affairs is visible throughout the chronicle. His account about the pagan temple, idol and ceremonies held at Arkona are regarded as most trustworthy. He either participated in the 1168 expedition or received information from the Danish bishop of Roskilde, Absalon, who led the expedition against the Ranove.31 Among the sources not directly dealing with Polabian Slavdom, of great importance is the Russian Primary Chronicle. The information from it can be used in comparative studies of the Slavs' religion and their early political institutions. The authorship and time when the Russian Primary Chronicle was written is not entirely clear. It is commonly accepted that it was compiled in the early twelfth century, probably around 1113, at Pechera monastery from various older documents by the monk Nestor.

It is also

commonly accepted that earlier parts of the chronicle were based on at least three earlier

29

SKDS, p. 136. SKDS, p. 344; and S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijanstwa..., p. 28. 31 L. Ellis, 'Reinterpretations of the West Slavic Cult Site in Arkona', The Journal of Indo-European Studies, vol. 6, No. 1 and 2, 1978, p. 2. 26 30

records from around 1037-1039, 1073 and 1093-1095.32 The credibility of the earliest section of the Russian Primary Chronicle has been questioned on a number of occasions, mainly about the circumstances, which brought the Scandinavians to Eastern Slavdom. This however, is beyond the scope of this work. The chronicle may or not be accurate on some facts, but our research concentrates on the religious and social aspects of early Kievan Rus'.

These matters were usually unimportant background for medieval

chroniclers, often giving the impression of having been recorded accidentally. Therefore, the possibility of invention or falsification there is very low. The primary archaeological sources have been discussed above in the section on historiography. Other less frequently used primary and archaeological sources are listed in the Bibliography. NAMING, SPELLING AND TERMINOLOGY The names of the places appearing in the text are given in their modern form in an appropriate language. However a number of places are better known to English speakers in their German or anglicised version. For that reason, some place names when appearing for the first time in the text will be followed by their better known German name, such as Szczecin (German Stettin) and Wrocław (German Breslau) or in anglicised form, such as Kraków - (English Cracow). Similarly most of the personal names will appear in their original language form and spelling. However, in English language historiography some German names are commonly anglicised, and use of their original spelling may be confusing. For that reason, for some names the anglicised form will be used, such as Henry for Heinrich, Conrad for Konrad, and Louis for Ludwig. On the other hand, the majority of Slavic personal names were not recorded in Slavonic but in Latin forms by speakers of various languages who usually did not know Slavonic. Nonetheless, many of them are still used in various countries across Slavdom, but usually with a different 32

J. L. Wyrozumski, Historia Polski, p. 22; and SKDS, pp. 303-304. 27

spelling and slightly different pronunciation in each country. In a similar way in Germanic speaking countries what was originally the same personal name is written William in English, Wilhelm in German and Willem in Dutch. In Slavonic speaking countries most of the research about the Polabian Slavs has been conducted by Polish scholars. Therefore, for consistency, all Slavic personal names will be given in Polish spelling. When Slavic personal names will appear for the first time, being no doubt less familiar to English readers, they will be followed in brackets by their phonetic transcript, as close as possible to the original pronunciation. The naming of pagan deities will comply with the phonetic version most common in English publications. However, as there is no uniformity in this respect either, Appendix 3 provides a list of Slavic deities with their various spellings in English and non-English publications, as well as a Latin version that could be encountered in the primary sources. The Veletian or Lutician Union is the name applied by historians to some Polabian tribes that in the late tenth century formed a federation-like political entity. Most of the sources of that time, however, referred to them as Lutycy or various Latinised derivations of this name, such as Liutici, Liutizi or Leutici.33

And in later times the Pomeranian

dukes, who extended their sovereignty over some of the Veletian lands, used the title of Princeps Liuticiorum.34

The original name was derived from the Slavic luty, meaning

fierce, ferocious.35 The names Veleti and Lutycy were however interchangeable, as Adam

33

Name Lutycy appeared in the 10th century. G. Labuda, 'Wytworzenie wspólnoty etnicznej i kulturalnej plemion słowiańszczyzny połabskiej i jej przemiany w rozwoju dziejowym', in J. Strzelczyk, ed. Słowiańszczyzna Połabska (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 1981), pp. 16-17 and TM, Book IV, 13. 34 E. Christiansen in SG, p. 825 (n432). 35 The Veleti and Lytycy etymology: Z. Sułowski, 'Sporne problemy dziejów Związku Wieletów-Luciców', in J. Strzelczyk, ed., Słowiańszczyzna Połabska (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 1981), p. 156n. 28

of Bremen's phrase "Leutici sive Wilzi" indicates.36 It is a matter of ongoing historical debate why the name changed and whether this reflected any new political, social or ethnic developments. In the late tenth century the core of the union was the tribe of the Redarove, and included the Dolenzhane, Khyzhane, Chrespyane and other minor trines. They dwelled in the area around the modern towns of Neubrandenburg and Neustrelitz, roughly around the Tollensee lake.37 Throughout the text the term Veletian Union or the Veleti is used in relation to those north-eastern Polabians. It is an arbitrary decision made for no other reason that the clarity of this work. The pre-Christian Slavic religion, the Slavic priests and the non-Christian Slavs are occasionally referred to as pagans throughout the text. Taking into consideration the negative meaning of this Latin term it has to be stressed that its usage is applied only for the purpose of implying non-Christian beliefs or people. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND In the fourth-fifth century the lands between the Neisse-Oder and Elbe-Saale rivers were occupied by various Germanic tribes. In the course of the fifth century those people moved southward and westward into the provinces of the Roman Empire. As a result the area became grossly depopulated.38 Early in the sixth century, possibly even in the late fifth century, the Slavs began to cross the Oder-Neisse river. Slavic settlements become visible in the archaeological record from the middle of the sixth century and increased in number and size thereafter.39 In the course of the sixth and seventh centuries the entire region was settled by the Slavs and the remnants of the Germanic population slavicized. 36

AB, II.XXII(19). J. Piskorski, 'Wkrzanie', in J. Strzelczyk, Słowiańszczyzna Połabska (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. A. Mickiewicza, 1981), p. 225; and D. Żołądź, 'Redarowie', Słowiańszczyzna Połabska (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. A. Mickiewicza, 1981), pp. 219-221. 38 Westward Germanic migration: F. Dvornik, The Slavs: Their Early History and Civilisation (Boston: American Academy of Arts and Science, 1959), p. 32; and Z. Váňa, The World of the Ancient Slavs (London: Orbis Publishing, 1983), pp. 36- 37. 37

29

As the research focuses on the north-eastern and central Polabians, let us briefly present the people we are going to deal with. The Ranove lived on the island of Rügen, located roughly opposite the port of Stralsund and separated by the Stralsund Strait from the mainland. The island has 926 square kilometres, and with adjoining islands 973 square kilometres, and has very favourable conditions for agriculture with predominantly fertile moraine soils.40 Marshes and meadows also provided favourable conditions for animal husbandry. Cattle breeding on the island were confirmed by Saxo Grammaticus41 and it is still a major industry on the island today. The Baltic Sea and its numerous inlets were abundant in various saltwater fishes in the Middle Ages, while in the mainland river estuaries fresh water species were plentiful.42 The Germanic origin of the name of Rügen island, called Rugia in Slavic, is commonly accepted. The name was most likely derived from the ancient Germanic tribe of Rugi mentioned by ancient sources.43 However its etymology is uncertain. The best explanation appears to be that it derives from the Germanic roggen - rye, a word cognate to Lithuanian rugis and Slavonic rež. Taking into consideration the fertility of the island this etymology appears to be fitting.44 Neither is the etymology of the name of the Slavic Ranove fully explained. It is possible that it derives from the island's name, Rügen. The emergence of the Ranove principality on the Baltic island of Rügen owes its origins and character to a large extent to its geopolitical location. The Slavs settled the island perhaps as early as the middle of the sixth century when cremation burials appeared

39

K. Godłowski, 'Problem chronologii' pp. 49-50. Christiansen in SG, p. 821(n410). 41 SG, XIV.23. 42 E. Christiansen, The Northern Crusades (London: The MacMillan Press Ltd., 1980), pp. 11-12 and description of Rügen: E. Christiansen, in SG, p. 714 (n11). 43 J. Osięgłowski, 'Początki Słowiańskiej Rugii do roku 1168', Materiały Zachodniopomorskie, 1967, Vol. 13, p. 251. 44 A. Brückner, Mitologia słowiańska i polska (Warszawa, P.W.N, 1985 ed.), p. 248. 30 40

there.45 This, in correlation with other evidence of Slavic settlement of the Polabian lands, suggests that it is evidence for Slavic settlement of the island. The Ranove were, like all the other Slavs farmers who emerged north of the Carpathian mountains far away from the sea. All the Slavs who settled in the Baltic coastal region and adjoining islands quickly learned maritime skills from their neighbours, and adapted to the coastal and insular environment.

The Ranove utilized rich surrounding fisheries and it is historically

confirmed that in October each year their fishing fleet conducted large scale fishing mainly for herring. The fish were later smoked for preservation and either sold or consumed locally.46 Ships and boats for fishing and commerce were made locally in most Slavic Baltic settlements and were clearly modelled on Scandinavian examples.47 The favourable natural conditions on the island created a food surplus. At the same time, its location facilitated maritime trade across the Baltic and the growth of commercial centres there (see Map 2).48 Ralswiek became a commercial centre from the second half of the eighth century, and archaeological data from this period indicates close links with Scandinavia, and very likely the presence of Scandinavian tradesmen or craftsmen.49 The beginnings of Arkona and Gartz date to the middle of the ninth century.50 Numerous finds of Arab, Byzantine and Frankish coins there indicate extended trade links.51 There was a substantial production of salt, a much sought after commodity in the Middle Ages, carried

45

A. L. Miś, 'Przedchrześcijańska religia Rugian', Slavia Antiqua, vol. 38, 1997, p. 114. J. Osięgłowski, Polityka zewnętrzna Księstwa Rugii 1168-1328 (Warszawa: PWN, 1975), p. 25. 47 Boats and ships modeled on Scandinavian: F. Dvornik, The Slavs..., p. 297; and for Viking ships description, see: J. Graham-Campbell, The Viking World (New Haven: Ticknor & Fields Ltd., 1980), p. 46. 48 E. Christiansen, p. 714 (n11) 49 W. Duczko, 'Scandinavians in the Southern Baltic Between the 5th and the 10th Centuries AD', in P. Urbańczyk, ed., Origins of Central Europe (Warsaw: Scientific Society of Polish Archaeologists, 1997), p. 203. 50 L. Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian Północnopołabskich (Wrocław: Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii, 1968), p. 123n. 51 L. Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian, p . 24. 31 46

by the Ranove of Rügen, the bulk of which was no doubt destined for export.52 One of the largest salt mines and centre of production was Eldena, located on the mainland Ranove's territory.53 Therefore, it is clear that the Ranove's economy was versatile and based not only on agriculture, cattle breeding and fishing, but also on intensive commerce and crafts. The earliest reference to the Ranove comes perhaps from the first half of the eighth century, from Bede. In his Ecclesiastical History he described bishop Ekbert's journey to the pagan north that took place around 686-687,54 and briefly listed the non-Christian people of the north, among them the Rugini.55 The identification, however is uncertain, as Bede might have referred to the ancient Germanic Rugii. Whatever the case, there is no other information about the Ranove for around one and a half centuries. Over that period the Ranove of Rügen must have extended their control over the adjacent mainland territories of Barth and Tribsee district, and they settled the area.56 In the eleventh century the people of the mainland adjacent to Rügen island must have been well integrated with the Ranove. The region was regarded as an integral part of Ranove's principality as Adam of Bremen specifically mentioned them there.57 There is no historical evidence for any separate tribe or tribes there or any separatism in the area. Taking into consideration the small size and dense population of Rügen island, it seems inevitable that colonization took place on the mainland. In turn, the influx of the settlers from the island must have speeded up integration and assimilation of the mainland Slavic population with that of the insular

52

J. Osięgłowski, Polityka zewnętrzna..., p. 19. L. Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian, p. 138. 54 J. Osięgłowski, 'Początki słowiańskiej Rugii', p. 252. 55 Bede, Ecclasiastical History, in R.A.B. Mynors & B. Colgrave ed. and trans. (Oxford: Claredon Press, 1969), V, cc. IX. Sunt autem Fresones, Rugini, Danai, Hunni, antiqui Saxones, Boructuari. 56 E. Christiansen, in SG, p. 782 (n240), p. 824 (n428). 57 AB, II.XXI(18). 32 53

Ranove.58 There is no direct evidence to determine when the Ranove settled this region. However, it appears that the area must have been under their control from around the first half of the tenth century at the latest. This claim is supported by the fact that during Otto I's campaign against the Obodrites and Veleti, when the Ranove became involved on the side of the German king, the decisive battle took place on the marshes of the lower Recknitz river, near the districts of Tribsee and Barth.59

Therefore, the Ranove's

involvement was most likely prompted by the fact that they saw the Obodrites as a threat to their interests in the region. The core of the eleventh century Veletian Union was four major tribes. The most important were the Redarove, who lived around modern Neubrandenburg. Their name is derived from the Slavic Retarze - Ratari, meaning soil tillers.60 The other tribes were the Dolenzhane, who lived in the basin of Tollensee river, the Chrespyane who dwelled on the north banks of Peene river, and the Khyzhane who inhabited the area east of Warnow river and north of Chrespyane. The etymology of Chrespyane and Dolenzhane derived from the rivers of the region, Chrespyane

meaning "(People) across the Peene river", and

Dolenzhane meaning "(People) of Tollensee river". The name of the fourth major tribe, that of the Khyzhane, is derived from the settlement of Khyzhin (modern Kessin). The first reference to the tribes that formed the Veletian Union appeared in the work of the Bavarian Geographer, a list of the Slavic tribes written in the mid ninth century which states as follows: "Uilici, in qua civitates XCV et regiones IIII".61

No doubt 95

strongholds is an exaggeration. As shown by the Polish historian Henryk £Łowmiański it

58

On Ranove mainland possessions, see: SKDS, p. 27; and AB, II.XXII(19). for Recknitz battle, see, TM, II.12; and Widukind of Corvey, Res Gestae Saxonicae in Diejania Saksov (Moscow: Izdatyelstvo "Nauka", 1975), III. 54-55. 60 Z. Sułowski, 'Sporne problemy', p. 162. 61 Bavarian Geographer on Veleti: Bavarian Geographer, in H. Łowmiański, Studia nad Dziejami Słowiańszczyzny, Polski i Rusi w Wiekach Średnich (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. A. Mickiewicza, 1986), pp. 111-112. 33 59

is virtually impossible that such a large number of strongholds could have existed there.62 Nonetheless, it shows that the Bavarian Geographer and his contemporaries perceived the Veletians as a single people with a significantly larger number of strongholds than the other Polabian Slavs. In turn this indicates that he referred to a larger, regional rather than tribal entity. It is worth noting that they are mentioned as a single people, but divided into four regiones, a division that probably reflects the division of the union into the four main tribes, the Redarove, Dolenzhane, Chrespyane and Khyzhane. This suggests that some form of political union existed among these Veletian tribes as early as the middle of the ninth century.

Much more information about the Veletians comes from the late tenth

century and afterwards. In a series of campaigns between 929 and 936, Henry the Fowler brought the Veletian Union into submission and they became imperial tributaries.

63

However, in the second half of the tenth century the Empire was unable to exercise full control over the Veletian Union, as in the case of the Sorbs. Unlike most of the Sorbs, who were incorporated into marches with German margraves, the Veleti paid tribute only. Imperial hold on the land east of the Elbe and Saale rivers was fragile and the Empire had to allow the people to follow their own agenda. The mutual relationship remained rather good, although tense. Because of that delicate situation the Empire needed some allies there. And as the evidence shows, the Veletian Union played that role on a number of occasions. At the same time, it appears that their associations with the Empire gave the Veleti political leverage. For the Veletian Union this was the period of their political and territorial expansion.64 Most likely in this period lesser tribes like the Rechane, Vkrane were incorporated into the Union. The Veletian Union took a part in the anti-imperial

62

H. Łowmiański, Studia nad dziejami Słowiańszczyzny, Polski i Rusi w wiekach Średnich (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. A. Mickiewicza, 1986), p. 114. 63 J. Brankačk, & F. Mĕtšk, Stawizny Serbow Vol. 1, p. 67; and F. Dvornik, The Making of Central and Eastern Europe (Florida: Academic International Press, 1974), p. 30; and J. Fleckenstein, Early Medieval Germany, p. 135. 64 War on Poles in 963 and 967; Widukind of Corvey, Res Gestae Saxonicae, III.66, 69. 34

uprising of 983 and played a major, if not deciding, role in the liberation of the region from imperial control.65 However, shortly after, to counter a Polish advance into Sorbian territory, they formed an alliance with the Empire. During the long war between the Polish king Bolesław the Brave and the Emperor Henry II that lasted from 1002 until 1018, the Veletian Union actively supported the Imperial side and their troops participated in most of the important campaigns.66 When between the Poles and the Empire conflict erupted again in 1028, the Veletian Union concluded an alliance with Mieszko II of Poland (Myeshko) and supported him in devastating raids against Saxony.67 With Poland out of the conflict in 1032, the Veleti continued attacks on the Empire. In the following year, their expedition badly defeated the Saxons' army in the battle of Werben.68 Although peace arrangements were made, the relationship remained sour and the Veletians successfully raided the Empire, in particular Saxony, in 1035, 1045, 1056.69 As a result of a civil war around 1057, the Union was reduced to the Redarove and Dolenzhane only.70 In 1067/8, the Saxons, led by Burhard, the bishop of Halberstadt, invaded the Veletian Union and devastated the country, destroying Radegosć and the temple of Svarozhits.71 The decline of the remnants of the union continued until, around 1127 the Veletian Union

65

T. Wasilewski, Historia S³owian, p. 63. TM, V.22 (16) & VI.84 (31) & VII. 17, 59(44), 61. 67 1029 Polish-Veleti alliance and 1030 raid on Saxony: B. Zientara, 'Mieszko II', in A. 66

Garlicki, editor, Poczet Królów i Książąt Polskich (Warszawa: Czytelnik, 1984), p. 40. 1033 Saxon-Veleti war: T. Wasilewski, Historia Słowian..., p. 65; and on battle of Werben, see: Wipo, The Deeds of Conrad II, in T.E. Mommsen & K.F. Morrison, Imperial Lives and Letters (New York: Columbia University Press, 1962), Book XXXIII (pp. 91-92). 69 1035 conflict with Empire, AB, II.LXVI ( 64) & Wipo, The Deeds Of Conrad II, Book XXXIII, ; and on 1045 war: AB, III.VI (6); and F. Tschan in AB, p. 119n; and on 1056 Pritzwalk battle, see: G. Labuda, 'Wytworzenie wspólnoty', p. 21. 70 1057 Veletian civil war: AB, III.XXII (21) 71 1067/8 war and sack of Radegosć: Z. Váňa, The World of the Ancient Slavs, p. 94; and SKDS, p. 324. 35 68

ceased to exist, when the West Pomeranian prince Warcisław I (Vartislav) conquered and incorporated most of its northern lands into his duchy.72 The town of Wolin was located on the island of the same name at the mouth of the Oder river, on its south-eastern side, some distance from the sea. The island covers 265 square kilometers. Wolin was founded in a very favorable location controlling the mouth of the Oder river, an important trade route into Central Europe.

The earliest

evidence for habitation at Wolin comes from the turn of the ninth century.73 Its favorable location facilitated its growth and importance in Baltic commerce. Shortly afterwards it underwent rapid growth and in the second half of the ninth century a gród, that is a fortified stronghold with a borough inhabited by merchants, craftsmen and fishermen, appeared.74 By the tenth century Wolin became one of the largest and most important towns and trading centres on the Baltic, and as a matter of fact in Northern Europe. Wolin's settlement, as wide as 270 metres, stretched over 3 kilometres alongside the left bank of the Dźwina river. Five or six satellite settlements developed nearby as well as agricultural and fishing bases for Wolin. In its heyday, that is the tenth -eleventh centuries, the population of Wolin and its satellite settlements is estimated to have been between 5,000-10,000 inhabitants (it is about 5,000 today).75 Part of the Wolin complex was defended by fortifications enclosing around 5 hectares.76 Taking into consideration

72 73

K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna Zachodnia (Poznań: UAM, 1950), p.173. T. Ważny & D. Eckstein, "Dendrochronologiczne datowanie wczesnośredniowiecznej

słowiańskiej osady Wolin', Materiały Zachodniopomorskie, vol. XXXIII, 1987, p. 151. 74 L. Leciejewicz, 'Sporne problemy genezy niezależności politycznej miast przy ujściu Odry we wczesnym średniowieczu, in W. Wolarski ed., Ars Historica (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1976), pp. 301-302; and on Wolin: SKDS, p. 411. 75 L. Leciejewicz, 'Ksztatowanie się pierwszych miast u Słowian nadbałtyckich', Slavia Antiqua, 1970, vol. XVII, p. 111; and T. Ważny & D. Eckstein, "Dendrochronologiczne 76

datowanie', p. 151. L. Leciejewicz, 'Kształtowanie się pierwszych miast', p. 111. 36

that the estimated number of Volinane was not much over 20,000, it was a highly "urbanized" tribe.77 It is worth noting that contemporary Dorestad covered ten hectares, Strasbourg five, Haithabu in Denmark ten, Köln twenty five and Birka in Sweden twelve.78 As for political control, it appears that the Volinane extended their full authority over the island of Wolin only, although some association of areas on the eastern and western banks of Oder river is also very plausible. It seems that the Wolin principality, the economy of which was trade oriented, was not interested in territorial expansion. Adam of Bremen described Wolin as one of the greatest contemporary ports and towns. He was impressed by its size and riches, and praised the hospitality and tolerance of its inhabitants.79 Wooden buildings and structures dominated the settlement, but some of them were of two storeys, and the main streets were paved with wooden logs. In the craftsmen's quarters weapons, pottery, and tools were produced for local use and sale. Jewellery of precious metals, amber, glass and antler was also manufactured there.80 Port facilities were made of logs and the Jewish merchant Ibrahim-ibn-Jacub reported a huge wooden pier in the tenth century.81 Wolin declined in the eleventh century as a result of Danish raids, and after its destruction in 1041 it never fully recovered as a dominant trade centre in the region. Its commercial position was overtaken by Szczecin around the second half of the twelfth century.82 The emergence of Szczecin (German Stettin) and its subsequent development as well as its political history is closely related to its location. Szczecin lies on the west bank of the Oder river, about 67 kilometres from its mouth. The river in this section is navigable

77

Size and population of Wolin: G. Labuda, Studia nad początkami państwa polskiego, Vol 1 (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1987), p. 468. 78 W. Hensel, Archeologia o początkach miast słowiańskich (Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1963), pp. 95-96. 79 Adam of Bremen on Wolin: AB, II.XXII (19). 80 Some two storey buildings and paved streets: SKDS, pp. 50-51. 81 Wolin pier: SKDS, p. 302. 82 Wolin: SKDS, p. 411. 37

and the distance from the Baltic sea provided early warning against surprise pirate raids. The area west of Szczecin was a fertile region occupied by farming communities. Archaeological data show that Slavic settlements in the Szczecin area date from the seventh century.

A fortified gród appeared in the middle of the ninth century, together

with a borough occupied by craftsmen and merchants. Although in the shadow of Wolin for centuries, Szczecin was involved in Baltic commerce from at least the tenth century. Archaeological finds at Kamieniec, near Szczecin, revealed large quantities of silver coins and jewellery, dated to the early ninth century. Subsequently Szczecin grew into the chief commercial and manufacturing centre of the region. As the archaeological evidence shows, ships, glass and various iron implements were produced, and turning wood workshops were there.83 Its growth was also visible in the expansion of settlements and forest clearing to the west of the town between the ninth and twelfth centuries.84 After the decline of Wolin in the eleventh and twelfth centuries its place as the commercial centre of the region was taken by Szczecin. In the twelfth century, at the height of its prosperity, Szczecin's population was estimated to be close to that of Wolin, well in excess of 5,000 inhabitants and very likely close to 10,000.

85

The fortified area of the Szczecin complex

itself covered around 5 hectares, being similar in size to Wolin at the peak of its prosperity.86 Szczecin was not only involved in maritime trade, but it lay on the main West-East land route from Westphalia, through Lübeck, Lüneburg and Bardowiek.87

83

L. Leciejewicz, 'Kształtowanie się pierwszych miast', p. 103. L. Leciejewicz, 'Sporne Problemy', pp. 297-301; and on Szczecin: SKDS, p. 372; and its association with the Vkrane: G. Labuda, Studia nad początkami, vol 1, pp. 468-469; and Kamieniec finds: R. Rogosz, 'Zaplecze osadnicze średniowiecznego Szczecina', Slavia Antiqua, XXXIII, 1991/1992, p. 28. 85 L. Leciejewicz, 'Kształtowanie się pierwszych miast', p. 111. 86 L. Leciejewicz, 'Kształtowanie..', p. 111. 87 Trade routes: J. Brankačk, & F. Mětšk, Stawizny Serbow Vol. 1, p. 45; and W. Hensel, Słowiańszczyzna Wczesnośredniowieczna (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987), p. 655; and SKDS, p. 180; and M. M. Postan, 'Economic Relations Between Eastern and Western Europe', in G. Barraclough, ed., Eastern and Western Europe in the Middle Ages (London: Thames and Hudson, 1970), p. 144; and Z. Váňa, 38 84

Market days which attracted traders from all around northern and central Europe were held there twice a week.88 A twelfth century Arab geographer and cartographer from North Africa, Al-Idrisi, described Szczecin as a large town.89 Al-Idrisi was a person who travelled extensively and he must have seen many contemporary large Arabic towns. So, if he regarded Szczecin as a town of significant size, it must have been one of the largest European cities outside the Mediterranean.

Politically, Szczecin was confined to a

relatively small area of the western bank of the Oder river and must have bordered the Vkrane tribe who lived in the Uecker river basin. Its specific location and condition allowed Szczecin to remain independent until the early twelfth century when it was incorporated into the Pomeranian duchy, a fief of the kingdom of Poland.90 Wolgast lies in north-eastern Germany on the very narrow strait (the estuary of the Peene river) separating Usedom island from the mainland, about 12 kilometres from the open sea. Its location made it an important trading centre heavily involved in commercial traffic on the Peene river and Oderhaff Bay, very likely extracting tolls on river and maritime commerce.91

At the same time its distance from the open sea provided

protection and an early warning against sudden, surprise naval attacks.92 Wolgast appeared in historical records relatively late, in the first half of the twelfth century, then being controlled by the Pomeranian dukes. However, archaeological evidence shows that it is not older than the late tenth century, and it evolved into an important commercial centre during the eleventh century, albeit inferior to Wolin or Szczecin.93 Some evidence from Saxo Grammaticus indicates that the stronghold of Wüsterhusen was one of the satellite settlements under Wolgast. Wüsterhusen, a village today, is about 12 kilometres north-

The World, p. 165. Szczecin's market days: L. Leciejewicz, 'Sporne problemy', p. 301. 89 Szczecin praised by Al-Idrisi: W. Hensel, Słowiańszczyzna..., p. 461. 90 L. Leciejewicz, 'Sporne problemy', pp. 295-296. 91 E. Christiansen, The Northern Crusaders, pp. 29-30. 92 Localization of ports: Z. Váňa, The World…, p. 228. 88

39

west of Wolgast itself.94 There is no evidence for Wolgast ever controlling a large surrounding territory and it seems that the town was a separate political entity controlling a relatively small adjacent area. In this case the territory controlled by Wolgast would have been of a radius not greater than 15 kilometres, giving a total area in the range of 700-800 square kilometres.

The political affiliation of the town of Wolgast as well as the

surrounding territories is unclear. None of the sources mentioned an affiliation of Wolgast with any political entity of the region. Its vicinity to the Veletian Union makes it likely that Wolgast was in some form of association with the Union during the tenth and first half of the eleventh centuries. It appears that afterwards it retained its political independence as a small commercial polity like Wolin or Szczecin, until around the 1160s, when it was incorporated into Pomerania.95 The Stodorane lived in central-eastern Germany, roughly in the basin of the middle Havel river, and their main stronghold was Brandenburg. In the west they bordered the Brezhane of Havelberg, with whom they were very likely in frequent political association. To the east, their territory extended as far east as the modern city of Berlin. Their main stronghold was Brandenburg. The size of their principality implies that they must have amalgamated and integrated with a number of lesser tribes, and this must have taken place before the tenth century, as in the contemporary sources they always appear as a single people.96 They were one of the earliest Polabian people mentioned in the sources. Annales Regni Francorum mentioned Charlemagne's campaign against the Veleti (Wilzi) in 789, when a large Frankish, Frisian and Obodrite force attacked their "kinglet" Dragovit. After a siege of his main stronghold he apparently submitted to the Franks.97 It is generally

93

L. Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian, pp. 66, 121. E. Christiansen in SG, p. 825 (n434). 95 SG, XIX.27. 96 J. Strzelczyk, 'Rewizja dziejów Wieletów-Luciców', Studia Historica SlavoGermanica, vol. 11, 1983, p. 126. 97 ARF, Year 789. 40 94

accepted that Dragovit was a Stodorane ruler and the civitas Dragoviti was the stronghold of Brandenburg.98 Also, the archaeological evidence indicates that Brandenburg was an important Slavic settlement from the eighth century.99 The Old English Orosius, a ninth century English translation of the Seven Books against the Pagans written by the Spanish churchman Orosius, also briefly mentioned the Stodorane. At the end of description of the world, the English translator provided an additional description of northern Europe including various Slavic peoples. Among them he mentioned "the Wilte known as the Hæfeldan".100 It is generally accepted that the name Heveldi, deriving from the Havel river, is an alternative name for the tribe of Stodorane.101 The Stodorane became imperial tributaries in the reign of Henry the Fowler but regained their independence after an allPolabian uprising in 983.

They survived as independent or autonomous imperial

tributaries until the middle of the twelfth century when Albrecht the Bear seized their principality.

Thereafter they formed a part of the March of Brandenburg ruled by

Albrecht's descendants, known as the Ascanian dynasty. The Brezhane lived around the lower Havel river and their main stronghold was Havelberg, which grew into a large fortified settlement and a tribal centre during the ninth-tenth century.102 The geographical location of this tribe placed them under a very strong Frankish, and later imperial influence to the west, and on the other hand that of the

98

SKDS, p. 95. An alternative explanation was proposed by Kazimierz Myśliński, who

postulated that Drogovit was ruler of the Veletian Union and the campaign was directed toward the Peene river, where he locates Drogovit's stronghold: K. Myśliński, 'Zagadnienia roli ziemi nad Havelą i Sprewą jako politycznego ośrodka plemion wieleckich w okresie VIII - X wieku', in J. Strzelczyk, ed., Słowiańszczyzna Połabska (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1981), pp. 141-143. 99 L. Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian, p. 71. 100 The Old English Orosius, in N. Lund, ed., Two Voyagers Othere and Wulfstan at the Court of King Alfred (York: William Sessions Ltd., 1984), pp. 16-17.(1.1.22). 101 F. Tschan in HB, p. 50 (n5). 102 SKDS, p. 136. and L. Leciejewicz, 'Kszta³towanie się pierwszych miast', p. 106. 41

more powerful Stodorane to the east.

The people named Neletitsy were mentioned in the

area prior to the tenth century, but the inhabitants of the region have been called Brezhane since then. It is uncertain, but very likely that smaller tribes, including the Neletitsy, amalgamated into the larger tribal group known in later times as the Brezhane.103 Henry the Fowler subjugated them in the 920s and a bishopric was founded there in 948. They regained their independence in 983 as a result of the all-Polabian uprising against the imperial domination, when the German garrison was put to the sword, and the cathedral and bishopric destroyed.104 Since then they were mentioned in the sources less often, perhaps because of their association or dependency on either their western or eastern neighbours. In the early twelfth century, Havelberg came under Obodrite domination for a short period and after that it became a tributary dependent of the Empire.105 Finally, Havelberg and the Brezhane territory was conquered by Albrecht the Bear in 1136 and formed a part of the later March of Brandenburg.106 The Ranove of Rügen island and Wolin and in later times Szczecin and Wolgast, due to their geographical position, developed an economy based to a large extent on maritime commerce on the Baltic Sea. However, they were part of a large Baltic commercial network that included Slavic Obodrites and Pomeranians, Scandinavians and Balts of the eastern Baltic. As has been already said, the main commercial partners of the Polabian trade were Scandinavians. Extensive trade links existed between the Polabian and the Scandinavian ports such as Hedeby, Birka, Sigtuna, Kaupang in Norway and many others. There is no doubt that commercial activities in the region substantially enriched them.

103

SKDS, p. 136. 983 uprising: TM, III.16-20; and HB, I.16; and F. Dvornik, The Making, pp. 60-61. 105 HB, Book I.46 and 48; on Meinfried and Wirykind, see: A. P. Vlasto, The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), p. 70:153; and T. Wasilewski, Historia S³owian, p. 67; and on 1129 abp. Norbert's campaign: F. Dvornik, The Slavs, pp. 300-301, 300n-301n. 106 K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna Zachodnia, pp. 170-171. 42 104

Herbord, who praised Pomeranian riches, acknowledged it.107 By Pomerania he meant the Duchy that included the area where Wolgast, Gützkow, Szczecin are located, his comment may be applied to all the peoples who lived in the Baltic basin. As the evidence indicates the commerce in the region was not a new development and the entire western part of the Baltic basin developed in conjunction. The southern Jutland port of Hedeby became a major western Baltic commercial centre between the ninth and the middle of the eleventh centuries. The earliest Scandinavian coins were also minted there from around the middle of the ninth century.

108

The archaeological excavation at

Birka shows that this large settlement covered twelve hectares and flourished until the tenth century.109 Adam of Bremen mentioned that in the early tenth century Slavic merchant ships were bringing their cargo to Birka in Sweden on a regular basis.110 Further east, as early as the middle of the tenth century commercial links existed with the eastern Baltic region, as confirmed by Ibrahim-Ibn-Jacub.111 According to Russian sources Novgorod's merchants’ corporation traded with Wolin in the eleventh and with Szczecin in the twelfth century.112 Ibrahim-Ibn-Jacub also recorded that some Slavic ships were wrecked on icebergs. This suggests that on some occasions Baltic Slavs must have sailed on the North Sea.

113

Although he did not specify who they were, this example

shows the extent of maritime activities of people of the region whose principalities we are concerned with.

107

Herbord, II.1 Hedeby: SKDS, p. 136; and Hedeby coins: J. Herrmann, 'The Northern Slavs', in D. M. Wilson, ed., The Northern World: The History and Heritage of Northern Europe, AD 400 - 1100 (London: Thames & Hudson, 1980), p. 145. 109 Birka: J. Graham-Campbell, The Viking World, p. 96; and SKDS, p. 34. 110 Slav ships at Birka: AB, I.LX (62) 111 G. Vernadsky, Kievan Russia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976 ed.), p. 332; and Z. Váňa, The World, p. 229. 112 Novgorod Szczecin trade: Vernadsky, G., Kievan Russia, p. 332. 113 Z. Váňa, The World…, p. 229. 43 108

Through these eastern routes some very exotic items must have reached Polabian centres. The Mesopotamian burin with a Middle Aramaic inscription found at Ralswiek on Rügen island probably reached the Baltic through those eastern routes. Also, at Ralswiek a huge hoard of coins from around the middle of the ninth century was found. It comprised 2,270 coins mainly Arabic and central Asian, and was the largest find of that type in the Baltic basin.114 A large quantity of Western Slavic pottery has been excavated in Scandinavia, supporting the claims of extensive trade links across the Baltic. Especially at Birka on the central Swedish coast and at Lilleborg on Bornholm island such finds have been numerous.

This would suggest that in the ninth-tenth centuries Slavic

craftsmen lived there and significantly influenced the local styles. In Denmark, the distribution of Slavic inspired wares covered the Danish islands and the south-eastern coast of the Jutland peninsula, until the end of 12th century.

115

However, some recent

analysis of clay used in Swedish-type wares indicates that a large proportion of them were made there from a local raw material.116 There have been numerous finds of other Slavic artefacts mainly in Denmark and southern Sweden, while large quantities of Danish and Anglo-Saxon goods have been discovered in Polabian and Pomeranian lands, and to lesser extent in the rest of Western Slavdom.117 Beside pottery the Baltic Slavs exported to Scandinavia jewellery and ornaments made of gold, silver, copper, amber, salt, mead, furs and cattle. Slaves were also exported there being mainly captives from tribal warfare among the Polabian Slavs.118

Goods imported from Scandinavia included jewellery,

coins, all varieties of weapons, furs, and also slaves. From Norway raw steatite and

114

Ralswiek finds: J. Herrmann, 'The Northern Slavs', p. 184; and E. Roesdahl, Viking Age Denmark (London: British Museum Publications Ltd., 1982), p. 205. 115 Slavic pottery and styles in Scandinavia: W. Hensel, Słowiańszczyzna…, p. 689; and E. Roesdahl, Viking Age Denmark, p. 206. 116 I. H. Sawyer, I.H., Kings and Vikings, Scandinavia and Europe: AD 700 - 1100 (Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1982), p. 38. 117 SKDS, p. 81. 118 Z. Váňa, The World…, p. 229. 44

vessels made of it were also imported. Raw steatite itself was used to make casting melds.119 The economy of the Veletian Union, the Stodorane and Brezhane was predominantly agricultural but they must have been also involved in trade as some major trade routes went through their territory. Archaeological evidence shows that a network of moderately sized strongholds and fortified settlements covered the region. A typical Veletian settlement of the tenth-twelfth centuries was most likely like the one of Teterow in the Eastern Mecklenburg region. Teterow was a Chrespyane stronghold covering around 0.2 hectare with a borough of 1.2 hectare plus a small, unprotected settlement. It is worth noting that Teterow, located on an island on the lake, was linked with the mainland by a 750 metres long wooden bridge.120 The Veletian land we are concerned with was known as a centre of the manufacture of the characteristic Feldberg pottery, that emerged sometime during the eighth century and was named after a site near Neubrandenburg. Finely crafted wares of this type were widely distributed all over the Polabian lands, as well as across the Baltic in Scandinavia. Analysis of the pottery indicates that many pieces were imported from the Veletian land.121 This in turn indicates labour specialization, the existence of craftsmen and some degree of social stratification. Similarly, Brandenburg was located on an important trade route from Magdeburg to Köpenick (a suburb of modern Berlin), Polish Poznań and further to the east. This route also branched off at Brandenburg and led to Szczecin and Wolin as well.122 A large

119

W. Hensel, Słowiańszczyzna..., pp. 682-685. L. Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian, p. 127. 121 J. Strzelczyk, Od Prasłowian do Polaków (Kraków: Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza, 1987), p. 31. 122 Trade routes: J. Brankačk, & F. Mětšk, Stawizny Serbow Vol. 1, p. 45; and W. Hensel, Słowiańszczyzna…, p. 655; and SKDS, p. 180; and M. M. Postan, 'Economic Relations Between Eastern and Western Europe', in Barraclough, ed., Eastern and Western Europe in the Middle Ages (London: Thames and Hudson, 1970), p. 144: and Z. Váňa, The World..., p. 165. 45 120

treasure comprising Byzantine coins of the seventh and eighth centuries discovered at Brandenburg suggest active involvement of the Stodorane in the international trade.123 Archaeological excavation has shown that Brandenburg was an important regional craft centre from at least the tenth century, and that glass jewellery making, turning (wood implements) and pottery making took place.124

123 124

W. Hensel, Słowiańszczyzna..., p. 662. L. Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian, p. 75; and L. Leciejewicz, 'Kształtowanie się pierwszych miast', p. 106. 46

2. CHRISTIAN AND FOREIGN INFLUENCES ON POLABIAN BELIEFS Religious, social and political developments and changes do not take place on their own and in isolation. There is mutual and reciprocal influence and interaction and they are also subject to various outside influences. All forces within and outside a particular society fashion this society itself.125 It has been often stated that pre-Christian Polabian cults and beliefs were the most complex and developed among the Slavs. This unique aspect of Polabian cults and beliefs was at least partly a product of external contacts and influences. The following chapter looks into these factors, in particular the Christian and other foreign influences that might have played a part in development of north-eastern Polabian cults and their various material expressions. It focuses on a number of selected issues and subjects, such as the alleged cult of Saint Vitus on Rügen Island and the possibility that the name of Sventovit is derived from him. The claim for Christian and other influence on the cult of Triglav, in particular its alleged links to the concept of the holy Trinity, is also explored. Furthermore, some other

prominent issues are addressed, such as the widespread

multicephalism of Polabian deities, the emergence of temples, and the appearance of much more organized cults and priesthood. As well, some aspects of rituals such as divination involving a sacred horse, certain elements in harvest festivals, and human sacrifice will be considered. We shall see that there were no visible direct borrowings in North-Eastern and Central Polabian pre-Christian religions whatsoever, and that these deities, rituals and ceremonies evolved from earlier common Slavonic tradition. Christian influence can only be seen in the taking up of a Christian model of organized priesthood and its involvement in politics.

It will also be demonstrated that

Scandinavian,

continental German or Celtic influences were not present, or at least untraceable, and that

125

See the theory of Durkheim on pages 11-12. 47

certain similarities in rituals and ceremonies can be rather traced to the common IndoEuropean heritage of the Slavs, Germans, Scandinavians and Celts. SVENTOVIT AND HIS ALLEGED CHRISTIAN ETYMOLOGY Controversy surrounds the name of Sventovit. The name of the deity appears to be unique to the Slavs of Rügen Island. Unlike the case of Svarozhits (on the alleged name Radegost of this deity, see Appendix 4), there is no evidence across Slavdom that a deity with such a name was known and worshipped. The development of the cult of Sventovit has sometimes been attributed to foreign influence. It has been claimed, based on a story from Helmold's chronicle, that it was a corrupted cult of Saint Vitus. The story tells that during the reign of the Frankish emperor Louis the Pious (814-840) the Ranove were converted to Christianity by monks from the German monastery of Corvey near Paderborn. They later reverted to their old religion and began to worship Saint Vitus, a patron saint of Corvey monastery, in a corrupted form.126 The story is also repeated by Saxo Grammaticus, who knew Helmold's chronicle.127 This issue needs to be addressed in detail, as the claim is sometimes repeated blindly and uncritically in some modern publications.128 First of all, the story is based on an interpolation in the Registrum Sarachonis (a collection of the abbey's business notes written at Corvey between 1056-1071). The interpolation was most likely written around 1114 after the emperor Lothar's war on Chrespyane, as shown by the German scholars Filip Jaffé and Rudolf Schieffer.129 On the basis of this falsification it was claimed by the monks of Corvey in the Middle Ages that

126

HB, I.6 and II. 108(12). SG, XIV. 1. 128 P. Jones. & N. Pennick, A History of Pagan Europe (London: Routlege, 1995), p. 186. 129 J. Soszyński, J., Święty Wit a Świętowit rugijski', Przegląd Humanistyczny, nr. 9/10, 1984, p. 138; and J. Osięgłowski, Wyspa Słowiańskich Bogów (Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza, 1971), p. 50. 48 127

Rügen island was granted to the monastery's jurisdiction by Lothar I as early as 844.130 However, it looks as if inventive monks confused St. Vitus with Sventovit and two emperors named Lothar, either by mistake or on purpose. In the middle of the twelfth century Corvey monastery was receiving revenue from the Chrespyane lands, these being probably under Pomeranian control.131 In the 1160's the Ranove were hard pressed by the Danes, and the prospects of extending imperial control over them were fading fast. There was not much independent Slavic territory left to claim, and subjugation of Rügen by the Danes meant no more lucrative revenues from the region. Claiming Rügen Island it was a last desperate attempt of the monastery of Corvey to secure more income. Besides that, it is also unlikely that the missionaries would have traveled to such a distant and highly inaccessible place at that time. In the ninth century, the linguistic and political frontier between the Franks and the Slavs ran roughly alongside the Elbe-Saale rivers. Politically, only some Slavic tribes, mainly between the Saale and Mulde, were Frankish tributaries, and no serious and large scale attempts by Frankish clergy to convert the Polabian Slavs are known. Also, taking into consideration the very strong resistance of the Polabian Slavs and especially the Ranove against Christianity, it is unlikely that they could have been converted before 1168 without the use of force. Neither did the cult of Sventovit show any Christian elements, an issue to be addressed later. Finally, the name Sventovit is definitely a Slavic name. The root svęt, which originally meant "strong, mighty, agile", referred to a strength of supernatural nature. It is cognate to the Iranian spenta and Lithuanian

šventas. Only after conversion did it

acquire its Christian meaning of "saint" in most Slavic languages.

It is also a common

part of many Slavic personal names all across Slavdom, such as the Czech Svatopluk, Polish Świętopełk or Russian Svyatoslav.

130 131

J. Soszyński, J., Święty Wit a Świętowit rugijski', p. 138. E. Christiansen, in SG, p. 715 (n14). 49

As for the second root of the name, vit, the majority of scholars believe that it means "warrior, Lord, warlord", and that it is cognate to the Old Church Slavonic vitędz, Russian - витьязь, a member of the Slavic class of warriors.132 However in my opinion, taking into consideration that the first part of the name svęt is an adjective with application to the individual, it forms a better conceptual link with vitędz- "warrior, Lord, warlord". In this context the name Sventovit would mean something like "Mighty Lord". This explanation also fits better the unquestionable military aspects of Sventovit's cult. The root vit was a very common element in Slavic personal names such as Drogovit, Gościwit, Ljudevit, Siemowit, Witomysł, Witosław and many others, long before the Christianization of the Slavs. It appears also in some place names such as Vitosha Mountains in Bulgaria, which are derived either from the personal name Vitosh or the word vitędz. Furthermore, according to a Serbian ethnographer of the nineteenth century, Vuk Karadžić, some trees supposedly possessing magical properties and regarded as sacred were called sjenovit. From Serbian sjen , shadow, and vit.133 In the light of all this evidence, the name Sventovit etymologically as well as culturally fits perfectly into a Slavonic context, and there is no need to consider any more a simplistic attempt to explain the name of this deity on the basis of the accidental similarity of its name to Saint Vitus. It is also worth noting that at present, the Slavic origin of the name Sventovit is recognized by the majority of scholars.134 CULT OF TRIGLAV AND MULTICEPHALISM The complex and advanced Polabian religion expressed in cults at Arkona, Radegosć, Wolin, Szczecin, Brandenburg and Havelberg was attributed by Henryk Łowmiański to 132

Vitędz etymology: A. Brückner, Słownik Etymologiczny Języka Polskiego (Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna, 1985), pp. 658-659. Sventovit etymology: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 90-91. 133 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 172. 134 Slavic origin of Sventovit name: M. Gimbutas, The Slavs (London: Thames and Hudson, 50

direct Christian influence.135 It is true that some Christian influence upon the Polabian beliefs can not be totally ignored or excluded. The geographical location of the Polabian Slavs near Western Christendom, trade and military conflicts with the Franks and later with the Empire, as well as the ideological challenge from advancing Christianity, could not have been without some impact on the pre-Christian Slavic religion. Still, it does not imply that any direct borrowings took place. The alleged Christian origin of Sventovit's name has been discussed in the previous section, and it is clear it can be disregarded as a medieval chronicler's fancy. However, some authorities postulated that the concept of Triglav was borrowed from the Christian concept of the holy Trinity. Among historians, a Pole, Henryk Łowmiański, supported this theory. 136 The chief evidence was the account of Ebbo, who stated:

the god of the pagans Triglav had a three headed statue whose eyes and lips were covered with a golden veil. The priests of the idols said that the highest god had three heads because he had care of three realms, heaven, earth and the underworld, and he covered his face not to see and hear human misdeeds and to overlook them.137

However, three-headed or three faced depictions of the holy Trinity in Christian iconography were relatively rare and the oldest seems to be an illustration to the chronicle

1971), p. 160; and A. P. Vlasto, The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom), p. 363. H. Łowmiański, Religia Słowian i jej upadek (Warszawa: PWN, 1985 ed.), pp. 399-401. 136 H. Łowmiański, Religia..., pp. 195, 195n. 137 Ebbo, III.1: paganorum deo Trigelawo dicatus, tricapitum habebat simulacrum, quod aurea cidari occulos et labia contagebat, asserentibus idolorum sacerdotibus ideo summum deum tria habere capita, quoniam tria procuraret regna, id est coeli, terrae et inferni, et faciem cidari operiri pro eo quod peccata hominum, quasi non videns et tacens, dissimularet.. Other possiblities of Christian influnce will be discussed later. 51 135

of Isidore of Seville from the thirteenth century. In

Slavic countries the first such

illustration appears to come from Orthodox tradition at the turn of the fourteenth century, a fact acknowledged by Henryk Łowmiański himself.138 Moreover, it is worth noting that multi-cephalic Slavic idols were not confined to the area of north-eastern Polabian Slavdom. For, example Helmold of Bossau reported that among the Obodrites, north-western Polabians:

They (the Slavs) carve out many deities with two, three. or more heads.139

A number of multicephalic or joined body idols has been discovered in the area by archeologists. The oldest is probably the so called "Sventovit of Wolin" unearthed in 1975. Of course there is no reason to identify the figurine positively as that of Sventovit. However, Wolin is not far from Rügen Island, which makes the identification very probable. It is a small (9.3 centimeters long) wooden, four-faced figurine, dated to the second half of the ninth century. It is commonly accepted that it was a personal talismanlike item.140 Also, a small cast form for multicephalic figurines was unearthed at Wolin.141 (see picture 1) One of the very important findings is a 178 centimeter tall wooden idol depicting two joined male figures with two heads facing into the same direction and dated to the eleventh-twelfth centuries. It was found in 1969 on an island called Fischerinsel on Tollensee lake near the modern village of Wustrow in the Neubrandenburg district (see picture 2), the heartland of the Veletian Union. The level of the water prevented more detailed excavation there, but it has been revealed that in the middle ages the island, where

138

H. Łowmiański, Religia..., pp. 195, 195n. HB, I.84(83). 140 S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijaństwa..., p. 35; and T. Ważny & D. Eckstein, "Dendrochronologiczne datowanie', p. 153; and W. Hensel, 'Jak wyglądał posąg arkońskiego Svantevita?', Slavia Antiqua, 1983, vol, XXXIX, p. 121. 141 S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijaństwa..., pp. 36-37. 52 139

some pagan sanctuary was located, was linked with a settlement on the mainland by a wooden bridge.142 From the description of Sventovit of Rügen by Saxo Grammaticus it is known that two heads of the idol at Arkona temple faced forwards and two others faced backwards. Gerard Labuda pointed to the conceptual similarity between Saxo's description of Sventovit and the two faced figurine recovered from Fisherinsel.

143

Based on this a

possible graphic reconstruction of the idol from Arkona was proposed by Joachim Herrmann (see picture 3). Beyond the Polabian lands a number of multicephalic idols and objects were also reported. The most famous is the so-called "Sventovit of Zbrucz" from Ukraine (see picture 4). It was discovered in 1848 near Sokolikha at the village of Lichkovtse and was recovered from a bank of the river Zbrucz.144 The cult center of "Sventovit of Zbrucz" can possibly be localized at a nearby excavated open circular cult site at Husiatyń.145 Dating the stone idol is difficult but it is generally accepted that it comes from the ninth - tenth centuries.146 It is 257 centimeters high, a quadrate limestone statue of a four-faced deity. 147

The idol depicts four figures on each side, all wearing conical caps. Two of the images

are clearly male and two are female. The statue shows a clear division into three horizontal sections, sometimes interpreted as a reflection of the common Indo-European tripartite division of the world and pantheon. There have been various interpretations of what deity the idol depicts and the theological meaning of the carvings, but none of them has gained widespread support.148 The statue is definitely not the Sventovit venerated at Arkona, as

142

L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic Pagan Sanctuaries (Warsaw: Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Science; 1994), pp. 204-206. 143 W. Hensel, 'Jak wyglądał posąg...', p. 123. 144 W. Hensel, 'Jak wyglądał posąg'..., p. 119. 145 S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Słowianie: Wiara i kult (Wrocław, Poland: Ossolineum, 1991), pp. 70-71. 146 W. Hensel, 'Jak wyglądał posąg...', p. 120. 147 M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 153; and S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijaństwa, p. 44; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 187. 148 S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijaństwa..., p. 44. 53

was thought in the middle of the nineteenth century. Nonetheless, it can reasonably be claimed that the Eastern and Polabian Slavs shared certain common concepts and their material expression. These included multiple and in this case quadruple representations of deities, and other symbols such as conical hats, horns and horses.

In Poland at Witów

in Nieszawa district an idol about one metre tall has been discovered located within a stone enclosure, no doubt a cult centre. The idol was badly damaged and the details are hard to interpret. Nonetheless, it is clear that the original statue had four faces 149 As for three-faced or three-headed idols and deities, there is a body of written and archaeological evidence that such statues were relatively common among the Slavs. For example, in 1950 three stone idols were discovered at Ivankovitse near Kamenets Podolsky in Ukraine. One of them, a quadrate stone statue 180 centimeters high and 40 centimeters wide, depicts a three-faced idol on its three sides.150 From the southern Slavs comes only a single archaeological find from Skradin on the Dalmatian coast of Croatia, a small wooden statue of a three-headed idol.151 Also from the Balkans, Southern Slavic fibulas are known with three-headed figures.152 Their religious association is not certain but very likely, taking into consideration that early art was often associated with magic and employed mythological motifs. All this indicates that the concept of a three-headed or possibly three-functional deity was well known and a common theme in Slavic mythology and iconography across the entirety of Slavdom. In the Eastern Slavic written sources there is evidence for a deity called Troyan, meaning "A Triple One". A deity named Troyan appears in a Russian apocryphal text of the late twelfth century, called Xождене Богуродицы по мукам (Hozhdyene

149

M. Kowalczyk, Wierzenia pogańskie za pierwszych Piastów (Łódź, Poland: Wydawnictwo Łódzkie, 1968), p. 66. 150 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 192. 151 M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 154 and plate 68. 152 N. Čausidis, 'Mythical Pictures of the Southern Slavs', Studia Mythologia Slavica, Vol. 2, 1999, pp. 275-296. 54

Boguroditsi po mukam) and known in English as The Visitation to the Torments by the Mother of God, or also sometimes called The Descent of the Virgin into Hell: 153

And they made gods out of the devils Troyan, Khors, Veles and Perun, and they worshipped these evil devils.154

Also the Russian heroic poem Слово о полку Игорьеве - The Song of Igor's Campaign, from the twelfth century, mentioned Troyan on a number of occasions:

You would race along the trail of Trojan, over the prairies and the mountains. 155 and: There were the eras of Trojan.156 and: Grief, like a maiden, entered the land of Trojan.157 and also: During the seventh age of Trojan Vseslav cast lots for the maiden he desired.158

Although the poem did not specifically refer to Troyan as a deity, phrases such as "the eras of Troyan", the seventh age of Troyan", "the land of Troyan" and "the trail of Troyan" are very similar to expressions that were used in relation to other known Slavonic deities such as Dazhbog, Khors and Veles. Therefore, Troyan is commonly accepted as an

153

H. Łowmiański, Religia..., p. 129. Hozhdyene Boguroditsi Po Mukam in S.A. Zenkovsky, ed. Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicles And Tales (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1963), p. 123. 155 SIC, II.On the controversy surrounding authenticity of this source, see Appendix 5. 156 SIC, VI. 157 SIC, VII. 158 SIC, IX. 55 154

Eastern Slavic deity.159 However, some scholars, including Alexander Brückner, Henryk Łowmiański and Stanisław Urbańczyk, postulated that the Slavic god Troyan was the deified Roman emperor Trajan.160 They argued that he was deified first by the Dacians who were conquered during his reign and that sometime in the sixth - seventh century his cult was taken up by the Southern and later Eastern Slavs.161 However, this explanation lacks credibility. There is no evidence that the emperor Trajan, who reigned between 98 and 117 CE, was ever deified and worshipped by the ancient Dacians and other Balkan peoples.

Furthermore, there is no evidence that the medieval Southern Slavs had

borrowed this cult from the Dacians 400 years later. On the other hand, there is evidence for a demon-like spirit called Troyan, in Serbian and Bulgarian folk tales. Reduction of old pre-Christian deities after conversion to Christianity is a common occurrence among many people. A good example of such development is the Lithuanian god Vélinas who became synonymous with the devil in Christian times.162 Troyan appears in Balkan tales as a bad character, sometime being a tsar, who is afraid of sunlight.163 The fact that he was called a tsar does not imply any connection with the emperor Trajan.

In Southern Slavic

folklore such a term is used to imply power and might and it is worth noting that it has been used in relation to another folktale character, Dabog.164 Tsar Dabog is generally accepted to be an echo of another Slavic deity Dazhbog, who was a sun god. Similarly, the Eastern Slavs are known to call fire in a prayer a tsar-fire,165 which clearly must have referred in pre-Christian times to Svarozhits, a fire deity. In this context, attributing to

159

A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 126-127. S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Slowianie..., p. 39. 161 H. Łowmiański, Religia..., pp. 126-128. 162 On Vélinas, see: M. Gimbutas, 'The Lithuanian God Vélnias', in G.J. Larson, Myth in 160

Indo-European Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), pp. 87-88. A. Brückner, Mitologia…, pp. 245-246. 164 A. Brückner, Mitologia…, p. 33. 165 B. Rybakov, Yazichestvo drevnikh Slavyan (Moscow: Izdatelstvo "Nauka", 1981), p. 33. 56 163

the demon Troyan the greatest earthly powers known to Slavic peasants, those of a tsar, fits into the common Slavic pattern of giving this title to old pagan deities reduced to mere demons in Christian times. And finally, it remains a mystery how the Eastern Slavs would take up the emperor Trajan's cult and widely accept it as their own. Therefore, all the above is a reasonable basis to apply this principle in the case of Troyan and include him in the Eastern and Southern Slavic pantheon. It is unknown what functions Troyan had in the Eastern and Southern Slavic religion, but it is of no importance here. However, the important thing is that a deity whose name meant "A Triple One" existed outside Polabian Slavdom, and that Troyan must have had three domains or functions. Therefore, the idea of the three domains of Triglav of Szczecin is not a unique Polabian phenomenon but rather a common Slavic concept, unrelated to the Christian holy Trinity. Let us venture now into another possibility that Triglav was a concept borrowed from Christianity. The three domains of Triglav reported by Ebbo166 and previously cited can hardly be interpreted as having anything to do with the holy Trinity as the beliefs do not share any conceptual common ground. It represents Slavic belief in the tripartite division of the Universe and simply represents Triglav's supremacy over the sky, a domain of gods, earth, a domain of people, and the underworld, domain of the deceased.

It has

no conceptual links with the more subtle and abstract concept of the holy Trinity, which expresses the triple nature of a single God, not the world as such. Besides, a division of the world into heaven or sky, earth, and hell, or rather the underworld or world of the deceased, is not conceptually the most sophisticated model at all. This division of the world into the three domains brings to mind a certain passage from Livy, referring to the times of the legendary Roman king Ancus Martius, who supposedly ruled in the early seventh century BCE. The account describes the Roman

57

customary declaration of war by a specially selected and appointed priest called pater patratus or fetiali:

Hear, O Jupiter, and thou Janus Quirinus, and all ye heavenly gods, and ye, gods of earth and of the lower world, hear me! I call you to witness that this people...167

It is extremely unlikely that Ebbo would have known Livy, and in particular this obscure account about an ancient custom, and transposed it upon Polabian beliefs. Also, at the time Livy wrote his History that is in the thirties of the first century BCE, there is no evidence that the custom was still in use therefore, his information was based on the Slavic tradition. So, it appears that the three domains of Triglav, sky, earth and underworld, are echoes of the common Indo-European cosmology, a concept or a theme of the functional tripartite division of a cosmic and earthly order. A similar division is also apparent in an invocation during the Vedic royal ritual of the horse sacrifice known as Aşvamedha, albeit not including the underworld but including the atmosphere. During the ritual three queens marked the body of the animal to be sacrificed with ghee into symbolic three parts. At the same time, while dividing the horse's body into front, middle and rear sections, they were invoking the sky, atmosphere and the earth, respectively.

According to Şatapatha Brâhmana it was done to secure for a king

spiritual and physical strength and material well being.168 It is also worth recalling that the division of the Zbrucz idol into three sections, suggests a similar concept, which is how the Russian historian Boris Rybakov interpreted 166

Ebbo, III.1. Livius Titus, The History of Rome, Editor E. Rhys, trans. C. Roberts (London: J.M. Dent and Sons, 1912), 1.32. This has been recorded by Dionysius of Halicarnassus. (The Roman Antiquities, 2.72.8) in slightly different form, but the account appears to be copied from Livy. 168 Şatapatha-Brahmana, in F.M. Muhller, ed., The Sacred Books of the East (Delhi: 167

58

it.169 This is reinforced by the existence of other three faced idols between the Eastern and Southern Slavs. Although these finds can not be directly associated with the Triglav of the Polabian Slavs, they show the existence of a similar concept among other, geographically dispersed Slavs. Although there is no evidence of idols depicting Troyan it seems that conceptually his name was cognate to the tripartite division of the world expressed in the cult of Triglav, as his name indicates.

Furthermore, the evidence

presented for the widespread diffusion of multicephalic or multi-faced gods in Slavic mythology and iconography leaves no doubt that it is a common Slavic concept. Therefore, it is evident that Triglav had nothing to do with the concept of the holy Trinity. There is another good reason to reject the notion of Triglav's three heads being influenced by Christianity: not only were, multicephalic and multi-faced idols a common feature in all Slavic iconography but they were not unique to the Slavs. There is a strong body of evidence that they were widespread among other Indo-European peoples. Multifaced and multi-headed idols and figurines were quite common in late ancient and medieval Scandinavia. For example, a three headed figure appears on golden horns from Gallehus in Schleswig. At Glejberg in Jutland a number of three-faced stone statues were discovered, and in Gottland, in Sweden, a five-headed figure was found carved on a stone.170 It is also worth mentioning here a three-headed giant thurs frequently appearing in Scandinavian sagas.171 From the area occupied by the Balts come two small wooden figurines, each with four faces, discovered at Riga in Latvia in layers pre-dating the thirteenth century.172 Also, an ancient Roman deity, Janus, predating in its origin Hellenistic influence on Italic beliefs, is known to have two heads.173 Multicephalism of

Motilal Banarsidass, 1963), XIII.7.6. B. Rybakov, Yazichestvo…, pp. 450-464. 170 S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijaństwa..., pp. 38-39. 171 S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijaństwa..., p. 38. 172 S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijaństwa..., p. 36-37. 173 A. Krawczuk, Mitologia starożytnej Italii (Warszawa, Poland: Wydawnictwo 59 169

gods was also known among the ancient Thracians and the Celts.174 The so-called "Thracian Rider", most likely a solar deity, depicted on stelaes and bas reliefs, on a number of occasions, was three headed. A badly damaged Greek inscription on one of them was deciphered as "all seeing god".175 This corresponds conceptually with the description of Triglav by Ebbo. It was especially frequent and took various forms among the ancient Celtic speaking people. An example of one of the oldest Celtic multi-faced statues is a quadrate stone figure with a four-faced head from Pfalzfeld near Bonn in Germany, dated to the fifth century BCE.176 Numerous other multi-faced Celtic statues were discovered at other locations. That includes a four-faced stone pillar from Pfalzfeld in Germany, the stone relief of a four-faced figure from Reims in France, and a multifaced head from Lad near Lake Balaton in Hungary.177 As the oldest known multi-faced figure in Europe comes from the Celts it has been argued that this form of visual and conceptual expression of the deities among the Europeans is of Celtic origin.178 It is there that strong Celtic influence on the Germanic Jatsdorf culture which flourished in the Jutland peninsula and Northern Germany between the sixth and third centuries BCE179 would make the Celtic origin of the concept very plausible, especially because two and three-headed figures on a horn from Gallehus and a stone bust from Clejbjerg in Jutland show morphological affiliations with continental Celtic figures.180 At the same time, Lusatian culture, roughly on the territory of modern Poland, south-eastern Germany, Moravia and Slovakia in its late phase after the eighth century BCE also shows Celtic

Artystyczne i Filmowe, 1984), p. 30. S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Słowianie..., p. 65. 175 R. Pettazzoni, The All-Knowing God (London: Methuen & Co. Ltd., 1956), p. 179. 176 J. Rosen-Przeworska, 'Celtycka geneza niektórych wątków wierzeniowych i ikonograficznych u Słowian zachodnich', in J. Strzelczyk, ed., Słowiańszczyzna Połabska (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 1981), p. 259. 177 J. Rosen-Przeworska, 'Celtycka geneza...', pp.260-263. 178 J. Rosen-Przeworska, 'Celtycka geneza...', pp.265-266. 179 H. Schutz, The Prehistory of Germanic Europe ((New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), pp. 309-310. 174

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influences.181 Similarly, there are visible Eastern Celtic elements in the Wenedian (Przeworsk and Late Przeworsk) culture that existed on the modern Polish and western Ukrainian territory between the second century BCE and fifth century CE.182 As this region bordered on and often overlapped the area where Slavic ethnogenesis seems to have taken place there is a strong possibility that the concept spread among the proto-Slavic and proto-Baltic people. All this may indicate a Celtic origin of the concept, albeit one difficult to trace and prove. On the other hand, visual representation of deities and divine beings with multiple heads or faces existed also in ancient India, for example Siva.183 It is also worth noting that in Vedic India one of the supreme gods, Varuna, was called caturanika, four-faced,184 and in later times the Indian supreme god, the creator of other gods and humans, Brahma was often depicted as multi-headed, usually with four heads, and sometime called čaturanana, four-headed.185

This shows that a concept of

multicephalic or multifaced non-Christian deities existed not only among the Germanic, Celtic, Slavic, Baltic and Italic peoples of ancient and medieval Europe, but also that it was a common Indo-European feature extending from the Indian subcontinent to Europe.186 Therefore, this theological concept can be attributed to a common IndoEuropean heritage. The iconographic difference between these

multi-faced stone idols and the

multicephalic stone statues of the Polabian region lies in the material used, not in the conceptual or ideological difference. With the technology at the disposal of the early 180

J. Rosen-Przeworska, 'Celtycka geneza...', p.261. SKDS, pp. 220-222. 182 J. Rosen-Przeworska, 'Celtycka geneza…', p.265; and SKDS, pp. 127-129. 183 P. Masson-Oursel & L. Morin, 'Indian Mythology', in P. Grimal, editor, New Larousse Encyclopaedia of Mythology (London: The Hamlyn Publishing Group Ltd, 1983), pp. 325-378. 184 Rig Veda, V.48.5. 185 R. Pettazzoni, The All-Knowing God, p. 344. 186 G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 162; and M. Cabańska, Commentary, in Religia pogańskich Słowian (Kielce: Muzeum Świętokrzyskie w Kielcach,1968), 181

61

Slavs, carving multiple heads in wood posed no difficulties. However, it would have been extremely difficult and time-consuming to sculpt stone in that fashion, so they opted for the multi-faced representation of deities. It has to be acknowledged that multicephalism has been reported among non-IndoEuropean people, for example Sumerian iconography, depicts the three-headed goddess Nintu, also known as Ninhursang, Ninmah, Bingal or Aruru. She was one of the four major gods of creation, often called "Mother of gods".187 Multicephalism is also known from as far away as Central America among the Aztecs, for example, the goddess Coatlicue or Cihuacoatl, "Mother of the gods" with two snake heads. The Australian scholar Inga Clendinnen interpreted it as symbolizing jets of blood from the neck of a decapitated sacrificial victim.188 It is worth noting that both Sumerian and Aztec symbolism is different to that of the Slavs and other Indo-Europeans. Furthermore, in both above mentioned cultures, multicephalism is a very rare element of iconography and there are no other apparent examples. Therefore, with no clear indications that the Slavs borrowed the concept of multicephalism, and its common appearance among other IndoEuropean speakers, it seems reasonable to assume that it is a reflection of a common IndoEuropean ideology. Finally, one more issue has to be clarified in relation to the cult of Triglav at Szczecin. On a number of occasions a particular aspect of an already cited fragment from Ebbo has been interpreted as evidence for Christian influence upon Polabian beliefs. That is:

Triglav had a three headed statue whose eyes and lips were covered with a golden

p. 116; and M. Eliade, A History… Vol. 1, pp. 192-195. S. N. Kramer, The Sumerians: Their History, Culture ad Character (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1963), p. 122; and J. Rosen-Przeworska, 'Celtycka Geneza…', p.261. 188 I. Clendinnen, Aztecs: An Interpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 233 and plate p. 240. 62 187

veil... and he covered his face not to see and hear human misdeeds and to overlook them.189

Indeed, taken at face value the account suggests a Christian-like notion of human misdeeds, which for some reason this deity chose to overlook or ignore. However, it appears that the concept of misdeed or sin in Christian terms, as a human act against God's divine laws, was alien to the Slavs. The Slavic perception of the gods' relation with people and their actions can be explored with three examples drawn from other sources. According to Helmold of Bossau:

They admit oaths with the greatest reluctance; for among the Slavs to swear is, as it were, to foreswear oneself, because of the avenging wrath of the gods.190

The Byzantine historian Procopius of Caesarea wrote:

For they (the Slavs) believe that one god....but as for fate, they neither know it nor

do they in any wise admit that it has any power among men, but whenever death stands close before them, either stricken with sickness or beginning a war, they make a promise that, if they escape, they will straightway make a sacrifice to the god in return for their life; and if they escape, they sacrifice just what they have promised, and consider that their safety has been bought with this same sacrifice.191

189

Ebbo, III.1. Trigelawo dicatus, tricapitum habebat simulacrum, quod aurea cidari occulos et labia contagebat.... et faciem cidari operiri pro eo quod peccata hominum, quasi non videns et tacens, dissimularet. 190 HB, I. 84. 191 Procopius of Ceasarea, History of the Wars (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1919) VII.XIV.23. 63

And Helmold of Bossau reported that they believed in:

one god in the heavens ruling over the others. They (the Slavs) hold that he, the all powerful one, looks only after heavenly matters; that the others, discharging the duties assigned to them in obedience to him, proceeded from his blood.192

All three accounts indicate that for the Slavs, their gods were not much concerned with the conduct of the people, and according to one author an otiose god remained totally indifferent to humanity.

Neither did they impose any moral or ethical values or

obligations upon people. Morality has been a matter of clan and tribal tradition, where social forces have sanctioned the rules, laws and customs. Gods could act benevolently or give favours to people if they were pleased with offerings or sacrifices. They also could be vengeful if annoyed or offended. Breaking oaths or promises made in the name of a god was personal, an offence to the deity himself or herself. But if a matter did not concern them personally the gods remained indifferent. It appears that Slavic gods were not absolute, like the Christian God. They were not omnipotent, omniscient and eternal. They were attributed with superhuman and supernatural strength and abilities but must have been prone to human weaknesses and emotions. We lack detailed evidence about them, but the Slavic gods were no doubt much closer in their nature and behaviour to the well known Greek gods of Olympus or even more the Nordic gods of Scandinavian sagas. So sin in a Christian sense, that is breaking some universal and absolute divine rules, was an alien concept to the Slavs, and as a matter of fact to most of the other European pagan peoples.193 A concept of Christian-like sin does not fit with the later

192 193

HB, I.84. For discussion of this issue, see: H. Łowmiański, Religia…, pp. 164-165. 64

part of the account, which says that Triglav wanted "to overlook them". It would not make any sense for god to create divine rules and brand breaking them as a sin if at the same time he did not want to see them. In this context the use of a term peccata must be, as it was rightly pointed out by the Polish historian Henryk Łowmiański, an interpretatio christiana on a part of the chronicler.194 If we accept that Ebbo substituted the Latin peccata for what pagan priests probably described as "all human deeds", the account make sense. It shows an indifferent god who is not interested in people's conduct and life as long as it does not affect him personally. This section has therefore demonstrated that, conceptually, Triglav of Szczecin had nothing to do with the Christian Trinity and that his three domains bear some resemblance to a tripartite Indo-European division of the Universe. The Eastern and Southern Slavs, indicating a common Slavonic idea, knew a similar concept of god with three domains or functions that is Troyan.

Moreover, his three heads were rather a part of the North-

Eastern Polabian tradition of depicting the gods with multiple heads which itself derived from a common Slavic concept. This is confirmed mainly by archaeological finds of multi-headed and multi-faced idols. Also, depicting deities with multiple heads or faces was a tradition shared by many other Indo-European people. SHRINES In the thirties and forties of the twentieth century the German historian Erik Wienecke advanced a theory that the Polabian Slavs and all the other Slavs had no temples, cult centers or idols whatsoever. He fully formulated his theories in his book Untersuchungen zur Religion der Westslawen (Leipzig, 1940). Wienecke postulated that the use of terms such as temple and idol in relation to the Slavic religion in various chronicles was a literary construct, which he called interpretatio ecclesiastica.

Due to their monastic

education the chroniclers perceived, understood and described the Slavic religion in a 194

H. Łowmiański, Religia..., p. 235. 65

biblical framework and used terminology applied to Hebrew idolatry.195 Furthermore he claimed that the Slavs had no idols, as they were unable to work wood.196 On the basis of this assumption Wienecke postulated that the Slavs did not possess temples, idols or any sort of sacred images and

that the Slavic religion was basically animistic. Wienecke's

claim was repudiated in 1954 by the Italian scholar Raffaele Pettazzoni, who convincingly pointed out that the accounts of Thietmar of Merseburg, Adam of Bremen, Helmold of Bosau, Saxo Grammaticus, Herbord, Ebbo, Wolfger and others couldn’t be easily disregarded, on the basis of mere assumption.197

But above all, archaeological

excavations conducted in the post-war period accumulated indisputable evidence for the existence of idols among all the Slavs, while in the region once occupied by the Polabian Slavs, besides numerous statues of sacred character and other religious artifacts, a number of wooden temples were unearthed.

For example at Gross Raden. Although it lies

outside the area we are concerned with it is worth looking at this site, because it is one of the best known and extensively excavated sites in the Polabian lands and it was almost fully reconstructed (See Appendix 6). The most striking difference between the Polabian cults and those of the other Slavic people was the existence of temples. Practically nowhere in Slavdom did temples exist. Some wooden structures were excavated outside Polabian territory in Poland and Bohemia. For example, in Bohemia at the ninth century Slavic stronghold at Stara Kouřim an unusual building 89 metres long was excavated. In Poland at Chodlik near Sandomierz

a wooden building measuring 15 by 6 metres located within a large

stronghold and dated to the seventh-ninth centuries was also excavated. There were also similar finds in Ukraine.198 However, the paucity of associated finds and the lack of

195

R. Pettazzoni, Essays…, pp. 151-152. E. Wienecke, Untersuchungen zur Religion…, pp. 154-155. 197 For Pettazzoni's argumentation, see R. Pettazzoni, Essays…, pp. 151-163. 198 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., pp. 110-117. 66 196

supporting historical evidence makes the function of these buildings hard, if not impossible, to determine. They might have been tribal meeting halls and not temples or cult centers. Whatever the case, it can be safely said that the general pattern of Slavic cult centers in the Polabian territory was one of temples more than open shrines, whereas in the other parts of Slavdom the open enclosure was definitely the dominant type of shrine. For example, in tenth century Poland there were open circular shrines at P³ock and Wyszogród where, as archaeological data suggests, some solar deity, possibly Dazhbog was worshipped. At Gniezno (German Gnesen), the first Polish capital and archbishopric, a pre-Christian worship site was unearthed underneath the cathedral. Here again there is evidence for sacred hearth but none of any temple.199 Similarly a number of open circular shrines were excavated at Trzebiatów and one at Smo³dzin dated to the ninth and tenth centuries. Stone encircled sites were located on mount Chełmno, mount Góra Grodowa, Wzgórze Paleni, near Wapiennica in Silesia and mount Święty Krzyż in the Kielce district (all in Poland, in the ninth - tenth centuries). Further, in Bohemia, circular, ditched sites were unearthed at Stara Kouřim and at Pohansko, both from the ninth century.200 Although we have no exact description of the Kievan open shrine devoted to the Slavic god Perun a similar site was excavated near Novgorod. It is known that Novgorod had a shrine dedicated to Perun 201 and the site excavated nearby at Peryň must no doubt be the one. It was an open, circular site 33 meters in diameter enclosed by a ditch, where the residue from a number of sacred fires was discovered. A number of large post holes and centrally located fragments of rectangular stones were interpreted as being bases for the

199

B. Gierlach, Sanktuaria Słowiańskie (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo "Iskry", 1980), pp. 122-125. 200 Z. Váňa, The World..., pp. 92, 96-98; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 177. 201 RPC, year 980. 67

idols.202 A similar but smaller site was excavated near Zhitomir on the river Khnylopiata in Ukraine, which dated from the second half of the ninth century.203 The Polabian territories, and especially their northern part were dominated by wooden, roofed temples. A number of temples, some with other associated structures, have been already mentioned, such as these at Arkona, Radegosć, Wolgast, Wolin and Szczecin.204 At Gützkow a temple complex was reported by Otto of Bamberg's biographers,205and Thietmar of Merseburg, writing about the Veleti, mentioned numerous temples in their land.206 It seems reasonable to conclude that many of these "temples" are more likely to have been open cult centers than temples as such.207 Nevertheless, they also confirm the existence of temples in the region. Besides the written confirmation of numerous temples in these Polabian territories valuable information is provided by archaeology. One temple site has been excavated on the territory that belonged once to the Veletian Union, at Feldberg near Neubrandenburg, dated to the eighth-ninth century. On the small promontory extending from the main settlement, and separated from it by a ditch, the stone foundation of a log made structure was unearthed, measuring roughly 15 by 10 metres with a vestibule on its western side. Inside it a fire-place was discovered, but no evidence of habitation. The walls of the structure were oriented to the quarters of the world. The building has been commonly accepted as a religious sanctuary.208 Excavation on Rügen Island at Ralswiek revealed a large wooden structure that was once built on a platform, located not far away from the main settlement. The building

202

A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 54-56. A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 184. 204 Herbord, III.6: Ebbo III.8; MP, II.11. 205 Herbord, I.3, Ebbo, III. 9-10. 206 TM, VI.25. 207 S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Słowianie..., p. 79. 208 B. Gierlach, Sanktuaria Słowiańskie, p. 121; and L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., pp. 108109. 68 203

itself was divided into two rooms, but there was no archaeological evidence that it was a house where people lived. The walls were unlike those of other smaller houses at Ralswiek, oriented directly toward the four quarters of the world, as at Feldberg. This prompted the German archaeologist Joachim Herrmann to interpret it as a "cult hall" or temple.209 Temples were also excavated in the north-western Polabian lands occupied by the Obodrites, at Oldenburg, Parchim and Gross Raden.210 There are quite detailed descriptions of Polabian temples in Thietmar of Merseburg, Saxo Grammaticus and Otto of Bamberg's lives. The temple at Radegosć stood in the fortified enclosure either on a peninsula or on an island of the lake. The wooden temple was richly decorated by animal horns at its foundation and anthropomorphic carvings on its walls, described as "gods and goddesses" by Thietmar. Inside the temple, there were a number of wooden idols wearing armor. "First among them", probably centrally located, was the largest statue, of Svarozhits.211 Similarly, at Arkona the temple complex protected by huge earthwork and palisade fortification stood apart from normal settlements (Cape Arkona today, see picture 5). The wooden temple was enclosed by a smaller palisade. Its roof was painted red and its walls were also richly painted, probably with mythological scenes.

Inside the temple there was an inner sanctuary made of hangings and curtains,

instead of walls, where a four-headed idol of Sventovit stood. The statue held a drinking horn used in divination in its right hand. Some other items such as a huge sword, the saddle of a sacred horse, and Sventovit's banner were also kept there.212 The Danish scholar Ejnar Dyggve has concluded that Sventovit's statue was most likely about 3 meters high and the side walls of the temple could have measured around 6-7 meters in length.213

209

J. Herrmann, Archäologie in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, Vol 2 (Leipzig: Konrad Theiss Verlag, 1989), pp. 584-588. 210 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, p. 69 211 TM, VI.23. 212 SG, XIV.39 (p. 494). 213 L. Ellis, 'Reinterpratations…', p. 6. 69

At Szczecin the shrine comprised a major temple and three associated buildings. The main temple was richly and skillfully decorated. On the outside and inside walls there were images and carvings of anthropomorphic figures, birds and animals.

214

Inside the

temple there were idols of various unnamed deities, and a large, centrally located wooden statue of Szczecin's major god, Triglav.215 It seems that anthropomorphic idols, as the visual expression of deities, were usually venerated in northern Polabian temples and shrines, but in some, like Wolgast, a huge shield of Yarovit was said to be also venerated.216 However, it appears that the idol of Yarovit was also located at the temple but not mentioned by the biographers. An incident where a white dressed priest pretended to be Yarovit indicates that. Ebbo described him as wearing this god's "cap and some of the deity's clothes" and that he was "disguised in idol's clothes".217 The emerging picture tells that at least the temples at Arkona, Radegosć, Szczecin and Wolgast housed large idols of their respective major deities. It appears that the statues of major gods statues were located centrally in the temples. Their walls were painted or bore carvings most likely depicting minor deities or mythological scenes. At the temples other cult objects and implements such as the sacred horse’s saddles, banners, drinking horns, sacred weaponry and other items were kept. Archeological excavation revealed that many temples were built in such a way that the walls directly faced the four quarters of the world. It can be assumed that such an arrangement of the temples was a general pattern in the northern Polabian lands. Also it appears that, unlike Christian churches, Polabian temples had no windows.

214

Herbord II.32. MP, II.11; Ebbo, III.1. 216 Herbord III.6 217 Ebbo, III.8. 215

70

As has been already stated, the dominance of temples over open cult sites in the region is unique among the early medieval Slavs. Therefore it is reasonable to accept it as a postmigration and local development. As was shown in the historical background section of the Introduction, the Slavs of the region developed larger political organizations or smaller, commercial oriented and town based principalities. Without doubt this must have caused some social changes and some degree of social stratification, a issue to be addressed in detail later. In line with the theory that religion in many respects reflects the society that practices it, and with the socio-political and economic changes that have taken place there, we could expect some institutionalization of the cult. One expression of more organized and elaborated cults would have been the emergence of temples. With the idols or cult objects located in the temple, separation of the sacred from the profane became much more apparent than in the case of statues placed in the open. It would also facilitate distinction between the lay people and priests. As a matter of fact at Arkona on Rügen only the priest was allowed inside the temple, and even he was not allowed to breathe inside.218 With the priesthood emerging as a separate class the temple and associated buildings would provide secure storage place for the temple's treasury and numerous cult objects and implements. Taking into consideration the vicinity of Western Christendom to the Polabian Slavs, the emergence of the temples or rather the idea of a roofed shrine with a sanctuary inside has been attributed to direct Christian influence.219 However there is no evidence that the temples were copies of Christian churches in their construction, function or external and internal setup. Therefore, Christianity can be perceived as only providing indirect inspiration.

218 219

SG, XIV.39 (p. 494). S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Slowianie..., p. 73. 71

As for the other possible foreign influences, it is unlikely that Eastern Germans like the Saxons and Thuringians or the Scandinavians could have provided a ready model for temples, as they were on a similar level of civilization to the Slavs in their neighborhood. Although some sources credited Germanic people with the construction of temples220 there is no evidence that they were common. On the contrary, there is evidence that the early pagan Saxons, like the Slavs, worshipped their gods generally at open shrines.221 So did the majority of the Scandinavians,222 in their major religious center at Uppsala in Sweden the temple was constructed as late as the tenth century.223 We may conclude that the common appearance of temples among the Eastern Germans and Scandinavians coincided with the emergence of supra-tribal entities among these people, and that it was a response to different conditions and needs within larger and more complex societies. Similarly in the case of the Polabian Slavs, it was in direct correlation with internal unification trends and served more complex social and political needs. It is also reasonable to assume that examples from the Christian world would provide the idea of a temple as a place of worship for all these people. PRIESTHOOD Another important difference between the Polabians and the other Slavs was the existence of a clearly defined priesthood associated with the cult of Svarozhits, Sventovit and Yarovit at Wolgast, as well as at Wolin, Szczecin and Gützkow. The role of the pagan Slavic priesthood in the internal and external politics of the Polabian Slavs will be discussed in detail in the following chapter. While the historical sources do not provide

220

Bede, Ecclasiastical History, II. Ch. XX. AB, I.VII(7). 222 H.R.E. Davidson, Pagan Scandinavia (London: Thames & Hudson, 1967), pp. 139-142, and in: J. Puhvel, 'Indo-European Structure of the Baltic Pantheon', in G. J. Larson, Myth In Indo-European Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), p. 76. 223 H. R. Davidson, H.R., Pagan Scandinavia, p. 108. 72 221

much information about Slavic religion, nonetheless there exists a sufficient body of information to provide the basis for at least partial reconstruction of their beliefs. There is practically no evidence for the existence of an organized priestly class among the Slavs. However, there is a common Slavonic term żyrc or żirc (zhirts) describing the person performing offerings or sacrifices. The word is cognate to Lithuanian girti - to praise, and Indian går - praising chant.

224

This implies that among the Slavs existed a

separate function fulfilled by a special person who carried the offerings and sacrifices and presided over the ceremonies. Initially it might have been an informal position when someone performed the role of żyrc only during the religious celebration. Sources confirm that among the Eastern Slavs there were people called волхвъы (volkhvy) who, as evidence indicates, at least in early Christian times were holy wandering people.225 They were attributed with familiarity with the divine and, often, with supernatural powers such as foretelling the future. They must have had great prestige and authority among the ordinary people if they were able to ignite riots in Suzdal in 1024 and in Novgorod in 1071.226 There is some evidence supporting this provided by an Arabic writer of Persian background Ibn Rosteh. In the early tenth century he wrote an encyclopedic work titled Kitab al-a'laq an-anafisa (Book of Precious Gems) describing Kievan Rus’ and Eastern Slavs. We read there that:

there were healers among them, who had authority over the king such as if they were lords themselves. (These people) order them to sacrifice to the Creator whatever they demand: men, women or horses. If the healers order something, the

224

S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Slowianie..., pp. 162, 168-169. RPC, Year 1071 and 1091. 226 RPC, Year 1024 and 1071. 73 225

only possibility is to follow their orders.227

The usage of the term "creator" by Ibn Rosteh is no doubt an Islamic interpretation of Slavonic beliefs and should be read rather as god or gods. And the "king" here is most likely Oleg, son of Rurik, and a ruler of Kiev. The influence of so called "healers" upon the "king" is most likely exaggerated, but it shows that they had some authority in religious matters such as sacrificing to gods and were respected by the ruler. The respect of the highest authority of the land could only have been achieved by some form of formal association with the local religious cult. The association of volkhvy with the supernatural is also reflected in Russian folklore. Folk tales (Russian былины (byliny)) tell the story of a hero named Volkh who was attributed with the ability to perform sorcery, turn into animals or birds, and perform other supernatural feats.228 His magical deeds and the similarity of his name suggest that prototypes of the hero were pagan volkhvy. The emerging picture confirms the existence of a rather informal group of holy men among the Slavs who were regarded as close to divine and supernatural matters and who had a special relationship with the gods.

When socio-political changes took place

among the Slavs and cults became more institutionalized with larger, circular open-sky shrines the volkhvy-like people must have begun to play a more prominent and more permanent role at such cult centres. From these people or at least from the tradition of such holy men, the Polabian priesthood must have emerged. In contrast there is overwhelming evidence for priests existing in Northern Polabian Slavdom. For example Thietmar referred to a temple of Svarozhits at Radogosć, stated that priests were appointed by the Veletians to look after the shrine and its treasury, and 227

Ibn Rosteh, Kitab al'laq an-anafisa , in T. Lewicki, ed. & trans., Źródła arabskie do dziejów Słowiańszczyzny, 2, pt, 2 (Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1977), cc.12 (pp. 269-271). 74

to perform rituals and celebrations.229 On Rügen Island there were numerous pagan priests and a high priest of Sventovit resided at Arkona. He exercised highest religious authority in the principality.230 At Szczecin at least four priests were present and one was responsible for the major temple. In other words the priest devoted to Triglav was regarded as a high priest. There was also a "guardian of the tree", a holy tree located nearby, presumably the priest himself.231 At Wolin, pagan priests are mentioned in relation to the earliest mission undertaken there by the Spanish bishop Bernard,232 as well as during the mission of bishop Otto of Bamberg

233

(For the chronology of Otto's mission,

see Appendix 7). At Wolgast a priest of Yarovit was mentioned as pretending to be this god himself, convincing the people to renounce their previous agreement to convert to Christianity and aiming to kill bishop Otto and the other missionaries on their arrival.234 In Gützkow, where an unknown deity was worshipped, influential priests tried to organize a rebellion after the town had been forced to convert.235 The emergence of a distinct and influential priesthood among the Northern Polabians can be attributed to two main reasons.

First, in line with the theory of the social

foundation of religion and its expressions, it could have been expected that in most complex societies, regardless of their religion, some form of priesthood would emerge. Political entities such as the Veletian Union, the Ranove of Rügen or the commercial town centered principalities such as Szczecin, Wolin and Gützkow, were no doubt more populous and more complex than simple small tribal societies. Hence, the emergence of a distinct priesthood can be seen as a natural social and religious phenomenon. Second, and

228

G. Alexinsky, 'Slavic Mythology', p. 296-297. TM, VI. 24 230 SG, XIV.39. 231 Herbord, II.34; III.18; Ebbo, II.13; III.1; III.18; 232 Ebbo, II.1. Described by Ebbo as Hispanus quidem genere. 233 It is the author's understanding of the chronology of the mission. 234 Herbord, III.4; Ebbo, III.8. 235 Ebbo, III.10. 75 229

no less important, was a powerful external stimulus. Here again the proximity of the Christian West provided a model for the organization of religious cults.

Also, the

uncompromising stand of Christianity rooted in monotheistic theology did not leave room for accommodation for any other religion. The Polabian Slavs were fully aware of a deadly ideological struggle that was going on. The ruthlessness and zeal of Christian missions were also well known after the conquest of most of the Polabian people by Henry the Fowler and Otto I, where bishoprics were created at Havelberg and Brandenburg in 948 and at Oldenburg, Meissen, and Zeitz in 968. The fury of the Polabian Slavs unleashed during 983 clearly shows the hatred and enmity that existed.

During the

uprising Polabians took revenge not only on German authorities and garrisons, but above all on the people they associated with the foreign religion. They destroyed churches, tortured and killed Christian priests and desecrated graves, in an attempt to wipe out any traces of Christianity. In this context the emerging Polabian priesthood that faced a challenge from Christianity, must have tried to match the glamour, prestige and influence of their ideological adversary among their own people. It is worthwhile noting that a similar pattern of development took place in Scandinavia. A formal priesthood did not exist there either until the tenth-eleventh centuries. Furthermore, Scandinavians did not have temples and worshipped their gods at open shrines. It is commonly accepted that temples and a priesthood came into being later as a result of unification trends and, to some extent, as a response to the ideological challenge of Christianity.236 Therefore this process developed in a similar fashion to the Polabian Slavs experience. THE ORACLES AND THE HORSE IN POLABIAN DIVINATIONS

236

H.R.E. Davidson, Pagan Scandinavia, pp. 139-142, and in: J. Puhvel, 'Indo-European Structure', p. 76. 76

One of the well documented functions of some Polabian cult centers was divination involving horse. It has been reported from Arkona on Rügen, Radegosć in the Veletian Union, and Szczecin.

At Arkona, according to Saxo Grammaticus, a sacred white horse

of Sventovit was venerated and used in divination:

When it was decided to wage war on any district, ministrants would set up three arrangements of spears, two joined crosswise, each arrangement being fixed point downwards into the earth at equal distance. When it was time to set out for the expedition, they said a solemn prayer and the horse was led out from the porch in harness by the priest; if he crossed these spears with his right foot forward, it was taken as a favorable omen for the war, and if only one of them, with the left hoof before the right, the proposal of attacking that district was dropped. Nor would they decide to set sail before they had seen three encouraging paces in succession.237

As for the Veletian Union, Thietmar of Merseburg reported that:

Murmuring secretly , they shakily dig in the ground in turns, in order to decide a doubtful matter by casting lots. Having finished the divination , they cover the lots with green sod, thrust two spearheads crosswise in the ground and lead a horse over them with great reverence, as this animal is the highest and sacred for them. After the lot casting , which was the first divination, they tell the fortune again using the divine animal. If both rituals give the same result, they act according to it, if not, they abandon the enterprise at all.238

237 238

SG, XIV.39,(p. 496-497) TM, VI.24. 77

And at Szczecin, according to Herbord:

They used to have a big black fierce horse which was at leisure for a whole year, noone was allowed to sit on it, one of four priests of the temples looked after it.... When they thought of war, they predicted the outcome like this: nine spears were placed in the ground, one cubit apart. The priest who looked after that horse, after he saddled and harnessed it, led it forwards and backwards three times. If the horse's feet were unharmed and the spears undisturbed, things would go well; otherwise, they would do nothing. 239

Although these three descriptions of the use of horses in divination differ in detail, in principle all three describe very similar rituals. It is worth noting that these three rituals were performed in three different locations and were part of cults devoted to deities with different names, Sventovit of Rügen, Svarozhits of Radegosć and Triglav of Szczecin. In all three cases these divinations involving a horse appear to be of high importance and prestige, being performed only for a public matter of great importance such as decisions about war or peace.

Archaeological excavation of the temple complex at Wolin

uncovered remnants of the stable where a sacred horse was probably held,240 suggesting that some form of divination involving this animal were taking place there as well. Also at Brandenburg a small lead figurine of a horse from the twelfth century was unearthed, possibly associated with the cult of Triglav there.241 Some supporting evidence for the divinity of the horse in common Slavonic beliefs comes from two archaeological sites in Poland. Excavations at Płock in Mazovia revealed a circular open shrine from around the ninth-tenth centuries where a horse skull was found 239 240

Herbord, II.33. L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., p. 89. 78

in one of the pits. Not far from Płock, at Wyszogród, a similar open shrine from the eighth century was unearthed, where a horse skull was also discovered. Engravings on a stone found within the perimeters of the shrine have been interpreted as solar symbols.242 Although this archaeological evidence does not allow us to make any claim about the specific role of the horse in the cults there, it is clear that horses were associated with cults and deities venerated at P³ock and Wyszogród. A wooden horse found in Opole in Poland closely resembles a small horse figurine from Brandenburg (see picture 6).243 Also, it is worth mentioning that a horse was depicted on the previously mentioned four-faced stone idol of Zbrucz.244 Another stone idol, 190 centimeters tall, which depicts a male with horn, from Stavchany near Khmelnik in Ukraine, has an image of a horse on its back side.245

And above all, the ethnographic evidence supports the claim of the horse

oracle being an universal Slavic custom. As late as the first half of the nineteenth century a custom survived among the Eastern Slavs. During the so called gody, a time between Christmas and 6 January, peasant girls would place the shaft of a cart, a log or sticks on the ground and lead a horse across. If it touched them with its hoof it was bad luck and if it did not it was believed to be a good omen. Similar folk customs were apparently known in Poland and Lithuania, according to the nineteenth century Russian ethnographer Aleksandr Tereshchenko.246 Also, the Byelorussia peasants had fortunetelling customs involving this animal. Here again, during the gody, a girl would sit on a blindfolded horse and where it walked would predict whether she would marry or not in the next year. Other horse behaviour, such as neighing and snorting, were perceived as

241

J. Herrmann, Archäologie…, vol. 1, p. 198 and vol. 2, p. 667. B. Gierlach, Sanktuaria Słowiańskie, pp. 123-125; and M. Kowalczyk, Wierzenia pogańskie, pp. 49-50. 243 Z. Váňa, The World…, pp. 100-101. 244 S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijaństwa..., p. 44. 245 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowiańska, p. 192. 246 K. Moszyński, Kultura Ludowa Słowian, vol. 2 part 1 (Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza, 1968), pp. 411-412. 79 242

good or bad omens.247 In this context, an old Russian phrase “вещий конь” (veschiy koň) , meaning "prophetic horse"

248

leaves no doubt that the custom of fortune telling

involving horses was a common tradition among all the Slavs. Of course we are unable to reconstruct the original Slavonic divination custom.

Neither can we determine

precisely how it evolved. Nonetheless, in accordance with Emil Durkheim's theory of social foundation of religion and its expression, we can assume that this elaborated Polabian custom evolved from a much simpler common Slavic tradition and then became a public and state event. It is unlikely that small tribal, early Slavic, society would have a need for such a complex ritual. The special role of horses in other cultures and beliefs in its association with the divine, and its prophetic or fortune telling qualities, are well attested. Tacitus reported that ancient Germanic people kept white sacred horses that were not used for work or riding. They were used in divination when omens were read from their behaviour, mainly neighing and snorting.249 From later times comes evidence that divine horses were bred and kept in some Scandinavian pagan temples and used for oracles in a similar way, with people interpreting their neighing and snorting.250 This clearly indicates the horse's sacred role and its association with oracles in pre-Christian Germanic religion. However, there is no evidence for divination being performed when a horse was led across obstacles such as spears. Nonetheless, these practices among the Polabian people can hardly be attributed to foreign, Germanic influences. In many cultures the horse was regarded as having sacral

247

M. Kravchenko, The World of the Russian Fairy Tale (Berne: Peter Lang, 1987), p. 16. 248 M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 161. 249 Tacitus, Germania, in H. Mattingly, ed. & trans., The Agricola and the Germania (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1951), chp. 10. 250 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic, p. 36; and E. O. D. Turville-Petre, Myths and Religion of the North: Religion of Ancient Scandinavia (Westport: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1975), p. 249. 80

significance. Through it gods communicated with people revealing their will through oracles or signs. This high status of the horse as a divine animal was common among the Indo-European people, and even today in European cultures the horse is regarded as a noble animal.

Above all there is no evidence from any Germanic country that oracles

involving horses took the complex form they did among the North-Eastern Polabian Slavs. From the same time comes interesting information from the Balts. According to Henry of Livonia, around 1192 a Cistercian missionary, Theodoric, was captured by pagan Balts, ancestors of the modern Latvians. They decided to sacrifice him to the gods to secure a good harvest. However, his fate was to be decided by the gods and an oracle involving horse. A spear was laid down on the ground and an unsaddled horse was led toward it, so they could interpret the will of the gods by the steps of that horse. Fortunately for the missionary, gods "did not want" him to be sacrificed and he was spared.251

Conceptually, this custom closely resembles the Polabian oracles from

Arkona, Radegosć and Szczecin described above. Furthermore, this account suggests a certain common conceptual belief. At Arkona it was believed that Sventovit rode the sacred horse to wage war against the Ranove's enemies, and no one could mount the horse except a high priest.252 At Szczecin a sacred horse of Triglav was saddled before divination took place.253 It is worth noting, that according to Henry of Livonia, the priest who led the horse during the divination that was about to decide Theodoric's fate, swept the horse back with his hand to remove the Christian god from there, after the first omen favorable to Theodoric.254 Therefore it can be concluded that both Polabian Slavs and Balts believed that their deity rode on the horse while divination was performed. This puts into another perspective an incident that took place at Radegosć after the 251

Henry of Livonia, Chronicon Livonicum Vetus, vol. 1. (Riga: Scriptores Rerum Livonicarum, 1857), Book I.10. 252 SG, XIX.39,(p. 496). 253 Herbord, II.33. 81

destruction of the Svarozhits' temple. Bishop Burhardt of Halberstadt, who led the 1067/8 expedition against the Veleti, rode back on the sacred horse of Svarozhits.255 It was not a joy ride on a well bred and well kept captured mount. The meaning of that was deliberate contempt for Veletian beliefs, and a sacrilege in their eyes, a much more humiliating gesture for the Veleti than might at first appear. As for the origin of that custom among the Balts nothing certain can be said. Although the Baltic Slavs had commercial contacts with the Balts it can hardly be concluded that the custom was borrowed from them.

From another corner of the Indo-European world comes an interesting tale reported by Herodotus. It concerns the choosing of Darius as a king of Persia. The story goes that six contenders agreed that it would be the will of the gods that the one whose horse neighed first when the sun appeared would became king. It turned out that it was Darius' horse, and the event was accompanied by lighting and thunder as a sign of the gods' approval of Darius.256 Regardless of the authenticity of the story and the different way in which divination was performed, it shows that the ancient Persians. too, regarded horses as animals that had links with the divine and used them in divinations of utmost importance. Summarizing this section, written sources, archaeology and ethnography show a common association of the horse with Slavic divinities was not unique to the Polabian Slavs, but rather formed part of common Eastern and Western Slavic tradition. There is no evidence for a similar conceptual link with the Southern Slavs, but this may be attributed to the fact that, besides Procopius' account, there is practically no written information about their beliefs. Nonetheless, up to the tenth-twelfth centuries, Southern Slavs were not separated from their Western and Eastern brethren. At the same time Slavic 254

Henry of Livonia, Chronicon, I.10. Annales Augustiani, G. H. Pertz, ed., Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 3, Year 1068. 256 Herodotus, trams. A. de Sélincourt , The Histories (Hamondsworth: Penguin Books 255

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migration southward took place from two directions, that is alongside the eastern Carpathian slopes and the Black Sea from the area attributed to the Eastern Slavs, and from the north, along the Danube and Tisa rivers, from Western Slavdom.257 Therefore, it is very likely that such an association of horse with the divine was a common Slavonic trait. As was shown, it was also very common among the Germanic and Baltic people. The horse as divine or an animal associated with the divine is a common theme in Europe and Asia. In some Indo-European traditions it took a peculiar turn and evolved into the sacrificial killing of horse known as the Aşvamedha ritual in India and the October Equus in ancient Rome, and it finds parallels in some royal inaugurations in Celtic Ireland. Therefore, it can be concluded that the association of horse with divine is a common IndoEuropean tradition. As for the horse involving oracles and divination, as performed by the Polabian Slavs, the evidence points to an indigenous origin of this ritual. The Balts, beside commercial contacts with the Polabian Slavs, had more important and very extensive contacts and links with Eastern Slavdom. However, an assumption that the Balts borrowed the custom from the Slavs would be highly speculative and cannot be verified. Therefore, more probably the ritual should be attributed to a common Balto-Slavic origin, possibly going back into the times of Balto-Slavic linguistic and cultural unity. That is well back into the first millennium BCE. The knowledge of the above-mentioned Russian saying, as well as folk customs involving the horse going across obstacles for the purpose of fortune telling known from ethnographic sources in rural Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania, also suggests the antiquity of the custom, going beyond the Slavic Migration Period. Therefore, it can be concluded that oracles involving horses were a common Slavic practice, not unique to the Polabians. What form it took exactly and for what purpose it was performed among

257

Ltd., 1954), Book III.85-86. M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, pp. 98-108. 83

other than Polabian Slavs it is hard to determine, taking into consideration the inadequate nature of sources and the weakness of ethnographic evidence in this respect. However, it could be said that these rituals in their form and theological aspects achieved among the North Eastern Polabians a higher complexity than among the other Slavs. It also indicates that the Polabian Slavs, over time, transformed the common Slavic custom into an elaborate public ritual to suit the needs of a more complex society and political structure. It is true that divination involving horses was also known among other IndoEuropean peoples and was not unique to the Slavs. However, in the form described by Saxo Grammaticus it existed only among the Slavs, and in its more complex form only among the North Eastern Polabians. Therefore, it was a purely Slavic custom and ritual, without any foreign influence, and could only be traced to an already established common Indo-European association of horses with the divine.

THE HORN IN POLABIAN ICONOGRAPHY As it was stated above, the statue of Sventovit at Arkona held in its right hand a golden, or rather golden-plated horn that was used in harvest ceremonies conducted toward the end of the year.258 The horn appears as a common element in iconography across Slavdom. On Rügen itself it is worth mentioning two figurines carved in stone that survived from pre-Christian times in very unusual places. Both show a figure with a conical hat and horn in its hand.

They were built in the walls of churches, one at Altenkirchen, a few

kilometres from Arkona, and the other at Bergen (see picture 7 and 8). Although they are still called Sventovit by the local people259 their identity with this deity is uncertain. The

258

SG, XIV.39 (p. 494). Agricultural associations of Sventovit and other deities are discussed in following chapter. 259 Stone idols built in church walls on Rügen: Z. Váňa, The World of the Ancient Slavs, p. 99. Called Sventovit by local people: P. Jones & N. Pennick, A History…, p. 169. 84

very fact that the figures are single headed undermines the validity of such claims. On the other hand the Ranove did not disappear suddenly from the Earth after being subjugated by the Danes. There was no mass influx of Danish or German colonists to the island, and although the Slavic language died out there in the early fifteenth century, many Slavic words entered the vocabulary of Rugian fishermen and were reported by the Polish traveler Wincenty Pol as late as in the nineteenth century.260 Therefore we may conclude that after the conversion the dominant local Slavic population, was slowly Germanized. In this context, there is some possibility that the name of figures on the stone survived among the local peoples. In Poland at Leźno near Kartuzy in Eastern Pomerania a bas-relief on a red granite stone depicts three human forms, most likely pre-Christian deities or some mythological scene. One of the figures is a rider on horseback and the other a male with a horn.261 Also, from the Great Moravian period, the ninth century, in the Czech Republic comes a belt buckle depicting a figure holding the horn.262 Stone figurines with attributes similar to that from Kartuzy are found in Ukraine. On the so-called "Sventovit of Zbrucz" one of the four figures depicted, a female, holds the horn.263 At Stavchany near Khmelnik there is a 190 centimeters high stone figurine of a male wearing a conical cap and long robe, holding a horn in both hands. Also, at Kulus in Ukraine, a statue carved in stone has a horn in one hand.264 On the territory once inhabited by Baltic Prussians, large stone figurines, the so-called babas (from Slavic baba for grandmother, old woman) were found at Susz, where a horn is incised on the chest of the figure, and at Mozgowo (both now in north-eastern Poland), where an idol holds the horn in his right hand, a staff in his left and has a sword hanging 260

J. Osięgłowski, Wyspa Słowiańskich Bogów, pp. 299-300. A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 198. 262 A. L. Miś, 'Przedchrześcijańska religia Rugian', p. 107. 263 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 187. 261

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from his belt.265 The babas figurines with mustache, conical hat or cap, usually holding a drinking horn and sometimes with a sword, are a common theme in numerous Euro-Asian cultures and

are believed to have originated in Asia and on the Eastern European

steppes.266 In Asia such statues, often with swords, usually held drinking vessels, in most cases a cup rather than a horn. They were made by Turkic people of the steppes between the sixth and ninth centuries and were erected on the burial sites of their heroes and leaders. These statues were called balbal by the Turkic people and palwan by the Kirgiz, a word apparently deriving from the Persian phalavan meaning hero, warrior or statue. In most Slavonic languages the word ba³wan denotes an idol and it is clear Slavization of this term.267 The origins of these stone figurines are not clear, for although they were clearly erected by Turkic people their name appears to be Iranian. But it is unclear whether the figurines were initially of Turkic or Iranian origin. Nonetheless, the close contacts of the early Slavs with Turkic and Iranian nomads such as the Huns, Avars, Bulgars and Sarmatians indicate that stone figurines in conical helmets, with belts, swords and drinking vessels were borrowed from them in the pre-Migration period or at the latest in its early stages. The evidence suggests that among the Slavs and Balts the so-called babas were not grave stones but rather depicted deities, indicating that the Slavs adopted the concept and fashioned it to suit their own religious beliefs. However, in Greek mythology a horn of the she-goat Amalthea was attributed with a supernatural quality, for as the result of the divine intervention of the infant Zeus it filled up at the will of a person who possessed it. This always-full horn became a symbol of abundance and richness.268 In other European

264

A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 192. L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, p. 199. 266 J. Gąssowski, 'Cult and Authority in Central Europe', in P. Urbańczyk, ed., Origins of Central Europe (Warsaw: Scientific Society of Polish Archaeologists, 1997), pp. 6263. 267 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, pp. 200-201; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 189, 194, 201. 268 R. Graves, The Greek Myths, vol. 1 (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, Ltd., 1955), 86 265

cultures the horn was and is often associated with abundance and the term "horn of plenty (cornu copiae)" became proverbial. Therefore, the concept might not have been alien to the Slavs, and Turkic figurines with drinking vessels could just have reinforced an already known notion of the "horn of plenty". In an agricultural society, with the horn symbolizing abundance, it was only one step to associate it with farming, harvest and fertility, and equip a deity with it, such as Sventovit. HUMAN SACRIFICE Toward the collapse of the Veletian Union, in the middle of the eleventh century, the cult of Svarozhits became more blood-thirsty, and human sacrifice took place at least on a number of occasions. The victims were usually prisoners of war or Christian priests. The earliest example comes from 990, during the war between Mieszko I of Poland and the Czechs, supported by the Veletian Union. During the campaign, Boleslav II of Bohemia sacked one of Mieszko's (Myeshko) strongholds. Its commander was surrendered to the Veletians who sacrificed him near the stronghold.269 There is evidence that at some time in the first half of the eleventh century two Bohemian missionaries tried to preach at Radogosć. For some reason they were tried by the tribal assembly, tortured and finally beheaded.270 A human sacrifice to Svarozhits and the offering of the victim's head to this deity was mentioned by bishop Bruno of Querfurt in his letters to the emperor Henry II.271 Also, such was the fate of bishop John of Mecklenburg after the pagan uprising of 1066. He was captured by the Veleti who supported the local Obodrite anti-Christian rebellion that took place in June 1066. He was apparently kept alive until autumn and killed on 10 November of that year. According to Adam of Bremen he was tortured and mutilated.

p. 39. TM, IV. 13. 270 Bohemian missionaries sacrificed to Svarozhits, mid. 11th c: AB, III. XX(19) Schollium 71. 271 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., p. 54. 87 269

Finally he was beheaded. His head stuck on a spear was then offered to Svarozhits at Radogosć.272 There is no hard evidence for this type of offering among other than the Polabian Slavs. However, this may be attributed to the general lack of sources on Slavic beliefs and rituals. Nonetheless, it is worth looking into Eastern Slavic folklore, folktales in particular (Russian сказки (skazki)). According to the Russian folk tale titled Alyosha Popovich, a folk hero, Alyosha Popovich, killed the monster Tugarin Zmeevich (Son of Snake), cut his head off and brought it on his spear to prince Vladimir.273 The tale must be an ancient story, as not only was the prototype for Alyosha Popovich almost certainly a knight named Aleksandr Popovich who died during the battle of Kalka in 1223 with the Tatars, but an eleventh century Polovtsian khan, Tugor-Kan, is also a prototype for Tugarin Zmeevich.274 Perhaps bringing the head of a slain enemy to a prince, a mythical figure of authority in this tale, is an echo of an ancient custom of offering the head of a slain enemy to Slavic gods in the pre-Christian times. On Rügen, according to Helmold of Bosau, during the most important annual festival and celebration a human sacrifice was performed, and the person sacrificed was a Christian. We can assume that the victims were recruited from war captives or slaves bought for that purpose. At least on one occasion the Ranove wanted to buy a German priest from visiting merchants and to offer him to Sventovit.275 This is confirmed by archeological data that shows the presence of human bones inside the Arkona complex, in a context that does not support a claim of an ordinary burial.276

272

John of Mecklenburg sacrificed: AB, III. LI (50) A. N. Afanasyev, A. N., Russian Fairy Tales (New York: Pantheon Books, 1945), pp. 70-71. 274 R. Jakobson in A. N. Afanasyev, Russian Fairy Tales, p. 646. 275 HB, II. 108(12). 276 A. L. Miś, 'Przedchrześcijańska religia Rugian', p. 139. 88 273

A fragment in Monachus Prieflingensis' biography of Otto of Bamberg describing an attempted plot on the life of the bishop also suggests that cut-off heads of enemies or sacrificial victims were offered to Triglav at Szczecin. In this passage a pagan priest who organized the plot prophesies that Otto's cut-off head will be brought to Szczecin.277 As evidence suggests, the victims of sacrifice were foreigners and enemies rather then their own people. They were usually people captured during war or bought as slaves. It could be assumed that war deities like Svarozhits, Sventovit and Triglav would "prefer" war captives or their greatest "enemies", like Christian priests. Nonetheless, brutality and bloodthirsty rituals cannot be viewed as being intrinsic to Slavic beliefs, and these of the Polabians in particular.

Most Slavic rituals and

celebrations were rather joyful and only a few examples of human sacrifice were reported. Taking into consideration that most of the Veletian Union's history in the tenth and eleventh centuries saw violent and brutal wars, the brutalization and traumatization of society must have found expression in more violent rituals. This claim finds confirmation in the archeological record from Arkona on Rügen Island. Human bones recovered from the site from the ninth and tenth centuries, and from the eleventh and twelfth centuries, comprise 0.9 percent and 15.3 percent respectively of all bone material excavated. And MNI (Minimal Number of Individuals) analysis shows 6 individuals for the earlier period, and 11 for the later.278 The brutality, violence and human sacrifices can neither be viewed as intrinsic nor expressing the intolerance of pagan beliefs. On the contrary, henotheistic or polytheistic cults, unlike monotheism, show an inclination to tolerance. One god more or one less does not make much difference. Moreover, many examples show that the pre-Christian Central and Northern Europeans tolerated Christian missionaries and Christians on their

277 278

MP, III.12. A. L. Miś, 'Przedchrześcijańska religia Rugian', p. 139. 89

territories. For example, sometime in the 930's Unit, archbishop of Hamburg, went to the Swedish port of Birka to preach Christianity. He was allowed to do so although the local rulers remained pagan. There were practically no obstacles to missionaries preaching the Gospel in Norway and Sweden in the tenth and eleventh centuries. There is evidence that during the eleventh century the Swedes worshipped pagan deities alongside the Christian God. And in the same period pagan Swedes allowed bishops to participate in the thing (the Germanic tribal assembly).

279

It is worth noting that in his description of Wolin

Adam of Bremen stated that:

For even alien Saxons also have the right to reside there on equal terms with others, provided only that while they sojourn there they do not openly profess Christianity.280

This shows that the Volinane were tolerant towards the religions of other people and objected only to missionary activities in their principality, a level of tolerance towards others never shown by contemporary Christianity. There were, of course, cases of hostility toward Christians, but they were usually caused by missionaries' lack of understanding of the local culture, traditions and beliefs, as well as the zeal of many missionaries which made them perceive non-Christian cults as evil and needing to be destroyed as soon as the mission began. In consequence, on many occasions the mission began with the destruction of cult sites and objects. Practically only bishop Otto of Bamberg had a sensitive, clever and balanced approach to the pagan Slavs and their religion. He gave only minor penance to prince Vratislav of Pomerania and his nobles for

279

AB, I .LXI(63) and II. XXXVI(34) and IV. XXI and AB, Appendix, The Britonic Islands. 280 AB, IV. XX. 90

practicing the Slavic religion281 and after the destruction of Triglav's temple he ordered the division of the temple treasury among the people of Szczecin,282 most likely to the local nobility, to diffuse anger at the sacrilegious destruction of the shrine. Nonetheless, even he received a hostile and unfriendly reception on his first arrival at Wolin in 1127.283 Most of the other missionaries, zealous, intolerant and insensitive, were the worst enemy of the message they preached and even themselves, as the way they conducted their missions often achieved an effect opposite to what they intended. It is worth mentioning here the missionary Egino of the eleventh century who desecrated a holy place by destroying the idol of Frey (Frikko) in Danish Scania.284 Around the same time an English missionary, Wolfred, went to Sweden and cut with an axe an idol of Thor at the Uppsala sanctuary. He was killed for doing that by the angry Swedes. It is symptomatic that Adam of Bremen praises him for doing so.285 From the point of view of the local non-Christian people, whether Scandinavian or Slav, such conduct was sacrilege and they often responded accordingly, by killing the missionaries and priests. Similarly,

Saint Vojtěch, or Adalbert as he appears in Western texts, who was

martyred by the Old Prussians during his mission in 997, was not killed immediately after crossing the Prussian frontier, and his two associates were spared and later ransomed.286 It is worth noting that a century later Adam of Bremen stated, in his chronicle, that the Old Prussians were an extremely hospitable people but did not allow Christians into their sacred places.287 Most likely in his missionary zeal he desecrated some sacred Prussian place and was then killed by the local people. It is worth noting that the Passio Sancti

281

MP,II.3. MP, III.12. 283 MP, II.5. 284 AB, IV. IX. 285 AB, II. LXII(60). 286 J. Strzelczyk, Apostołowie Europy (Warszawa: Instytut Wydawniczy PAX, 1997), pp. 187-190. 287 AB, IV. XVIII. 91 282

Adalberti describes the beheading of Adalbert as the execution of some sort of sentence, suggesting that he was tried and condemned by an Old Prussian tribal assembly.288 This resembles the case of the Bohemian monks who were tried by the Veletian tribal assembly, and also suggests that some charges were laid against them and they were not killed by someone on an impulse. There is no other evidence, but it appears that they were committed for trial for sacrilege and consequently executed. As was said above, both monks were beheaded, like bishop John of Mecklenburg years later, suggesting that their heads were also offered to Svarozhits. All this supports the notion that a large proportion of the human sacrifices in Polabian lands were a result of sacrilegious acts by Christian missionaries, that they were tried in the customary way by tribal assembly, and that if found guilty they were executed by beheading, after which their heads were offered to the offended deity. In another case, in 1009 a German knight named Günter abandoned his warrior profession and noble status and became a missionary to the Luticians, that is a people of the Veletian Union.289 Nothing is known about what happened to him or about his mission, but there is no doubt that Günter had a minimal understanding of Slavic beliefs and limited abilities to conduct a mission. It would not be a surprise if he ended up at Radegosć as yet another sacrificial victim to Svarozhits. Furthermore, it has to be stressed that in the Polabian context the perception of Christianity had another dimension.

The close cooperation of the Church with the

imperial authorities, together with numerous Church estates and episcopal tithes collected on the subjugated Polabian territories, made Christianity and the Church inseparable from the imperial yoke. This attitude is manifested in the words apparently said by a pagan priest at Szczecin during the apostasy that took place there shortly after the first mission of Otto of Bamberg departed in 1124. The priest called the Christian God a "Teutonic 288

M. Maisel, 'Prawo karne Prusów', in J. Ochmański, ed., Słowianie w Dziejach Europy (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1974), pp. 127-129. 92

god".290 Although Ebbo did not witness this himself, and it may not have taken place in the circumstances described, he was no doubt well informed about the Szczecinians' attitude towards and perception of Christianity. Therefore, Christianity was perceived not only as a foreign and aggressive religion, but as a vehicle of political subjugation and a mechanism to deprive them of personal freedom, and the Christian God as a sort of tribal German deity. It is worth noting that human sacrifice was performed sporadically by other people. It was conducted sometimes by pre-Christian Germanic people of the second century CE, the Scandinavians, the early Franks and the Saxons of the Frankish period,291 and it seems to have occurred at Sutton Hoo in seventh century England.292 Therefore, we may conclude that human sacrifice was performed in many pre-Christian cults on the European continent but it was a rather rare occurrence. However, in the Polabian context due to unusual circumstances and the general brutalization of the society it must have become more frequent. Here again the socio-political condition of these people had a direct influence on the expression of their beliefs and forms of rituals.

THE BOAR One belief from Veletian Radogosć reported by Thietmar of Merseburg suggests a possible Celtic influence, and was so interpreted by the Pole Janina Rosen-Przeworska.293 The Veleti believed that if a wild boar with white tusks emerged from a sacred lake and

289

TM, VII.52 (37). Ebbo, III.1. 291 Tacitus, Germania, Chp. 39; and TM, I.17. Franks: Procopius of Ceasarea, History of the Wars, 1968), Book VI.XXV. Saxon human sacrifice: AB, I.VII(7). 292 M. Carver, Sutton Hoo: Burial Ground of Kings ? (London: British Museum Press, 1998), pp. 109 & 140. 293 J. Rosen-Przeworska, 'Celtycka geneza...', p. 265. 93 290

rolled in the nearby swamp, it was an omen of long and bloody wars.294 The sacredness of the boar is well documented in both Celtic and Germanic mythologies and beliefs. The boar, besides the horse, is known to have been a sacred animal of druids and Celtic warriors.295 Among the Scandinavians it was an animal sacred to Freya and Frey, believed to bring "success and plenty".296 Also, in the pre-Christian Scandinavian tradition the boar was associated with war and combat. The boar was a totemic symbol for Scandinavian boar-warriors in the same fashion the bear was associated with berserks.297

According to

Tacitus the boar was also a sacred animal of the Aesti. The animal was associated with some unknown "Mother of the gods" and boar emblems were worn by the Aesti warriors. The Aesti are usually identified with the ancestors of the modern Estonians. However, the term must have applied to all people of the south-eastern shores of the Baltic Sea, that is both the Estonians and the Baltic speaking people. The same Tacitus stated that they were involved in the amber trade,298 and this activity of the Balts is known from historical records. Furthermore, ancient and some medieval writers often confused the Balts and Estonians, who while speaking unrelated languages, due to their geographical closeness share many cultural elements. For, example, the ninth century English traveler Wulfstan called the Old Prussians who were Baltic speakers Estum.299 On the other hand the boar or pig does appear frequently in much earlier Lusatian culture (1400-400 BCE) art that flourished in the region we are concerned with, possibly in association with a fertility cult.300 There are definite cultural elements in Lusatian culture that were shared with the Eastern Celts and Celtic influence is visible, for example in toponymy, such as the name Brandenburg, which derives from the Celtic Brenna. It shares its origin with other places 294

TM, VI.24 J. Rosen-Przeworska, 'Celtycka geneza...', p. 265. 296 P. Jones & N. Pennick, A History…, p. 118. 297 P. Jones & N. Pennick, A History…, pp. 154-156. 298 For Tacitus on Aesti, see: Tacitus, Germania, Chp. 45. 299 The Old English Orosius, p. 23. 295

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remote from it. For example, the names of Brno in the Czech Republic, Bern in Switzerland, the Brenner Pass on the Austro-Italian border and the river Brenne in France. Their names are cognate to a Celtic word for king, still retained in the Welsh language as brennin.

301

Nonetheless, the wild boar that was once common there is a vicious and

dangerous animal, and people tend to mystify strong and feared creatures. Consequently, the boar together with the bear and the

European bison and aurochs entered the

mythologies of the people in the region. How exactly it happened is uncertain and untraceable, and cannot be attributed to the influence of any particular people. It is worth noting that, it was also a sacred beast associated with the gods of Vedic India.302 In this context, the boar in the Polabian myth reported by Thietmar of Merseburg cannot be traced to any foreign influence. It can be then concluded that the boar was a common element in the mythologies of many Indo-European peoples, the Germans, Celts, Slavs and Balts. CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE Summarizing, there is no evidence whatsoever for any direct borrowings from Christianity in the Polabian religion, deities and ceremonies. The evidence presented shows that the north-eastern and central Polabians drew widely from the rich common Slavic tradition to create new concepts, cults and deities, to suit their new social needs. However, as was shown, many elements, are known only from this westernmost branch of Slavdom. The well defined priesthood, its clearly defined role in elaborated ceremonies, wooden temples etc. are unique to the region and Polabian Slavdom, with the possible exception of the Eastern Slavs, Kievan Rus, where contacts with Christianity are known

300

B. Gediga, Śladami religii Prasłowian (Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1976), p. 121. Place names containing root "bren-": E. P. Berresford, The Celtic Empire: The First Millenium of Celtic History, c. 1000 BC - 51 AD (London: Guild Publishing Ltd., 1990), p. 27. 302 Rig Veda, in R.T.H. Griffith, ed., The Hymns of the Rigveda (Varanasi: The Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, 1971), I.124.5. 95 301

from at least the late ninth century. We can say, in accordance with the theory of a social basis for religion, that a more complex society and larger polities would develop a more complex and institutionalized form of religion. Nonetheless, these developments cannot be attributed to internal socio-political developments only, as any society functions in total isolation. The most likely explanation for the unique complexity of northern and central Polabian religion is that while, almost exclusively Slavic in its ideology, form and expressions, in some ways it was modeled on the external manifestation of Christianity. This is not surprising, taking into account their extensive contacts of various natures with Western Christendom, including some penetration of Christianity into the region since Carolingian times. In a sense, it was an attempt on the Polabian side to match the glamour, elaboration and dignity of the Western Church that must have made a great impression upon them. So, the Christian influence upon north-eastern Polabian beliefs was a powerful challenge and acted as a stimulus to the expression of

an almost

exclusively Slavic set of beliefs. There should be no surprise that direct theological borrowings from Christianity were absent. It has to be remembered that the Polabian Slavs perceived Christianity as a vehicle of the Empire's political domination. Imperial and Christian hostility toward them created strong reciprocal hostility on the Polabian side. Such mutual enmity and hostility would cause the rejection of anything associated with Christianity. And this was one of the main reasons that prevented direct borrowings. One very important aspect of this relationship is often overlooked. Most of the scholars analyzing the relationship between the Christianity and pagan religion are schooled in the Western tradition (in a broad sense that includes Central and Eastern Europe).

In

consequence, being Christians themselves, they often perceive this relationship from the Christian point of view, with a conviction of the ideological superiority and rightness of Christianity. Scholars have rarely tried or have been able to look from the non-Christian 96

point of view.

It has to be admitted that any attempt to understand how the pagan

Polabians perceived Christianity is hypothetical, as we cannot be certain what and how the people of the past thought. However, when an attempt to look at the issue from a nonChristian perspective is made, it is not difficult to realize that the pagan Polabian Slavs, although most likely familiar with Christianity, would see this new religion, besides its hostile nature toward any other beliefs, as alien and strange indeed. According to the Polish scholar Henryk Łowmiański, concepts such as sin, guilt and eternal punishment for deeds committed during the earthly life were absent in Slavonic religion. Gods could have been benevolent if pleased with offerings but were not constantly watching and judging people.303 Also, some other Christian concepts such as the notion of God letting himself be killed was no doubt not only not understood but perceived as ridiculous and even senseless. In a society where every able male was a warrior if need arose it could not have been otherwise. Some indication that Christians were laughed at and ridiculed is supported by the way the pagan people of Wolin saw those who converted at Kamień and at Wolin.304 It is worth noting that, during the reign of Boles³aw the Brave of Poland in the early eleventh century, those who did not observe the Lenten fast had their teeth knocked out, and those caught by authorities committing adultery or being promiscuous were mutilated.305 Despite the fact that these punishments were most likely rarely carried out, such draconian methods of punishment indicate that strict restriction upon the peoples' lives which Christianity enforced were neither observed nor accepted by the people fifty years after conversion. Therefore, it can be postulated that the imposition of Christian obsessions with sex and restrictions on food, especially red meat, during Lent and some other Christian holidays must have been seen as senseless restrictions on life's pleasures. This attitude finds reflection in the alleged rejection of 303 304

H. Łowmiański, Religia..., pp. 358-363. MP, II.5. 97

Latin Christianity by Vladimir I of Kiev on the basis of strict fasts and restrictions in this respect.306 Although the entire narrative of the story about Vladimir choosing a religion is most likely a fiction, no doubt it reflects the attitudes of pre-Christian Slavs to certain aspects of the religion. Also, as attested in the sources the pagan Slavs were polygenic, a common practice among many other non-Christian northern and central Europeans.307 The demand for the monogamous relationship in patriarchal society where there were always more females than males, and without a place for single women in society, could not have found common acceptance out of conviction. Furthermore, Slavic religious celebrations were usually joyful festivities and culminated in communal banquets, libations, singing and dancing. Many festivals, for example the summer solstice celebration in June, in some areas known as Kupała, or spring celebrations ended up in an orgy.308 These pre-Christian festivities were in sharp contrast with the guilt and fear inducing Christian services offered as an alternative. Besides, the lack of divination and of sacrifices and offerings in Christian services and ceremonies, to which the Polabians were accustomed, was likely perceived as a very radical breach of well established tradition.309 Other strictly enforced Christian customs such as burying the dead would hardly be acceptable, without enforcing it, to the people who in most cases cremated their deceased.310 It is not difficult to imagine that it would hardly be acceptable to the majority of Polabians, and perhaps a custom even deplorable and abhorrent to let a body rot in the ground and be eaten by worms. Moreover, the concept of monotheism was alien and strange to the non-Christian 305

TM, VIII.2. RPC, Year 986. 307 AB, IV.XXI, Schollium 132(137). 308 H. Łowmiański, Religia…, pp. 163-164, 234; and in S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Slowianie..., p. 178. Also confirmed in other sources, ex., Joannis Długossi, Historiae Polonicae, in H. Samsonowicz, ed., Polska Jana Długosza (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1984), Book IV, pp. 474-475. 309 R. Bartlett, 'Reflection on paganism and Christianity in medieval Europe', Proceedings of the British Academy, 1998, No. 101, pp. 59, 61. 306

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Polabians. A single god jealously demanding exclusive devotion and worship was conceptually unpalatable in the world of a multiplicity of gods and spirits characterized by general religious tolerance. For the Polabians the gods of other people, although not their own and not worshipped were as real as their own deities.

The Polabian Slavs did not

comprehend why exclusiveness was demanded and after forceful conversion, as evidence from Szczecin shows, they worshipped old gods alongside the Christian God.311 The Polabians did not deny the existence of the Christian god but simply added yet another deity to their old pantheon, albeit a strange and alien one. We cannot easily find this attitude toward and perception of Christianity in the sources as they were exclusively written by churchmen who paid no attention to Slavic beliefs or, perhaps, were reluctant to fully describe their impression of the new faith. Nonetheless, some interesting information was recorded. For example, Bishop Bernard was perceived by the people of Wolin as insane and they advised him to preach to fishes and birds.312 Also, after the conversion of the people of Kamień in eastern Pomerania and the first arrival of Otto of Bamberg at Wolin:

they not only ridiculed the converts, but also offended the saintly bishop and his companions. They called the bishop a sorcerer and a fraud, and inhabitants of Kamień ludicrous renegades of their country.313

Besides, Christianity's lack of appeal to the Polabian Slavs can also be illustrated by the fact that Otto of Bamberg preached at Szczecin for around two months and it practically

310

Bartlett, R., 'Reflection on paganism', p. 76. Herbord, III.16 & Ebbo, III.1. 312 Ebbo, II.1. Iste insanus et desperatus est. 313 MP, II.5: nec solum deridere conversos, sed et sancto pontifici eiusque comitibus derogare coeperunt. Episcopum quidem magnum et impostorem vocare, Chaminenses vero ineptos patriae delatores. 99 311

bore no results whatsoever, and the conversion took place only after a threat of military intervention of Bolesław the Wry-Mouth of Poland.314 If to this we add that, with the exception of Otto of Bamberg, eastern German missionaries and clergy were poorly educated, Christianity did not appear in the eyes of pagan Polabian Slavs as in any way superior or attractive. Hence, their later conversion was in most cases enforced and backed by some strong power, such as that of the Empire or the kings of Poland. What finally convinced them to convert was not the preaching of a strange religion by missionaries but rather the political and military strength shown by those who worshipped the alien God. It convinced them that the new god was more powerful than the old ones. Christianity would only be attractive for the rulers and a narrow section of the upper class, and mainly for political, not religious reasons. It has to be remembered that medieval Christianity was not only a religious belief and doctrines but above all a "package" that, besides its religious aspects, brought access to classical culture and writing,315 but also serfdom, tithes and ready-to-implement administrative models for contemporary states, as well as sanctification of the ruler and his position on top of society. It was not surprising that many Polabian rulers were not reluctant to accept the new faith and in most cases they and the upper class were first to convert and vigorous supporters of the new faith and the new order, among them Wyszak (Vyshak) and Domasław (Domaslav) of Szczecin or Ciesław (Tyeslav) and Jaromir (Yaromir) of Rügen.

Perhaps, for some other people,

opening their society up to the wider, more civilized world of the Empire and Christianity might have had some appeal.

Even so, in their majority the Polabian people did not see

Christianity as an attractive alternative, as shown by their resistance to conversion and hostility to the new religion. All together, such negative attitudes toward Christianity

314 315

MP, II.11-13. R. Bartlett, 'Reflection on paganism', p. 56. 100

would explain why Christian theology and concepts were not borrowed and incorporated into emerging distinct Polabian beliefs and cults. OTHER INFLUENCES The religion of the north-eastern and central Polabian Slavs shows remarkably limited foreign influence upon theology and the material expression of their religion, as we have shown in this chapter. There are clear Iranian, most likely Sarmatian, influences on the Slavic religion316 but they must have taken place between the second century BCE and the second/third century CE, and therefore, being outside the time limit of our research. Multicephalism of Polabian deities is a common Slavonic and Indo-European trait, and if its popularity among the Polabians can be attributed to Celtic influence it was rather facilitated by than borrowed from the eastern Celts. Whatever the case, while the Celtic influence cannot be totally disregarded, it also cannot be convincingly demonstrated. Divination involving a horse and the association of this animal with the divine was a common Indo-European concept although the way it was performed or oracles interpreted varied among peoples separated by space and time. The divination involving a horse being led across some obstacles, usually an arrangement of spears, seems to be a unique Slavic development, and it reached its most elaborate form among the Ranove of Rügen and the Veletians and at Szczecin. This custom finds parallels only in some Baltic (Latvian) practice, which most likely indicates a common Balto-Slavic cultural tradition. Idols wearing conical helmets, long robes and belts with swords and holding drinking vessels can be most likely attributed to the Turkic people. However, the horn as a symbol of plenty and abundance was common among the European peoples. Therefore, Turkic borrowings were incorporated into iconography but substantially transformed to suit Slavic religious beliefs, to reflect their agriculture based economy in a divine and sacred

316

S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Słowianie..., p. 105. 101

sphere.

The frequency and popularity of human sacrifice, known as well from other

contemporary and ancient non-Christian religions, can be attributed to the brutalization of the Polabian society that was locked in a deadly struggle for survival with Christianity and its powerful and expansionist neighbors.

Finally, the role of the boar in Veletian

mythology cannot be traced to Celtic influence with any certainty. The evidence presented indicates that, while the evolution of the Polabians' religion was stimulated by external forces, political and ideological challenges, to a large extent they drew examples and ideas from a rich Slavonic mythology and beliefs and transformed them into more complex and elaborate beliefs and rituals. At the same time, the surprising rarity of foreign influences can be attributed most likely to mutual hostility with their neighbors, a situation that created an atmosphere of hatred and suspicion where the rejection of anything foreign was perceived as a virtue. This most likely prevented the absorption of outside elements into the Polabian religion.

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3. HENOTHEISM AND SYNCRETISM

This chapter will look into and analyse developments in north-eastern and central Polabian religious concepts and beliefs, focusing on certain common aspects and characteristics and exploring the issue of conceptual amalgamation of the functions and domains of the north-eastern and central Polabian deities. Taking into consideration that, with the exception of Svarozhits, deities like Sventovit, Yarovit and Triglav are not known from other parts of Slavdom, this chapter will also analyse the origins of these gods and their accession to prominence in their respective territories. The north-eastern Polabian cults are often labelled as being henotheistic, that is as having a number of deities but with one god being most important and dominant.317 The dividing line between henotheism and polytheism is, however, not clear. Common sense indicates that in any polytheistic religion there always is a god who is more important than other deities. Even in small tribal societies it seems to be the case, as often each tribe has its own tribal god. In reality such a deity dominates or attracts more than other supernatural beings and can be viewed as the principal and, sometimes, supreme god. However, in such societies the dominant god's cult, worship and theology may not be as elaborate or evident as in more advanced societies.

Furthermore, such a deity does not

have to be a supreme creator, as the case of Zeus in Greek mythology indicates. Therefore, practically most if not all polytheistic religions are in reality henotheistic. The earliest written evidence for Slavonic beliefs, that of the mid sixth century Byzantine historian Procopius of Caesarea, indicates the dominant role of the thunder deity among the migration period Slavs:

For they (Slavs) believe that one god, the maker of the lighting, is alone lord

317

A. Brückner, Mitologia..., p. 258n; and S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijaństwa, p. 79. 103

of all things, and they sacrifice to him cattle and all other victims.318 and: They reverence, however, both rivers and nymphs and some other spirits, and they sacrifice to all these also.319

Procopius' account suggests that, in the early stages of the migration period, at least the Southern Slavs' beliefs can be described as well defined henotheism. As the transformation of religious beliefs is a lengthy process it is reasonable to assume that in the pre-Migration period some Slavic deities were dominant, albeit their leading role might have been less apparent. Historical

sources provide the names of numerous deities of a common Slavic

pantheon and the evidence strongly suggests the existence of a number of common Slavic deities and concepts. Some of these deities like Svarog the sky god, Dazhbog the sun god, Svarozhits the fire god, Perun the thunder and atmospheric god, Veles, and other deities of major and important natural forces would no doubt acquire some prominence and a degree of dominance in the Slavic pantheon over lesser spirits.

That such

developments took place is suggested by common sense and supported by Procopius of Caesarea's account. Hence, henotheistic tendencies in the common Slavic religion must have manifested themselves before the beginning of the great Slavic migration, that is before the fifth century CE. So, what makes the Polabian beliefs and gods different from those of the other Slavs is not henotheism per se but rather their complexity, formalization of cult, and the hierarchy of gods, as well as a clearly marked social and political importance.

318 319

Procopius, History of the Wars, VII.XIV.23. Procopius, History of the Wars, VII.XIV.24. 104

These tendencies are clearly visibly in the religion of the Polabian Slavs. On Rügen island, beside Sventovit of Arkona, other gods were worshipped including seven-faced Rugievit, five-headed Porevit and five-faced Porenut, whose temples or shrines were located at Korenica (Saxo's Karentia, modern Garz), a main Ranove settlement.320 Archaeological excavations there in the late twenties of the twentieth century unearthed remnants of three wooden structures which were assumed to be the temples of these three. Two of them were on a square plan, 7.5 by 7.5 meters and 6 by 6 meters respectively. The shape of the third one was unrecognisable due to the site being badly disturbed and eroded. The largest structure was probably a temple of Rugievit. According to Saxo. the tall wooden statue of Rugievit, around three and half meters high, had seven faces and seven real swords attached to its belt. The eighth sword was tied to a hand of the statue. These attributes suggest the martial function of Rugievit. The second of the temples was perhaps dedicated to Porevit, a five headed local god. The other unrecognisable structure, might have been a temple of Porenut with a four faced head and a fifth face on his chest. The left hand of the statue was on his forehead while the right hand supported his chin. Over the years various explanations for these gods functions and relation to other deities have been postulated, including their association with the god of thunder, Perun, because of some similarities in their names.321 Recently a Polish scholar, Jacek Banaszkiewicz, postulated a dioscurian relationship between these two deities, in which Porevit would represent a positive divine force and Porenut a negative one.322 Nonetheless, none of the proposed explanations has been commonly accepted and as the exact functions of these gods are not our concern here we can leave this issue unresolved. Other lesser gods are 320

SG, XIV.39, (pp. 508-509). Rugievit - "Lord of Rügen" is believed to be ancient and probably the earliest god of the Ranove: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 106. 321 A. L. Miś, 'Przedchrześcijańska religia Rugian', pp. 6-7.; A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp: 105-108; and M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 153; and SKDS, pp. 301-302, 334. 322 J. Banaszkiewicz, 'Pan Rugii - Rugiewit i jego towarzysze z Gardźca: Porewit i 105

also recorded in sources. According to the Knytlinga Saga, a thirteenth century Danish source, deities called Turupit and Pizamar were also venerated on Rügen island, on the Assmund Peninsula.323 Unfortunately the lack of a more detailed description and, as it appears, badly corrupted names prevent any sensible interpretation. Saxo Grammaticus explicitly stated that Rugevit, Porevit and Porenut were deities local to Kořenica, and their lesser roles and local cults were contrasted with a state cult of Sventovit who was worshipped by all the Ranove:

The power of their own private gods had been worshipped with almost as much devotion by these people, as the authority of the public deity possessed among the men of Arkon.324

As for Rugievit, literally "Lord of Rügen", his name indicates he was a god of Rügen and the Ranove. It can be assumed that he was a much older deity who over time lost the "competition" for dominance with Sventovit and was reduced to the status of a lesser and local deity. Also, as historical records and ethnology indicate, various lesser spirits, springs, ordinary people going about their everyday life worshipped waters and groves on a smaller scale and local level.

For example, we know of a sacred grove destroyed by

King Valdemar I's expedition in the 1160s at Buki, on the Rugian mainland (Boka).325 The evidence for lesser deities worshipped by the people of the Veletian Union is also sound. In the description of the temple of Svarozhits at Radegosć provided by Thietmar of Merseburg, we find that an unknown number of unnamed idols stood there

Porenut', Słowiańszczyzna w Europie, vol.1, 1996, pp. 80-82. Knytlinga Saga, in H. Pálsson & P. Edwards, Knytlinga Saga: The History of the Kings of Denmark (Odense: Odense University Press, 1986), cc. 122. 324 SG, XIV.39,( p. 507). Iis tantum pene venerationis priuatorum deorum dignitas conciliauerat quantum apud Arkonenses publici numinis auctoritas possidebat. 323

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with a central spot occupied by the largest statue of Svarozhits. He stated that: "First among them is called Svarozhits and he is honoured and worshipped before the others by all the pagans".326 Thietmar of Merseburg also reported that, besides Svarozhits of Radegosć, each region had its own gods and temples (shrines, sanctuaries) where local deities were worshipped, but specifically stated that Svarozhits was the most important deity, universally recognized by all Veletians.327 Also, it is worth recalling an incident when a Veletian female deity, depicted on their war standard, was desecrated by one of the German knights, during the joint Imperial-Veletian campaign against Bolesław the Brave of Poland in the early eleventh century, which indicates that the Veleti had also female gods of importance in their pantheon.328 At Szczecin the dominance of Triglav as the principal deity is apparent, as the celebrations and rituals, mentioned in previous chapters, testify. The sources are also explicit on the existence of lesser idols at the Szczecin sanctuary. For example, images of other gods were reported at Triglav's temple,329 while Ebbo also called Triglav “the most important pagan god”.330 In another piece of hagiography, and another passage referring to a temple treasury, a phrase "honour of their gods" was used.331 Furthermore, there is evidence for a holy tree, either an oak or nut tree, revered by the people and regarded as "a seat of deity", and a holy spring nearby.332 Also, in the description of destruction of the temples, Ebbo used the plural in relation to idols housed there.333 All this indicates the worship and veneration of some other deities at Szczecin and the clear dominance and

325

Knytlinga Saga, cc. 121. TM, VI.-23. quorum primus Zuarasici dictur et pre caeteris a cunctis gentilibus honoratur et colitur. 327 TM, VI.25. 328 TM, VII.64. 329 MP, II.11. 330 Ebbo, III.1. 331 Herbord, II.32. 332 Herbord, II.33. 333 Ebbo, II.1. 107 326

prominence of Triglav in the local pantheon. And above all, on the basis of Ebbo's account we know that Triglav of Szczecin served the role of supreme god among the other lesser deities: "the superior god (Triglav).... managed three realms: heaven, earth and underworld..."334 This clearly indicates his supremacy over lesser local deities and is probably the finest and clearest example of the form Polabian henotheism had taken. It is known from the Chronicae Episcopatus Brandenburgensis that the deity also known as Triglav was worshipped at Brandenburg by the Stodorane and that there existed a cult centre and idol of Triglav.335 As only this deity and its shrine was reported it can be assumed that Triglav at Brandenburg was a major deity among these central Polabian people.

The evidence for the cult of Triglav and its centre, while scarce, nonetheless

indicates that some other deities were worshipped there as well. According to Cronica Principium Saxonie :

(Albert the Bear) destroyed the idol which had stood in Brandenburg in front of the old town, on a hill, and numerous other (idols).336

This brief account suggests the existence of minor deities in Stodorane's pantheon and it fits into the pattern of Polabian henotheism reported from Szczecin and other northern Polabian cults. According to Monachus Prieflingensis and Herbord the people of Wolin worshipped Julius Caesar,337 and this is obviously an interpretio romana on the part of Otto of Bamberg's biographers. Unfortunately the sources do not inform us of the real, Slavic 334

Ebbo, III.1. summo paganorum deo Trigelawo dicatus....tria habere capita, quoniam tria procuraret regna, id est coeli, terrae et inferni. 335 Chronicae Episcopatus Brandenburgensis, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 25, p.484. 336 Cronica Principium Saxonie, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, p. 481. 108

name of the deity worshipped there. Some scholars, including a Pole, Stanisław Rosik, postulated that the Volinane also worshipped Triglav. However, this claim is based only on the story from Ebbo about a widow at Wolin who hid a golden statue of Triglav in a hollow tree after the conversion of Wolin.338 Such evidence does not appear to be enough to claim that Triglav was a major deity among the Volinane, especially in the light of the fact that Otto of Bamberg's biographers, who mentioned Triglav in relation to Szczecin on many occasions, are silent about Triglav's cult at Wolin. Therefore, at best it can be concluded that, due to the closeness of Szczecin and Wolin, the cult of Triglav was known in the latter. It appears that at Wolin two cult centres existed. One was an open shrine where a huge wooden pole was also worshipped and some early summer celebrations were held.339 At the other centre a temple stood where, according to Monachus Prieflingensis, a sacred, ancient and rusted iron spear, symbolizing "Julius Caesar", and revered by the local people, was held.340 However, there is evidence for some other less important deities as the other idols were mentioned at Wolin's temple.341 The worship of other deities is also attested by Ebbo who said that on conversion the idols of various other deities at one of the open sanctuaries were destroyed. He also stated that some figurines of gods were hidden by the Volinane after Otto of Bamberg's first mission in 1124 and the demolition of their places of worship.342 Therefore, it is clear that the Volinane had a pantheon of deities and one of them, referred to by Otto's biographers as "Julius Caesar", dominated the religious life of these people. Therefore a henotheistic cult should not be doubted there. As for the amalgamation of other beliefs into a syncretic cult it is clear that the venerated spear associates this deity with war. An early summer major

337

Herbord, III.26. Ebbo, II.13. 339 Ebbo, II.2 340 MP, II. 6, 16-17. 341 idola maiora et minora. MP, II.6, 17. 342 Ebbo, III.1. 338

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festival most likely with fertility and spring cults, and the existence of a stable in the temple complex suggest that divination involving a horse took place there, as it did at Arkona and Radegosć. The evidence from the Ranove principality, the Veletian Union, Szczecin and Wolin leaves no doubt that north-eastern Polabian cults reached a highly developed and advanced stage of henotheism with no parallels elsewhere in Slavdom, with the exception of Kievan Rus'. At the same time, with the evolution of henotheism the Polabian gods ceased to be single domain deities. Over time they acquired various functions and other realms. As for the cults of Yarovit of Havelberg and Wolgast, there is no direct evidence for the worship of minor deities. However, this lack of evidence may almost certainly be attributed to the short nature of the accounts describing the cults. Taking into consideration that the Slavic religion was polytheistic in nature, it is extremely unlikely that people there would abandon all the other deities for Yarovit. It has to be remembered that monotheism is not an easily acceptable doctrine, as the Christian example shows. It is worth noting that Christianity, and especially its Roman Catholic version, is de jure a monotheistic religion, but de facto contains many polytheistic features such as its concept of the holy Trinity, the cult of Saints and the Marian cult in certain countries such as Poland.

The evidence

presented for lesser cults implies that almost everywhere in Polabian lands, smaller entities within tribes, such as opole territorial units had beside a common higher deity of the tribe or principality, their own local deities of lesser importance and standing. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that, beside the major and dominant gods, whose prominence was fully recognized by people who encountered the pagan Slavs, minor deities were also widely worshipped. HARVEST AND FERTILITY DEITIES One of the primary domains of Sventovit of Rügen was farming and agriculture. This should not be a surprise taking into consideration that like all the Slavs, the Polabians 110

were predominantly an agricultural society. The Polabian harvest festival is relatively well documented in the sources. The first reference comes from William of Malmesbury, an early twelfth century English chronicler.343

He lived in western England and it is

commonly accepted that he took his information from a now lost German source of the middle of the eleventh century from the times of the emperor Henry III.344

Vindelici (Wends) worship Fortune, and putting her idol in the most eminent situation, they place a horn in her right hand, filled with the beverage made of honey and water.... Wherefore on the last day of November, sitting round in a circle, they all taste it; and if they find the horn full, they applaud with loud clamours: because in the ensuing year, plenty with her brimming horn will fulfil their wishes in everything: but if it be otherwise, they lament.345

In this description only the name of the deity does not resemble Sventovit of Rügen, in fact it is different. However, taking into consideration that William of Malmesbury never visited continental Europe, we may assume that he either did not know its name or, as a

343

For identification of the idol described by William of Malmesbury as that of Sventovit of Rügen see: R. Zaroff, & L. P. Słupecki, ' William of Malmesbury on Pagan Slavic Oracles: New Source for Slavic Paganism and its Two Interpretations', Studia Mythologia Slavica, 2, 1999, pp. 11-14. 344 A. Gransden, Historical Writing in England, c. 550 to c. 1307 (London, 1974), pp. 171, 178. 345 William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, trans. J.A. Giles, William of Malmesbury's Chronicle of the Kings of England London: George Bell & Sons, 1904), Book II, Chp. XII (p. 208). 111

person unfamiliar with the foreign name of the deity, he substituted for it one of his own. Following the pattern of other ancient and medieval historians, before and after him, he would have replaced it with the name of a classical deity, or perhaps it had been changed already in a German source used by William of Malmesbury.

Whatever the case, the

choice of the name Fortuna seems to be an appropriate choice as in ancient Rome she was a goddess of blind faith and had also provided oracles.346 Another description of the festival comes from Saxo Grammaticus, who wrote:

The next day, the people kept watch outside the door, and he (priest) took down the cup (horn) from the image, and inspected it closely; if any amount of the liquor he had put in had gone away, he taught this meant a dearth in the following year. Noting this, he would order the corn in hand to be kept for the future. If he saw no lessening of its usual fullness, he would prophesy a good season. Depending on this augury, he warned them to use this year’s harvest either sparingly or liberally. Then he poured out the old wine at the feet of the image as an offering, and filled the empty cup with fresh; and playing the part of a cupbearer, he worshipped the statue and petitioned him in a ritual incantation for increase of wealth and victory for himself, his country, and its people. After this, he put the cup to his mouth and emptied it excessively fast in one draught, putting it back into the right hand of the

statue refilled with new drink.347

Both accounts show clearly that Sventovit of Rügen was specifically the Ranove's deity and one of his primary functions was protecting farming and crops. The November

346 347

P. Jones & N. Pennick, A History…, p. 39. SG, XIV.39 (p. 494-496) Eric Christiansen translation. 112

celebration at Arkona, involving foretelling the future harvest and events, regardless of its high profile and complex form, appears to be a common Slavic tradition. The later ethnographic evidence from Poland shows that as late as the eighteenth century on 11 November, that is St. Martin's Day, peasants had a holiday marking the end of the autumn and field work, and the beginning of winter. In many regions on that day a levy, either in money or produce, was due to the landlord. Various oracles were performed including foretelling from bones of geese. Probably due to regional variation or its marking the Christian Advent, in some areas the beginning of winter was celebrated on 25 November, St. Katherine's Day or on 30 November, St. Andrew's Day. An echo of this is a custom still known in Poland today when on St. Andrew's Day people have parties and sometimes pour melted wax on water in an attempt to foretell the future from the solidified wax shapes. Of course it is regarded only as a tradition and not treated seriously. Therefore, we may conclude that the harvest festival and ritual involving oracles performed on Rügen and described by Saxo Grammaticus evolved into a complex and state-like ceremony from a simpler, but conceptually similar older Slavonic tradition celebrated at this time of the year. In another associated ritual during the same festival on Rügen:

They (Ranove) also offered up a honey-cake, round in shape and almost as big as a man. The priest would put this between himself and the people, and ask whether the men of Rügen could see him. And when they answered, he requested that he would be invisible to them after a year. By this form of prayer he sought to know not his, nor the people's destiny, but the growth of the harvest to come.348

This account brings immediately to our attention an almost identical custom known widely from Slavic and Baltic-speaking peoples' folklore. It was reported by a number of Russian

113

ethnographers of the turn of the twentieth century. For example, in the Mogilev region in Byelorussia, during an autumn festival to commemorate their dead ancestors called dziady (literally ancestors), the head of the household would sit at the end of a table full of prepared dishes and hide behind a pile of cakes. He would then ask his wife whether she could see him. He would reply to his wife's denial that "I hope that you will not see me next year either." Then he would drink a cup of vodka in a single gulp. In Ukraine, a similar ceremony during gody was reported, except that the head of the household hid behind sheaves of grain.349 The whole ceremony, although varied in details, generally closely resembles the more elaborate pagan harvest festival on Rügen island and falls roughly at the same time of the year. The way the drink is consumed in a single gulp also brings to mind the ritual drinking of mead by Sventovit's high priest. A similar custom of presenting a large round loaf during the harvest festival is known from Lithuania.350 However, a large wheel shaped loaf or cakes as an element of harvest ceremonies was a common Indo-European tradition. Large flour-cakes in the shape of a wheel known as summanalia were used as offerings to a Roman thunder deity named Summanus.351

A

similar ceremony was performed in ancient India where a large sacred cake called Rathaçakra was made in a form of wheel. It was used in the ceremony of Vajapeya in autumn following the harvest.352 As for Yarovit of Wolgast, one of his functions can be deduced from Herbord's account. He reported an incident where Yarovit's priest, pretending to be the god himself, recited the following declaration:

348

SG, XIV.39 (p. 406). M. Kravchenko, The World of the Russian Fairy Tale, pp. 16-17; and S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Slowianie..., p. 91; and A. Brückner, Mitologia..., p. 319n. 350 R. Pettazzoni, Essays…, p. 99n. 351 R. Pettazzoni, Essays…, p. 95. 352 R. Pettazzoni, Essays…, p. 100. 114 349

I am your god, I am the one who covers the meadows with grass and the forests with leaves, raises crops in fields and trees, (gives) fertility to cattle. Everything that people use comes from my power.353

This account suggests that initially Yarovit was most likely a deity of spring time regeneration and the rebirth of vegetation, and a protector of farming. Although we have to rely on this single fragment, it leaves no doubt that this deity was associated with fertility and agriculture. The deity worshipped at Havelberg at the beginning of the twelfth century was called Yarovit. Ebbo called the deity Gerovitus, almost exactly the same name as that of Gerowitus, worshipped at far away Wolgast.354

The functions and

domains of Yarovit of Havelberg were not mentioned by any of Otto of Bamberg's biographers. However, Ebbo, in his Vita Ottonis Episcopi Babenbergensis, provides some clues:

For on the very day of his (Otto of Bamberg's) coming the city, surrounded on all sides by stabards, was celebrating the name of a certain idol, Gerovitus (Yarovit). When the man of God saw this he felt remorse for so great an error; he refused to enter the walls of the city, but standing before the gate summoned Wirikind the lord of the place.355

Otto of Bamberg arrived there in early May, and Yarovit's feast was probably celebrated around the 10th. The timing of the celebration in spring implies that it was associated with spring, rebirth of vegetation and agriculture. It also suggests strong links with the spring festivals so common among the Slavs and other agriculturists. Furthermore, the name 353 354

Herbord II.32. Ebbo, III.3, 8. 115

'Yarovit' itself derives from a Slavonic root jary, indicating youthful strength, being young, strong, ardent and lively, and is cognate to the word svęt.356 This finds reflection in the Polish proverb "stary ale jary" that can be translated as "old but still full of vitality". Also, it is worth noting here that in modern Polish the term jare is used to denote cereals sown in early spring.357 Therefore the name of this god also bears a strong association with spring and the renewal of vegetation, and points to agriculture, fertility and natural forces as the domains and function of Yarovit worshipped in both towns.358 There is no clear evidence that Svarozhits of Radegosć was a deity of harvest. However, one event suggests that some ceremony of great importance was held annually at Radegosć in November, coinciding with similar celebrations at Arkona on Rügen discussed above. In June 1066, during the pagan uprising of the Obodrites who were supported by the Veletians, bishop John of Mecklenburg was captured. Surprisingly he was kept alive by the Veleti until 10 November, when he was sacrificed and his head offered to Svarozhits at Radegosć.359 The coincidence of a bishop being sacrificed during the time of Arkona's harvest ceremony and the keeping alive of such a "distinguished" captive for so long, indicates the importance of the celebrations in November. Taking into consideration that at Arkona and across Slavdom this celebration was associated with the harvest, it is very likely that at Veletian Radegosć it was also a harvest festival and celebration. This in turn would imply the acquisition of some agricultural role by Svarozhits of Radegosć. Nothing conclusive can be said about similar autumn harvest festivals at other cult centres we are concerned with. Analysis of animal bones unearthed at Wolin indicates that

355

Ebbo, III.3. M.Z. Jedlicki in TM, p. 329n. 357 M. Szymczak, Słownik Języka Polskiego (Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 1978), p. 823. 358 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 108. 359 AB, III. LI (50). 116 356

some celebration and offerings were held there in early autumn.360 This may suggest a ceremony similar to that held at Arkona on Rügen sometime during November, which would mutually reinforce the claim for a harvest festival there and at Radegosć. ELEMENTS OF SOLAR CULT There are strong indications that the association of horse and harvest festivals with the Polabian cults had also strong links with the solar cult. However, before proceeding with solar elements in the Polabian religion there is a need to clarify the issue of the Sun cult and its elements among the other Slavs. The Slavic Sun god was called Dazhbog, and his name could be translated as "giver of wealth" or "giving god". The root bog, literally meaning god in all Slavic languages, is a clear Iranian borrowing, from the Iranian bhaga - god and sometimes wealth, riches.361 The widespread Sun cult of Dazhbog featured prominently among the Eastern Slavs, and references to this deity appear in a number of sources. They include the Russian Primary Chronicle :

And Vladimir began to reign alone in Kiev, and he set up idols on the hills outside the castle: one of Perun, made of wood with a head of silver and a moustache of gold, and others of Khors, Dazhbog, and Stribog, and Simargl, and Mokosh".362

and in The Song of Igor's Campaign, a twelfth century Russian epic poem.363

The fortune of the god Dazhbog's grandson was destroyed.364

360

L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., p. 89. A. Brückner, Słownik..., p. 84; also in: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 137. 362 RPC, year 980, p. 56. .И нача княжити Володимиеръ въ Киеве единъ, и постави кумиры на холму вне двора теремнаго: Перуна древяна, а главу его сребрену, а усъ златъ, Хърса, Дажъбога, и Стрибога, и Симарьгла, и Мокошь. 363 The Song was written in Kiev at the close of the 12th century: V. Nabokov, in, SIC, p. 14. and: S.A. Zenkovsky, ed., Medieval Russia's Epics, p. 137. 117 361

and: The prairie overwhelmed the Russian forces. Grief reigned over the forces of god Dazhbog's grandsons.365

Dazhbog appears also in

the Slavonic

translation of John Malalas, a Byzantine

chronicler of the sixth century. In the Slavic version from around the eleventh century, the name Helios was replaced by Dazhbog.366 Also, an Arab traveller, Al Masudi, reported around the middle of the tenth century that Eastern Slavs were sun worshipers367 and that they had a temple-like structure with an open dome and some other feature enabling them to watch the sunrise.368

Although it was more likely an

open shrine rather than a temple, it is almost certain that such structures were part of a sun cult. The name Dazhbog does not appear in other Slavic languages in association with the Sun deity.

However, the name survived in the Polish personal name -

Dażbog,369 and in Serbian folklore it remains as demons called Dajboga and Daba.370 The cult might have existed in the German Baltic region of Wagrien among the Slavic Obodrites, where Helmold of Bossau reported

a temple and idol at Plön called

Podaga.371 The name Podaga was interpreted by Roman Jakobson as a corruption of Daboga or Dajboga,372 but this interpretation is questionable. The Southern Slavic peasants were known to swear an oath on the Sun, and in Bulgaria the Sun was regarded

364

SIC,VI. SIC, VII. 366 John Malalas, The Chronicle of John Malalas (Melbourne: Australian Association of Byzantine Studies, 1986), Book 2.1 and 2.2. The Slavonic version of Malalas: G. Alexinsky, 'Slavonic Mythology', p. 284. 367 Al Masudi on Sun worship: G. Vernadsky & R.T. Fisher, Jr., A Source Book for Russian History from Early Times to 1917, p. 9. 368 Al Masudi on Sun "temple": M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, pp. 164-165. 369 A. Brückner, Słownik..., p. 84. 370 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 137. 371 HB, Book I.84. 372 Jakobson's interpretation: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 137. 118 365

as divine. Also, customs of greeting the rising sun were reported all over Russia, Ukraine and Byelorussia. Certain medieval Eastern Slavic sources reported the rural custom of bowing to the south (the Sun) at midday.373

In Germany, in the south-

eastern district of Lusatia, the Polabian Sorbs were reported to greet the rising sun before entering church on Sunday.374 In the Western Ukraine a curse was known: "May the Sun make you perish", and in Croatia peasants would say" May the Sun avenge me on you".375 In Christian times the Sun has been called "God's face" or "God's eye".376 This is an interesting parallel with Vedic tradition where the Sun deity Surja is called an eye of Varuna,377 suggesting that the concept was a common Indo-European one. As for other Indo-European links, it is worth noting that numerous sun symbols were also used or displayed during the above mentioned ancient Indian harvest ceremony of Vajapeya (see page 111). Its solar association was most clearly expressed by invoking the sun god Savitŗ during the ceremony,378 and a wheel or wheel-like artefacts are known to be Sun symbols in ancient India,379 as well as among many other Indo-European people.380 This association of harvest and agriculture with the Sun by the Indo-European people should not be a surprise and we believe this does not require any further explanation. Numerous other examples of Sun worship among the Slavs from the post-conversion times preserved in Slavic folklore were collected and published by the Polish ethnographer and historian Kazimierz Moszyński.381 There is also some indirect supporting evidence for a Sun cult among the Slavs.

For example, a wheel or circles depicted in pre-Christian,

Indo-European iconography are interpreted as solar symbols, and a large number of such 373

M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 165; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 132-133. M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 165. 375 G. Alexinsky, 'Slavonic Mythology', p. 285. 376 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 132. 377 Rig Veda, 1.50. 378 R. Pettazzoni, Essays…, pp. 100-101. 379 Rig Veda, I.30.13. 380 R. Pettazzoni, Essays…, pp. 95-96. 374

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engravings were found on early Slavic pottery.382

These

remnants of a sun cult

survived among the Slavs till recent times, clearly demonstrating its importance to all the Slavs since the pre-Migration period.383 At the same time in Indo-European tradition horses are closely associated with solar deities and sometimes the horse itself is a solar symbol. This has been reported among many Indo-European peoples such as ancient Indians, Iranians, Germans, Celts, Greeks and Slavs.384 From Polabian Slavdom we know that the horse of Sventovit was white and that of Triglav black. As for Svarozhits' horse, the colour of the animal has not been recorded. The colour of Triglav's horse prompted the Polish historian Aleksander Gieysztor to postulate that Triglav was a chthonic deity.385 However, as was rightly argued by another Polish scholar, Stanis³aw Urbańczyk, the colour of the horse is not of importance here. He pointed out that striking similarities in divination involving horses at Arkona on Rügen and at Szczecin are much more important than the colour of an animal.386 Therefore, it can be assumed that the horses, solar discs and other solar symbols are very common and well documented motives in folklore, mythology and iconography of all branches of Slavdom. They therefore provide evidence for a well entrenched solar cult among the early Slavs.387 In the Polabian context,

none of the known gods we are concerned with was

specifically a Sun deity, but the incorporation of a horse, a divine animal and its use in

381

K. Moszyński, Kultura Ludowa Słowian, vol. 2, part 1, pp. 437-454. A. Gieysztor, 'Slav Countries: Folklore of the Forests', in P. Grimal, ed.; Larousse World Mythology (G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1965), p. 401. 383 G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, 2, p. 53. 384 Horse as a Sun symbol among I.E. people, Germans: H.R.E. Davidson, Pagan Scandinavia, pp. 51-52; among the Balts: M. Gimbutas, The Balts, (London: Thames and Hudson, 1963), p. 199; among the Indians: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 133; among the Iranians: M. Eliade, A History Of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1, p. 325; among the Celts: A. Ross, Pagan Celtic Britain (London: Constable & Co. Ltd., 1983), p. 404. 385 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 124. 386 S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Słowianie..., p. 88. 387 N. Čausidis, 'Mythical Pictures…', pp. 288-289. 120 382

divination strongly suggests the solarization of these cults and deities. Also, the round shape of the cake or bread used in the harvest festival at Arkona388, discussed in detail in the previous section, points to a strong solar symbolism in this ritual. Therefore it is likely that the various attributes and functions of Dazhbog, which were absorbed into what became a Polabian religion, reinforces the notion of the syncretic nature of these gods and beliefs. This applies at least to the cults of Sventovit, Triglav of Szczecin, and Svarozhits of Radegosć. WAR DEITIES AND MILITARY FUNCTIONS OF THE POLABIAN GODS One aspect of the Polabian cults and deities is commonly stressed by most researchers, that are their association with war. Before exploring this important element of these cults and gods, there is a need to address the analysis of Slavonic religion that was recently undertaken by Joanna Hubbs. The book is mainly devoted to Russian pre-Christian beliefs but also on a number of occasions addresses the beliefs of the Polabian Slavs. In brief the author postulates that the Slavic religion was dominated by female deities and a masculinization of them occurred later. However, there are very serious flaws in this book totally undermining its value. For example, at one point Joanna Hubbs stated:

The historian Thietmar of Merseburg noted that at Szczecin (where the statue of Svantevit (sic.) was venerated), the popular assembly governed through unanimous vote. It is not clear to what extent women participated in the councils...we can speculate that women participated in government in some form. 389

It is worth noting that Thietmar of Merseburg did not mention the god Sventovit at all in the

388 389

SG, XIV.39 (p. 406). J. Hubbs, Mother Russia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), p. 168. 121

eight books of his chronicle. Sventovit was worshipped at Arkona on Rügen island, a long way from the port of Szczecin located on the river Oder. In fact the people of Szczecin worshipped the god Triglav. Furthermore, Thietmar specifically wrote about the god Svarozhits (Zuarasici in his Latin version of the name) and his worship at Radogosć (near Neubrandenburg). There is nothing in Thietmar's account suggesting that women participated in councils of the Veletian Union.390 In another passage Joanna Hubbs identified the four faced Slavic idol of Zbrucz as that of Sventovit.391

Some feminine

motifs on the Zbrucz idol prompted her to postulate masculinization of a female divinity in Sventovit of Rügen.392 However, feminine elements, that is two female major figures out of four and some female figures (also with males) on the trunk of the idol of Zbrucz would not allow any serious archaeologist to claim either the femininity of the deity or a "half way" process of masculinization. Furthermore, claims that the idol of Zbrucz is Sventovit of Rügen are far-fetched and a sort of historical exhumation. Such a claim was made in the nineteenth century, but was a result of Panslavic and Romantic exaltation, rather than solid historical and archaeological research. It has been refuted as early as the beginning of the twentieth century by the Polish historian and linguist Aleksander Brückner.393 Today nobody treats seriously or supports this claim. Hubbs' speculation is based on the fact that according to Saxo Grammaticus the idol of Sventovit of Rügen also had four heads.394 However, it has to be remembered that multicephalism was common in Slavic iconography. On the other hand Sventovit's moustache, sword and belief in his night battles with his and the Ranove's enemies395 can hardly be interpreted as feminine

390

TM, VI. 23-25. J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, p. 12. 392 J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, p. 16. 393 A. Brückner, Mitologia…, p. 325. 394 SG, XIV. 39.(p. 494). 395 SG, XIV. 39.(pp. 494-496). 391

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elements. There are numerous similar examples of such research throughout Mother Russia but they are beyond the scope of this work and will not be discussed. Contrary to Joanna Hubbs' fanciful claims, there are clear indications that Sventovit, and as a matter of fact Yarovit, Triglav and Svarozhits as well were war deities. This is confirmed by the sources which described their war associated attributes, certain beliefs and ceremonies associated with the cults.

As for Sventovit of Arkona, as was already

said, such attributes included a huge sword and Ranove's war standard that belonged to this deity.396 Saxo Grammaticus explicitly stated that the Ranove believed in Sventovit riding his horse at night, and fighting their enemies. Also, divinations involving a horse to predict the outcome of oncoming conflicts or raids397 are evidence for the war-like characteristics of this god. Similarly at Radegosć, the sources leave no doubt about Svarozhits' close association with war. According to Thietmar the god's idol wore a helmet and armour,398 no doubt the attributes of a war deity. The Veletian war standards were kept in the temple and were removed from there in case of war. They were carried by Veletian warriors during the Polish-Empire war in 1017. Unfortunately, it is uncertain what those standards depicted. Thietmar's account suggests that they were wooden images of some deities, not necessarily of Svarozhits himself.399 Thietmar also reported that before departing for war the Veleti greeted and saluted Svarozhits. Although the chronicler was not specific in this instance it indicates that some war rituals associated with Svarozhits were performed on such occasions. Also, offerings were made to the deity after successful campaigns, comprising parts of booty.400

Finally, it is worth noting that Bruno of Querfurt, in his letter to the

396

SG, XIV.39. (p. 494). SG. XIX.39(p. 496). 398 TM, VI. 23. 399 TM, VII. 64 (47). 400 TM, VI. 25. 397

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emperor Henry II, shows Saint Maurice as the opposite of Svarozhits.

401

As Saint

Maurice was a Roman army man and martyr, and a popular saint in Magdeburg circles, it implies that Bruno of Querfurt was fully aware of the war functions of this Polabian deity. Yarovit of Wolgast was explicitly compared, or rather identified by Herbord with Mars, the ancient Roman war god,402 and Ebbo described him as deus miliciae, "god of warriors".403 In the temple a huge, golden plated holy shield of Yarovit was kept:

the hanging shield was of great size, skilfully and artistically laminated with golden sheets. No mortal was allowed to touch it and it was considered a source of power of which I know nothing, but which is the greatest in their pagan beliefs, so it was forbidden to move it if it was not wartime.404

So, the evidence that the holy shield was the subject of taboo and allowed neither to be touched nor carried outside in peace time clearly implies the war-like nature of this deity. There are also two artefacts preserved to this day that also support Yarovit's association with war. At the medieval church of Saint Peter at Wolgast there are two stones built in both with a relief depicting standing male figures holding a spear in their right hands, who are in the local tradition called "Gerovitstein", that is Yarovit's stone. There are crosses above the heads of both figures and inscriptions on one of them, but they are believed to be later additions (see picture 9 and 10). It cannot be said for certain, but they are most likely images of Yarovit, which were "exorcised" by being built into the church walls and the incision of crosses.405 If so, the spears held by the figures, being an attribute of war, confirm the close affiliation of Yarovit of Wolgast with military functions. Also, 401

M.Z. Jedlicki in TM, p. 346n. Herbord, III.6. 403 Ebbo, II.8. 404 Herbord, III.6. 402

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Triglav at Szczecin served some military functions. The fact that levy from war booty was extracted and offered to Triglav,406 and the use of the sacred horse of Triglav to predict the outcome of military raids and campaigns,407 also points to this. Furthermore, a number of war attributes were associated with the deity such as the numerous weapons that were stored at the temple. There is not much information in the Lives of Otto of Bamberg about the unknown god from Wolin. Nonetheless, the association of the dominant deity in Wolin with the spear408 evidently connects it with military affairs. This can hardly be interpreted another way. In the cases of Yarovit of Havelberg and Triglav of Brandenburg, again due to the scarcity of sources their possible military functions can only be suspected. However, taking into consideration the appearance of the same names in different locations, the war functions of Yarovit of Wolgast and Triglav of Szczecin, the relative geographical closeness of all these places as well as the degree of cultural and religious uniformity manifested by the Polabian Slavs, such functions are very likely. Going further, all these circumstances prompt us to claim that the above gods from Havelberg and Brandenburg also served the function of war deities. As we can see, all the deities of central and north-eastern Polabians were more or less associated with warfare and the military aspects of life. It should, however, be hardly a surprise that their religion and particular cults evolved in this direction, taking into consideration that between the tenth and twelfth centuries these people were engaged in a struggle for independence and survival with their more powerful neighbours such as the Empire, Denmark and Poland.

405

L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic.., pp. 92, 218-219. Herbord, II.32; Ebbo, III.1. 407 Herbord, II.33. 408 MP, II.6. 125 406

ORIGINS OF POLABIAN DEITIES It is worth noting that, with the exception of Svarozhits of Radegosć and deities like Sventovit, Yarovit and Triglav, the names of these Polabian deities do not appear elsewhere in Slavic mythology. This prompted a number of scholars to claim that they and their cults were relatively new, post-Migration developments.409 There is no doubt that the forms they took were relatively recent developments, but as was shown these new forms evolved almost entirely from a common all-Slavic tradition. However, it is clear that Svarozhits of Radegosć was a different deity from the one known from the Eastern Slavic tradition. According to the Eastern Slavic source known as Слово некоего Христолюбца (Slovo nekoyego Christolubtsa - Sermon of an Unknown Admirer of Christ), a sermon composed in the twelfth century:410

They (the pagan Slavs) also address prayer to Fire, calling him Svarozhich... ...they pray to fire by the kiln.411

Another work known as Слово объ идольях (Slovo ob idolyakh -Sermon about the Idols) also provides some crucial information. It is an Eastern Slavic sermon attributed by its author to St. Gregory the Theologian who lived in the fourth century. The sermon was composed in the early twelfth century.412 In this work there is a reference to the preChristian Eastern Slavic religion:

They (the Slavs) pray to Svarozhits.413

409

S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Słowianie..., p. 109 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 131. 411 A. Brückner, A., Mitologia..., p. 116. 412 B. Rybakov, Yazichestvo..., p. 442. 410

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And in another sermon called Слово отца нашего Иоанна Златоустаго (Slovo ottsa nashego Ioanna Zlatoustavo - Sermon of John Chrysostom) known from the fourteenth century copy, but probably composed earlier, and attributed to St. John Chrysostom, a fourth century archbishop of Constantinopole, we read:

The others believe in Svarozhits and in Artemis, and in their stupidity pray to them and kill roosters for them, or chickens if they are poor.414

The inclusion of the Greek goddess Artemis here probably occurred because, the author had used some Greek source to compose his sermon. Perhaps even one written by St. John Chrysostom. Whatever the case, it is not our concern here. The important thing is that these accounts clearly demonstrate that Svarozhits in pre-Christian times was a fire deity and was widely worshipped at least among the Eastern Slavs.415 There is no reason to question these three accounts because they were written after the conversion of Kievan Rus' to Christianity. It is known that the conversion of the Eastern Slavs was a slow process that took centuries and many elements of the pre-Christian religion survived there until modern times. It is worth noting that a special term двуверье (dvuverye - double faith) was coined to describe the parallel existence, and sometimes mixing of Christianity with paganism, to describe the religious beliefs of the Eastern Slavs. Certainly by the twelfth century Eastern Slavdom was far from being fully converted to Christianity. The authors of these sermons no doubt were aware of the pagan deities still worshipped in the country and more remote areas of the Kievan realm. And by inserting the name of

413

B. Rybakov, Yazichestvo…, p. 540. Они Сварожицу мольятся. A. Brückner, A., Mitologia..., p. 116. 415 S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Słowianie, p. 27. 127 414

Svarozhits in sermons the authors most likely attempted an attack on the worship of Svarozhits by explicitly targeting this god. There are two interpretations of the name Svarozhits. The first is that it is a patronymic name meaning the "son of Svarog". The ending - its is common in Slavic patronymic names.416 As was already explained among the Russians, Ukrainians and Byelorussians it is still used the same way like a middle name. This custom of using the patronymic names disappeared among the other Slavs but as we know survived as surnames all over Slavdom.417 The identification of Svarozhits as a son of Svarog, the Slavic Sky-god, is supported among others by the Russian historian Boris Rybakov.418 But some other scholars, including the renowned Polish linguist and historian Aleksander Brückner, another Pole, Henryk Łowmiański and George Vernadsky, supported the notion that the name Svarozhits meant "little Svarog", and was a diminutive form for Svarog used by his worshipers.419 However, it has been demonstrated recently by Stanisław Urbańczyk that a Slavonic ending -its as a diminutive form for a name was very rarely used among the Slavs, contrary to initial claims by Aleksander Brückner.

420

Moreover, taking into

consideration that Svarozhits was a fire god among the Eastern Slavs, and a fierce, bloodthirsty war deity among the Polabians, a diminutive and cuddlesome form of his name seems to be inappropriate. Therefore, a father-son relationship between Svarog and Svarozhits appears to be the right explanation. The name Svarozhits was only preserved among the Eastern Slavs and the Polabians. Nonetheless, it appears that most of the Slavs had a clearly defined concept of the sanctity of fire well into Christian times. According to the Arab historian Ibn-Rosteh, from the

416

A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p.130. SKDS, pp. 146-147. 418 B. Rybakov, Yazichestvo…, p. 10. 419 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 134. 420 S. Urbañczyk, Dawni Slowianie..., pp. 106-107. 128 417

early tenth century, all the Slavs were fire worshippers.421

Of course we have to

acknowledge here that it applies in this case only to the Eastern Slavs. The other evidence comes mainly from ethnographic data. For example, the nineteenth century Russian peasants would not spit into the fire or swear at it.

Throwing a sheaf into the fire was

believed to bring luck. In Podolia and Polesie in Ukraine fire was regarded as a god as late as the nineteenth century.

There was also a widespread belief that fire had special

powers. In particular, a fire started by friction using wooden sticks was called a "living fire" and was supposed to have healing properties. For example, sick cattle were driven around "living fire" lit bon-fires in the field to cure them. Some of the spells to cast out illness began with the words: "Little Fire, Tsar-Fire" and fire was addressed "Tsar of the Tsars". This custom survived in some regions of Siberia until the late nineteenth century 422

and it is clearly reminiscence of the times when fire was worshipped as a god.423 Some

elements of fire worship survived also among the Western Slavs. For example, a "living fire" was started using sticks as late as the middle of the twentieth century in some parts of rural Poland on Annunciation Day.424

Hence it could be assumed that, although the

name of the deity was erased from the popular culture by the Church, the sanctity of fire and elements of ancient worship survived in a folk culture almost to the present times. The above evidence shows that this original Slavic fire deity shares with the Polabian Svarozhits practically its name only. This Veletian deity had its own shrine, temple and statue with an organized priesthood to officiate during the official, formal and complex ceremonies. It is evident that he became a dominant god among all the member tribes of the Veletian Union. All this clearly indicates that, among the Veletians, the cult of Svarozhits, who was initially a fire god, underwent a significant transformation over time. 421

A. Brückner, Mitologia…, p. 236. B. Rybakov, Yazichestvo…, p. 33. 423 Sanctity of fire: E. Warner; Heroes, Monsters and other Worlds from Russian Mythology (London: Peter Lowe, Inc.,1985), p. 16. 422

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He turned into a deity whose domains included warfare, fortune telling and agriculture. As is well known, in the Indo-European mythologies the horse is regarded as a Sun symbol.425 The most evident example of this is, perhaps, the description of the Sun as a white horse in Rig Veda.426 Therefore, the presence and functions of the sacred white horse at the temple of Svarozhits also suggests that Sun worship too, was amalgamated with the cult.

Surprisingly neither Thietmar of Merseburg nor Adam of Bremen

mentioned any association of Svarozhits with fire, such as for example a sacred hearth in or near a temple. As neither of them ever visited a pagan temple it is possible that they downplayed significance of such a sacred fire, if it existed.

Therefore,

nothing

conclusive can be said in this respect. Nonetheless, it is clear that Svarozhits of the Veletian Union underwent so fundamental a conceptual transformation that to all intents, except for his name, he was a deity totally different to his common ancient Slavic prototype. It is unclear, however, although likely, that Svarozhits retained also the role of a fire deity. SVENTOVIT AND YAROVIT - PERUN DISGUISED ? The two north-eastern and central Polabian deities, that are Sventovit and Yarovit, appear to be related to or at least to have originated from a common older deity. As has been already said, the root svęt implies strength, and sometimes strength of a somehow supernatural nature is cognate to the root jary, that appears as a first part of the name Yarovit.

In Slavic languages this word also indicates youthfulness, strength, and

ardency.427 The second root vit in both names is cognate to vitędz- "warrior, Lord, warlord". Hence the name of Yarovit and Sventovit can be interpreted as "Strong, Mighty

424

Fire on Annunciation Day in Poland: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 135. Horse as a Sun symbol: A. Ross, Pagan Celtic Britain, p. 321; And on amalgamation of other Slavic beliefs: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 34 & 110; and M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, pp. 157 and160-161; and SKDS, pp. 302 and 609-611. 426 Rig Veda, VII. 77.3. 427 M.Z. Jedlicki in TM, p. 329n. 130 425

Lord". The deities share many similarities, including their association with war and agriculture. This may be interpreted as a trait that indicates a common origin of both deities. But on the other hand their common military function may be attributed to similar developments of Polabian cults. However, their association with vital forces and agriculture seems to be a conceptual origin common to both deities rather than a parallel independent development. Above all, their related names fit perfectly with these attributes and functions.

Moreover,

agriculture and to some extent animal husbandry was of the utmost importance to the Slavic society of farmers, and the existence of such a deity could be expected among them. It is worth noting, that agriculture was a fundamental and inseparable part of the Slavic economy from the time of their ethnogenesis. The area where the ethnogenesis of the Slavs most likely took place, that is roughly modern Western Ukraine and South-eastern Poland, is one of the regions of Europe where farming was first practiced. As early as 4,800 BCE the so called Tripolye culture flourished there. It was older than Western European farming communities, and junior only to the Danubian and a few coastal Mediterranean farmers cultures.428 The original name of both deities appears to have contained the root jary, therefore Sventovit is a later name, most likely a Ranove invention. A number of clues suggest this. Sventovit appears only on Rügen island while deities named Yarovit were worshipped at least at two locations, at Wolgast and at Brandenburg. This suggests that the name Sventovit derives from Yarovit not the other way around, and that a change of name occurred on Rügen island, most likely to distinguish their god from the gods of other Polabian Slavs. Neither does the name Yarovit appear anywhere in Slavic recorded mythology. However, some ethnographic data from Eastern Slavdom shows that some folk figures named

Yarilo and Yarun were known to them. According to some

131

Byelorussian traditions, recorded in the middle of the nineteenth century, Yarilo was a young person dressed in white who rode a white horse holding a human head in his right hand and spikes of rye in the left. This immediately brings to mind Yarovit's priest from Wolgast wearing a white robe. However, this may be a pure coincidence as well. The above mentioned folk celebration of Yarilo took place on 27 April, very close indeed to the early May festival at Havelberg where Yarovit was worshipped.429 The Byelorussian celebration cantered around a young girl who dressed up in white, impersonated Yarilo by sitting on a white horse, and the people sang:

Wandered Yarilo around the world, brought up rye in the fields, begotten children, Where his foot goes, rye is plentiful, When he is on grain, grain-ear blossoms.430

In this folk festivity Yarilo's affiliation with spring, fertility, harvest and agriculture cannot be doubted. Some celebrations associated with Yarilo also took place as late as the second half of the eighteenth century at Voronezh in Russia. They took place in the week following Whitsunday, in mid spring, and lasted between three to five days. A central figure of the festivities was a man dressed with flowers and holding little bells, his face painted red and white. The festival was banned and stamped out by bishop Tikhon Zadonskij in 1765 who called it "satanic games".431 Also, the Russian Suzdal Chronicle of

428

B.M. Fagan, People of the Earth (Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1980), pp. 173-177. Ebbo, III. 3. 430 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 109. 431 H. Łowmiański, Religia…, p. 108n; and M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 162. 132 429

the turn of the thirteenth century mentioned an idol called Yarun in the Suzdal district, but without any details.432 Here again, the name of the deity derives from the root jary. The origins of this spring festival of Yarilo can be reasonably placed in the ancient agricultural tradition of the Slavs of pre-Christian times. The association of Yarilo with vital forces, spring and agriculture clearly makes him conceptually related to the Polabian Yarovit. Furthermore, the white horse that Yarilo rides immediately brings to mind the white horse of Sventovit. And the Voronezh celebrations after Whitsunday, that often fall in May, also remind us of Yarovit's May celebrations reported by Ebbo at Havelberg.433 Hence we can postulate that Yarilo, Yarovit-Sventovit, and most likely Yarun had the same Slavic agricultural deity as their prototype, with a name containing the root jary. The relationship between Yarilo and Yarovit was brought to scholars' attention by the Russian historian and ethnographer Alexander Afanasyev as early as 1865, but his theory did not gain much support in later times.434 Aleksander Brückner reduced Yarilo to the level of a minor Eastern Slavic demon with no association with Yarovit, and later Henryk Łowmiański concluded likewise.435 Recently, Aleksander Gieysztor pointed to conceptual similarities between Yarovit and Yarilo, especially in the areas of spring festivities, vegetation and agriculture.436 A similar association between this Eastern Slavic deity and the Polabian Yarovit was observed by the Russian historians Vyacheslav Ivanov and Vyacheslav Toporov, and it finds acceptance by the Pole Leszek Słupecki.437 As was pointed out, agriculture was of utmost importance to the Slavs and it could be expected, as in any other farming society, that some deity whose dominion was spring, the rejuvenation of vegetation and agriculture would be prominent among them. At the

432

A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 109. Ebbo, III. 3. 434 H. Łowmiański, Religia..., p. 108n 435 A. Brückner, Mitologia..., p. 165; and H. Łowmiański, Religia..., p. 108n. 436 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 108-110. 437 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, p. 93. 133 433

same time, the relative absence of such a deity in written medieval sources could also easily be explained. Medieval chroniclers were not much interested in ordinary people, popular beliefs and every day economic activities. They themselves came from the upper classes and were mainly concerned with major political events. Furthermore, with the exception of Eastern Slavic authors, they were not Slavs and had limited understanding of Slavic internal affairs and their beliefs.

If the Slavic religion came to their attention it

was usually a major, unusually important, state-like cult promoted by their religious and political leaders. Information about cults such as those of Sventovit and Yarovit would have come to their attention in this form and was considered worth recording. In other areas of Slavdom the agriculture linked deities and beliefs, despite their importance, were most likely neglected. The survival of a Yarilo-like deity and associated festivities in folk culture of the Eastern Slavs into modern times, centuries after Christianisation points to the importance of this deity in pagan times. It is worth noting here that, even with the socalled Russian dvuverye, over the centuries the Church eradicated most of the pagan beliefs and customs, and the names of most of the pagan gods passed into oblivion. So, the reduction of the Yarilo-type deity from an important god to a mythical folk figure should not be a surprise. At the same time Yarilo's survival, even in this diminished form, suggests that he was an important deity not to be easily eradicated from people's consciousness, despite the Church's vigorous attempts to do so. So, we can postulate that the ancient Slavs worshipped a common deity whose domain was spring, rejuvenation of vegetation, agriculture and fertility in general. His name contained the root jary and he was possibly called Yarilo or Yarun. After the Migration Period, from around the seventh century, the cult and concept of this god diversified in different geographical and socio-political conditions.

For unknown reasons and in

unknown circumstances among some of the Polabian Slavs the cult and worship of a Yarilo type deity gained prominence and became dominant in some areas. The ending vit 134

(the lord) was most likely a Polabian invention added to the original name of the deity after he began to dominate their pantheon and there was a need to distinguish this god and show him due respect. The name change that must have taken place on Rügen island involved the replacement of the root jary with a cognate svęt. It did not change the meaning of the god's name but this dominant god of the Ranove entered history as Sventovit. These deities, Yarilo, Yarun, Yarovit of Wolgast, Yarovit of Havelberg and Sventovit, as known from historical records, were not identical. However, the number of similarities strongly suggests a common conceptual origin. As for tracing the origins of Triglav, it has been commonly accepted that the name of the god that was worshipped at Szczecin and Brandenburg was a nickname or a taboo name for some other deity.438 Establishing this god's real or original name poses serious difficulties. The Polabian people formed a distinct cultural complex and their cults show numerous striking similarities. The exchange of ideas and mutual influence there reached a stage which makes it very difficult, if indeed it is possible, to isolate which particular trait of the deity, associated ritual or religious concept is an old original one, and which one was borrowed. Therefore, there is no consensus on what Triglav's prototype was. Aleksander Brückner identified Triglav as a god of fire, either earthly fire or celestial, that is with Svarozhits or Dazhbog. He based his findings on the war attributes of Triglav of Szczecin and Svarozhits of Radegosć, and on the very similar use of the horse in divination.439 However, this interpretation is doubtful. The war attributes of Svarozhits and Triglav and the use of horses in divination are their common characteristics, but in the region they are not exclusively Svarozhits' traits and it has not been established when and where these cult elements appeared. On the other hand, Alexander Gieysztor postulated a chthonic character for Triglav, pointing out that the blackness of the horse used in

438 439

L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., p. 82. A. Brückner, Mitologia..., p. 194. 135

divination at Szczecin was an attribute of an Underworld deity.440 He also interpreted the god's three heads as the chthonic by comparing it to a three-headed figure depicted in the lower level of the Zbrucz idol, a level that according to Boris Rybakov's interpretation of the idol represents the underworld.441 At the same time Gieysztor perceived another Slavic god, called Veles, as chthonic, and postulated that Veles was hidden under the name Triglav.442 As for the chthonic character of Triglav, the argument concerning a black horse fails to take into consideration that the colour of the horse is a single characteristic in a complex ritual widely spread in the region, and that the colour of the horse of Svarozhits is uncertain. Furthermore, the association of Veles with the Underworld is not the only possible interpretation of the functions and domains attributed to this particular deity.443 Therefore the origins and prototype deity for Triglav, or his chthonic character, remains uncertain. On the other hand the existence of a deity known as Troyan in Eastern and Southern Slavic mythology indicates that the concept of a deity with three domains or with some distinct triple attributes was not alien to the Slavs. Therefore, although Troyan and Triglav cannot be identified as the same deity, it would be reasonable to conclude that they may have evolved in parallel from a common Slavic conceptual core. Despite the different names and different origins of major gods among the northeastern Polabian Slavs certain conceptual similarities are apparent. These include their war functions, association with agriculture, harvest festivals, use of a horn as a symbol of plenty, and the sacred role and status of a horse. This has been long recognized by scholars who perceived that they were products of a common ideological and conceptual

440

A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 124. A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 125. 442 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 121. 443 R. Zaroff, 'Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or 441

Evolution of Local Tradition ?', Studia Mythologia Slavica, vol. 2, 1999, pp. 60-62. 136

Polabian model.444 Some, like Aleksander Brückner, even claimed that Sventovit and Yarovit as well as Triglav were conceptually the same deity, but that they acquired different names over time among the different Polabian people.445 It has been postulated on a number of occasions that all the Polabian gods we are concerned with originated with Perun. Not necessarily Perun himself but deities that acquired and combined his characteristics, functions and domains and consequently turned into Perun-like deities. This notion was primarily based on the assumption that Perun was an original and ancient Slavic god of war, or as postulated by the Pole Henryk Łowmiański, that he was a sky god that acquired thunder and thunder-bolt as his attributes and became a war deity among the Eastern and Southern Slavs.446 Opinions varied in respect of Triglav for, as has been already said, he was perceived by Aleksander Gieysztor as a chthonic god. Nonetheless in the case of Sventovit, Yarovit and Svarozhits, this was supported by Gieysztor, and Leszek Słupecki also tends to support this claim.447 To evaluate these claims we have to look more closely into the cult of Perun.

The

name Perun derives from an Indo-European root perk, perg or per, meaning "to strike", and is directly associated with a striking thunderbolt.

448

It finds close parallels

in ancient Indian mythology where there was a weather god, Parjanya, whose domains were thunder storms and seasonal monsoons. He was also a deity that made things grow, and like the Slavic Perun he is associated with cattle.449 There is a close conceptual relationship between the foregoing and thunder-associated gods of other Indo-European people, such as the Celtic Taranis, the Greek Zeus and the Germanic

444

H. Łowmiański, Religia…, p. 177; and A. Brückner, Mitologia…, p. 58. A. Brückner, Religia…, p. 32. 446 H. Łowmiański, Religia..., p. 105. 447 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 99-100; and L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, p. 49. 448 M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, pp. 165-166; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 45-48. 449 M. Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1, p. 213; and Rig Veda, 5.83, 7.101. 137 445

Thor/Donar,450 while among the Balts, closely akin to the Slavs culturally and linguistically, one of the major deities was a thunder god named Perkunas.451 There is no doubt that time and space separated Indo-European beliefs but certain common concepts can be observed in all these above mentioned gods, worshipped by various people.

For example, in Germanic mythology the goddess Fjörgynn is the mother of

the thunder god Thor. It should be noted that in Germanic languages the original IndoEuropean "p" changed into "f", which clearly shows that the name is etymologically related to the stem perg.452 In Hittite mythology the stone monster Ullikummi, who fought the weather god Tešub, is a son of the major god Kumarbi and a rock, symbolizing the goddess called Perunaš or Pirunaš.453 It appears here that at least an etymological relation between Perunaš and the Germanic Fjörgynn seems to exist. The link with Vedic Parjanya is not evident here, but it has to be taken into consideration that the Hittite religion was under a strong non-Indo-European influence. However, mythological association of stone or rock with thunder makes some remote relationship and common origin of these deities possible.454 This seems to be even more plausible as the deities of the Mittani, a closely related and contemporary people with the Hittites, were Mitra, Uruwana and Indar, closely corresponding to the Vedic Mitra, Varuna and Indra. 455 The antiquity of a Perun-like deity in Eastern Europe is strongly supported by Finno-Ugric mythology, in particular that of the Mordvinians of the middle Volga basin. 450

For Taranis, see: P. Mac Cana, Celtic Mythology (London: Newnes Books, 1983), p. 24; for Zeus see: M. Gimbutas, The Balts, p. 198; for Thor, see: P. Grappin, 'Germanic Lands: The Mortal Gods', in P. Grimal, ed., Larousse World Mythology (New York: Hamlyn Publishing Group, Ltd., 1973 ed.), p. 373. 451 M. Gimbutas, The Balts, p. 202: and J. Puhvel, 'Indo- European Structure', pp. 78, 83. 452 Goddess Fjörgyn story in Völuspá, a poem in Scandinavian Edda: E. Evans, 'Dodona, Dodola And Daedala', in G.J. Larson, Myth in Indo-European Antiquity ( Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), p. 101, 101n. 453 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 49 454 S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Slowianie..., p. 108. 138

It is known that in pre-Christian times, the Mordvinians worshipped a god called Purginepaz, a deity of thunder and rain.456 As the root purg in this name linguistically correlates with the Baltic perk in Perkunas, the most likely explanation is that the Mordvinians borrowed the concept and the god's name from the Fatyanovo culture of the second half of the second millennium BCE. The Fatyanovo culture emerged in the eastern Baltic area and spread along the Volga and Oka as far as the Ural mountains. Physical anthropology and a strong cultural affiliation of the Fatyanovo complex with the Kurgan and later cultures of the eastern Baltic basin, strongly suggests that they were an Indo-European people and closely related to the later Balto-Slavs.457 This illustrates that the concept of a Perun-like thunder and atmospheric deity was common amongst the Old European population of Eastern Europe in the middle of the second millennium BCE. This in turn clearly indicates a continuity of this common IndoEuropean concept. Evidence for the thunder god among the Slavs is relatively strong, with his worship first mentioned among the Southern Slavs. It is commonly accepted that although his name was not mentioned he was Perun. According to the mid-sixth century Byzantine historian Procopius of Caesarea:

For they (Slavs) believe that one god, the maker of the lightning, is alone lord of all things, and they sacrifice to him cattle and all other victims.458

Some supporting evidence comes from Southern Slavic folklore. As late as the first half of the twelfth century, Bulgarian and Macedonian farmers performed a ceremony meant

455

H. Łowmiański, Religia..., p. 53. A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 49; and S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Słowianie..., p. 184. 457 Fatyanovo culture: M. Gimbutas, The Balts, pp. 34, 44-46, 91-93. 458 Procopius of Ceasarea, History of the Wars, VII.XIV.23. 139 456

to induce rain in which a major role was played by a girl nicknamed Perperuna. This shows a clear association with the name of Perun and conceptual similarities with an Indian god Parjanya. Furthermore, in a certain Bulgarian folk riddle the word perušan is a substitute for the Bulgarian word гърмотевица (grmotevitsa) for thunder.459 Moreover, the name Perun is also commonly found in Southern Slavic toponymy. There are places called: Perun, Perunac, Perunovac, Perunika, Peruniæka Glava, Peruni Vrh, Perunja Ves, Peruna Dubrava, Perunuša, Perušice, Perudina and Perutovac. 460 As for the Eastern Slavs, the cult of Perun was institutionalised and formalized at Kiev by Vladimir. According to the Laurentian version of the Russian Primary Chronicle, referring to the year 980:

And Vladimir began to reign alone in Kiev, and he set up idols on the hills outside the castle: one of Perun, made of wood with a head of silver and a moustache of gold, and others.461

It is worth noting that treaties concluded between the Byzantines and Rus' were sworn by the Rus warriors on Perun in 907, 945 and 971.462 Also the Russian Primary Chronicle stated that when the idol of Perun and its sanctuary was destroyed, the people wept,463 while, according to the Chronicle of Novgorod, an assault on Perun's shrine at Novgorod caused serious and bloody riots.464 Both cases imply that it was a well established wide spread cult among the Eastern Slavs, and there is evidence from

459

A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 50. A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 50. 461 RPC, year 980, p. 56.For Russian text, see note 46. 462 Perun in Russo-Byzantinian treaties: RPC, years 907, 945, 971. 463 RPC, year 988. 464 V. Volkoff, Vladimir the Russian Viking (London: Honeyglen Publishing Ltd., 1984), pp. 242-244. 140 460

later sources that the cult of Perun survived in some areas until as late as the twelfthfourteenth centuries.465 After Christianisation the various elements of the cult and rituals of Perun were incorporated into the cult of St. Elias. In the later Christian iconography of St. Elias, he appears like Perun, crossing the sky in a chariot of fire or riding on a horse. He has also been associated with thunder, arrows and oaks.466 In reality the St. Elias cult, tales and celebrations contains so many pre-Christian elements that some scholars perceive him as Perun, with a new name acceptable to the Church. The association of Perun with a Christian saint most likely took place, because of the Old Testament, which credited the prophet

Elias with the ability to bring rain and thunderstorms.467

All this easily

explains the enormous, disproportionate popularity in Russia of this saint, in reality a major prophet in the Old Testament. Perun was also known to the Western Slavs, but the evidence here comes mainly from folklore and toponymy. In all Slavic languages, except Polish and Kashubian, the term for thunderbolt is grom. The term is known and used by the Poles, but more commonly they say piorun, a word clearly cognate to and deriving from the name of Perun. The word piorun was, even recently, commonly used in curses. The way it is applied indicates that such sayings survived from pagan times, and might initially refer to Perun. In Moravian and Slovakian folklore there are spells using the term parom or hrom (original Slavic "g" replaced by "h" in

Czech and

Slovak languages)

interchangeably for thunder.468 Furthermore, the Slovaks would say parom do teba or

465

Hozhdyene Boguroditsi Po Mukam in S.A. Zenkovsky, ed. Medieval Russia's... p. 123; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 51. 466 M.N. Tikhomirov, 'The Origins of Christianity in Russia', History, Vol. XLIV, 1959, p. 204; also in: M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, pp. 166-167. 467 1 Kings 17:1, 18:1 and 2 Kings 1:12. 468 A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 50. 141

do paroma, meaning "may Perun strike you" and "by Perun !", respectively.

469

Toponymic evidence from the Polabian lands is a harbour of Prohn (Por) in the Tribsee region opposite Rügen island recorded in the earliest source as Perun.470 And the now extinct Polabian Slavs of the Hanoverian Wendland, west of the Elbe river in Germany, called Thursday Perěndan - meaning literally a "day of Perun".471

Evidently, these

people were aware that the name for Thursday in German, Donnerstag, means "day of thunder (or Donar)", deriving from the name of a continental Germanic war god, Donar. However, this cannot be seen as a simple translation of

Donnerstag, taking into

consideration that the Polabian word for thunder was gram not perěn.472 As the evidence shows, the cult of Perun was widespread across Slavdom. However, there is no evidence that he was universally a war god or, as claimed by Henryk Łowmiański, a sky deity that underwent militarisation. On the contrary, it appears that Perun was originally an atmospheric god of thunder and rain. The strongest argument for this is probably the existence of the Mordvinian Purginepaz, a very ancient borrowing from the proto-Balto-Slavic people, from the times before the Slavic Perun acquired new characteristics and domains in the post-Migration period.

His conceptual and

etymological links with the Indian Parjanya, a god of similar functions and domain, and with many other European deities, indicates that the origins of this deity go back into the common ancient Indo-European heritage. Although Perun was known and worshipped by the Western Slavs, there is no evidence whatsoever associating him with war. The association which can be seen in Kievan Rus does not imply that it was the case elsewhere, and can be attributed to specific 469

Z. Váňa, The World…, p. 87. SG, XIV.39 ( p. 476) and E. Christiansen in Saxo, p. 820 (n410). 471 K. Polański & J.A. Sehnert, Polabian-English Dictionary (The Hague: Mouton & Company, 1967), p. 109; and in: H. Popowska-Taborska, 'Połabszczyzna jako północno-zachodnia peryferia Słowiańszczyzny', in J. Strzelczyk, ed., Słowiańszczyzna Połabska (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 1981), p. 107. 470

142

Eastern Slavic conditions and developments. After the Migration Period and in the early stages of state formation among the Eastern Slavs Perun acquired many war-like attributes and appeared in the sources as a war deity. As a matter of fact by the tenth century he might also have been perceived as such by contemporary Slavs. A prominent and distinguished war deity emerged amongst the Eastern Slavs in response to a felt need. Eastern Slavdom was always exposed to the war-like nomadic peoples of the steppes, such as the Huns, Avars, Magyars, Khazars, Polovtsian and many others.

Hence it should not

be surprising that Perun, originally a thunder and atmospheric god, through the association with storms, and of thunder with violence and therefore with armed conflicts, became a war deity. At least in this respect, that Perun evolved into a military deity from some other god as postulated by Henryk Łowmiański appears to be correct, but only in the Eastern Slavic case. He was a perfect candidate for the function, but in other, Western Slavic lands it was not necessarily so. In the case of the Southern Slavs, who after all settled the Balkans from the areas occupied by the Eastern Slavs, there might have been a similar development. When they appeared in the sources they were people on the move and on the war path occupying the northern provinces of the Byzantine Empire. We have evidence from Procopius of Caesarea that Perun became a dominant deity, but it can not be said for certain to what degree his militarisation had occurred by then. Nonetheless, it may be speculated that the Perun of the Southern Slavs was on his evolutionary path to becoming a war god, as he did at Kiev. Let us now return to the issue of Polabian deities evolving from Perun. If Perun was not a common ancient Slavic god of war, as has been shown, then the origins of none of the Polabian gods we are concerned with can be traced to him. The ancestors of the Polabian Slavs brought with themselves into the region a set of beliefs that, although varied to a degree, shared most of the common Slavic concepts and ideas. With no 472

K. Polański, & J.A. Sehnert, Polabian-English Dictionary, p. 67. 143

universal doctrine, diversification of their beliefs took slightly different paths. In some areas, particular local deities gained prominence, in others, different cults and gods became dominant. In this way a Yarilo-like deity evolved into Yarovit of Wolgast and Yarovit of Havelberg and finally into Sventovit of Arkona. Among the tribes that formed the Veletian Union, the cult of Svarozhits became dominant, and after a long process of ideological evolution took the form known from the eleventh century historical sources. As for Triglav, the identification of a god that was his prototype is unclear. At the same time the Polabian Slavs shared a clearly defined geographical location with natural boundaries such as the sea in the North, rivers in the East and West, and mountains in the South. They were closely related culturally and linguistically, and despite their political fragmentation they maintained close economic, social and political links with each other during their history. As a society under almost constant threat of war and with an awareness of a deadly struggle between their beliefs and encroaching Christianity, warfare became a part of their life.473 It had a strong impact on the brutalisation of their cults and militarisation of the deities. The role of war gods was assigned to their major deities, which happened to be different among different people. In that way Svarozhits, initially a fire deity, or Yarovit and Sventovit, with their agricultural background, and the unidentified god known under its new name Triglav, all became war gods. The process cannot be traced in detail but at least in the case of Svarozhits of Radegosć such transformation can be understood. In many cultures, fire, with its mysterious, fierce and

473

It has to be acknowledged that the inter-tribal warfare among the Polabian Slavs must have been a frequent occurrence and must have played a part in the process. Due to scarcity of sources this can only be deduced, but there is some evidence. For example, ARF, 798, 812 ; and TM, VIII.5. 144

potentially destructive nature, was associated with war. It would seem to be a logical path of evolution to follow for a cult such as that of Svarozhits. REGIONAL IMPORTANCE Yet another aspect of this Polabian cult transformation cannot be omitted. The emergence of syncretist cults and deities, combining theological elements of different gods and traditions together with strong henotheistic trends, had an influence beyond the areas where they were originally worshipped and practiced. All these religious changes that have been discussed and many others, took place in conjunction with political or, in the case of city based principalities, economic expansion. Syncretist and henotheistic cults and deities gained prominence not only through their more universal character, but also through the political and economic expansion of those that practiced the cults and worshipped those gods. Not surprisingly, then,

by the twelfth century

Sventovit's cult achieved great

prominence among the other non-Christian Slavs on the Baltic coast and his oracles had high esteem. This is well attested in the sources. On a number of occasions Helmold of Bossau explicitly stated that "Sventovit stands out" among other Polabian gods, and that 'the "famous fane" and its deity were widely recognized.474 Moreover, according to Helmold of Bossau, tribute, or rather offerings, were sent to Arkona from all around Polabian Slavdom including the Obodrite district of Wagrien.475 It is worth noting that the cult also achieved recognition among some non-Slavic people, at least on one occasion. In the twelfth century rich offerings were made to Sventovit by a king of Denmark, Svein III Eiriksson, called Gray Heath or the Scorcher (1146 - 1157), a Christian.476 Eric Christiansen interpreted this offering as a votive gesture for his successful campaign against his royal opponent in Denmark in 1157, in which there is evidence for Obodrite 474 475

HB, I. 36, 52. HB, I. 6 and I.52, II. 108. 145

participation on Svein's side,477 and this is indeed the most reasonable explanation. For Svein it might have been merely a pragmatic gesture to please the Slavs and secure their further support in his enterprise. But it also implies wide recognition and esteem for the deity among ordinary Slavs, not only from the Rugian principality but also beyond it. How widely the worship of Svarozhits was spread among the Polabian Slavs cannot be precisely determined. Nonetheless, the veneration of Svarozhits and its cult crossed the tribal boundaries of Redarove.478 All the member tribes of the Veletian Union sent tribute to the temple of Svarozhits and many of the Polabian Slavs made a pilgrimage there. The importance achieved by this cult was not only the result of the dominant position the Redarove tribe held in the union. The fact that Svarozhits was one of the major all-Slavic gods, and worshipped as a fire god before the Migration Period, would also have played a part in the spread of his importance and common acceptance among the Polabians on the simple basis of familiarity with him. It is worth noting that according to Helmold of Bossau the worship of Radegast was common among the Obodrites.479 As has been already shown, Helmold repeated Adam of Bremen's mistake and he presumably meant Svarozhits. Among the Obodrites the cult must have been suppressed by the rulers who promoted Christianity and it never gained official status or support.480 On a campaign against the rebellious tribes of the Chrespyane and Khyzhane, the Obodrite ruler Niklot, supported by the Saxons, destroyed a "celebrated" pagan temple and its unnamed idols.481 It is tempting to postulate that the shrine excavated at Gross Raden, destroyed at some

476

Svein offerings to Sventovit: SG, XIV. 39 (p. 496). E. Christiansen, in SG, p. 838 (n484). 478 HB, I. 21. 479 HB, I. 52. 480 R. Zaroff, 'Socio-political Developments Among the Polabian Slavs (Wends) between the Eight and Twelfth Centuries - An Obodrite Case', Proceedings of the University 477

481

of Queensland History Research Group, Number 8, 1997, pp. 16-19. HB, I. 71. 146

time in the twelfth century,482 might have been a temple of Svarozhits (Helmold's Radegost) on Obodrite soil and might have been the one destroyed by Niklot's expedition. However, it has to be clearly admitted that such a claim, although plausible, remains purely in the sphere of speculation.

In 1057 a civil war erupted within the Veletian

federation. The Chrespyane and Khyzhane rebelled against the dominant role of the Redarove who claimed their leading position in the union on the basis that the temple of Svarozhits stood on their soil.483 The very fact that such an argument was put forward indicates that the cult must have been of great importance and prestige in the region. Therefore, the recognition of Svarozhits' cult crossed Redarove's tribal boundary into adjoining territories. In this context it could be concluded that the cult acquired a regional cross-tribal importance and was recognized in the area which roughly corresponds to the northern part of the former state of East Germany, north of Berlin. A different pattern emerged in the Polabian city based principalities such as Wolgast, Szczecin, Wolin or Gützkow.

In these small city based entities, commerce and craft

oriented, economic rather than territorial expansion took precedence and cults generally did not spread beyond their boundaries. This applies to the cult of Yarovit at Wolgast and the dominant deities of Wolin and Gützkow, where their names are unknown. As for the cult of Triglav of Szczecin, we know that it was known beyond the Szczecin principality's boundaries, as the story of a woman of Wolin hiding a small, supposedly golden statue of Triglav implies.484 This shows that the cult was known at least in Wolin and might have had some followers there. There is also a village Trzygłów (Triglav) in the Gryfice district

482

E. Schuldt, Der Eintausendjähringe Tempelort Gross Raden (Schwerin, Germany: Museum Für Ur- Und Fr ühgeschichte, 1990), pp. 3, 23. 483 HB, I. 21. 484 Ebbo, II.13. 147

of modern Polish Pomerania.485

Perhaps Triglav had some worshippers among the

Pomeranians as well. All this, however, remains hypothetical. For the Central Polabian principalities of Brezhane there is not sufficient evidence to make any claims in respect to the extent of Yarovit of Havelberg's cult outside the principality.

However, in the case of the Stodorane, the expansion of Triglav of

Brandenburg's cult can be deduced. The similarity in size between the Stodorane principality and the contemporary Eastern German duchies strongly suggests that it formed a political and ethno-cultural entity as a result of the amalgamation of various tribal polities and groups.

Therefore, although the spread of the cult cannot be traced in the

sources, it is reasonable to assume that it took place in co-relation with regional cultural, ethnic and political integration, sometime between the seventh and twelfth centuries. It also appears that the cult of Triglav was known to the north-eastern Sorbs. The Stodorane were a major people in the region and it is likely that they had close contacts and influence with their southern neighbours. Unfortunately, there is not much evidence to support this claim. However, a fourteenth century source written by Monachus Pirnensis, based on the earlier Meissen Chronicle, reported that in the past Slavic inhabitants in the district of Meissen (a former Sorbian territory of the Glomache tribe) worshipped a goddess named Trigla.486 The authenticity of this claim has been rejected by the Polish historian Henryk Łowmiański, who assumed that the information was the author's invention, based on the reading of older sources for the Stodorane, and projecting it on the Sorbs.487 However, the nature of the account suggests that it might have preserved genuine information as it does not correspond to any older account. The corruption of the name Triglav, as well as the feminine gender of the deity, supports that. This is so, because copied information would most likely preserve the correct name and gender of the 485 486

M. Kowalczyk, Wierzenia pogańskie..., p. 33. L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, p. 203. 148

god. It may really have been information obtained by Monachus Pirnensis himself from the local Slavs. Whatever the case, even if Triglav was known and worshipped by some Sorbs the cult must have been of a very local nature and not elaborated or sophisticated. Hence, it can be assumed that, in the north-eastern and central Polabian principalities, the emergence and development of syncretist and henotheistic cults and gods occurred in tandem with social, cultural, ethnic and political changes. This confirms Emil Durkheim's argument for the social basis of religious beliefs and their dynamic and ever- changing nature. As occurred elsewhere, a more complex society required more complex cults serving more universal purposes and the new needs of the followers. In the Polabian context, these syncretist cults and deities must have served yet another purpose. Polabian paganism was clearly defined and easily recognized by the Slavs as an ideological force opposing the aggressive challenge posed by Christianity. We cannot be absolutely certain, but it might have been seen by the Polabian Slavs as a symbol of their political independence, an ideology and symbol that gathered around it all those fighting for Polabian political and cultural survival . Summarizing, the Polabian religion as we know it from between the tenth and twelfth centuries was clearly henotheistic, at least in the north-eastern and central parts of the region.

The cults as described in later sources are no doubt the product of long

development which involved the amalgamation of the various cults, rituals and domains of other Slavonic deities, creating complex, syncretist cults and deities. The sacredness of the horse, its association with Sventovit, Svarozhits and Triglav of Szczecin, and its use in ceremonies indicates the incorporation of some elements of a sun cult into many Polabian beliefs. Only Svarozhits, initially a fire deity, can somehow be 487

H. Łowmiański, Religia..., pp. 177n-178n. 149

connected with Dazhbog, a Slavic solar deity. It is worth noting that the Polish historian Stanis³aw Urbańczyk identified Dazhbog with Svarozhits, and postulated that it was one deity.488 Although there is no evidence for fire worship at Radegosć at all, the cult of Svarozhits in the Veletian Union must have evolved from a common Slavonic fire deity, as the name of the god indicates. Taking into consideration that the name Svarozhits means "son of Svarog", the sun deity Dazhbog, as Svarog's son, could have also been called Svarozhits. The interpretation of Malalas (Appendix 8) and Helmold of Bossau by the Polish historian Henryk Łowmiański went that way, and he concluded that there were two

Svarozhici

(plural

Svarozhits/Dazhbog-sun.489

of

Svarozhits),

that

is

Svarozhits-Fire

and

There is evidence that in the Indo-European tradition,

especially that of Vedic India, the sun and fire deity were often intermingled and the cults mixed.490 Therefore, similar developments were not unlikely among the Slavs and the other Indo-Europeans. That would also explain the association of the horse, as a sun symbol, with the cult of Svarozhits at Radegosć. The region inhabited by the Polabian Slavs was the westernmost territory of Slavdom, exposed to strong political and military pressure from their neighbours, the Empire and Denmark, which was marked by frequent armed conflicts. From the late tenth century this pressure increased as the Poland of the Piast dynasty attempted to put under its control the area west of the Oder river. Therefore, it is not surprising that the Polabian religion became militarised and that various, initially non-military, deities acquired war-like attributes.491 As was shown, Sventovit, Yarovit, Triglav and Svarozhits were not Perun disguised under different or taboo names, because Perun was originally a proto-Slavic

488

S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Słowianie..., p. 30. H. Łowmiański, Religia..., pp. 98-99, 187. 490 S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Słowianie..., p. 24. 491 Militarization of the cults: V. Prochazka, 'Organisace kultu a Kmenovì zřizeni Polabsko-Pobaltských Slovanù', Vznik a Počatky Slovanù (Praha:1958), p. 152. 150 489

deity of rain and thunder. In a similar process of militarisation of cults among the Eastern Slavs, Perun, originally not a war god, became a war deity of the Kievan state.492 Furthermore, as we have seen, the north-eastern and central Polabian Slavs elevated various local or tribal Slavonic deities to a dominant position. In that way they created a henotheistic cult with one dominant god. Yarovit of Wolgast and Havelberg must have evolved from a lesser deity whose name contained the root jary and his origin can be traced to similar concepts among the Eastern Slavs, who for their part worshipped the cognate Yarilo and Yarun as deities of vital forces and agriculture. Sventovit's name and functions clearly indicate that this god of the Ranove evolved from Yarovit. The origins of Svarozhits of Radegosć are clearly in the cult of a common Slavic deity of fire with the same name. Triglav of Szczecin and Brandenburg might have been a taboo name for another god, but could have been once a lesser Slavic deity. This is suggested by the existence of a similar Slavic concept and expressed by the cult of Troyan in Eastern Slavdom. At the same time these local deities combined the attributes and domains of other Slavonic gods. This amalgamation created complex syncretist beliefs of effectively new gods that were present only among the north-eastern and central Polabians. This stage of evolution was reached nowhere else in Slavdom. Also, in the context of these syncretist beliefs the multicephalism of Polabian gods can be explained as an expression of the ideological and conceptual multiplicity of their characteristics and their various domains, as well as an effect of the amalgamation of various deities and a visual expression of the god's might. Furthermore, the cultural, linguistic and geographical closeness of the Polabian Slavs as well as the similar political threats and challenges they faced facilitated the exchange of ideas. By 492

Growth of Perun cult in Kievan Russia: M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 156; and among

the 151

mutual and reciprocal influence a conceptual uniformisation of these various cults took place.

That is why the sources from between the tenth and twelfth centuries which

described them, created an impression of a single cult that branched out and diversified over time. Finally, it has to be acknowledged that this analysis is far from a full reconstruction of

Slavic and Polabian

beliefs in particular. But its aim was reconstruction of selected aiming

major to

only a partial

the Polabian religion that focused on

deities,

establish

and

a

selected

general

developments in the region.

issues

pattern

and

of

cults,

religious

It is obvious that the Polabian

religion, and as a matter of fact any other, is much more than an official cult and god or gods.

All religions,

including

ones

even

highly

institutionalised

such

as

Christianity, Judaism or Islam, exist simultaneously on many different regional, political, social and individual levels. Any religion

shares certain concepts and ideas but is

from being homogenous.

Southern Slavs: Procopius, History of the Wars, VII.XIV.23. 152

far

4. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN NORTH - EASTERN AND CENTRAL POLABIAN POLITIES In this chapter the research will focus on political structures among the North-Eastern Polabians, exploring the relationship between the pagan priesthood, the tribal upper class and the Slavic popular assembly know as the veche. It will concentrate on the period between the tenth and twelfth centuries, that is the period of the Polabian final struggle to defend their independence in the face of almost constant threat from their neighbours. It also aims to establish whether selected Polabian polities were theocracies or not, defining theocracy as "a form of government by God or god directly or through a priestly order".493 Examples of true theocracy in history are not very common, but the polity of the Jewish people from Moses until the establishing of a monarchy in ancient Palestine was one. From medieval and modern times a good example is the Papal State until 1870 and the modern state of the Vatican, and some contemporary Muslim countries like Iran, Afghanistan or Saudi Arabia. The chapter begins with an overview of early Slavic social and political structures in an attempt to reconstruct the socio-political organization of early Slavic society. This formed the basis from which further developments in the Polabian lands took place after Slavic settlement of the region between the fifth and seventh centuries. The limited volume of sources dealing with the socio-political structures of the early Polabian Slavs could be counter-balanced by the relative cultural closeness of all the Slavic people. As was already

153

said in the Introduction it is most clearly manifested by the linguistic uniformity of the Slavs. For example, in the tenth century there was practically a single Western Slavic language, with only negligible regional variation. The Slavs of that period would have had no real problems in communicating with Slavic peoples as distant as those on the shores of the Volga river, eastern Thuringia, by the Black Sea, on the Adriatic coast or in Central Greece.494 Even today all Western Slavs can communicate relatively easily with each other with no need for interpreters. And all Slavs can understand each other's languages to some extent and make sense out of the conversation. Of course during the migration period and afterwards, various groups of Slavs encountered different conditions and different peoples, and by the tenth century the process of cultural and to an extent linguistic differentiation was well under way. Therefore, a comparative study of socio-political structures to help understand the Polabian Slavs has to be of a general rather than specific nature. At the same time extreme caution has to be applied, taking into consideration that some developments might have been a result of non-Slavic influence. Shortly prior to their mass migration that is until the fifth century the Slavs were a society of small tribes.

Existing toponymic, historical and archaeological evidence

indicates that the early Slavs were a small agnatic, patriarchal, patrilocal and exogamous society.495 The basic social unit was an extended family, a patriarchal clan known as rod,

493

The Concise Oxford Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982 ed.), p. 1266. J. Nalepa, 'Charakterystyka językowa', in L. Leciejewicz, Słownik Kultury Dawnych Słowian (Warszawa; Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1990), p. 454. and on similar material culture, see: M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 129; and L. Leciejewicz, 'Główne Problemy Dziejów Obodrzyckich', in J. Strzelczyk, ed. Słowiańszczyzna Połabska (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, 1981), p. 173. 495 Clan and small tribal structure of the Slavs in the times of settlement , G. Labuda., 'Wytworzenie wspólnoty', p. 24; and H. Łowmiański, Początki Polski, vol. 4 (Warszawa: P.W.N., 1967), pp. 347-348. The multidisciplinary analysis of early Slavic toponymy shows that the earliest Slavic settlements bear patronymic names, ibid., pp. 11-95. It puts in serious doubts claims by J. Hubbs that the early Slavs were a matriarchal society. J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, pp.13-14. 154 494

roughly numbering between 50 and 60 people. The Slavic economy was based on agriculture and supported by animal husbandry. The clan's land and means of production were common property. Many elements of clans survived into later times in the form of the Russian мир (mir) and the Southern Slavic zadruga. Both were types of a rural economic and basic social unit, which survived in Russia and the Southern Slavs of former Yugoslavia until as late as the nineteenth century. The strong family ties of early Slavonic society are reflected in family terminology in Slavonic languages. For example, in the Polish language beside wuj - an uncle (mother's brother) there is stryj (father's brother). A wife's father is called teść - father-in-law, but there is also a świekr - husband's father. Although they are not in use any more, there are separate names for husband's brother, dziewierz, husband's sister, zełwa, and any other possible combination of extended family relationship.496 An opole or vicinatus was a medium level of social organization among the early Slavs. It comprised a number of related clans that most likely cooperated in economic activities. Often, an opole had a major stronghold that would provide refuge in case of attack from outside.497 An opole could cover up to 300 square kilometres, include up to 20 - 25 clans and number around 1,200 people.498 People in a number of opoles believing in a common descent, having a degree of solidarity and cooperating together, but not necessarily in economic activities, formed a small tribe. Such a tribe would most likely

496

G. Labuda, G., 'Ustrój społeczny', in L. Leciejewicz, Słownik Kultury Dawnych Słowian (Warszawa; Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1990), p. 536. 497 C. Lübke, 'Forms of Political Organization of the Polabian Slavs (until the 10th century AD)', in P. Urbańczyk, ed., Origins of Central Europe (Warsaw: Scientific Society of Polish Archaeologists, 1997), pp. 128 onward. 498 L. Wojciechowski, 'Wyprawy łupieskie w Słowiañszczyźnie Zachodniej w X-XII wieku', Roczniki Humanistyczne, vol. XXXI, 1983, p. 62. 155

not have exceeded 5,000 square kilometres and could have numbered up to 20,000 people.499 The evidence for the early Slavic political systems is scarce and lacks details. However, some medieval sources provide us with information that allows us to construct a general picture of their pre-migration political system.

The earliest known source providing

information about Slavic socio-political structures and religion is the History of the Wars by Procopius of Caesarea, a sixth century Byzantine historian.

Procopius wrote in the

period of Slavic Migration and expansion into the Balkan peninsula. In the first half of the sixth century the Slavs frequently ravaged Moesia and Thrace and became a serious threat to these Balkan provinces. By the middle of the sixth century large areas north of the Danube were under Slavic control.

Some Slavic incursions into Moesia and Thrace

provinces, often in conjunction with nomadic people such as the Kutigurs, Uigurs and Bulgars, reached as far as Thermopylae in Greece.500

It is also worth noting that

Procopius reports that some mounted Slavic troops participated in Belisarius' Italian campaign as auxiliaries.501 Slavs in Byzantine service were not uncommon. For example, at the time of Justinian there was a taxiarch Dabragezas (Dobrognev in Slavic), Antae, the commander of a barbarian mounted unit.502 Also, Procopius who participated in war against the Goths in Italy503 must have personally encountered the Slavs who served in the army.504 Therefore, the Slavs were not total strangers to Procopius and the Byzantines. Although Procopius used the Greek term "democracy" for the Slavic popular mode of decision-making, he was employing familiar terminology to describe an alien political

499

L. Wojciechowski, 'Wyprawy łupieskie', p. 57. M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, pp. 99-100. For information on the Slavs in Procopius see: Procopius, History of the Wars, VI.15.2, 26.18, VII.13. 24-26, 14. 1-36, 22.2, 29.1-3, 38.1-23, 40.1-8, VIII. 25. 1-5. 501 Procopius, History of the Wars, V.27.1-2. 502 H. Kapessowa, 'Dabragezas', in SSS, vol. 1, p. 41. 503 Procopius, History of the Wars, VI.4. 504 Procopius, History of the Wars, V.24. 156 500

system rather than projecting Greek ideas on early Slavic society.505 Therefore, it can be assumed that Procopius was relatively well informed about Slavic affairs, mode of warfare, political system and customs. In his account concerning the Antes, we read:

all the Antae assembled to discuss the situation.506

and also:

the Sclaveni and Antae, are not ruled by one man, but they have lived from of old

under democracy, and consequently everything which involves their welfare, whether for good or for ill, is referred to the people.507

Also for the Eastern Slavs there is some evidence that may be interpreted as support for the existence of a tribal assembly among them. The Russian Primary Chronicle described how Varangians had been called to rule over the Eastern Slavs and other people around 860-862:

They said to themselves, 'Let us seek a prince who may rule over us, and judge us according to the law'...The Chud, the Slavs, and Krivichs then said to the people of

505

Rus (Varangians)...They thus selected three brothers.508

Thietmar of Merseburg in his description of the Veletian veche, more than four

centuries later, provides relatively similar description, TM, VI.25, which validates Procopius' account. 506 Procopius, History of the Wars, VII: 14.21. 507 Procopius, History of the Wars, VII: 14.22. 157

First, describing a process of taking an important political decision by the Eastern Slavs the chronicler used the plural form "they" or implied that the decision was made by the tribes, "the Slavs, Krivichs". In later parts, straight from the legendary accession of Rurik that follows the above described event, it is almost always clearly stated who was involved in a decision-making process and who was the central person in a particular event.509 This indicates that in the passage we are concerned with the decision was not made by a single person, like a chief or prince, but a group of people who at least formally represented the will of particular tribes. This strongly suggests that some form of a formal meeting with political power to choose the leader made the decision. In the context of the tribal society such a meeting or assembly would include all these eligible to participate in a political process, that is all free males. Second, the term veche denotes a people's assembly in Eastern and Western Slavic languages as well as in Old Church Slavonic, where it had a form веште (veshte). This suggests the antiquity of the concept and the institution, predating the Slavic Migration Period (the fifth-sixth centuries CE). Third, the chronicler mentioned the Chud, an Fino-Ugric people, who are not our concern here, the Slavs and Krivichs. The term "Slavs" was applied not to all Slavs but to the Slavs of Ilmen living in a wide area around the lake of that name. They called themselves Slavyanye, just as other Slavs called themselves in the past and do today, such as the Słowińcy of the Baltic coast in Poland, the Slovacy (Slovaks) of the Slovak Republic and the Słoweńcy (Slovenes) of Slovenia. The Slavs of Ilmen were people whose political centre was Novgorod. The existence of a city assembly in eleventh century Novgorod is beyond doubt and it would be hard to believe that it appeared suddenly out of the blue. It is more reasonable to accept that it evolved from the earlier form of tribal assembly. This 508

RPC, Years 860-862. Main political players such as Rurik, Sineus, Truvor, Dir and Oskold were mentioned,

509

158

Novgorodian veche will be discussed in more detail later. As for the Krivichs they were one of the major Eastern Slavic tribes that, at the time the chronicle was written, that is over the late eleventh and the early twelfth centuries, formed a relatively well integrated part of Kievan Rus. If at that time a local tribal assembly existed among them it would not be allowed by Kiev to make any decision as important as the one described above. Therefore, it strongly indicates that the author of the chronicle had a reasonable knowledge about the political system of the ninth century Eastern Slavs. Consequently it can be assumed that the passage referred to the tribal assembly, veche, a governing body empowered with making political decisions of the utmost importance. The Russian Primary Chronicle provides many more hints and pieces of information about the tribal assembly among the eastern Slavs from the later period when Rurik's dynasty was already established and princely power already limited the authority of the veche. Nonetheless, numerous accounts indicate that the tribal assembly still played some role in the political process there.510 As late as 1068, during the conflict between the sons of Yaroslav the Wise we read:

and the Kievan people rushed to Kiev, and summoned the veche at the market

place.511

as well as legendary founders of Kiev - Kii, Shechek & Khoriv in RPC, Year 860862. 510 The term veche was used in RPC, year 945; involvement "people of Kiev" in decision making: RPC, year 968; the Drevlyane's envoys to princess Olga, that they were sent by Деревска землья - "Drevlyane's land", indicates that they acted on the authority of the "people" and not their prince Mal only: RPC, year 945. 511 RPC, year 1068. И люди Кыевскии прибегоша Кыеву, и створиша вече на торговищи.(and Kriviche's people came to Kiev, and held veche at the market place). 159

This indicates that this old Slavic political institution survived in some form well into the eleventh century. The oldest reference to the veche among the Eastern Slavs comes from the ninth century from a Byzantine source known as Theophanes Continuatus. It says that around 867 a Byzantine mission managed to convert Kievan Rus to Christianity. He stated that after the arrival of an archbishop from Constantinopole the Kievan prince agreed to convert and summoned an assembly (συλλογος) to get confirmation of his decision.512 The Greek institution known as syllogeis (συλλογεις) was an elected public office, a group of Athenian senate members representing different tribes and various communities.513 It is beyond the scope of this work to argue about the validity of the conversion claim, but there is no reason to think that the Byzantine was ill informed about Kievan affairs. Besides inventing the part about the assembly would serve no apparent purpose for the author. Although the author, in Byzantine fashion, used a term describing an ancient Greek institution, in an Eastern Slavic context he must have referred to the Kievan veche. From Western Slavdom the evidence concerning the tribal assembly is indirect and from the times when the early medieval monarchy was being formed among these people. Gallus Anonymous, an early twelfth century chronicler in Poland, referring to the accession of Siemowit, the first ruler of the Piast dynasty, stated that he became a ruler "by acclamation".514 Similar practices of acclamation of the new ruler are also known from Bohemia and among the Carinthian Slavs. In Slavic Carinthia new rulers wore ordinary people's clothes for the inauguration ceremony and carried an ordinary walking stick.515 In

512

Theophanes Continuatus, in I. Bekker (Bonnae: Impensis Ed. Weber, 1838), V. 97 (p. 343). 513 W. Smith, W. Wayte & G.E. Marindin, A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (London: John Murray, 1901), p. 733. 514 Gallus Anonymous, Chronicon, in R. Grodecki & M. Plezia, tran. & ed., Kronika Polska (Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1968), Book I:3. 515 G. Labuda, 'Ustrój Społeczny', p. 540. 160

Poland, an early dynastic Piast tradition, recorded by Gallus Anonymous, attributed a common origin to the legendary founder of the dynasty Piast.

516

Similarly, in Bohemia

court tradition maintained a belief in the humble origins of the Přemyslid dynasty and Cosmas of Prague reported that at royal inaugurations they wore łapcie (лапти - lapti in Russian),517 that is peasant shoes woven of bast. All this indicates that, even as late as the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the memories of tribal and egalitarian society were still alive where leader or ruler was one of the common and equal people. In turn it suggests that in tribal times the people’s assembly from among “the people” elected leaders. There is not much evidence for the veche from the south of Polabian Slavdom, which is the area occupied by the Sorbian tribes. However, Thietmar of Merseburg mentioned people called vethenici defending Meissen against the Poles.518 The name is a corrupted form of the Slavic name wetnicy. They were semi-free Slavs of the tenth century who were obliged to do service as armed guards or defenders in towns in the German Eastern March formed on conquered Sorbian territory.519 The name wetnik derives from veche and can be broadly translated as "veche people", implying that in the past the term applied to people eligible to participate in the tribal assembly. In the tenth century the name must have lost its original meaning, but was retained by those Sorbs who were not reduced to serfdom and were re-settled in the boroughs of various cities in the Eastern March. Therefore, it looks as if after the German conquest some Slavs retained at least some of their previous freedoms.520 The retention of the name wetnicy

516

Gallus Anonymous, Chronicon, I.1-2. Cosmas of Prague, Chronica Boemorum in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, New Series, 2, I. 5-8. 518 TM, V.9. 519 M.Z. Jedlicki, in TM, p. 261n. 520 H. Łowmiański, Początki Polski, vol. 4, p. 93. 161 517

(veche people) indirectly supports the notion of the existence of the veche among the Sorbs in earlier times. The existing evidence does not allow the exact structure, extent of powers and modes of decision making of the Migration Period Slavic society to be deduced. Nonetheless, information provided by unrelated sources separated in time such as Procopius of Caesarea's The History of Wars, the Russian Primary Chronicle and the sources cited from Western Slavdom are cumulatively convincing that the Slavs of Migration Period and later were an egalitarian society often called by historians a "war democracy". They were ruled by the tribal assembly called вече (veche) in Russian, wiece in Polish, and skup or sbor by the Southern Slavs. It is commonly accepted that among the early Slavs, in a patriarchal society, all free adult males had the right to participate in the veche and in principle had an equal voice.521 The situation was similar to that of the old Germanic thing well attested in Tacitus' Germania.522 Nonetheless, common sense dictates that in reality some people had more influence on the assembly then the others. No doubt the voice of clan elders, prominent warriors and affluent people carried more weight and respect.523

Tribal leaders were elected in

emergencies and in reality served as military commanders, for the duration of a military conflict only, in case of an attack or threat of invasion by neighbours or when a military campaign was planned against the enemy. Some later customs and accessories at the royal or ducal inauguration of Slavic rulers echoed this in pretending that they were elected and chosen "by the people" from among "the people". In this respect the Slavs did not differ from their neighbours such as the Scandinavians and continental Germans. In Scandinavia the tribal assembly was called the thing or ting

521

Tribal assembly (veche): A. Brückner, Słownik…, p. 614; and SKDS, pp. 401-402; and H. Łowmiański, Początki Polski, vol. 3, pp. 413-423 and vol. 4, p. 226. 522 Tacitus, Germania, cc. 11, 12. 523 SKDS, p. 401. 162

and initially served the same purpose. Centralization of power in the hands of local ruling dynasties reduced the power of the thing, but in Denmark and Sweden, as late as the twelfth century, royal claimants had to be accepted by the thing, and in some circumstances could have been rejected.524 A continental Germanic tribal assembly was mentioned by Tacitus as early as the beginning of the second century CE.525 Similarly the Saxons of the eighth century prior to being subjugated by the Franks were a tribal society with no kings or dukes. An annual tribal assembly met at Merklo on the Wesser river.526 Their famous leader Widukind must have been a warlord rather than a hereditary Saxon ruler. As has already been said, the numerous Slavs who settled in the territory of Eastern Germany in the course of the sixth and seventh centuries were a clan-based tribal society with no clearly marked social stratification. The very fact that this form of socio-political structure was retained by the Western Sorbs in the area between the Saale and Mulde rivers until their subjugation by the Empire in the tenth century527 is a witness to that. The retention of this early socio-political organization by the Western Sorbs is also a proof that the Germanic tribes that dwelled there before, in their majority, migrated toward the Roman Empire leaving the area grossly depopulated, because wrenching the land from numerous inhabitants would have required much better organization, therefore, a more complex political structure than the tribal society of the Migration Period Slavs. No doubt, westward moving tribes must have cooperated militarily on many occasions, but this cooperation would not have gone beyond short lived alliances against the current enemy.

524

SG, XVI. 1.; and E. Christiansen, The Northern Crusades, pp. 21-24. Tacitus, Germania , cc. 11-12. 526 B. Arnold, Medieval Germany, 500-1300 - A Political Iterpretation (London: The MacMillan Press Ltd., 1997), pp. 61-62. 527 Numerous small Sorbian tribes were mentioned by a number of contemporary sources, for example the Bavarian Geographer. 163 525

These westernmost Sorbian tribes who, through Thuringia, bordered the Frankish state, soon after the settlement of the region found themselves under strong political pressure that hampered their socio-political development.

On one hand, the other Polabian

peoples further to the north and east, were in a more favourable geopolitical position, as they were sheltered from the Frankish military might by either independent Saxons or other Slavic tribes. At the same time however, as the westernmost outpost of Slavdom they came into contact with the West and the vicinity of the Baltic Sea involved them in maritime activities and close contacts with the Scandinavians. Between the seventh and tenth centuries important socio-political, economic and ethnic changes took place on the territory of all northern (the Obodrite and Veleti) and some central Polabian Slavs. So, when those people appeared in the historical record, in the ninth and tenth centuries, they had already formed larger, regional political entities or city based commercial emporiums like Wolin, Wolgast and Szczecin, described below. The Obodrites followed the western patterns528 and are not our concern here. Neither are the Southern Polabians, the Sorbs, who fell into the imperial sphere of influence and dependency much earlier. The opinion that the early Slavs were an egalitarian society is not shared by the German scholar Klaus Zernack. He argues for an aristocratic not popular form of government among the early tribal Slavs.529 However, as was shown, the Slavs who settled the territory west of the Oder and Neisse rivers were a small tribal society with no clearly marked social stratification. Of course, as has been already said, even in a small tribal society regarded as "egalitarian" there were always people of greater influence and prestige. Therefore, none of the societies was egalitarian in the full sense. The term implies, rather, that with a lack of social stratification the gap in prestige and influence was minimal or 528

For Obodrites, see: R. Zaroff, 'Socio-political Developments', pp.1-29. 164

smaller than in larger and stratified communities. Consequently, these small differences in standing cannot be viewed as evidence for an aristocratic type of government among the early Slavs. VELETIAN UNION The

Veletian Union of the tenth century appeared as a relatively large polity,

comprising four major Veletian tribes, and no doubt some smaller ones. It covered not less than 20 thousand square kilometres which places it in the range of an average medieval duchy. It is well attested in the sources that the Veletian Union preserved the old Slavic institution of the veche as the governing body, and all important decisions were made by it. For example, there is evidence that an Obodrite ruler Mściwoj (Mstivoy) attended the Veletian veche at Radegosć in 983. It took place prior to the Polabian uprising of 983, that swept imperial control from the lands east of the Elbe and Saale, established between 928 and 965 with much effort and resources by Henry the Fowler and Otto I. This particular assembly took a decision to begin the insurrection.530 On another occasion during the emperor Henry II's war against Boles³aw (Boleslav) the Brave of Poland, the veche decided to continue an alliance with the Empire, after the failed campaign of 1017.531 However, logic dictates that in these relatively large political entities the attendance of all free males would not only be impractical but impossible, simply because of the multitude of participants and the inability of all formally eligible people to gather at a fixed time at a particular place. It would be especially difficult for members other than the Redarove tribe who lived a long way from Radegosć. Therefore some limitation on the eligibility to participate in the veche must have existed.

529

K. Zernack, Die burgstädtischen Volksversamlungen bei den Ost - und Westslawen (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1967), pp. 257-269. 530 HB, I. 16. 531 TM, VII. 64 (47). 165

Thietmar of Merseburg provides a vivid description of how the Lutician assembly operated:

Their (Lutician) important affairs are decided at the assembly through deliberation, and to bring a matter to the conclusion, all of them must agree. If one of them opposes the decision taken at the assembly, they beat him up with sticks, and if he opposes the decision outside the assembly, therefore, they either deprive him of his property by confiscating it or burning it, or he pays in their presence a fine in money according to his status.532

A number of conclusions can be drawn from this passage, above all, that the decisions had to be unanimous, which is a difficult thing to achieve in any large assembly. Therefore, there must have been strong pressure put on some people to conform and to agree to what was decided by the others. The account shows that those opposing a decision could have been beaten up or their property confiscated or even destroyed. This indicates that some people or faction dominated the assembly and had the prestige, authority and power to enforce their will upon the rest of the veche's participants. The account also indicates that the fines imposed differed according to the status of the offender. It is, therefore, a clear indication of the social stratification of the Veletian society and the dominant role of some people at the veche. An account written in the middle of the tenth century by the Arab traveller Ibrahim-ibnJacub also supports this notion. He reported that the Veleti (Luticians) were ruled by the elders.533 Also, in Thietmar of Merseburg's description, already cited, of the veche in 1017 the chronicler reported that Veletian (Lutician) priores persuaded the dissatisfied

532 533

TM, VI. 25. K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna Zachodnia, p. 144. 166

troops to maintain the alliance with the Empire.534 The priores in the case of the Veletians were most likely a tribal upper class that represented major, large clans, which were wealthy, influential and known for their military prowess. Hence, while participation in the assembly was most likely formally open for all free male adults, in reality important decisions were made by a tribal elite

representing their communities and tribes.535

Therefore, in the light of the evidence presented, it is reasonable to assume that the Union's veche, the official governing body of the federation, was in fact run by an oligarchy of prominent families. It is also symptomatic that the Lutician veche was mentioned by various sources on numerous occasions as a body making important decisions, but the names of the leaders of the Veletian Union were never recorded, even in the nameless singular form. Always it was "Lutici" or "them", etc. This is in sharp contrast to the other Polabians whose leaders and often dynasties are frequently mentioned in the sources.

This is explained by

Thietmar of Merseburg who stated that:

All these tribes, called together Luticians, do not have a single ruler over them.536

So, this evidence indicates that no hereditary rule of succession existed within the political framework of the Lutician Union. At best, in an old Slavic fashion, the veche elected a military commander for the duration of a war or campaign only. However, the power structure of the veche was more complicated, for the prominent warriors, landlords etc., were not the only important force there. The priesthood of Svarozhits, one of the most organized not only among the Polabians, but in all Slavdom, was the other major political player. 534 535

TM, 64 (47). K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna Zachodnia, p. 145. 167

The priests of Svarozhits existed and functioned as a distinct and separate social class within Lutician society. This is confirmed by the statement of Thietmar of Merseburg who, referring to the Veletian Union territory, stated: "To protect all this with solicitude indigenous people established separate priests", and in relation to the ceremonies performed at Radegosć the plural form describing the celebrants was used,537 indicating that an unspecified number of priests took part. The priests enjoyed marked social status, for during the oracles and offerings they were allowed to sit while all the other people had to stand.538 The prominent role of pagan priests in Lutician society is evident from an incident that took place during the siege of the Polish stronghold Niemcza, in the closing phase of the Imperial-Polish war, in 1017. The Lutician Union supported the emperor Henry II and a contingent of them took part in the siege. One of the German knights threw a stone at and damaged one of the Lutician standards depicting an unspecified war goddess. The pagan priests made a complaint to the emperor, who compensated them with twelve talents.539 The very fact that the complaint was made by priests is significant. Despite the religious and sacrilegious nature of the incident it would have been much more sensible for military leaders of the Luticians to address the emperor, because despite his alliance with pagans Henry II was a pious person who must have disliked, disrespected and despised the pagan priests. No doubt he would have been more inclined to listen to a fellow warrior, a comrade in arms, albeit a non-Christian. This strongly suggests that pagan priests were of the greatest standing within the Lutician society. One more historical account may refer to a pagan high priest, although it has to be admitted that the evidence is not totally clear or convincing. According to Widukind 536

TM, VI. 25. TM, VI. 24. Ad haec curiose tuenda ministri sunt specialiter ab indigenis constituti. 538 TM, VI.24. 537

168

during Otto I's war on the Polabian Slavs in 955, after the decisive battle on the Recknitz river at which the Obodrite ruler Stoigniew (Stoignev) was killed the emperor took his revenge on the prisoners of war. Seven hundred of them on the order of Otto were killed. However, a person called "Stoigniew's advisor" was blinded, his tongue was torn out, and then he was dumped on the pile of dead bodies.540 The advisor is clearly distinguished from the warriors and military commanders. What distinguished him was most likely his non-combat role. This and the cruel way this advisor was treated indicates the deep contempt and hatred of the Germans toward him. Such extreme feelings and extraordinary punishment inflicted upon a non-combatant suggests that the "advisor" might have been a pagan priest. It is also known that during this campaign the Veleti were supporting the Obodrites. Perhaps this "advisor" was a pagan priest from Radogosć that accompanied the Veletian Union contingent and represented Veletian interests in the conflict with the Empire.

According to the Polish historian Kazimierz Wachowski, there was no high

priest of Svarozhits at Radegosć.541

And in fact there is no evidence for that in the

sources. On the other hand, taking into consideration that the temple at Radogosć was of enormous religious and political importance in the Union, and indeed the region, such a possibility can not be entirely excluded. It seems logical that such an important centre would have a high priest or at least priests' council that exercised the highest religious authority, and while Thietmar of Merseburg was knowledgeable about Slavic affairs, he was probably not very familiar with all aspects of the Veletian religious establishment. Nothing is known about the selection of priests or about how open or closed the priestly class was. However, it is likely that there were close family links between the priests and the tribal upper class. Whatever the case, the priesthood and tribal aristocracy

539

TM, VII. 64 (47). According to Jedlicki it equaled 12 pounds of silver: Jedlicki, in TM, p. 559n. 540 Widukind, Res Gestae Saxonicae, III.55 541 K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna Zachodnia, p. 263. 169

that dominated the Union cannot be seen as a single group, because their interests did not always coincide. The tribal elite could count on some understanding, compromise and even acceptance by the Empire even in case of total defeat and loss of independence. But Christianity was the mortal enemy of the pagans and would not tolerate the pagan priesthood. So, for the pagan priesthood there was no alternative on the agenda, and the political decision making was a matter of sheer survival for them. This was a crucial difference between them and secular tribal leaders and would have had an enormous impact on the policies and aims of the pagan priesthood. But the importance of the pagan priesthood derived not only from its purely religious prestige. Svarozhits' shrine at Radegosć was famous and respected all over Polabian Slavdom. So, not only people from the Veletian Union but also many pilgrims from afar made offerings and sought oracles there.542 According to Adam of Bremen there was a bridge leading to the temple where a toll was collected from all those wishing to make sacrifices and offerings, and to receive oracles.543 There is no doubt that the toll and offerings enriched the temple treasury, providing the priests with substantial income. It is worth noting that at Gross Raden, an Obodrite cult centre of the tenth century near modern Sternberg, there was a wooden watch-house like structure on the bridge leading to the cult centre located on an island.544 Most likely it was a toll house for visitors to the shrine. We may assume that similarly at Radegosć a special toll house, was located on the bridge leading to the shrine, perhaps similar to the one at Gross Raden. (For details on Gross Raden and other similar structures, see Appendix 6) Of great importance was the special oracle at the temple, which involved the white horse of Svarozhits. This type of foretelling was performed only in the case of the most important tribal matters and issues, for example starting a war, launching a raid, making 542 543

White horse of Svarozhits: TM, VI. 24. AB, II. XXI(18). 170

an alliance or predicting what outcome a military conflict would have. As was stated by Thietmar of Merseburg the Veletian people duly accepted the oracles.545 This gave the pagan priesthood at Radogosć a powerful political leverage and influence. Of course the oracle must have become subject to manipulation by the priests, and as a result increased their political power. It is worth noting that after the completion of a successful campaign or war, rich offerings were made by the returning warriors to the temple. The amount of booty that was offered to Svarozhits temple was also determined by the oracles involving the sacred horse.546 No doubt, the priests could manipulate this to increase the share for the deity and in turn enrich their coffers. At the temple of Svarozhits, pagan war standards were kept, and they were carried in front of the army during military campaigns. According to Thietmar of Merseburg:

Their standards are also kept there, only to be removed in case of war and then by foot soldiers exclusively.547

In another passage he stated that these standards were carried and protected by at least 50 picked soldiers.548 The exclusive character of these warriors cannot, then, be doubted. So, drawing the comparison with 300 mounted warriors guarding Sventovit's temple at Arkona of Rügen,549 it seems reasonable to postulate that in a similar fashion some troops were assigned to protect Svarozhits' temple at Radegosć, under the command of the priests. On one hand this would require some resources to maintain and pay these elite

544

E. Schuldt, Der Eintausendjähringe Tempelort…, p. 14. TM, VI. 25. 546 TM, VI. 25. 547 Svarozhits temple description: TM, VI. 23-25; and H. Schreiber's translation in: H. Schreiber, Teutons And Slavs - The Struggle for Eastern Europe (London: Constable & Co. Ltd., 1965), pp. 51-52. 548 TM, VII. 64(47). 549 SG, XIV. 39 (p. 496). 171 545

troops and on the other would place those troops at the priesthood's disposal, which would have backed up their authority by military force. Unlike the case of the Ranove of Rügen island

550

there is no direct evidence for

Svarozhits' priests owning land to maintain the temple, themselves and the shrine troops. However, such a possibility cannot be excluded and in fact it is very likely.

It is

worthwhile recalling here the description of the temple by Adam of Bremen, who said: "His image is of gold, his bower bedecked with purple",551 and that of Thietmar of Merseburg:

The citadel contains but a single shrine, a wooden structure built upon a foundation of the horns of various animals. Its walls are decorated on the outside, so far as can be seen, with a number of finely carved images of gods and goddesses. 552

Of course the idol was unlikely to be made of gold, but rather it must have been painted in gold. Whatever the case, the temple of Svarozhits appears to have been richly decorated and endowed and the idol covered with precious metals. All this evidence, although somewhat indirect, is cumulatively convincing that the well organized Svarozhits priesthood had a strong economic power base, prestige and high authority within Veletian society.

It would be highly unusual if, in the absence of strong hereditary leadership, the

priesthood did not exploit its high standing in the sphere of internal and foreign politics, especially in the generally unfavourable geopolitical situation of the Union. In the early eleventh century all important Veletian neighbours were at least nominally Christian and posed a military threat to the Veletian Union: to the West the Empire, to the East the Poles and to the north-west the Obodrite principality. At the same time the experience of the 550 551

SG, XIV. 39 (p. 502). AB, II.XXI(18). 172

Sorbs in the Eastern March must have prompted the Veleti to see Christianity not only as an alien religion but also as a vehicle used by their neighbours for their subjugation. Therefore, Christianity became associated with foreign domination and the loss of political independence. For most of the Polabian Slavs the loss of independence and forced Christianisation, between the tenth and twelfth centuries, meant that they became second class citizens. But some, especially from the upper classes, joined mainstream German society, as many examples show.553 On the other hand, for the pagan priesthood there was no such alternative. There is no doubt that Slavic priests were fully aware of that, and had no illusion that Christianity would tolerate their religion and them. Therefore, it would be logical for the pagan priesthood, to exploit the situation to their advantage. Their very survival was dependent on the promotion of their cult and the unification of the Veletian people and the other Polabian Slavs under a single banner. From the pagan priesthood's point of view, taking such a direction was not only an attempt to preserve their privileged status, but simply a matter of their survival. Although there are no historical documents telling us what the Slavic priests really thought and were doing, some indirect evidence supports the above claim. The wide recognition and prestige of Svarozhits among the tribes comprising the Union was acknowledged by Thietmar of Merseburg in the early eleventh century: Every region in these parts has a temple of individual images of demons worshipped by infidels, among them above the mentioned town (Radegosć) holds the primacy.554 While Adam of Bremen, in his description of Polabian lands, wrote:

552

TM, VI. 23-25. For integration and assimilation of the Polabian Slavs into German society, see: R. Zaroff, 'Germanisation of the land between the Elbe-Saale and the Oder rivers. Colonisation or Assimilation ?', Proceedings of the University of Queensland History Research Group, Number 9, 1998, pp. 1-19. 554 TM, IV.25. 173 553

the Retharii (Redarove), centrally located, are the mightiest of all. Their city, very widely known as Rethra (Radegosć), is a seat of idolatry.555

Also, Helmold of Bossau was also aware of the local importance of Radegosć’s cult:

The Redarii (Redarove) and Tholenzi (Dolenzhane) desired to rule because of the high antiquity of their stronghold and the great reputation of it within which there is

exhibited an image of Redigast (Svarozhits).They claimed for themselves

special

preferment in respect of nobility because, on the account of the oracle

and the annual offering of sacrifices, they were frequently visited by all the Slavic people.556

These accounts show that the cult of Svarozhits had great prestige and was held in high esteem not only by the Veletian people that formed the Union, but also by many other pagan Polabians. Prestige and wide recognition does not come from nowhere. It may be partly attributed to the military strength and political importance of the Union in the region. However,

pagan priests must have vigorously promoted the cult using

propaganda, elaborate ceremonies, and the display of their own and the shrine's richness. Therefore, it is reasonable to conclude that all three elements, political, military and religious, interacted and mutually facilitated each other. As for the aims and intentions of the pagan priesthood, it can be assumed that as a result of the political and military

555

AB, II.XXI. Adam must have used some earlier source as his account was written when the Veletian Union was already in decline after the sack of Radegosć in 1067 and destruction of Svarozhits’ temple. 556 HB, I. 21. 174

importance of the Veletian Union and the deliberate policy of promoting Svarozhits' cult by the priests, it became a symbol and vehicle of political and cultural independence and resistance to pressure from the Empire, other neighbours and Christianity. The role of the pagan priesthood within the Veletian Union, or rather its absence or diminished role, manifested itself ironically not long after the destruction of the temple of Svarozhits in Radegosć in 1067. The Annales Lamberti under the year 1073 reported that during the civil war within the Empire Henry IV asked the Luticians to attack the rebellious Saxons. However, the Saxons themselves sent envoys to the Veleti and offered a large amount of money to buy their neutrality. The Lutician tribal assembly was unable to reach a consensus and it ended up in a bloody battle between two opposing factions. The conflict lasted for a couple of days and consequently the Luticians were unable to act at all.557 There is no evidence for priestly involvement in this event, but pagan worship and priesthood were not eradicated among the Veletian people in 1067 when Svarozhits' temple was destroyed. It could be assumed that as a result of the disastrous defeat and the destruction of the shrine the pagan priesthood's position, authority and prestige were significantly weaker. The diminished and undermined authority of the pagan priesthood, within the power structure of the Veletian Union, could have created a political vacuum that in turn might have caused chaos, lack of direction and anarchy. And with this important element of their power structure missing the Luticians were unable to reach a consensus and to make a political decision. Of course, other factors must have played a part as well. Summarizing the political system of the Veletian Union we can conclude that it cannot be defined either as pure democracy or theocracy. Nominally their main governing body was the veche and the all important decisions were made by the assembly.558 However, it

557 558

K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna Zachodnia, p. 138. TM, IV.13 175

is unlikely that all the eligible people ever participated. It also appears that in reality the veche was dominated by a faction led by the tribal upper class. Furthermore, a most prominent role must have been played by Redarove's tribal upper class that claimed their supremacy through their closeness to the cult of Svarozhits. In turn this limited the influence of prominent people from other tribal members of the Union and became a major cause for the disastrous civil war of 1057/8. In practical terms this excluded the majority of people from real participation in the political process. There is no evidence that some prince-like dynasties emerged among the Veletian people, although there is no doubt that there were prominent families and the tribal upper class.559 The second force in the political structure of the union was Svarozhits' priesthood. The evidence presented, although often indirect, is cumulatively convincing, and strongly suggests that the pagan priesthood formed a separate social class and used their prestige and the control of a large amount of tribal wealth to gain political influence. Their ability to manipulate the political system through oracles, prestige and wealth also suggests that the pagan priests exploited the Veletians' distrust and dislike of Christianity and manipulated the veche to their own advantage. Hence, in reality the priesthood played a very important if not dominant role in the internal and external affairs of the Union. In this respect, while the Veletian political system cannot be called a true theocracy it incorporated many of its elements. Therefore, effectively, the Veletian Union's type of government could be called bipolar oligarchy, where decision making was largely in the hands of religious and tribal elites. With the destruction of the temple of Svarozhits and diminished prestige, the role of the pagan priesthood in the Union went into decline. In 1127 Demmin passed to Pomeranian dukes, and between 1127 and 1170 most of the Lutician lands (that is of the Redarove and Dolenzhane) were incorporated into the Pomeranian duchy.560

559 560

G. Labuda, 'Wytworzenie wspólnoty, pp. 16-17. K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna Zachodnia, p.173. 176

THE RANOVE The existence of a tribal assembly in the principality of the Ranove is confirmed by a number of sources. For example, Saxo Grammaticus described the assembly, termed concione on this occasion and mistakenly cocione on another, held on Rügen island in 1164 where the Danish bishop Absalon participated as an envoy of king Valdemar I. The purpose of the Danish embassy was to convince the Ranove to maintain their alliance with the Danes, and support their expedition against the Obodrites.561 This clearly shows that decisions of utmost importance needed confirmation by the veche. Moreover, it is worth noting that on another occasion the assembly was called after a Christian service performed for foreign merchants by a priest accompanying them offended the high priest of Sventovit. Helmold's account gives the impression that the meeting was called at very short notice, at most within one or two days.562 In the seventeenth century the population of Rügen was in the range of 30,000 inhabitants. According to Eric Christiansen, taking into consideration the favourable conditions on the island, the Ranove population of the twelfth century might have been close to that. A population of similar size could have inhabited the adjacent mainland territories. The archaeological excavation fully supports the claim that it had a relatively high population density.563 The richness and fertility of the land and the relatively large population of the principality is also confirmed by Helmold of Bossau.564 Besides, it must have been populous if the Danes had to struggle for so long to subdue the Ranove. In such a populous island all the free males could not make it to the assembly in such a short time. It would be even more difficult for all the Ranove males who lived on the mainland, in the regions of Tribsee and Barth, to

561

SG, XIV.30 (p. 472). HB, II. 108(12). 563 Rügen population estimation E. Christiansen, in SG, p. 915 (n58). 564 HB, II.108(12). 177 562

participate in the veche. All this reinforces the notion that it was unlikely all the free men were able to participate. There is evidence that the Ranove were a stratified society with a clearly distinguished upper class. For example, according to Saxo Grammaticus all the Ranove nobility, Rugiane nobilitatis, was present when Ciesław and Jaromir, the leaders of the Ranove, negotiated the conditions of their surrender in 1168.565 Some members of the tribal elite were also mentioned by Saxo Grammaticus by name, for example, the envoy Dombor, a man of "outstanding eloquence", who on two occasions negotiated peace with the Danes, 566

must have been a member of the Ranove's tribal upper class. On another occasion a

blind, respectable and influential man named Masco (possibly a Mieszko, a common name among the Polish princes and kings) was mentioned.567 Another, named Granza, took part in capitulation negotiations in 1168. He was wounded and captured at Arkona and on that night offered himself to be an envoy to his leaders and to persuade them to surrender. His use of a loud voice, the demand to see Absalon at night while being a captive, and the very fact that he was in a position to make such an offer is symptomatic. Besides, after his mission he arrived to meet Absalon on horseback accompanying Cies³aw and Jaromir.568 All this shows that Granza was not an ordinary person but rather a member of an upper class. Knytlinga Saga recorded an incident that occurred around 1165, when the Danes raiding Rügen island killed a chieftain, Dalimir (Dalemarr in the saga), and pillaged his property on Jasmund peninsula.569 He was no doubt well known, important, and a wealthy member of the Ranove upper class, worth mentioning by name. Knytlinga Saga, although written a century after the events, is a reasonable historical source in this respect. The accuracy of its topographic data and complementary nature in relation to Saxo 565

Ranove nobility: SG, XIV.39 (p. 506). SG, XIV. 25. 567 SG, XIV. 27. 568 SG, XIV.39 (pp. 504-506) 566

178

Grammaticus suggests that evidence from this source can be taken seriously. Hence, Saxo's nobilitates, Dombor, Masco and Granza, as well as Knytlinga Dalimir, must have been members of Ranove's tribal upper class, the people who became rich and influential through military prowess, trade and piracy. This is also confirmed by analysis of burials on Rügen island that clearly show social stratification. Some graves contained a small number of grave goods, and some even none. In contrast, less numerous graves were richly endowed with goods such as weapons, jewellery, ceramics, tools, etc.570 In the situation where we have an assembly that cannot be attended by all eligible people and the society is stratified, common sense dictates that only representatives of the populace would always attend. Those attending the veche would surely be members of that tribal upper class who could spend more time away from their places of residence and were closer to the "circle of power" and could attend the meeting when they were called more easily.

Hence, it could be concluded that the veche was dominated by the leading

men of the Ranove. In this context it becomes evident that the old Slavonic egalitarian "war democracy" governed by the veche of all adult and free males, known from the early Slavic small tribal period, was replaced by an oligarchy of people prominent in the society. In the case of the Ranove of Rügen at least one of their rulers is known from the period shortly before the sack of Arkona and their subjugation in the sixties of the twelfth century. Saxo Grammaticus called Cies³aw of Rügen, Ranove's leader, rex, the king.571 In 1168 he became king Waldemar I of Denmark's vassal and the founder of the Rugian dynasty that ruled the island until the middle of the fourteenth century.572 Helmold says that among the Polabian Slavs only the Ranove had a king.573 However, it appears that he

569

Knytlinga Saga, cc. 121. J. Osięgłowski, Wyspa Słowiańskich Bogów, p. 156. 571 SG. XIV.39 (p.507) 572 Slavic Rügen dynasty: E. Christiansen in SG, p. 844 (n512); and on Witysław III of Rügen: H. Schreiber, Teutons and Slavs, p. 242. 573 HB, I. 2. 179 570

copied the information from a scholium in Adam of Bremen.574 The Scholium itself shows that its author lacked knowledge about the Polabian affairs. It must have been added to Adam's chronicle after its completion, that is after 1076, and before Helmold began his Chronica Slavorum, that is the 1170s. In that period princes and hereditary succession existed at least among the Obodrites and the Pomeranians who from the 1120s controlled a large section of the Veletian lands west of the Oder river. Nonetheless, it indicates that the Ranove had a prince or king-like ruler. The other known leader of the Ranove was the Uniebor (Oonyebor) mentioned by Snorri Sturluson, an Icelandic chronicler of the 1220s and 1230s. Uniebor participated in a Pomeranian naval expedition that ravaged Danish Scania and sacked the Norwegian centre of Konunghalla in 1135. The raid was organized and led by the Pomeranian prince Ratibor (Ratibor) but the Ranove were also involved. This is confirmed by the fact that shortly after this raid the Danish king Eric II retaliated against Rügen.575 Also, it is known that a sister of Cies³aw of Rügen married the Pomeranian duke Warcisław.576

The marriage with a pagan

princess probably took place before 1124, which is prior to Warcisław being forced by Bolesław the Wry-mouth of Poland to accept Christianity.577 As medieval marriage was to large extent a political act reinforcing alliances, this additionally supports the notion of participation of the Ranove in the expedition. Snorri says that the raid was led by Ratibor of Pomerania, his sister's son Dunimiz578 and "Unibur, a chief who ruled over many people". Furthermore, the speech delivered by Uniebor during the campaign indicates that

574

AB, Scholium 121. SG, XIV. 1, and E. Christiansen, in SG, pp. 712-713 (n8). 576 SG, XVI. 4 (p. 608). 577 On Vartislav, see: SKDS, p. 396. 578 Dunimiz is a corrupted form of the name recorded by Snorri. It is unclear from what Slavic name it derives. The second part of the name "miz" must be derived from 575

"mir, mierz". 180

he was an important person on a par with Ratibor of Pomerania.579 Although Snorri does not say who Uniebor was, the alliance and Pomeranian family links with the Ranove, the Danish retaliation against Rügen, as well as the recognition of Uniebor as an important person and ruler, leave no doubts that he was a Ranove prince. It is also plausible that Uniebor might have been Ciesław's and Jaromir's father and the father-in-law of Warcisław of Pomerania. Nothing certain is known about the rise of this family to prominence. Most likely by the turn of the twelfth century Cies³aw's predecessors established their family as a leading clan. Their rise doubtless followed a pattern familiar in tribal societies.

Prolonged

military conflicts made the elected war leaders indispensable. At the same time the war leaders not only acquired prestige but also gathered around themselves dependent and trusted retinues. This in turn provided them with an apparatus of force to maintain and expand their influence in their communities or tribes.580 With the role of the veche as a nominal governing body well established on Rügen, the prince must have been elected and inaugurated as such by the assembly. However, it appears that the tribal assembly, in electing or confirming the choice of leader, was limited to the members of Ciesław's clan. The marriage of Ciesław's sister to Warcisław of Pomerania supports that. Pomeranian dukes would not marry into a family that was not well established and recognized and that would not bring some profits.581 Similar customs of electing the leaders and inaugurating them were reported among the Scandinavians and

579

Snorri Sturluson, Saga of Magnus the Blind and of Harald Gille, in S. Laing, tran., Heimskringla: A History of the Norse Kings (London: Norroena Society, 1907), c.c. 10. (http://sunsite.berkeley.edu/OMACL/heimskringla/gille.html, 1996) 580 P. Urbańczyk, 'Changes of power Structure During the 1st Millenium AD in the Northern Part of Central Europe', in P. Urbańczyk, ed., Origins of Central Europe (Warsaw: Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, 1997), pp. 43-44. 581 Medieval marriage as a part of politics and power play, see: R. W. Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages (London: Pimlico, 1993), p. 75. 181

in Scotland.582

In the case of the Slavs there is evidence for that custom among the

Bohemians and the Carinthian Slavs in modern Austria. It is worth noting that on Rügen island there is a place called Königstuhl, meaning "king's chair". According to nineteenth century local tales, it was a place where princes of the island were enthroned.583 With time, in many countries the enthronement stone became a symbol of royalty and evolved into an elaborate throne of the monarchs.

However, there is evidence that the power and

princely authority of the Ranove ruler differed from that of other dukes and princes. According to Helmold:

The Rani revere their priest not less than they do their king.584

and:

The reverence they (Ranove) have for their priest is greater than that which they for their king.585

have

and also:

the king is held in slight esteem in comparison with the priest.586

This is a clear indication of the high status of the pagan priesthood in the society of Ranove and the limited power of the secular ruler. The priests of Sventovit formed a

582

Enthronement stones: L.P., Słupecki, 'Kamienie Intronizacyjne Słowiańskich Książąt', Mówią Wieki, September 1992 No. 2 (400), p. 38. 583 L.P., Słupecki, 'Kamienie intronizacyjne...', pp. 38-40. 584 HB, I. 6. 585 HB, I. 36. 586 HB, II. 108(12). 182

distinct class in society and they were distinguished by their appearance and privileges. The Rugian Slavs' hair was cut short and they worn a moustache, while the priests on Rügen had very long hair and beards. Only the priests were allowed to enter the temple of Sventovit and even during religious celebrations the populace had to remain outside the sanctuary.587 It is worth noting here one interesting custom, which shows that certain common Indo-European concepts survived the separation in time and space of two distinct peoples. The priest who entered Sventovit's temple was forbidden to breathe there and he had to come out to do so. This custom has a parallel in the Zoroastrian belief that human breath may desecrate a deity.588 There is evidence that there were other temples devoted to Sventovit in the Rugian principality. According to Saxo Grammaticus:

This deity (Sventovit) had other temples as well in several places, which were governed by priests of lesser rank and power.589

This statement clearly indicates the existence of a cult and a network of temples with a well established and institutionalised hierarchy within the pagan priesthood of Sventovit. There is evidence that the high priest participated in and had the power to summon the tribal assembly. Therefore, he took an active part in the political process. According to Helmold of Bossau, on one occasion, shortly before the main Ranove religious festival in November, Sventovit's high priest summoned the "king" and assembly, and demanded that a German priest Gottschalk, who was accompanying German fish merchants, be sacrificed to the deity. It appears that Gottschalk had offended the high priest by performing a Christian service. Apparently the Ranove offered to trade a relatively high amount of 100 marks for the priest. However, the merchants and their priest managed to depart from the 587 588

SG, XIX. 39 (p. 494). A. Gieysztor, Mitologia S³owian, p. 100. 183

island before the Ranove became aware of their escape.590 This event is a clear example of the power of the pagan priest who could give orders to a prince and the assembly in respect to religious matters. In the 1120s an Obodrite ruler, Henry of Lübeck, supported by a Saxon contingent, invaded Rügen island. Facing an imminent defeat the Ranove decided to negotiate. It is symptomatic that the negotiations on the Ranove's part were conducted by Sventovit's high priest, not their ruler or a member of the Ranove nobility.591 There could have been no other reason to make the priest of Sventovit negotiate other than that he was involved in the policy-making of the principality, and that on a very high level. We have evidence that on two other occasions in the 1160s the Rugian nobleman Dombor was delegated to negotiate with the Danes.592 However, there may have been a reason for the choice of Dombor instead of the high-priest. Dombor negotiated with bishop Absalon and it was in the Ranove's interest not to offend or anger the bishop. They must have been aware that if they sent a pagan priest it would undermine their position and the chance to negotiate good conditions from Absalon and the Danes. The Polish scholar Trębaczkiewicz-Ozimska played down the role of the high priest, pointing out that on certain occasions negotiations with the Danes were conducted by a prince in the presence of the assembly and the priest was not mentioned.593 However, this might have been a case similar to the situation when the Rugian magnate Dombor negotiated with the Danes. Taking into consideration the presence of bishop Absalon, the Ranove were careful not to offend the Danes with a pagan high priest taking the stand and making a speech during the assembly.

589

SG, XIV.39 ( p. 496). HB, II. 108(12). 591 HB, I. 38. 592 SG, XIV.25. 593 T. Trębaczkiewicz-Ozimska, T., 'Rola kapłanów w życiu plemion Słowian Połabskich', Acta Archaeologia Lodzensia, 1967, nr.17., pp. 140-142. 184 590

Helmold of

Bossau's chronicle casts more light on the political influence of

Sventovit's priesthood. According to his account:

They (Ranove) send their army to whatever place the lots direct.594

and

the flamen...divines the responses and ascertains the results of the lots. He depends on the command of the lots, but the king and the people depend on his command.595

As undertaking a military expedition or making an alliance would depend on the "will of the gods" the high priest could manipulate the outcome of the oracle whenever it suited his purpose. It would be really surprising if the priest did not exploit such an opportunity to enhance his role and power within Ranove's principality. At least in two cases we can prove that manipulations by the Sventovits’ priests were taking place.

During the

annual harvest festival in November the high priest checked the horn of Sventovit for a level of mead it contained. The purpose of this ceremony was to predict next year harvest. Saxo Grammaticus’ and William of Malmesbury’s accounts imply that this was done once a year during a most important celebration.596 Therefore it is impossible that any of that mead would remain in the vessel for such a long time. Hence, we can say that this foretelling of next year harvest using the horn and mead was a fabrication. How they foretold next year harvest and how accurate in their predictions were hard to say. Nonetheless, they must have some success in it.

594

Perhaps they based their

HB, I. 36. HB, II. 108(12). 596 SG, XIV.39 (pp.494-49)and William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, Book II, Chp. XII (pp. 208-209): 185 595

predictions on knowledge and careful observation of nature.

The other case is a

commonly held believes by the Slavs of Rügen, that Sventovit fought their enemy’s overnight riding his sacred horse. The prove for that was that often after a night spent in the stable the sacred horse was mucky, sweaty and dirty, appearing like after a long tiring ride.597 This example clearly demonstrates that priests who exclusively had access to the animal must have making it up, by either exercising the horse overnight or spreading the rumor about the condition of horse next morning. Therefore, the high priest who interpreted the oracles and signs exercised an enormous and practically unlimited political authority. The ceremony involving predictions of next year's harvest where the horn of Sventovit, mentioned in a previous chapter, was used is another area where the pagan priesthood could manipulate the public for their own political advantage and to enhance their prestige and position in society. This however, required a correct prediction for the next year's conditions which indicates that the priest must have possessed a reasonable knowledge about farming, and the natural phenomena that would indicate the patterns of next year's weather, and so on.

It must have been a deep

understanding of weather and climate, as in an agricultural society all farmers must have a reasonable knowledge about weather patterns and farming. The veche is not mentioned on this occasion and it can be assumed that even if asked for an opinion it would accept the oracle. Therefore, it followed the high priest's decision. This contradicts Kazimierz Wachowski's claim for the dominant role of the assembly,598 and a similar opinion expressed by Klaus Zernack.599 There is also one tradition that implies the high priest had enormous power. According to Saxo Grammaticus:

597

SG, XIV.39.(p. 496) K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna Zachodnia, pp. 205-206. 599 K. Zernack, K., Die burgstädtischen…, pp. 258-263. 186 598

Among these was Stanitia,600 notable for its size and color, which was venerated by the people of Rügen almost as much as all the other gods together. For when they bore this before them, they were entitled to violate the laws of man and God, and nothing they pleased to do was counted unlawful. The populace would tear down fortresses or altars, make wrong the same as right, and reduce all the houses in Rügen to ruin or ashes; so much license was given to superstition that the authority of a flimsy piece of cloth was greater than the power of the king. They honored those who struck them with the standard as if it were a divine gesture, repaying the hurt with their service, the insult with reverence.601

This account shows that Arkona's mounted troops carrying the banner had immunity for their deeds. The implication is that not only during war but also in internal affairs the high priest could use temple troops as he pleased to enforce his will or to crush opposition, all in the name of divine law. And in fact, the passage also suggests that it was used on Rügen in peacetime. This immunity as a threat only would give high priests enormous political leverage.

It would also intimidate opponents and be a

powerful deterrent for any potential opposition. Common sense dictates that such unlimited power would sooner or later be abused. It would be surprising if the high priests did not exploit this "god given" authority that enhanced their political power almost limitlessly. Furthermore, the 300 mounted horsemen assigned to the temple at Arkona must have been the core of the Ranove's army. It has to be remembered that armies of that period were relatively small, usually numbering a couple of thousands. In raids or average campaigns roughly between 600-1000 people would participate even in the case of a great tribe. It is worth noting that in 929 during the battle of Lenzen the 600

Stanitia is a corruption of Slavic stanica (pronounce - stanitsa), an archaic but common Slavonic name for the banner or standard: A. Brückner, Słownik…, p. 513. 187

outcome was decided by a charge of 50 Saxon knights,602 and in the year 1000, during the Gniezno meeting between the emperor Otto III and Bolesław the Brave of Poland, the emperor received 300 loricatis, heavily armed and cladded horsemen. Even Thietmar of Merseburg, heavily prejudiced toward Bolesław, regarded such a gift as magnificent and says that it pleased the emperor most.603 At most 3,000 warriors could take part, but it would be a large expedition aiming not only to defeat but also to conquer and subdue the enemy.604 Hence, by medieval standards, 300 mounted horsemen was a formidable, large force of professional well-equipped warriors. Command over these troops, no doubt vital in any military conflict, must have been a factor in the high political position of the priesthood, which enhanced the position of the priests of Sventovit in Ranove's politics and gave them an influential say in military and other matters. Furthermore, most of the Danish raids and major attacks against Rügen Island were directed against Arkona and not the island's main settlement of Kořenica, a princely seat and an important Rugian centre.605 The written sources show that the main settlements on the island such as Kořenica (Gartz), Ralswiek, Berg or Sagard were quite large, each of them much larger than Arkona's complex itself.606

Archaeological excavations also

confirmed this. For example, the settlement of Ralswiek covered an area of 600 by 200 metres. Archaeological data show that it was the centre of numerous crafts such as weaving, sewing, tanning, turning, manufacturing wooden tools, iron smelting, tool forging and the making of slaked lime,607 while the stronghold of Gartz measured about

601

SG, XIV. 39 (pp. 498-499). Widukind, Res Gestae Saxonicae, I.36. 603 TM, IV.46. 604 L. Wojciechowski, 'Wyprawy łupieskie', p. 62. 605 SG, XIV.12 and 31-32. The settlement has been identified with modern Gartz and it was called Karentia by Saxo Grammaticus. The Slavonic name of this place was Kořenica, from Slavic "kořeň" - root: L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, pp. 47-48. 606 Saxo's description of Karentia (Karenica): SG, XIV.39 ( pp. 507-506). 607 J. Osięgłowski, Wyspa Słowiańskich Bogów, pp. 260-265. 188 602

3.7 hectares.608

A comparison of the campaign of 1168 with the Viking raids against

Western Europe in previous centuries cannot apply here, because those expeditions were mainly to gain rich booty, while the attacks on Rügen in the 1160s by the Danish king Waldemar I aimed primarily for the political subjugation of the Ranove. No doubt in such a case, any invader would aim for the "heart" of the enemy, and a political centre would usually be the main stronghold of a principality. Therefore, the status of Arkona as not only a religious but also a political centre was well recognized by contemporary people. The consecutive attacks on Arkona are an indication of what the Danes perceived as the political centre of the Ranove besides being a place definitely worth plundering.

It is

worth citing here Helmold of Bossau, who wrote: "The principal city of the land is called Arkona.609

It is clear from this passage that Helmold and his contemporaries regarded

Korenica as a much less important place on the island. All this clearly indicates that the priesthood of Sventovit was perceived as a leading political force in the principality. The pagan priesthood also controlled the finances of the polity. The treasury of Sventovit and the Ranove was one, and it was located within the temple complex at Arkona. According to Helmold:

The people whom they (Ranove) subjugate by arms they make tributary to their fane.... On winning the victory they put the gold and silver into the treasury of their god and divide the reminder of the booty among themselves.610

On the same subject Saxo, Grammaticus stated:

608 609

For details, see: L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, pp. 46-48. HB, II. 108. Urbs terrae illius principalis dictur Archona. 189

it (Sventovit's idol) was assigned a third of the spoils of war, as if these had been got and won by its help.611

In this respect Saxo is most likely closer to the truth. The Danes were generally better informed about Rugian affairs than a German priest at Bossau could have been. Besides, Saxo either participated in the 1168 campaign against the Ranove or got his information from those who took part in the war.

It looks, therefore, like the priests of Sventovit

collected a one-third share of war booty, a hefty share indeed. Giving some credit to Helmold, it can be accepted that priests preferred precious metals, for they were definitely much easier to store than other spoils of war. The role of Arkona's temple as a state treasury is supported by evidence from the time of Ranove's conflict with the Obodrites in 1110s. After the peace negotiations conducted by the priest of Sventovit, probably a high priest, it was agreed that the Ranove would pay ransom money:

The gold and silver which they (the Ranove) chance to get by their pillaging and their kidnapping of men or in any other way they either devote to ornament for their wives or put into the treasury of their god. Henry (Henry of Lübeck the Obodrite ruler), therefore, provided them (Henry's agents) with a scale of ponderous weight for the weighting. And when they had exhausted the public treasury and whatever gold or silver they had in private possession, they had paid hardly half.612

Taking into consideration that no other source mentioned another treasury and the peace negotiations were conducted by the priest it is reasonable to assume that the "public 610 611

HB, I. 36. SG, XIV. 39 (p. 496) 190

treasury" this account referred to was in fact the treasury of the temple at Arkona. Needless to say, robbing the Ranove of all their wealth must have been a gross exaggeration on Helmold's part. The Ranove most likely cheated the agents of Henry of Lübeck, as soon after the Obodrites were preparing for another campaign against Rügen island. Furthermore, every merchant visiting the island was obliged to give some merchandise or to make a payment to the treasury of Sventovit before being allowed to trade.613 Helmold's account about a high priest calling the veche614 suggests that the market from which a toll was extracted by the priesthood of Sventovit was held somewhere near Arkona. Lech Leciejewicz postulated that it was held at today's Altenkirchen.615 On the other hand, Puttgarten, located much closer to Arkona, would be a much more convenient place, taking into consideration that it was most likely a sort of service settlement for the temple. This is supported by the name of the village. Puttgarten is a corrupted Slavic form of Podgardno (literary "near stronghold"),616 a term used for a fortified settlement adjoining or near the stronghold. Another possible location is the modern fishing village Vitt. As it is the only suitable place for a port in the vicinity of Arkona, a harbour was most likely located there.617 Taking into consideration Ranove's extensive commercial links, it would be a perfect place for a market. The Ranove did not escape a burden themselves as each member of the Ranove principality was obliged to pay to the temple a coin annually.618 It is worth noting here that on pagan Iceland people also made a payment to the pagan temple.619 In addition

612

HB, I.38. HB, I. 6, and II. 108(12). 614 HB, II. 108(12). 615 L. Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian, p. 138. 616 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., p. 37. 617 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, p. 37. 618 SG, XIV.39 (p. 496). 619 P. Jones & N. Pennick, A History..., p. 121. 191 613

some income came from abroad. Sventovit was venerated and his cult widely recognized in the region among the Polabians, especially the Baltic Slavs well into the twelfth century. Helmold claimed that people as far away as Wagrien, the westernmost region of the Obodrite principality, used to make rich offerings to the deity of Arkona.620 Hence, the temple was receiving substantial offerings from outside the Ranove principality, mainly from the other Polabian Slavs but sometimes even from non-Slavs. On one occasion a Danish king, Svein III, offered Sventovit a fine cup.621 The wealth accumulated by the priests must have been enormous. It is worth noting that in the 1120s, after the Ranove submitted to the Obodrites, the high priest promised to pay Henry of Lübeck 4,400 marks.622 It was probably measured in silver rather than in gold. For comparison, when the Danish king Nicholas besieged rebellious Schleswig, in the 1130s, the townsfolk promised count Adolph of Holstein only 1,000 marks if he would help them against the king.623 Schleswig (Hedeby) was an important trade centre on the Baltic and their offer must be regarded as generous. Moreover, count Adolph would not have gone into the field for a small amount of money. Furthermore, in 1159 king Waldemar I of Denmark paid over 1,000 marks of silver to duke Henry the Lion, to prevent devastating piratical raids against Denmark by Henry's Slavic subjects.624 All this indicates that the wealth accumulated by Sventovit's priesthood must have been very substantial. Hence, it is not surprising that in the 1160s the king of Denmark, Waldemar I, was very keen to subdue the Ranove and to seize the riches of the treasury of Sventovit. So rich was Arkona that its seizure by Danes caused a serious rift and conflict between Valdemar I and Henry the Lion of Saxony who made a claim to Arkona's riches. It is also worth noting that one of the conditions of Arkona's surrender was: 620

HB, I. 36, and II. 108(12). SG, XIV. 39 (p. 496). 622 HB, I. 38. 623 HB, I. 51. 621

192

to make over all the farms and estates of the gods for the use of the (Christian) clergy.625

This indicates that the priests, in true "feudal" fashion, were also landlords on the island and had the revenues from the land that "belonged" to Sventovit. The number and size of the estates is not precisely known. However, the very fact that 300 mounted warriors were assigned to protect the temple and were regarded as the troops of Sventovit626 indicates that the priests must have had a substantial income to support them and maintain their military equipment and readiness. Records from the early fourteenth century show that the bishopric of Roskilde owned properties on the island. These included settlements such as Puttgarten, Nabin, Bischofsdorf and Kontap on the Wittow peninsula and Campe, Sagard and Drasewitz on the Jasmund peninsula as well as Ralswiek. These episcopal estates enriched the Roskilde treasury with a handsome income of 227 marks per annum.627 These were most likely the estates that were handed over to the Danish church as part of Rügen's surrender in 1168, and most likely Saxo Grammaticus referred to them.

Also the village Smantewitz, three kilometres from Arkona, might have

belonged to the temple. According to local tradition the herd of horses of Sventovit, numbering 60 animals, was kept there.628 It has to be admitted that folk tales are not the best historical source. However, there is a fair chance that it refers to historical fact, for a number of reasons. First, there were no significant population movements in the history of Rügen island and the population must be, to a large extent, the descendants of

624

HB, I. 87(86). SG, XIV. 39 (p. 502). 626 SG, XIV. 39 (p. 496) 627 J. Osięgłowski, Polityka zewnętrzna…, p. 18; and E. Christiansen, in SG, pp. 840-841 (n498). 628 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, p. 36. 193 625

the original Slavic inhabitants, although Germanized. Second, the island was for most of its history an isolated community. Third, in the nineteenth century German slang spoken by local fishermen a number of words related to fishing were of clearly Slavonic origin.629 Finally, the name of the settlement Smantewitz resembles that of Sventovit. Therefore, it is plausible that there is some truth in this folk tale and that the settlement was really Sventovit's estate. All this demonstrates that the pagan priesthood on Rügen also possessed control over a large portion of the wealth in the principality and this gave them an enormous political leverage, based on a reciprocal mechanism between the political power and control over the wealth. Therefore, taking into consideration the enormous powers and wealth gathered in the hands of Sventovit's priesthood, the role of the "prince" appears to be limited to practically a position of commander in chief of the Rugian army and fleet. We can suspect that a power struggle boiled in the principality between three forces: the tribal upper class whose political arena was the veche, the prince and his clan, and the pagan priesthood. One event casts some light on the issue. When a Danish-Pomeranian army besieged Arkona in 1168, prince Cies³aw remained idle at Korenica, a main stronghold of Rügen. Shortly after the surrender of Arkona, the destruction of the temple and the seizure of its treasury, the Danes sent envoys to Korenica and prince Ciesław submitted to king Valdemar I. At this stage the main body of Ranove's army was practically intact. The stronghold of Korenica was well protected by its fortification and natural features as it lies on hardly accessible marshes.630 Ciesław's surrender was often attributed to the demoralizing effect of the fall of Arkona and the demise of the deity. However, another explanation fits much better. If, as postulated, the priesthood of Sventovit limited Cies³aw’s power and authority, he had

629 630

J. Osięgłowski, 'Początki Słowiańskiej Rugii', p. 243. Ciesław's surrender: SG, XIV.39; and G. Labuda, 'Wytworzenie wspólnoty', p. 29. 194

no reason to protect Arkona and to fight the Danes. He must have realized that his position and authority would paradoxically be strengthened by the defeat. And in fact the defeat of the Ranove and destruction of Arkona's temple in 1168 and the consequent subjugation of Rügen by the Danes elevated Cies³aw to a position similar to that of other contemporary princes and dukes.631 The pagan priesthood lost its political influence and its members were either eliminated or vanished into oblivion, while the tribal assembly must have lost whatever limited influence it had. The post-1168 records indicate that the king of Denmark and the bishops of Roskilde dealt with the prince of Rügen and nobody else. Ciesław became answerable only to the Danish king far away, instead of a powerful local priesthood. It is worth noting how the position and prestige of the secular ruler of the Ranove changed soon after the fall of Arkona. Jaromir I, who succeeded his brother Ciesław in 1170, founded a long ruling dynasty, and as a Danish vassal, in subsequent years substantially extended his possessions on the mainland. Soon after the term rex appeared on coins of Rügen issued by Jaromir I.632 No doubt this had more significance than the occasional use of this term in the sources, taking into consideration the liberal usage of this terminology by medieval authors. The improved standing of the Rugian dynasty, in the post-1168 period, is also evident from the fact that sometime in the late twelfth century a daughter of Jaromir I of Rügen, Lucia, married into the Piast dynasty of Poland. She married prince Władysław (Vladislav) the Spindle-Legged, the youngest son of Mieszko III the Old,633 who, after the death of his nephew Bogusław I (Boguslav) of Pomerania, became in 1189 a regent there during the minority of Bogusław II and Kazimir II. 634

631

J. Osięgłowski, Polityka zewnętrzna..., p. 16. E. Christiansen, in SG, p. 899 (n69). 633 Lucia of Rügen married Władysław Spindle-Legged: B. Zientara, 'Władysław Laskonogi', in A. Garlicki, editor, Poczet Królów i Książąt Polskich (Warszawa; Poland: Czytelnik, 1984), p. 147. 634 Warcisław I marriage to Jaromir's daughter: SG, XVI.4; and E. Christiansen in SG, 195 632

Summarizing, the political system of the Ranove could not be described as a typical theocracy. Our findings support Klaus Zernack's claim of a tripartite form of government on Rügen island comprising the "prince" and his family, the veche dominated by a tribal upper class, and the pagan priests. However, the evidence contradicts Zernack's claim for the dominance of the assembly. The priesthood’s control over the island's finances, and politically binding oracles, that influenced decisions against whom the Ranove would wage war or make peace, or with whom they would ally, and the immunity for acting while bearing the stanica leaves no doubts that they were the real power brokers and a dominant political force on Rügen island prior to 1168. This is also indirectly confirmed by the previously cited contemporary account of Helmold of Bosau, who perceived Arkona not Kořenica as the "capital" of the Ranove principality.635 But the prestige of the Rugian dynasty, most likely acquired by their military prowess, and that of the veche, sanctified by tradition, could not have been ignored by the priesthood, and this prevented them from establishing a true theocracy, albeit the system was very close to it. A number of other studies have explored the political structure of the Rugian principality. The Polish historian Stanis³aw Urbańczyk expressed doubts about a theocracy among the Polabian Slavs.636 The German scholar Klaus Zernack concluded that the dominant force on the island was the tribal assembly.637 The Polish historian Kazimierz Wachowski supported this notion of the supremacy of the veche on Rügen.638 However, it appears that all these scholars overestimated the importance of Jaromir's family prior to the fall of Arkona and projected his and his successors' leading role on Rügen island under Danish domination into the times of Ranove's independence. Similarly, the role of the veche was overestimated although there is no evidence that on any occasion it acted

p. 909(n17). HB, II.108. 636 S. Urbańczyk, Dawni Slowianie..., p. 84. 637 K. Zernack, Die burgstädtischen…, pp. 257-269. 635

196

independently. At the same time they underestimated all the powers that rested in the hands of the pagan priesthood, playing down direct evidence from the sources that explicitly stated the dominant position of the high priest in the Rugian principality.639 Moreover, they did not explore fully the potential that lay with the priests' prestige and their ability to manipulate state policies by fixing the horse oracles and their ability to intimidate opponents with the immunity of temple troops. Perhaps these scholars had a greater trust in human nature and inclinations than the author of this work. Here again it should be stressed that a sad reality of this world is such that if a possibility for abuse of power exists, sooner or later someone will do it. OTHER POLITIES - THE STODORANE AND BREZHANE The antiquity of Triglav’s cult in Brandenburg is uncertain. The archaeological data from Harlungerberg at Brandenburg where the Triglav cult centre stood640 suggests that the site is not older than the eleventh century.641 We may assume that the cult with a temple and idol of this deity must have developed sometime after the Slavic uprising of 983, and survived until the middle of the twelfth century. However, the political system of the Stodorane principality appears to be much closer to its western counterparts. A number of princes are known among the Stodorane of that period, including Przybysław (Pribislav) in the second half of the tenth century,642 Meinfrid who ruled there until his assassination in 1127,643 and

Henry-Przybys³aw who reigned at Brandenburg between

1127 and 1150.644 There is no evidence for a tribal assembly there. It could be assumed

638

K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna Zachodnia, pp. 205-206. HB, I. 36 and II. 108(12). 640 H. D. Kahl, Slawen und Deutsche in der Branderburgishen Geschichte der zwölften Jahrhunderts (Köln: Böhlau - Verlag, 1964), pp. 346-350. 641 L. Leciejewicz, Miasta Słowian, p. 74n. 642 Matilda d. of Theodoric married Stodorane prince, late 10th c.: TM, IV.64; and M.Z. Jedlicki in TM, pp. 232n-233n 643 Saxo Annalista, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 20, a. 1127; and Annales Magdeburgenses, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 16, a. 1127. 644 Przybysław-Henry, was Otto's (Ascanian, son of Albert the Bear) god-father: 197 639

that, in line with Slavic tradition, the veche might have functioned there but its powers must have been very limited. Neither is there any information about pagan priests in Brandenburg.

Nonetheless, taking into consideration that the cult of Triglav at

Brandenburg was well developed, the existence of pagan priests is very likely. It appears that the princes of Brandenburg, although often tributaries to the Empire, exercised full princely power in their principalities. It is worth noting that all three rulers mentioned were Christians. Przybysław of Brandenburg who lived in the tenth century (not to be confused with Przybysław-Henry), married Matilda, a daughter of margrave Theodoric of the Northern March.645 There is no doubt that Przybysław was a Christian, otherwise such a marriage would be impossible. Meinfrid, although a Slavic ruler bears a German name which must have been his Christian name. It was common for Christian Polabian Slavs to have Slavic and Christian German names, for example Henry-Borivoj of Obodrites and Meinfrid's successor HenryPrzybys³aw. The latter was known for his Christian devotion and was a godfather to Albrecht the Bear's son Otto, who was born around 1130.646 There are two sources, which provide information about the attitude of HenryPrzybysław towards the cult of Triglav at Brandenburg.

Chronicae Episcopatus

Brandenburgensis reported that he destroyed Triglav's cult site and his idol.647 On the other hand Henry of Antwerp reported that Henry-Przybys³aw only suppressed idolatry in his principality, and that the pagans were expelled after his death by the German margrave

K. Myśliński, 'Zachodniosłowiańskie Księstwo Stodoran w XII Wieku', Cz. Łuczak, ed., Europa-Słowiańszczyzna-Polska (Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza, 1970), p. 246. 645 Matilda d. of Theodoric married Stodorane prince, in the late 10th c.: TM, IV.64; and commentaries: M. Z. Jedlicki, in TM, pp. 232n-233n. 646 K. Myśliński, 'Zachodniosłowiańskie', p. 246. 647 Chronicae Episcopatus Brandenburgensis, p.484. 198

Albert the Bear when he took possession of the Stodorane principality in 1151.648 Another source, known as The Chronicle of Saxon Princes, stated that:

(Albert the Bear) destroyed the idol which had stood in Brandenburg in front of the old town on a hill and numerous others.649

All three accounts provide different stories. Henry of Antwerp was closely associated with the Ascanians and he was also well disposed toward Henry-Przybysław. His Tractatus was written around 1165 that is not long after the events he described.650 His account is also older than Chronicae Episcopatus Brandenburgensis, which was written in the late twelfth century, therefore he was most likely better informed about Brandenburgian affairs. So it is unlikely that the shrine of Triglav was destroyed by Henry-Przybysław. He, as a Christian, could have been unfavourably disposed to the ancient Slavic religion and could make some restrictions, but by eradicating the old cult he would risk a loss of support by his own people or even rebellion. Therefore, Albert the Bear as reported by The Chronicle of Saxon Princes probably demolished the idol of Triglav. His expulsion of pagans no doubt refers to pagan priests and the most militant defenders of old beliefs. It cannot apply to all pagans in Brandenburg as most of the Slavic population must have been pagan at that time.651 The evolution of the political system at Brandenburg is clearly seen in the sources. In the ninth century the populus Wilzorum elected Miłogost (Milogost) as their prince after the death of his father Lub (Loob). Soon, however, dissatisfied with him they demoted

648

Henry of Antwerp, Tractatus de Captione Urbis Brandenburg, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, 25, pp. 482-483. 649 Cronica Principium Saxonie, p.481. 650 K. Myśliński, 'Zachodniosłowiańskie...', pp. 245-258. 651 For detailed evaluation of these sources, see: H. D. Kahl, Slawen und Deutsche…, pp. 484-504. 199

him and elected his younger brother Całogost (Tsalogost).652 It is clear from this that in the ninth century the veche still had the power to elect or demote the ruler. However, the process of establishing a hereditary succession can also be observed, as the candidates were chosen from the same family and the rule of primogeniture was apparently already respected. By the second half of the tenth century Stodorane's rulers must have belonged to established ruling families and there must have been hereditary succession. This is so, because it would be unlikely that such powerful German margraves as Theodoric in the tenth century or Albert the Bear in the twelfth would maintain close links or intermarry with people who were not perceived as equal to themselves. Similarly at Havelberg the cult of Yarovit must have been institutionalised after the 983 uprising and the destruction of Havelberg's bishopric. In the early twelfth century the Slavic prince Wirikind who was a Christian ruled the Brezhane. Nonetheless, according to Ebbo, when bishop Otto of Bamberg was on his way to Pomerania he witnessed at Havelberg some major celebration devoted to Yarovit.653 As at Brandenburg, a veche probably existed at Havelberg, but in a similar fashion would at best have had only an advisory role. There is also no direct evidence for a pagan priesthood involved in politics. In fact there is no evidence for an organized priesthood as such. It only can be suspected that priests of Yarovit existed in a similar fashion to other major Polabian cults. The principality must have recognized imperial authority as there is evidence that the Brezhane paid some episcopal tithes to the archbishopric of Magdeburg.654 Henceforth, the local ruler, like Wirikind, had to be a Christian for political reasons, but in his principality he tolerated pagan beliefs. So, at Brandenburg (the Stodorane) and at Havelberg (the Brezhane), pagan cults coexisted with Christianity until about the middle of the twelfth century. In neither 652 653

ARF, year 823. Ebbo, III. 3. 200

principality did the veche or pagan priesthood play an important political role. It appears that the majority of the population followed the Slavic religion, while their rulers had to be Christians. The Christianity of these princes should be viewed as a political necessity, taking into consideration that both principalities, but especially the Brezhane, were in the orbit of imperial influence. Internally the princes exercised full power in their domains, most likely sanctioned by imperial authority. On the domestic front they had to tolerate the Slavic beliefs of their subjects, otherwise they would risk losing the support of the people. *

*

*

Summarizing, the evidence presented here shows that political developments among the North-Eastern Polabian Slavs followed a similar pattern, although there were many variations reflecting various social and geopolitical realities of the region. Needless to say there was also a clear and obvious exception to it. The emerging pattern indicates that in all cases the starting point was the common Slavic tribal assembly known as the veche, and that the people who settled the region were initially small tribal and egalitarian societies. In a process of social stratification and political changes new institutions and forces began to play important roles in the politics of the region. These were emerging dynasties and oligarchies of prominent people and citizens. Although the pagan priests were called by different names in different sources, such as sacerdotes or flamines by Helmold of Bossau and Saxo Grammaticus,655 and minister by Thietmar of Merseburg and again by Saxo,656 the sources clearly indicate the emergence of a pagan priesthood as a distinct social group.

Priesthood itself was

characterized by an internal hierarchy, as there is evidence for high priests at least among the Ranove of Rügen. It is also very likely that the pagan priesthood among the northern 654 655

Ebbo, III. 3. HB, II.108 and SG, XIV.39. 201

and central Polabians was hereditary, as postulated in the early twentieth century by the Czech scholar Lubor Niederle.657 Although there is no evidence for such a claim the notion is very plausible. The old Slavic veche, although uniformly retained, substantially lost its political power with the emergence of larger political structures and progressive social stratification. The veche also changed its character where a tribal upper class gained more power than ordinary people. Further developments, however, took different directions in particular cases. Among the Ranove of Rügen, within the Veletian Union, the pagan priesthood of various local cults became a dominant political force. At the same time the evidence indicates that at Brandenburg and Havelberg, most likely due to proximity to and frequent political dependency on the Empire, local dynasts dominated politics. Nonetheless, in both principalities the Slavic priesthood and veche most likely existed also, perhaps as advisory institutions. The role of the pre-Christian priesthood was most apparent on Rügen island among the Ranove, where real power was concentrated in the hands of the high priest of Sventovit. Still, within the power structure of the Ranove principality the tribal assembly and the family of "prince" Cies³aw were influential players. Therefore, even the Ranove political system cannot be described as a true theocracy, although without doubt it was closest to it. The dominant role of the pagan priesthood in the north-eastern Polabian principalities that in reality was very close to a true theocracy, and most apparent among the Ranove of Rügen island, had profound and far reaching consequences. There was a certain serious disadvantage due to these peculiar political structures. Medieval politics and alliances, in the absence of national affiliations, were mainly based on family and dynastic links. But as has been demonstrated there were no dynasties in the Veletian

656 657

TM, VI.24 and SG, XIV.39. V. Prochazka, 'Organisace kultu...', p. 160. 202

Union, intermarriages with other royal houses in the region and consequently there were no long term dynastic policies. As for the Ranove, their dynastic links with Pomerania date only to the early twelfth century. Later, their prince Jaromir was more a commanderin-chief of their army than a prince in the medieval sense. This is in striking contrast with the Obodrites who had extensive dynastic links with Scandinavian ruling houses and German high nobility during their history. 658 Also, the Stodorane, with their emerging dynasties, arranged a number of dynastic marriages. In the late ninth century "princess" Dragomira (Drahomira in Czech) from provincia Stodor, married the Czech king Vratislav I and converted to Christianity. This would have been a political act on both sides, most likely to ally themselves against the Polish state of the Piast dynasty.659 Also, as was already stated, in the middle of the tenth century, Przybys³aw of Brandenburg married a daughter of the margrave of the Northern March.660 Henceforth, lacking a clearly defined leadership or influential dynasty and being pagans, the Ranove and Veletians were not very attractive long term political partners. A situation that had, no doubt, serious political implications. Furthermore, the political system of Ranove and the Veletian Union was not a very efficient mechanism to integrate conquered or dependent territories, in comparison with the Western model employing Christianity as its administrator.

Tributary relationship

was one thing and political integration another. On the other hand an institutionalised religion like Christianity possessed an apparatus to integrate new territories with the state through its well organized network of dioceses and archdioceses. Moreover, Christianity had another enormous advantage over the Slavic religion. It was a universal, imperial religion, based and supported by a hierarchical church, which owned

658

On Obodrite dynastic links, see: R. Zaroff, 'Socio-political Developments', pp. 6-8. F. Dvornik, The Making of Central and Eastern Europe, pp. 25 and 28-29. 660 Matilda d. of Theodoric married Stodorane prince, in the late 10th c.: TM, IV.64; and commentaries: M. Z. Jedlicki, in TM, pp. 232n-233n. 203 659

land and serfs. After the imperial coronation of Charlemagne the union of church and state became a foundation for the concept of the Universal Christian Empire. The concept was already clearly expressed in the Alcuin's letters to Charlemagne.661

In political terms

it sanctioned the authority of a crowned ruler, making it a God given right. It became an ideological core for medieval thinking and politics. This concept provided Frankish and German rulers with a powerful philosophical doctrine and justification for the conquest and unification of Europe under the banner of Christianity. As a direct consequence it made war against non-Christians not only desirable but also a duty expected of every Christian, from an emperor to a simple soldier.662 Furthermore, medieval Christianity was a package providing not only a new set of beliefs. Conversion carried with itself the legacy of ancient culture that included models for administration, written laws, state organizations, literacy, the sanctification of the ruler and social order.663 In comparison, the pagan Slavic beliefs were of a local nature or at best had a regional impact. Like most non-monotheistic beliefs the Slavic religion lacked the aggression and conversion zeal of medieval Christianity. Some Veletian and Rugian attempts to transform the Slavonic religion into a competitive ideology were disastrous. Both the Ranove and the Veletian Union fell into the trap of the stagnant, xenophobic and theocratic rule of pagan priests from Radegosć and Arkona. The history of the north-eastern Polabians, especially the Ranove and Veletian Union tends to suggest that the pagan priests who played so

661

R. Collins, Early Medieval Europe (Houndsmills: Macmillan Education Ltd., 1991), p. 273. 662 Christianity an imperial religion and a political tool: F. Dvornik, F., The Slavs, p. 74; H. Łowmiański, Studia nad dziejami…, p. 282; and on medieval Church and state union, see: S. H. Cross, Slavic Civilisation through the Ages (New York: Russell & Russell Inc., 1948), p. 65; and F. Dvornik, F., The Slavs, pp. 293-295; and B. Rybakov, Early Centuries of Russian History (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1965), p. 52.; and H. Schreiber, Teutons and Slavs, p. 56; and on the sanctification of ruler, see: F. Heer, Charlemagne and his World (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1975), pp. 146-147 & 155; and J. Fleckenstein, Early Medieval Germany (Amsterdam, New York, Oxford: North-Holland Publishing Co., 1982), pp. 57-59. 663 H. Łowmiański, Studia nad dziejami..., pp. 281-282. 204

important and dominant a role in their politics did not have a clear and consistent political vision at all. It appears that they were ultra-conservative and interested only in preserving their own position in society and the old ways of life. As a result, the leadership of these principalities often aimed at short term goals, usually of a purely material nature, without any long term foreign policy. That might have been a reason why their political alliances never lasted for long and they changed sides so often without any clear reasons. There was for example no consistency or broad thinking in the Ranove foreign policy. It is worth noting that in the forties and fifties of the twelfth century, during the internal conflicts in Denmark, the Ranove forced the Danish islands of Lolland and Falster to pay tribute.664 This might have been encouraged by the presence of a Slavic or mixed population on the islands, which is confirmed by topomastic evidence and the Slavonic names of a number of local landlords.665 Both islands were of strategic importance as they controlled a gateway to and from Denmark. Nonetheless, there is no evidence that the Ranove tried to capitalize on holding those strategic islands, and the Rugian priesthood did not look further than extracting tribute for their treasury at Arkona's temple. Earlier, in 955 they gave support to king Otto I against the Obodrites and Veleti.666 While the Obodrites were probably a direct threat to them, the Ranove failed to realize fully the potential and threat posed by the German kingdom.

In 1127 they raided Szczecin, newly converted to

Christianity.667 Although Ebbo stated that the reason behind the raid was conversion itself,668 it appears very unlikely taking into consideration that Sventovit was never worshipped at Szczecin.

664

SG, XIV.15. H. Łowmiański, Początki Polski, p. 221.; and on Gnemerus of Falster: SG, XIV.22; and E.Christiansen, in SG, pp. 781-782 (n239); and Knytlinga Saga, cc. 119; and on Thord Dobicsun: E. Christiansen, in SG, p. 767 (n178). 666 Widukind, Res Gestae Saxonicae, III.54. 667 K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna Zachodnia, p. 192. 668 Ebbo, III.23 205 665

Moreover, Pomeranian dukes and the Polish king were solidly entrenched there and the Ranove could hardly dream of seizing control of the city. In 1135 a combined Pomeranian-Ranove fleet raided the Danish and Norwegian coast in a massive operation but, besides rich booty, political aims can hardly be seen. They attacked Lübeck, then an Obodrite town, around 1114,669 with no apparent reason other than pillage and war booty. Soon after they changed sides and during the 1147 crusade against the Eastern Obodrite principality, the Ranove assisted them against the Danes.670 But it was too late to prevent the Obodrites' decline and subjugation, and soon the Ranove found themselves directly facing the Danes and the Saxons alone. The geographical location of Rügen, although favourable for commerce and fishing, was also a feature preventing political expansion of the Ranove. The island was too small to become the core of a large principality. Further expansion inland would marginalize Rügen itself. On the other hand, because of its location and size it was exposed to surprise naval attacks. The nearby, small island of Hiddensee, about 18 kilometres north-west of the shore of Rügen island, could serve as a post for advanced warning against Danish attacks. However, this would require building a well defended stronghold or cluster of fortifications on the island. According to Knytlinga Saga there was a Ranove lookout at Hiddensee, but it was not a well defended post.671 Neither does Saxo Grammaticus' chronicle suggest that any large scale fortifications ever existed there.672 Similarly, the Veletian Union lacked a comprehensive long term foreign policy. In the early eleventh century the Veleti supported the Empire in a long war against Poland, while in the late twenties they changed sides and allied themselves with the Poles. During their history they were also in frequent conflict with the Obodrites, to a large extent because of

669

HB, I.36. SG, XIV.3. 671 Knytlinga Saga, cc. 119. 672 SG, XIV.22 (p. 428). 670

206

their frequent association with the Empire and Saxony and the willingness of their rulers to Christianise the Obodrites.673 It should be remembered that the Veletian Union, compared with the Sorbs and Obodrites, was not as much exposed to German pressure, because of its geographical position. Also, despite some conflicts between 983 and the 1050s, the Empire's political and military pressure on the Veletian Union eased. During the reign of Henry II the Veletian Union was even in alliance with the Empire. Still, the stagnant leadership at Radegosć failed to capitalize on favourable conditions and circumstances. So, when confronted by the might of a well organized medieval state, they were easily beaten and subdued. In consequence, although they were sheltered from the Franks and later the Empire by the Obodrites and Sorbs, and had much more time to transform themselves, their socio-political development was seriously hampered.674

673 674

TM, VIII.4. Slavic religion as a response to Christianity: G. Labuda, 'Wytworzenie Wspólnoty…,', pp. 27-28; and L. Leciejewicz, 'Główne problemy', p. 180. 207

5. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS IN NORTH-EASTERN POLABIAN CITY EMPORIUMS In this chapter the research will concentrate on the same issues of political structure, which were discussed in the previous chapter, but among the city-based commerce oriented principalities of the North-Eastern Polabians such as Szczecin, Wolin, Wolgast, Demmin and Gützkow. Here again attention will be focused on the political relationship between the pagan priesthood, prominent citizens and the local veche. In this case most of the sources available deal with the early twelfth century, and so we shall focus on this period.

However, this data will allow us to explain the political system in these

principalities prior to this time. We shall also look at and analyze any possible occurrence of theocratic elements there. The existence of the tribal veche as the oldest Polabian form of government was shown above by the example of such an assembly among the Veletian people and the Ranove of Rügen. In the case of the Polabian principalities centered on commercial centers such as Wolgast, Wolin and Szczecin, the evidence for the veche or city assembly comes primarily from the first half of the twelfth century. However it has to be remembered that this is because written evidence is extremely scarce, in fact practically absent for earlier times. The geopolitical condition and circumstances were different to those elsewhere in the region. These towns on the Veletian-Pomeranian ethnic borderland controlled relatively small areas. As they were involved in the lucrative Baltic trade territorial expansion was not of great importance to them. Therefore, the different social structure and economy created different conditions for the development of their own unique political system. We shall examine the emporiums, one by one. SZCZECIN Szczecin in the first half of the twelfth century was no doubt the most important port and commercial centre in the region. The evidence for a veche there comes mainly from 208

the three biographers of Otto of Bamberg, the Monk of Prieflingen often identified as Wolfger, Ebbo and Herbord. All three described two missions to the region conducted by Otto, one in 1124-1125 and another after the Slavs relapsed in 1127-1128. There is a clear evidence for recognized social stratification in the Szczecin principality. This is shown by the way different people were treated during and after baptism. People of lower birth, status and wealth called mediocres and pauperes received a meal and some clothes after baptism, while nobiles and potentes were presented with rings, belts and other expensive gifts.675 On many occasions prominent people were mentioned by bishop Otto of Bamberg's biographers and usually called nobiles or potentes.

676

Their prominent position is clear from many accounts indicating that they

took a leading role in the decision making process.677 Some influential members of the upper class called nobilis are known by name, such as Wyszak, who became a Christian and agitated during the assemblies for the Christian cause.678 Another, named Domasław, called primus civitatis, was one of the first Szczecinians to convert.679 This confirms that society in Szczecin was stratified and that the nobiles and potentes of the town formed a distinguished, upper social class. It seems reasonable to assume that they were members of wealthy merchant families. Their prominent position would have been due to a combination of factors. Wealth acquired by commerce and pirate raids was of great importance, but family connections and military prowess were also important. There is no evidence that Szczecin's upper class was a closed or formalized social class. It appears that wealth and social recognition was the only requirement for being regarded as a member of an upper class.

675

MP, II.13. MP, II.13; Herbord, II.32. 677 Herbord, II.26, 32. 678 Herbord, III.15, Ebbo, III.16, MP, III.10. 679 MP, II.9. 209 676

There is also clear evidence for the existence of a popular assembly at Szczecin. In 1124, prior to the conversion, a veche attended by people of the town and surrounding area was called. At the assembly a letter or rather ultimatum outlining the conditions and demands for conversion from the Polish king Bolesław the Wry-Mouth, was read. After numerous speeches the assembly accepted the conditions of the Polish king.680 The same gathering was called explicitly by Herbord concione.681

when such a choice was given to them, of two to choose, the pagans summoned from the country and villages a multitude of people and rigorously debated it.682

There is evidence that around that time discussions about Christianity and conversion took place during another popular assembly addressed by a prominent local citizen Wyszak.683 A number of assemblies were also reported as having taken place after Otto's first mission. On one occasion in 1126 during a people's assembly a pagan priest stirred up popular outrage against the new faith, and it decided to erect a new pagan shrine next to the Christian church.684 Also, during a second mission in 1127, bishop Otto of Bamberg addressed an assembly of Szczecinians himself.685 All this clearly shows that the veche was a well established institution in the town. The relatively small area controlled by Szczecin would have allowed all free people to attend the assembly.

However, it appears that this did not always occur. This is

apparent when we examine a meeting place where important decisions were made. As was

680

MP, II.10. Herbord, II.30. 682 MP, II.10. Data itaque sibi optione, pagani de rure ac de villis plebem innumeram convocante, quid e duobus eligerent, diligenter inquirunt. 683 Herbord, III.15. Witsacus nomine, in conventu populi. 684 Herbord, III.16. 685 Herbord. III.17. 210 681

shown in the chapter on Polabian religion, not all the "four temples" of Szczecin served an exclusively religious purpose:

The three other temples were less honored and less adorned. Inside one of them seats and tables were placed along the walls, as they used to hold their councils and meetings there, because they gathered in those buildings on fixed days and hours, both to drink and merrymake, and to decide about important matters.686

It is unknown how big this meeting hall was but there is no doubt that it was not huge. Therefore, only a relatively small number of people would have participated in these meetings. This account suggests that real political power was in the hands of a relatively small number of people, a small council-like body comprising the prominent people of the town. In another passage we read that during some celebrations gold and silver cups and other drinking vessels from the temple of Triglav were used in divination and that only priests, nobiles and potentes drank from them.687 Both these accounts show the close association of political power and religion and a concentration of power in fewer hands in what we can call for convenience Szczecin's Council. A clear distinction between the veche and the council is apparent in the sources. Herbord called them concione and consilium respectively.688 On some occasions the veche was not summoned and the decision was made only by Szczecin's Council, as for example when Otto of Bamberg, accompanied by envoys from Bolesław the Wry-Mouth and Warcisław of Pomerania, arrived there in 1124. They petitioned the elders about conversion but the response was:

686 687

Herbord, II.32. Herbord, II.32. 211

we shall not give up our ancestral laws; we are content with the religion which we have.689 To understand why on some occasions the assembly was summoned and on others not, the delicate political situation of the region has to be explained. Until 1123 Szczecin was under Pomeranian suzerainty.

It is most likely that Pomeranian dukes allowed the

Szczecinians to have wide autonomy and self-government, in exchange for recognition of their supremacy and most likely the payment of a hefty tribute. Pomeranian dukes, nonChristians themselves, were not interested in the Szczecinians' faith. In 1123, after a long struggle, the Polish king Bolesław the Wry-Mouth forced prince Warcis³aw of Pomerania into submission. So in 1124 the Szczecinians were aware of the diminished authority and power of Warcisław and hoped to achieve more independence, balancing the Pomeranian duke and the distant king of Poland. It can be assumed that this confidence led the Szczecin's Council to reject the petition without consulting the veche, in a way we may assume was typical. The calling of the popular assembly after the second embassy of the Polish king arrived should be interpreted as the response of Szczecin's leaders to changed circumstances. According to Monachus Prieflingensis, Bolesław the Wry-Mouth made a threat of military intervention if Szczecin did not convert. Furthermore, the account shows that it was not an empty threat. It stated that the Szczecinians agreed to Bolesław the Wry-Mouth's conditions, because of fear and defeats they had suffered at the hands of the Polish king in a recent past.690 This, no doubt, refers to the events that had taken place during the Polish conquest of Pomerania a year or so before. Still, on this occasion Szczecin's Council debated the issue with the assembly but took the decision

688

Herbord, II.30, III.17. Herbord, II.26. Patrias leges non dimittemus; contenti sumus religione quam habemus. 690 MP, II.10. 212 689

themselves.691 It confirms the claim that they wanted legitimization for their decision and wanted the veche to convince or force them into submission. We can postulate that the members of Szczecin's Council could make this decision themselves but they needed some legitimization to do so. They needed popular support, because the conversion of an entire population to another faith is a extremely serious and sensitive matter. The pagan priesthood had also to be considered. The priesthood as a distinct social class was well organized with its own internal hierarchy as the sources imply, with a high priest at the helm of the cult.692 At the temple of Triglav in Szczecin there were at least four major priests whose functions were divided.693 The priest who looked after and performed rituals at Triglav's shrine was recognized as a high priest.694 Similarly to the Veleti and Ranove, a divination with the use of horse and spears was performed, which decided upon military campaigns and raids.695 As a matter of fact the gods, or Triglav only, were also "consulted" about other state issues.

and in all circumstances they proceeded to the mentioned temples (continas) to

inquire about the future with the god Triglav.696

Here again the possibility of abuse and manipulation cannot be excluded. Taking into consideration that it would have been relatively easy, and accepting a darker side of human

691

MP, III.10. Ebbo, III.1: summum ydolorum pontificem ; and Ebbo, III.20: maior ille pontifex.. 693 Herbord, II.33. 694 Ebbo, III.1. 695 MP, II.11. 696 Herbord, II.31. contina is latinized for kącina a word for the temple as called by these north-western Slavs. From kąt - corner, meaning hall: A. Brückner, Słownik…, p. 225. 213 692

nature, such manipulation might very likely have taken place. Therefore, the cult was closely linked with the politics of Szczecin and the role played there by the pagan priesthood was a significant one.

There is also some evidence suggesting that the

Szczecin temple had its own retinue. According to Ebbo when Otto of Bamberg went on one of his missionary trips outside Szczecin in 1127, two of Triglav's priests planned to assassinate him. They sent a party comprising 84 warriors to kill the bishop and bring back his head.697 It is worth noting that the assassins were not randomly chosen ordinary people because they were called milites, warriors or soldiers. At the same time there is no evidence that the priests were in any way involved in military conflicts or commanded Szczecin's troops. Nonetheless they were able to order some military men to carry out the assassination. All this suggests that they might have been a temple retinue specifically assigned to protect Triglav's cult centre, although it cannot be said for certain. If so, maintaining a temple retinue would require substantial resources and there is evidence that the temple treasure had a steady and significant income. In a similar way to the temple of Svarozhits at Radegosć and the temple of Sventovit at Arkona, a portion of war booty was offered to Triglav:

In accordance with their ancestors' old custom they brought to the temple the plundered wealth and enemies' weapons and all that they gained in wars on sea and land, by right of one tenth of the spoils. 698

As for the other type of income it is unlikely that the priests of Triglav possessed estates, taking into consideration the small size of the Szczecin principality. However, it seems plausible that they extracted some annual tax from the population, as the priesthood of

697 698

Ebbo, III.22. Herbord, II.31 214

Sventovit on Rügen island did.

After all siphoning some wealth from commercial

enterprises of Szczecin would have been an attractive thing to do. It is worth noting that there is no evidence in the sources for hereditary rulers at Szczecin at all.699 At the same time, the evidence shows that on many important occasions decisions were made by a relatively small group of people we have called here Szczecin's Council. The authority of the magnates derived from their prestige rather than force. There is no evidence that they maintained any militia and it is clear from the sources that if they had to convince the veche about something they used persuasion. The location of the meeting hall within the shrine complex, the participation of the council in divination and ritual drinking indicates that prior to the conversion the leaders of Szczecin and the pagan priesthood cooperated closely. The political power of the priesthood is also evident from the previously mentioned incident when a priest, most likely a high priest, ordered nearly a hundred warriors to go and assassinate bishop Otto of Bamberg. Priests also participated in important meetings. During the second mission to Szczecin in 1127, an important meeting took place in one of the halls on "Triglav's Hill", in which Szczecin's principes, pagan priests and Otto of Bamberg participated.700 The presence of pagan priests and the bishop in the same place shows how important a role Triglav's priesthood played in Szczecin's politics and society, and that they were involved in the decision making process. Besides, it demonstrates how pragmatic, clever and tactful Otto of Bamberg was in agreeing to meet with his "competition".

This is also

confirmed by the fact that after the destruction of Triglav's temple its treasury was distributed among the Szczecinians.701 The available sources, that are Otto of Bamberg's biographies, described a turbulent period in the history of Szczecin. Therefore they may not be representative for the period 699 700

L. Leciejewicz, 'Sporne problemy...', pp. 295-296. Ebbo, III.16. 215

prior to the conversion and provide a distorted picture of the real power structure within the principality. This can be concluded from one of the crucial meetings of the city council where bishop Otto of Bamberg met the pagan priests. The account of this meeting shows that Otto of Bamberg was annoyed by the pagan priests and used the threat of excommunication. This is not a surprise as the topic discussed must have been conversion to Christianity, which was out of the question for the pagan priests. No doubt the excommunication would apply to all Szczecin and would certainly have meant Polish military intervention. The members of the council suspended the meeting and spent a day discussing the matter separately. Finally the council unanimously decided to accept Christianity and to expel the pagan priests. The popular veche called the following day was informed about the decision of the council and the assembly accepted what their leaders had decided.702 It can be assumed that Otto of Bamberg's threat prompted the secular leaders of Szczecin to take this drastic decision. The explanation for what might have taken place can only be as follows. Prior to the arrival of Otto's mission, Szczecin was ruled by a small council of pagan priests and a group of prominent citizens. In the face of a serious threat the secular members of the council decided to preserve their privileged position, as well as the autonomy and prosperity of Szczecin, by abandoning their old allies, the pagan priests. Therefore a split between the pagan priests and prominent citizens of the council took place. Obviously they needed legitimization for a decision of such magnitude, and popular support. This explains why the assembly was called afterwards. But it has to be pointed out again that this final decision was really reached without the involvement of the veche. The evidence suggests that the city assembly duly "rubber stamped" the decision of

701 702

MP, II.12 Ebbo, III.16. 216

the council. Nonetheless, it is very likely that members of the city council achieved their goal by using scare tactics, bulling or manipulating, or all these together. To some extent this situation was similar to that on Rügen island.

Secular leaders

could easily be accommodated in new circumstances as subjects of the Polish Christian king, but there was no chance for the pagan priesthood to retain their wealth, privileges and political power. Therefore, it can be postulated that the split between secular leaders and the pagan priesthood took place at that very moment. Returning to Otto of Bamberg's biographies, it can be said that they were written in unusual circumstances and created a false general impression that the governing body of the principality of Szczecin was the veche rather than a relatively small oligarchy of prominent citizens and pagan priests, an opinion expressed among others by Polish scholar Lech Leciejewicz.703

The above findings contradict claims that the veche was the

supreme political body and probably come closest to those of the Polish scholar Kazimierz Wachowski, who postulated that Szczecin was ruled by an aristocratic council. However, the evidence shows that he grossly underestimated the role of the pagan priesthood and at the same time overestimated the role of the veche.704 The evidence shows that before conversion the principality of Szczecin was run by a small council of the town's prominent people, with the close cooperation of the pagan priesthood. A popular assembly as an old tradition was still in existence, but its powers were limited often to those of a "rubber stamp" body. It was called to make a decision about conversion, but this happened in unusual circumstances and in this case the leaders of Szczecin badly needed popular support and legitimization for their decisions, such as expelling the pagan priests or pulling down the temple of Triglav. Hence it is not surprising that on such important matters the veche was summoned.

703 704

L. Leciejewicz, 'Sporne Problemy...', pp. 295-296 K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna zachodnia, p. 234 217

Taking into

consideration that for a long time Szczecin was "sheltered" from Christian assault by pagan neighbors such as the Veleti and the Pomeranians, neither secular leaders nor priests were confronted by so fundamental and potentially divisive an issue. Therefore, prior to that time they acted in accord and with mutual understanding, so that they can be viewed as a bi-polar oligarchy of pagan priests and secular influential people. A lack of hard evidence for the period prior to the conversion does not allow us to say what the dominant political force at Szczecin was. However, taking into consideration the small size of the ruling council and the heavy involvement of the pagan priesthood in politics, it could be said that the political system of Szczecin before the conversion contained many theocratic elements. WOLIN In the 1120s Wolin was in a similar political position to that of Szczecin, recognizing Pomeranian supremacy and, after 1123, the suzerainty of the Polish crown. The evidence for social stratification, the political system and the role of the pagan priesthood is limited. The power structure of Wolin in the 1120s is visible through an incident that took place prior to Otto of Bamberg's mission.

A Spanish missionary and bishop, Bernard,

was sent to Wolin by Bolesław the Wry-Mouth of Poland. The mission was a failure but that is of no concern here.705 Bernard, who preached as a poor lone monk, was ridiculed by the affluent Volinane who saw no prestige and virtue in poverty. His attempted attack on a holy pagan image there almost cost him his life but he was rescued by pagan priests. After a

meeting of pagan priests and Wolin's seniores he was expelled from the

principality.706

705 706

K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna zachodnia, pp. 24-25. Ebbo, I.1. 218

On the first arrival of Otto of Bamberg at Wolin he was chased away by the Volinane and only their primates managed to restrain the people from harming the bishop.707 As at Szczecin, Otto of Bamberg made threats of the Polish king Boles³aw the Wry-Mouth's intervention in talks with the town's primates. This prompted the leaders of Wolin to decide to accept Christianity, but only after the conversion of Szczecin.708 Also, on some occasion in 1124, envoys to Otto of Bamberg at Szczecin were called legatos honorabiles.709 The use of the same terminology such as primates,710 seniores,711 and honorabiles712 in relation to some Volinane allow us to claim that the Wolin principality was socially stratified in the same way as Szczecin. That is, wealthy and prominent citizens formed the town's and principality's aristocracy. There is no direct evidence about the veche and its role in Wolin. However, taking into consideration the close distance and economic links between the two towns, it is likely that a veche existed at Wolin and had a similar, limited influence on the political process.713 The role of the pagan priesthood there is difficult to assess, due to a scarcity of information. An important decision about conversion to Christianity was taken by secular leaders only. Nonetheless, this may be interpreted in a similar way to Szczecin's situation, taking into consideration that Herbord used the same word consilium, to describe both Szczecin's Council and the assembly of Wolin's leaders.714 After all, it would be unlikely that pagan priests would act against their own interests, and for that reason they might have been absent from this meeting. Furthermore, this decision was taken under the threat of Polish military intervention and the event described may not be representative of the

707

Herbord, II.24. Herbord, II.25. 709 Ebbo, II.11. 710 Herbord, II.25. 711 Ebbo, I.1. 712 Ebbo, II.11. 713 K. Wachowski, Słowiańszczyzna zachodnia, p. 237. 714 Herbord, III.17, II.25. 219 708

normal power structure of the principality. Priests participated in at least one meeting of the town's council, when Bernard's fate was debated. This is significant, because it happened at a time of no external pressure or threat to the Volinane, and this may reflect the way the Wolin principality was run prior to 1124. It shows that the priests made a decision to save and spare bishop Bernard, and it was accepted by the secular members of the council. Therefore we can postulate that, as Szczecin, Wolin, in the period prior to Otto of Bamberg's missions, was run by a small council of the town's aristocracy in close cooperation with the pagan priesthood, a bi-polar oligarchy of religious leaders and prominent citizens. As the incident with bishop Bernard shows, there were issues and matters on which the priesthood could enforce their will upon the council, and consequently upon their towns. WOLGAST At the time of Otto of Bamberg's mission Wolgast was subject to the Pomeranian dukes. And there is evidence that a governor with the title praefectus resided in the town. On one occasion his wife, hid two monks of Otto, who were sent there in advance of the mission from the people of Wolgast, who intended to kill them.715 This decision in respect to bishop Otto was apparently described by the governor's wife as: magistratus data sententia est.716 This indicates that some kind of governing body existed in the town beside the governor. The action of the governor’s wife indicates that she acted in defiance of the council's decision and that the governor represented the Pomeranian duke. It is then reasonable to assume that a governor in the town was a new institution and he was appointed by prince Warcisław to represent Pomeranian interests. At the same time it can be assumed that magistratus was an indigenous governing body at Wolgast. None of the

715 716

Herbord, III.5. Herbord, III.5. 220

elders or prominent people from Wolgast was mentioned by name by Otto of Bamberg's biographers, unlike Domasław or Wyszak at Szczecin. Shortly before the conversion of Wolgast the Pomeranian duke Warcis³aw and bishop Otto called the prominent men from his principality west of Oder river to a meeting at Usedom on the island of the same name lying opposite Wolgast. At the meeting he demanded conversion to Christianity and the participants, most likely under threat, agreed.

It is symptomatic that urbium primoribus

(sic.) from Demmin are specifically mentioned717 and prince Mścisław (Mstislav) from Gützkow, by name,718 but no-one from Wolgast, although people from Wolgast must have been present at the meeting. This indicates that the representatives of Wolgast had a much lower standing than for example, those from Demmin. This cannot reflect a lesser role of Wolgast within the Pomeranian principality, as it was an important port and town controlling the mouth of the Peene river and trade along it. It reflects, rather, the smaller influence of Wolgast's representatives on the internal affairs of the city. Nonetheless, primores of Wolgast are mentioned on the occasion of the baptism of Wolgast's citizens.719 Some information comes also from a later, twelfth century source.

Saxo

Grammaticus says briefly about Wolgast that it had its own duces.720 It is worth noting that Saxo used the plural and that by this time it was already Christianized and politically well integrated within the Pomeranian duchy. This suggests that Saxo referred to the representatives of a local elite rather than a real duke who is unlikely to have ruled at Wolgast, especially as there is no evidence that they were there before. This seems to confirm the social stratification of the society of Wolgast. Furthermore, this situation seems to reflect the earlier political situation, because it was a common practice of

717

Ebbo, III.6. Ebbo, III.5-6. 719 Herbord, III.5, Ebbo, III.7. 720 SG, XIV. 27. 718

221

Pomeranian dukes to leave the local political structure intact in dependent entities provided they met their obligations to them. Although the term assembly was never used in relation to Wolgast, there are references to the "people of Wolgast", suggesting a form of collective decision making. In the Polabian context such an institution most likely was the veche. Some information in this respect is provided by the Knytlinga Saga of the thirteenth century. According to it, on one occasion "men of Wolgast" came to king Valdemar I to negotiate a truce. Then again, "men of Wolgast"

broke the agreement, and again

"townsmen sued the king for

peace".721 On another occasion the people of Wolgast were persuaded by the pagan priest to kill bishop Otto if he arrived in the town. The wording "they confirmed the decree which was said, since it pleased them all"722 suggests that the decision was taken by some official and collective body of authority. Without evidence of any sort of a council of prominent citizens, as at Szczecin and Wolin, this governing institution must have been a popular assembly of the citizens of the town, the veche. However, the city's assembly was under the strong influence of the pagan priesthood as some examples show.

The

background for the decision to kill bishop Otto of Bamberg is worth mentioning here again. It took place after the meeting at Usedom of the Pomeranian duke Warcis³aw with representatives of his subordinated towns and territories and with Otto of Bamberg at which they decided, or more likely were forced, to convert to Christianity. The priest of Yarovit appeared, at night, in front of a person of the town in the nearby forest. He pretended to be this god himself and demanded the killing of Otto of Bamberg and all the other missionaries on their arrival at Wolgast. The next day the people's assembly on the basis of the testimony by that person and the priest's agitation decided to kill the bishop on

721 722

Knytlinga Saga, cc. 120. Herbord, III.4. cum placuisset omnibus, firmaverunt decretum. 222

his arrival.723 Even facing a threat from the powerful and much-feared duke of Pomerania the veche followed the pagan priesthood, at least until the threat materialized and Warcisław arrived in Wolgast with his troops.724 The very fact that a pagan priest was able to incite and convince the people indicates that the priesthood at Wolgast had great prestige and influence in the society. Therefore, it can be assumed that the governing body in Wolgast was an assembly of the city's citizens.

The system was preserved after the subjugation of Wolgast by

Pomerania. The city retained a great degree of autonomy and the role of a governor appointed by the duke was limited most likely to the collection of taxes and tribute and looking after Pomeranian interests in the area. The above story about the governor's wife supports this claim. The decisions of the veche were seldom challenged by the duke and Warcisław's intervention in 1127 and the enforcing of a new faith on Wolgast was most likely an isolated incident. There is no evidence that, as at Szczecin, the veche was dominated by any group of prominent citizens, although it is reasonable to assume that some people must have had a greater influence on the assembly then others. The existing evidence does not allow us to make clear claims about the role of the pagan priests there. However, there are some indications that they played a role in the decision making process. Above all they had the right to participate in the assembly, but also played a leading role in the assembly. We may assume that on many previous occasions they had been able to manipulate the veche to achieve their political ends. After the destruction of pagan cults and Christianization the pagan priesthood disappeared from the political scene, leaving the veche responsible for domestic affairs with a Pomeranian governor at the helm. And this is reflected in Knytlinga Saga's saying that "the people" were making political decisions.

723 724

Herbord II.32. Ebbo, III.9, Herbord, III.6. 223

DEMMIN AND GÜTZKOW There were two more Veletian towns which deserve to be mentioned here, Demmin and Gützkow.

Demmin is located on the Peene river where the Trebel and Tollensee

rivers join it. The stronghold was relatively young, for archaeological data indicates that it dates to the ninth century. It is located on the tribal border of the former Chrespyane and Redarove territories. Its location on the southern bank of the Peene suggests that it might have been the northern-most stronghold of Redarove. Prior to 1057 the area was part of the Veletian Union. After a civil war within the Union it was incorporated into the Obodrite principality.

With the death of the Obodrite ruler Henry of Lübeck, and

subsequent civil succession conflict among Henry's sons, it fell under Pomerania.725 The evidence shows that on the arrival of Otto of Bamberg at Demmin in 1127, eximium cives that is distinguished citizens debated the forthcoming conflict with the Veletian Union outside the town's gates at the place designated for assemblies. The debate took place in the presence of ordinary people - plebs.726 The dominant role of the town's oligarchy is evident as Otto of Bamberg discussed the issue of conversion with the primates of the town

727

and there is no evidence that he ever addressed the popular

assembly there. Demmin's primores were also mentioned as taking part in a meeting of Warcis³aw of Pomerania with his subjects at Usedom in 1127. The meeting was of the utmost importance as Warcisław pressured his pagan subjects into conversion to Christianity.728 This indicates that he was talking to the people who had real power in Demmin.

725

S. Jasnosz in SSS, p. 411; and H. Chłopocka, in SSS, pp. 411-412. Ebbo, III.5. 727 Ebbo, III.5. 728 Ebbo, III.6. 224 726

The sources mention a governor at Demmin,729 but most likely he was a representative of the Pomeranian duke, a situation similar to that of Wolgast. He is not mentioned as having been at the Usedom meeting, therefore he was either not present or not perceived as Demmin's representative but rather as the duke's man. There is no evidence that Demmin was the centre of a particular pre-Christian Slavic cult. However, taking into consideration that the only sources for Demmin are Otto of Bamberg's biographers such a possibility cannot be excluded. On the contrary, taking into consideration that, according to Thietmar, all districts of Polabian Slavdom had their own deities and shrines,730 it is very likely that some local cult existed there. With this limited evidence it can be said only that Demmin retained an old Slavic veche but its powers were limited. The assembly was probably reduced to a "rubber stamp" body as it did not play any role in such important decisions as conversion to a new faith. The real power rested in the hands of the town's oligarchy of prominent citizens, most likely the merchants. Also, it could be speculated that, as Demmin was a part of the Veletian Union for a long time, a local veche had existed there since the foundation of the town. Unfortunately nothing can be said about its structure and powers before the twelfth century. Gützkow is located 2 kilometres north of the Peene river, between Demmin and Wolgast. The city controlled an area north and south of the Peene, probably as far as the Tollensee river.731 All together it covered an area of approximately 15-20 kilometres radius, that is about 700-1200 square kilometres. The location of the town gave it control of the ford on the Peene river and it was an important commercial centre. It was an important Chrespyane stronghold and possibly their main centre. It shared its history with Demmin. It had been a part of the Veletian Union till 1057 and part of the 729 730

Ebbo, III.1. TM, VI.25. 225

Obodrite principality till 1127, when it came under Pomeranian control.732 Gützkow is an interesting case, because unlike other political entities in the region it had a princelike single ruler.

At the time of Otto of Bamberg's mission there, Mścisław ruled at

Gützkow. He was called princeps civitatis by Herbord,733 and princeps by Ebbo.734 Mścisław also had its own druzhina - retinue. He was the only person mentioned by name among the subjects of Warcisław of Pomerania present at the Usedom meeting.735 This is clear evidence for Mścisław's recognition and his distinguished position among the other participants of the meeting, unlike the nameless governor of Wolgast mentioned in the previous section. There are some indications that some form of a governing body existed at Gützkow. Herbord's account suggests that at a certain stage the matter of conversion was discussed with the people of the town, not with Mścisław alone.736 This, however, does not allow us to determine who was involved in these negotiations.

It might have been a town assembly or some sort of town council

comprising prominent citizens.

Whatever the case, the evidence and especially the

prominent role of Mścisław in the Usedom meeting suggests that at Gützkow a princelike, perhaps even hereditary, dynasty was emerging. According to Ebbo, at Gützkow there were large temples built at great expense, which were a source of pride to the local people.737 Herbord, however, mentioned only one temple there.738 It is reasonable to accept here an explanation provided for this discrepancy by the Polish scholar Leszek Słupecki. He argued that there was only one main temple, and that is what Herbord meant. On the other hand Ebbo must have

731

E. Christiansen in SG, p. 881 (n710). W. Kowalenko in SSS, pp. 244-245. 733 Herbord, III.9. 734 Ebbo, III.12. 735 Ebbo, III.12. 736 Herbord, III.7. 737 Ebbo, III.9. 738 Herbord, III.7. 732

226

counted as temples some associated buildings that could be expected to have been associated with such an impressive structure. The situation was similar to that of Szczecin, where in the cult complex next to the temple of Triglav, there were other buildings for meetings of the town council, and others where different public and religious functions were performed.739 In the main temple there was a number of huge anthropomorphic statues that were richly endowed and decorated, and the whole complex made a great impression on Ebbo.740 Unfortunately the nature of the cult and the name of the deities worshipped there were not recorded by the chronicles.

But at least there is evidence that an

organized and distinguished priesthood existed at Gützkow. According to Ebbo, when, on Otto of Bamberg's orders, the destruction of the temple commenced, pagan priests tried to instigate a rebellion.741 It did not take place as bishop Otto was backed by Pomeranian troops, but it has to be recognized that these events occurred under unusual circumstances. Therefore, the role of the priesthood in Gützkow politics in the first half of the twelfth century must have been of a limited nature because of Pomeranian dominance and the local ruler Mścisław, regardless of whether he was a local and native dynast or one installed by Pomeranian dukes. As for the pre-Pomeranian period nothing can be said for certain. Perhaps, the large and impressive cult complex was a reflection of the once great role the Chrespyane played within the Veletian Union and their rivalry with the Redarove that culminated in civil war and the split of the union in 1057/8. Such rivalry would have certainly involved the local religious cult competing for supremacy within the union with that of Svarozhits of Radegosć. This appears to be so, as the Redarove and Dolenzhane:

739 740

L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., p. 93. Ebbo, III.10. 227

desired to rule because of the high antiquity of their stronghold and the great reputation of the fane in which is exhibited an image of Redigast (sic.). They claimed for themselves special preferment in respect of nobility because, on the account of the oracle and the annual offerings of sacrifices, they were frequently visited by all the Slavic people.742

To match the powerful Redarove's claim the Chrespyane would indeed have needed an important cult of their own. Therefore, with the strong and prominent role of the pagan priesthood within the old Veletian Union, Chrespyane's priests of Gützkow were very likely important players in local politics, at least in the middle of the eleventh century. Unfortunately, the silence of the sources in this respect prevents us from substantiating this theory. These Polabian developments immediately bring to mind Eastern Slavic examples of self-ruling and semi-independent entities such as Novgorod, Pskov and the others recorded in the Chronicle of Novgorod. This text covers the history of Novgorod from the early eleventh century till 1471. Most of it was written by monks at Saint Sophia cathedral at Novgorod. It was composed by successive, numerous authors and rewritten a number of times between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries.743 The Chronicle reports as follows:

Yaroslav the next day gathered a number of the men of Novgorod, and held an assembly in open air, and said to them: 'My beloved and honorable, whom yesterday in my madness I slew, I cannot now buy back even with gold.' And thus he said to them: 'Brethren my father Volodimir is dead, and Svyatopolk is in

741

Ebbo, III.10. HB, I.21. 743 R. Michell & N. Forbes in The Chronicle of Novgorod (London: Offices of the Society, 1914), pp. XXXVI-XLI. 228 742

Kiev; Novgorod

I want to go against him; come with me and help me.' And the men of said to him: 'Yes, Prince, we will follow thee'.744

The account indicates that Yaroslav held the assembly to gain support for his cause. The passage does not specify any single Novgorodian leader or small council as governing the city. There is no doubt that in so desperate a situation Yaroslav would have tried to gain the support of the people or the governing body that was in a position of power and in a position to grant that support. It is unlikely that Yaroslav tried to gain the support of only a few leading people of the city. This is so because the assembly was held in the open, while a small council could no doubt gather in a building. All this indicates that he addressed a large audience. On the other hand, taking into consideration the size of contemporary Novgorod, he could not address all the people. Therefore it seems that he addressed a relatively large but limited number of prominent citizens. From this the power structure of Novgorod can be deduced. The assembly Yaroslav addressed was neither a small city council nor all the citizens, but an assembly of the most prominent and wealthy citizens who were in a position to make a decision in the name of Novgorod about supporting the prince or not. Such an assembly was nothing else than the veche, although significantly transformed from its original ancient, egalitarian form. With a decline of princely power in Kievan Rus, for some time after 1136, Novgorod regained much of its own independence and the veche reclaimed some of its lost powers. The city and the entire Novgorod principality was ruled by a посадник (posadnik), lord mayor, chosen by the veche.745 The authority of the assembly was extensive as it had power to accept or expel either the prince or the posadnik. It also made important commercial and political decisions, including those about war, peace treaties and alliances. 744

The Chronicle of Novgorod, in R. Michell & N. Forbes trans. & eds. (London: Office of the Society, 1914), Year 1016. 229

Furthermore it had the power of criminal jurisdiction. Also, the veche appointed the bishops and other members of the church hierarchy who usually were duly confirmed by the Russian metropolitan.746 There is more evidence from other northern Russian cities, such as Pskov, where the original much more egalitarian tribal veche evolved into an influential governing body that in later times played an important political role in times of weaker royal power or dynastic struggle within Kievan Rus.747 This urban veche differed from the original Slavic assembly in that a much smaller percentage of people was involved in the political process. Although in principle participation in the assembly most likely remained open to every free male citizen of the city, in practice only wealthier merchants, craftsmen and other prominent people had a voice. Hence, the political system there could be described as an oligarchy rather than a democracy in the modern sense.748 In this respect these findings conform to the opinion expressed by the German scholar Klaus Zernack, who perceived the veche among the Polabians as an assembly controlled by a tribal oligarchy.749 There remains the question of the origins of the urban popular assembly among the Polabian Slavs. According to the German historian Klaus Zernack, the development of "city republics" like Wolin and Szczecin was a result of economic and political developments and of economic and political independence. He also acknowledged that town assemblies were dominated by prominent citizens, mainly rich merchants, and that they were a form of oligarchy.750 It appears that Zernack drew his conclusion from a comparison with city governing bodies in western Europe, and in Germany in particular,

745 746

The Chronicle of Novgorod , Year 1141, 1144, 1146. C. R. Beazley, in The Chronicle of Novgorod, pp. VII-X & XIV and The Chronicle of

Novgorod, Years 1136, 1138, 1141, 1154, 1156, 1158. SKDS, p. 401. 748 This is suggested by The Chronicle of Novgorod, Year 1166. 749 K. Zernack, Die burgstädtischen…, p. 127. 750 K. Zernack, Die burgstädtischen…, pp. 132-134. 230 747

such as the city assemblies of towns and ports belonging to the Hanseatic League, for example Lübeck. However Lübeck, which was chartered by count Adolph of Holstein in 1143, was located on the land freshly wrenched from its Slavic inhabitants and granted to count Adolph. Privileges and laws aimed to encourage merchants and craftsmen to live there, and in turn to provide greater profit to the count. From there the self-government of Lübeck evolved into the powerful city council. It was not based on any long tradition, but simply granted by the "owner" of the land. The origins of self-government in German cities can hardly be claimed to lie in the tradition of the old Germanic thing, the tribal assembly. There is a different story in the case of the Slavs. As was shown in an earlier part of this chapter, the Slavs who settled the region in the course of the sixth and seventh centuries were a tribal society ruled by the veche. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries we have assemblies of the Veletian Union and the Ranove of Rügen existing side by side with the assemblies of cities like Wolin, Szczecin and Wolgast. Therefore, the continuity of the veche and the evolution of city assemblies from this old Slavic tradition can be claimed in the case of the Polabian Slavs. Klaus Zernack correctly pointed to the economic origins of the city assemblies as they were in the twelfth century, and to the dominant role that local oligarchies exercised. However, he failed to acknowledge that these oligarchies emerged in a continuous process of the transformation of the veche, from their earlier egalitarian form toward assemblies with minimal power controlled by smaller groups of the more influential members of the society. Citizens of these cities were relatively well off and growing commerce facilitated the emergence of a wealth gap within the community. Successful merchants through their wealth gained more influence on the political process and began to gather political power in their hands. It is true that in none of these cities was the veche totally marginalized or eliminated, but at least in Szczecin this was very close to taking place.

231

Another of Klaus Zernack's claims, that the veche in Russian towns was a product of urban population dissatisfaction with the dynastic conflicts among the Rurik dynasty,751 is not convincing. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that the affluent urban merchants had no desire to be ruled and taxed by princes, in any case. When the opportunity arose during the dynastic conflicts and weakening of princely power, they tried to act independently as the situation allowed. The evidence presented indicates that in all the north-eastern Polabian cities a so-called "merchant republic" an assembly of all citizens called in Slavic the veche existed. However, the traditional, popular Slavic veche underwent a significant transformation in all cities we are concerned with. It lost most of its powers to a tribal aristocracy who at Szczecin, Wolin, Wolgast and Demmin gained much more power than ordinary citizens. Only in the case of Gützkow is this uncertain although it is even there likely.

These

developments followed that pattern in almost all the city-based polities in this part of Polabian Slavdom.

In reality, however, the veche was run by wealthy merchants, the

local nobility and other prominent citizens, being an oligarchy rather than a democracy, in which ordinary citizens had limited influence on the policies of these principalities.752 In the Polabian context the veche was to a large extent reduced to a "rubber stamp" body, as for example at Szczecin, Wolin and Demmin. An unusual case is Gützkow, where political power was in the hands of a local "prince", but a veche might have also existed there although with not much or no power at all. Further developments, however, took a different direction in particular cases. Similarly to the Veletian and Rugian principalities, at Szczecin, Wolin, and Wolgast the pagan priests were clearly distinguished from other

751

K. Zernack, Die burgstädtischen…, p. 267. Wolin and Szczecin as "merchant republics": Ebbo, III.9; and Herbord, III.6. Also in J. Wikarjak, J., & G. Labuda, Pomorze Zachodnie, p. 7; and L. Leciejewicz, 'Sporne Problemy…', pp. 295-309 ; and SKDS, p. 372; and for Wolin also in: J. Brankačk, & F. Mětšk, Stawizny Serbow Vol. 1, p. 53. 232

752

sections of society and called for example antistes753 or pontifex,754 by Monachus Priflingensis, and sacerdotes by Herbord and Ebbo.755 An internal hierarchy with a high priest is evident at least at Szczecin and can perhaps be deduced in the case of Wolin, which had a similar political structure. At Szczecin and Wolin the pagan priesthood of various local cults became a dominant political force. At Wolgast, the priests of Yarovit played a significant part in local politics, but the scarcity of sources prevents us from determining exactly how much power the pagan priesthood there possessed. At Gützkow, the existence of a large sacred complex with a temple or temples and evidence for pagan priests indicates that they might also have played a role in local politics. Finally, we do not have evidence for a pagan cult and priesthood in Demmin. In such a case it remains an open question how the political system at Demmin fits into the emerging pattern of the pagan priesthood's involvement in politics in the north-eastern Polabian cities.

6. C O N C L U S I O N 753 754

MP, III.12. MP, II.13. 233

In the Post-Migration Period, from the end of the seventh century, various Slavic people became not only separated by long distances but encountered different environments, peoples, cultures and situations. The old religion diversified into regional beliefs reflecting the conditions encountered by different Slavic groups.756 Like the others the Polabian Slavs, as the westernmost outpost of Slavdom, existed in a specific and unique condition. Since their settlement in the region, sometime between the fifth and seventh centuries, their social, religious and political evolution took its own path. Of the utmost importance were their contacts of various natures with their neighbours, the powerful Empire and Denmark. These, and their proximity to the Baltic Sea, played a part not only in economic but also political and religious developments. Since Frankish times military and political pressure from the West created a need among the Polabian Slavs to organize defense. This, in turn, was a major factor stimulating the centralization of power and the emergence of Polabian polities.757 The more advanced Frankish state, and later the Empire, were also attractive targets for Slavic raids. This was yet another factor in political centralization as the raids required well organized and larger units to be successful.758 These conditions created powerful stimuli for rapid changes in all aspects of their life. On the political scene some Veletian people formed a tribal federation known to us as the Veletian Union. Although the Chrespyane and Khyzhane that formed it remained distinct ethnic entities, the tribe of the Dolenzhane was practically absorbed by the

755

Herbord, III.16, Ebbo, III.1. New developments after Migration: J. Gąssowski, 'Kult religijny', in L. Leciejewicz, ed., Słownik kultury dawnych Słowian (Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna, 1990), pp. :579580 and 583. 757 P. G. Heather, 'Frankish Imperialism and Slavic Society', in P. Urbańczyk, ed., Origins 756

of

Central Europe (Warsaw:

Scientific Society of Polish Archaeologists, 1997),

pp. 174-175. P. G. Heather, 'Frankish Imperialism', p. 176. 234

758

Redarove, and there are strong indications that other smaller tribes were assimilated by this dominant group.759

The Ranove of Rügen island expanded politically onto the

mainland, at least by the tenth century.

Whatever migration or assimilation took place

there, the people of these mainland regions were regarded by contemporaries as the Ranove.

The Stodorane of Brandenburg formed a principality that must have

amalgamated with and assimilated numerous smaller tribes. There is no clear evidence for this process, but the relatively large size of the Stodorane domain, which covered most of the modern Brandenburg Land, and was on a par with other regional political entities in the West, suggests that this occurred. This claim is also supported by the fragmentation of the closely related Sorbian tribes, just south of the Stodorane, into numerous small groups. Also, when Charlemagne launched a campaign against prince Drogovit of Stodorane in 789, he was supported by Frisian, Saxon and Obodrite contingents. This indicates that the Stodorane were a rather strong, large political entity, otherwise such a big force would not have been required to subdue them. Drogovit was important enough to be mentioned by name.760 All this indicates that such a large ethnic entity must have been the product of a long process of absorption of smaller tribal units into one group that over time developed a single identity. The Brezhane of Havelberg who bordered the Empire did not expand territorially but created a small principality that either retained its independence or more often, substantial autonomy as imperial subjects. Baltic and land commerce also facilitated the emergence of smaller city based principalities such as Wolin, Szczecin and Wolgast. Political, social and religious developments do not take place separately and are subject to reciprocal influences and interactions. The Polabian religion, cults and practices, as observed in the tenth-twelfth centuries, were the most complex and sophisticated among 759

For example, the Rechane and Vkrane ceased to be mentioned in the sources around the eleventh century: Z. Sułowski, 'Sporne problemy..', p. 163. 235

all the medieval pagan Slavs. By around the tenth century lesser, common Slavonic deities such as Yarovit, Sventovit and Triglav became dominant gods in some principalities. In a similar way Svarozhits, originally a Slavic fire god, became a major deity among the people of the Veletian Union. The north-eastern Polabian religion was not uniform, but from the multitude of local tribal gods and cults a common pattern of beliefs emerges. In new circumstances, an old common Slavic tradition supplied concepts and ideas to create new cults and new forms of spiritual expression. The general pattern of the evolution of Polabian beliefs included the conceptual amalgamation of Sun and Fire worship, vital forces, spring and agricultural deities of the Yarovit type and military functions into a single entity. All the cults shared many attributes such as the sacred horse, holy oak, multicephalism, horns of plenty etc. Consequently all those deities became new gods, irrespective of the retention of their original names in some cases. In response to and in conjunction with political, cultural and social changes these gods and cults turned into complex syncretic beliefs, and the clear dominance of particular deities into well defined henotheism. A similar development took place independently among the Eastern Slavs, where the cult of Perun was elevated by prince Vladimir of Kiev to a position of the dominant state deity in Kievan Rus.761 The worship of these deities rarely crossed the boundaries of principalities in which they evolved and they remained basically local cults and gods. However, these gods evolved together with the political expansion of smaller tribal entities into larger regional or supratribal principalities, where they became dominant syncretic deities. At the same time, they gained recognition among the other Polabians. This recognition often correlated with the political importance of the principalities where they were major deities. According to Adam of Bremen:

760 761

ARF, Year 789. Kievan cult: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 51-58. 236

The Runi (Ranove), the most powerful of the Slavic peoples, without whose consent nothing may lawfully be done in matters of public concern; so much are they feared on account of their familiarity with the gods, or rather demons, whom this people holds in greater veneration than do the others.762

No doubt Adam of Bremen exaggerated the political importance of the Ranove, but it appears that he expressed the views of the other Polabian Slavs.

He indicates the

recognition although not necessary worship of Sventovit, as an important god within the polytheistic and pluralistic world of the Polabians. Although the worship of Sventovit, Svarozhits, Yarovit and Triglav evolved into separate distinct cults, they shared many common traits. So, despite their differences, conceptually they can be classed together as forming a distinctly Slavic, but also a uniquely Polabian, single regional religious ideology. At the same time numerous other deities and spirits were not abandoned and, as the case of Rugevit on Rügen indicates, a new one emerged. Nonetheless, it is evident that particular single gods became the

patrons and dominant deities of different

principalities.763 Therefore, by the merger of many concepts and elements into a single dominant cult, by the time we are concerned with the northern and central Polabian religion had turned into a clearly distinguishable henotheism.

In this process north-

eastern Polabian cults and deities also combined various characteristics of other Slavic gods and emerged as syncretic cults.

These included Svarozhits of Radegosć, who

retained his old Slavonic name but evolved into a syncretic complex deity totally different

762

AB, IV.XVIII. Tribal gods: G. Labuda., 'Wytworzenie wspólnoty...', p. 26; and T. Wasilewski, Historia Słowian, p. 64. 237

763

from the common Slavic fire god of the same name. In the course of history the organized Polabian cults became more sophisticated and institutionalized. A formal class of full time priests and elaborate ceremonies emerged in major cult centres. Nonetheless, there is no evidence that ceremonies and rituals although more complex and intricate, changed their character and nature. The rituals, ceremonies and associated offerings were still perceived as a way to please the gods and to secure their favours and help in people's lives and enterprises. In this respect it differed from Christian worship which involved homage and submission to a supreme being. At the same time, together with significant conceptual developments, richly endowed shrines and temples with idols appeared. The most famous temples west of the Oder river were those at Arkona on Rügen, Radegosć, Szczecin, Wolin, Wolgast, Gützkow and Demmin.764 These developments, however, could have only taken place if sufficient resources were available to construct and maintain the temples and support the priestly class. Therefore, in city-centered principalities that were commercially oriented, a form of tax or tithe must have been extracted. The evidence from Szczecin shows that 10 percent of war booty was always assigned to the temple of Triglav. More detailed evidence comes from the Veletian Union where the temple of Svarozhits received a portion of war booty and fees from people coming to make offerings or seek oracles at the temple. Examples from Rügen island show that besides a substantial share of war booty all the Ranove people were paying tax and foreign merchants were also charged for the privilege to trade there. In mediaeval times in the Baltic basin trade and piracy were a part of the same maritime activity, piracy being rather a matter of opportunity rather than an exclusive way of life. Simply, the Scandinavian Vikings as well as the Polabian Slavs would not miss a chance of pillaging their neighbours' lands or seizing their ships. Danish kings and

764

Development of priesthood and temples: M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, pp. 156-157, 166; and SKDS, p. 379; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, p. 182. 238

nobility, as well as rulers and the upper class of Slavic commercial centres, did not see anything wrong with combining these two activities.765 However, trade was not heroic and did not fill the pages of old chronicles and sagas, creating a distorted picture. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that, not only on Rügen island but in other citycentered principalities and in the Veletian Union, some revenue must have been extracted from war pillage, booty and commerce. Some kind of tax-paying populace, similar to the Ranove case, cannot be excluded in other principalities, although there is no evidence for it. All these practices, aiming to extract and accumulate wealth, indicate that at least the Northern Polabian temples served the role of state treasuries. BORROWINGS IN PRE-CHRISTIAN POLABIAN BELIEFS AND PRACTICES Pre-migration Slavic religion shows strong Indo-European elements pointing to the common origins of many concepts and aspects of early Slavic beliefs. Also, a strong Iranian influence is visible in early Slavic religion, most likely the result of close links and contacts with the Sarmatians. This influence manifested itself in the names of some deities and some religious concepts and terminology. Although the various external influences on the Polabian Slavs in many aspects of life are evident, direct borrowings in their religion are hardly visible. All the cults we have discussed in detail show almost exclusively common Slavic traits which can be traced to the pre-Migration Period, that is to the period before the

fifth-sixth centuries.

Nonetheless, these various elements underwent substantial changes, some of them rising to prominence and often acquiring new features.766 This is clearly visible in the example of the god Triglav where his three heads and three domains have been shown to have nothing

765

On the Viking myth: E. James, 'The Northern World in the Dark Ages', in G. Holmes, ed., The Oxford Ilustrated History of Medieval Europe (London: Guild Publishing, 1988), p. 110. 766 Slavic origin of new cults: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 258-259; and G. Labuda., 'Wytworzenie wspólnoty...', p. 540. 239

to do with the Christian Trinity. It most likely derived from the common Indo-European tradition and concept of a tripartite division of the sacred. So, as has been demonstrated in this work, Christian influence on the north-eastern and central Polabian religion existed only in the form of the adoption of the idea of an organized cult, temples and formal priesthood. But there are no traceable ideological or conceptual borrowings. The high occurrence of multicephalic and multi-faced deities in the region cannot be attributed to the external stimuli. The evidence for this feature among the deities of the other European peoples points to a common Indo-European heritage, rather than borrowings. Therefore, this multiplicity of heads or faces of Slavic, and Polabian gods in particular, is not difficult to interpret in the Indo-European context. As in the case of the omniscient Vedic Varuna767 with "four faces",768 it symbolized their supernatural powers and abilities. It is also very likely that the amalgamation of various cults into a single set of beliefs prompted the Polabian Slavs to represent their transformed gods in this fashion. Some elements of cults like the sanctity of a boar may be of Celtic origin, but here again association of the animal with the sacred is a common Indo-European theme. Therefore, no conclusive answer can be given to this question. MILITARIZATION OF POLABIAN DEITIES Gods like Sventovit of Rügen and Yarovit at Wolgast and Havelberg were conceptually related and evolved from the same older deity called Yarovit by the earlier Polabians. This god was basically a deity of agriculture and fertility and the personification of the rejuvenation of nature. Traces of the survival of a similar deity are found in Eastern Slavic folklore in the form of celebrations and rituals concerning Yarilo and Yarun. On the basis of these similarities we are inclined to postulate here the existence of a conceptual link between the Polabians and the Eastern Slavs. Similarity of the names and functions

767 768

Rig Veda, I.25. Rig Veda, V.48.5. 240

strongly suggests that the prototype of these Polabian deities was a single common Slavic deity, perhaps called Yarilo, but certainly containing the root jary in its name. In the Polabian context, due to socio-political and cultural changes,

this Yarilo-like deity

underwent transformation into a more complex figure and its cult into a more elaborated one. At the same time among the Eastern Slavs, under the strong pressure of Christianity, the development of a Yarilo-like deity was either halted in its evolution and reduced to the status of a folklore hero or his cult to a folklore celebration. A part of the evolution of a Yarilo-like deity among the Polabians was the acquisition of new attributes and characteristics other than those associated with agriculture, nature and fertility. Commonly held opinions that Sventovit and Yarovit were either Perun, allegedly a Slavic war god, disguised under a different name, or that Perun's attributes were incorporated into their cults, cannot be sustained. It has been demonstrated that Perun was initially an atmospheric god who evolved from a common Indo-European tradition. An atmospheric god that shared his origin with the Vedic Parjanya, an ancient Indian god of a similar function. Therefore, as Perun was not a war deity he could not have been a prototype for the Polabian deities whose domains included military sphere. Hence, the logical conclusion is that Sventovit and Yarovit acquired their war-associated attributes and function due to the specific geo-political situation and frequent military conflicts the Polabians were involved in prior to their political subjugation. This appears to be a common, all-Polabian pattern of religious evolution. This claim is reinforced by the very fact that the other Polabian gods like Triglav of Szczecin and a deity from Wolin of unknown name, initially unrelated to Sventovit or Yarovit, also evolved into gods who presided over war and the military. RELIGION AND POLITICS

241

It can be assumed that a religion is a social phenomenon where gods and religion are to a large extent the expression of the society that practices it.769 The rise to prominence of single deities among the Polabians, that is the evolution of their religion into henotheistic cults, was a reflection of important social and political changes that took place in the region.770 The Slavs who settled the area between the Elbe-Saale and Oder rivers in the course of the fifth-seventh centuries were small tribal groups ruled by a tribal assembly, the veche. Under the pressure from the Empire and contacts with larger Scandinavia political entities, significant socio-political developments took place. Larger and more populous Polabian polities emerged comprising a number of tribes or, city based commercial emporiums.

At the same Polabian society became stratified through

commerce and warfare. This was followed by the decline of the egalitarian nature of the Slavonic veche, which became dominated by affluent traders and merchants in city states and a tribal aristocracy in other principalities. The passing of resolutions unanimously by the veche, as in the Veletian case described by Thietmar of Merseburg, was therefore not a sign of the unity of the people, but rather the submission of the majority to the will of a minority, the more influential members of the society. In simple terms people were expected to conform to the will of the strongest faction and no doubt sometimes were forced to submit by intimidation or threats. The decision making was usually dominated by a small group or faction representing affluent clans and groups associated with prominent warriors. Therefore, in reality the system was not a democratic one but rather a form of oligarchy that preserved illusions of the older, more egalitarian tribal veche. However, contrary to the claims of some scholars such as the Pole Teresa Trębaczewska-Ozimska, who stressed the importance of the priores at the assembly and

769

W.S.F. Pickering, Durkheim On Religion ( London: Routledge & Kegan Ltd., 1975 ), pp. 2-8. 770 V. Prochazka, 'Organisace kultu...', p. 155. 242

their leading role in government,771 or the suggestion of another Polish historian, Lech Leciejewicz, that the tribal elders called in the sources optimates or primores took the decisions at the tribal assemblies,772in most north-eastern Polabian principalities the situation was different. With the closer look into the pagan priesthood presented in this work it becomes clear that in some of these principalities, such as on Rügen island and in the Veletian Union, Szczecin, Wolin and Wolgast, the pagan priesthood was a leading force in politics. This may not be apparent in the sources, but almost all the authors were Germans and Scandinavians who lacked insight into and understanding of Polabian affairs. Nonetheless, it is evident that in places like Arkona on Rügen or at Radegosć in the Veletian Union the pagan priests existed as a separate and distinguished class and were important political players. For the pagan priests to rise to a leading political position was not as difficult as might have been expected despite the competition for power between them, prominent men of the tribe and the veche. The changes that took place between the tenth and twelfth centuries in these Polabian lands, themselves facilitated the further development of henotheistic and syncretic cults and the emergence of a separate priestly class with new religious and social roles to play. This gave the pagan priesthood a privileged and respected position in society. At the same time with the serious and almost constant external threats to their independent political existence and the strong challenge from Christianity, the Polabian priesthood and many secular leaders must have seen their pagan cults as a unifying force in the struggle. The pagan religion became their easily distinguishable characteristic, that straight away determined who was "them" and who were "us". In this context it was in the pagan priests' own interest to promote the cults as only popular support and devotion to the 771

T. Trębaczkiewicz-Ozimska, 'Rola kapłanów...', p. 140. 243

old gods could guarantee mass support for their cause. Therefore the pagan gods were used to promote resistance, creating an impression for the masses that their deities with their divine powers were their leaders in the struggle. To secure their gods' support the Polabians provided rich offerings to their deities, assigned part of their booty to the temples and carried standards with divine images in front of the armies when going into the battle. These ideas themselves did not differ much from those of Christian warriors who carried crosses and invoked saints for the same purpose. So, in turn, by making political independence and old religion inseparable the pagan priests and many political leaders were trying to give new impulse to their institutionalized religion. Evolution in this direction should not be a surprise as a similar model was readily at hand across the border. It is worth noting that the model they adopted does not differ in principle from the political systems that existed among their neighbors such as the other Slavs (the Poles and Czechs), the Scandinavians or even the Empire. The Polabians were no doubt aware of the role of Church in the political process in medieval Christendom. It is clear that the Polabian Slavs perceived the Empire and Christianity as a single force. Drawing an example from the union of Christianity and secular power of the Empire, they tried to create a unifying force by promoting a national-like religion.773 A similar example comes from the Eastern Slavs, where Vladimir the Great at Kiev institutionalized and made uniform existing pagan cults and placed the god Perun in his pantheon as a dominant, supreme deity. In the struggle with external enemies the secular Polabian leadership could at least count on accommodation within the imperial order. And as many examples show, numerous Polabian leaders and members of the upper class joined mainstream German

772

L. Leciejewicz, Słowianie Zachodni, Z dziejów tworzenia się średniowiecznej Europy (Wrocław: Ossolineum, 1989), p. 97. 773 Religious cult used by priests and tribal aristocracy to integrate the Union: G. Labuda., 'Wytworzenie wspólnoty...', p. 27. 244

society after the political subjugation of their principalities. On the other hand, the priests of the Slavic religion existed as a separate social class with its own goals and interests. The pagan priesthood was fully aware that there was no chance for their accommodation and the preservation of their prominent role in a Christian world. Worse, they had no illusion that they would be even tolerated. Awareness of that must have made the pagan priesthood bold and uncompromising, and prompted them to take an active, leading role in the struggle for independence and the preservation of the pre-Christian Slavic religious order. In consequence it led to their unprecedented political ascendancy. All of this explains the prominent political role of the pagan priesthood among the north-eastern Polabian Slavs. It has been usually overlooked or underestimated that through control over the state treasury, tithes or a taxation-like system of collecting revenues, the pagan priesthood gained enormous political power. Their control over the oracles affecting state affairs and the prestige associated with the cult of Sventovit were other important factors. It simply gave them a mechanism to decide foreign policy. Furthermore, at least on Rügen, the relatively large "Sventovit's retinue" and immunity for their actions provided another political lever for the priests. The priests also had the power to summon the veche, and affect its decisions. Their role was also often apparent as at least on some occasions priests negotiated with representatives of foreign powers on behalf of their principalities, and they took a leading role during the tribal assembly. This is evident at least among the Ranove. The evidence presented here also shows that the pagan north-eastern Polabian priesthood emerged as a distinct social group or class, and although there is no supporting evidence, it is very likely that the priesthood was hereditary. All this shows that although the veche was not abolished, in reality it came to play a limited role. Another force struggling for political supremacy there was the family of "prince" Jaromir, but as the evidence shows their political rise really took place after the subjugation of the Ranove principality by the 245

Danes in 1168. So the evidence strongly indicates that in reality the priesthood of Sventovit governed the Ranove principality, although it was unable to eliminate the veche and "princely" family from the political process.

In the Veletian Union, scarcity of

sources prevents us from precisely establishing the role the pagan priests played. Still, the evidence indicates that they formed a separate class and controlled the union treasury, while the oracles of Svarozhits practically gave them control over foreign policies. The existence of similar temple troops, at Svarozhits' shrine in Radegosć was also very likely, as the evidence indicates. All this gave them a strong political leverage, as in the case of the priests of Sventovit. With the power of the popular assembly substantially reduced and the veche dominated by the tribal aristocracy, the pagan priests had to compete for influence with them. But by having the many advantages just mentioned the priesthood of Svarozhits was no doubt in a much better position. Therefore, the balance of power was probably in their favor. Hence, although the picture in the Veletian Union case is not so clear, their political system, no doubt, had many elements of a theocracy. In the north-eastern Polabian city-based polities, pagan priests also played an important role in the political process. The veche existed in Szczecin, Wolin, Wolgast and Demmin and possibly at Gützkow and played some role around the time of conversion. However, it is reasonable to claim that the sources give a distorted picture, because of unusual circumstances at the time they described. Otto of Bamberg's biographies describe a very turbulent period in the history of these cities when conversion to Christianity was imposed upon them and they lost most of their independence, initially to the Pomeranian dukes and then to the Polish crown. So, the political role of pagan priests must have been already diminished by the loss of full independence and the arrival of Otto's mission. We can conclude that bishop Otto of Bamberg's biographers witnessed an internal struggle among the prominent citizens of these cities who grasped the opportunity to eliminate the pagan priesthood as a political force. For that reason they needed some general backing and 246

legitimization for their actions, henceforth, they tried to rally the veche behind their cause. This gave the general impression of the veche having a greater importance and power than it really did. The priesthood of Triglav at Szczecin was a distinct social group like those among the Ranove and in the Veletian Union. Here again a horse oracle gave the priesthood control over important state decisions and the temple treasury collected part of the war booty. Also at Szczecin the existence of temple troops at Triglav's shrine was very likely, or at least the high priest could command Szczecin's troops at will, which indicates their high and respected position of authority. Pagan priests participated in and probably officiated at the city council and the veche. However, as was demonstrated the veche besides its symbolic character had not much real power. This rested in the hands of a small city council comprising pagan priests and prominent citizens, and the veche appears to have been a rather powerless body easily pressed into submission to the will of the council and accepting its decisions. Therefore the role of Szczecin's popular assembly at the time of Otto of Bamberg's mission did not reflect the real power structure of the principality. At Wolin, although the evidence is sketchy the emerging picture indicates that the power of the veche, like at Szczecin, was grossly limited, and political power and decision making was concentrated in the hands of a small group, a council-like body, of prominent citizens and pagan priests. The fact that the fate of the missionary Bernard was decided by the pagan priests and prominent people of the town indicates that they formed such a body before Otto of Bamberg's mission commenced. Details of the nature of power sharing at Wolin are unknown, but the important, if not leading role of the pagan priesthood can be concluded. Similarly, at Wolgast, although there was a governor there appointed by the duke of Pomerania, the tribal assembly remained in existence. This is suggested by phrases like "people of Wolgast" in reference to political decisions made there in sources other than 247

Otto of Bamberg's biographies. Nothing certain is known about the role of the city's upper class in politics. However, it has to be taken into consideration that the sources described Wolgast after it lost independence to Pomerania. At the same time, the

examples of

prominent citizens’ dominance in politics in the other similar city based principalities suggest that it was also present there. As for the pagan priesthood, its political role appeared to be also significant. The ability of the priests of Yarovit to turn the veche against Otto of Bamberg's mission in defiance of the decision of the meeting at Usedom, the authority of duke Warcis³aw I and the Polish crown is a witness to that. Finally, the fragmentary evidence for the political system in towns like Demmin and Gützkow does not allow us to make any specific claims in relation to the role pagan priests played in their politics. However, it is known that Demmin had its own popular assembly and, as accounts about conversion in the twelfth century indicate, it was dominated by a local oligarchy of prominent citizens. There is no evidence of any pagan cult or priests there. This may be attributed to the fact that Demmin had been politically dominated by the Obodrite dukes for a long time, and that after their demise it fell under Pomeranian control. Therefore, Demmin's full independence or autonomy was short lived and political developments went another way. On the other hand, Gützkow's political system appeared to be based on a Western model with a local prince-like ruler, but it appears that there was a veche even there. Most likely the city assembly had some sort of advisory role to "prince" Mścisław. In the twelfth century this can be almost certainly attributed to Pomeranian influence. As for the earlier period, it is very likely that pagan priests of a locally important cult played a much more active and influential role in politics at the time of the Veletian Union's existence and after its split, in the middle of the eleventh century. On the other hand, the Polabian principalities of the central regions, that is the Stodorane (around Brandenburg) and Brezhane (around Havelberg), due to their proximity to as well as frequent political dependence on the Empire, evolved into duchy-like entities 248

with local chiefs and dukes as rulers. The imperial or Western models were most likely enforced upon them by emperors who for obvious reasons preferred to deal with a single representative then the entire veche. On the Polabian side such a model suited the emerging upper class and local dynasts for their own advantage. Summarizing, among the north-eastern Polabians the traditional Slavic veche retained some of its influence, but was largely reduced to being an easily manipulated "rubber stamp" body. Its survival into the eleventh and twelfth centuries can be attributed to the people's strong attachment to tradition and a sentiment for preservation of the old ways, as well as the symbolic importance of the idea of the egalitarian society that the early Slavs were supposed to be. This can be attributed to progressive social stratification, and the emergence and political ascendancy of an upper class, which began to exercise increasing influence on local politics.

At the same time a pattern of strong involvement and

importance in politics by the pagan priesthood emerges as a general trend in north-eastern Polabian politics. Of course this does not apply in all cases and the degree of the pagan priesthood's influence and position varied substantially from place to place. City based principalities such as Szczecin, Wolin and Wolgast, prior to their subjugation by Pomerania and later the Kingdom of Poland, were ruled by small oligarchies of pagan priests and prominent citizens. These small, council-like governing bodies paid lip service to the traditional veche and manipulated it to their own advantage. The strong economic power base of the secular elite in these commercial city emporiums suggests that the pagan priesthood and secular leaders were more or less equal partners, although the balance of power appears to have been in favor of the priesthood in places like Szczecin and Wolin. The pagan priesthood dominated the Veletian Union and the polity of the Ranove, sometimes sharing power with a tribal aristocracy.

Clear examples are "princes" like

Jaromir or Ciesław; themselves political players with aspirations to rule like the dukes of

249

the Empire. Only among the central Polabians, that is the Stodorane and Brezhane, did different political systems much more kin to the Western, ducal model evolve. Strictly by definition the political system that emerged among the North-Eastern Polabians can not be described as a theocracy. However, as was shown it had many of the elements of a theocratic system. Especially in the principality of the Ranove, evidently dominated by Sventovit’s priesthood at Arkona, the political system was closest to a theocracy by the definition we have offered. It has to be remembered that true theocracies have existed only in a few cases during human history. Therefore, the north-eastern Polabian Slavs created a unique political system molded to some extent by their specific geopolitical location, the socio-political structure of Slavic society, and their religious beliefs. IMPLICATIONS OF THE SYSTEM There is no doubt that Polabian cults became a symbol of a political and cultural independence and resistance to political pressure from the Empire, the Danes and Poles, and to the ideological challenge of Christianity. However, the strategy of rallying around the pagan cults to defend their independence was doomed from its beginning.

By the

tenth century almost all of Europe was Christian, with the exception of the Baltic people, the ancestors of the modern Lithuanians and Latvians. In the medieval realities it was naive to believe that a non-Christian state in the middle of Christian Europe had any chance of surviving or being internationally recognized.774 The Polabian Slavs lost their fight for independence and preservation of their faith because their world and their religion was not a match for the highly organized medieval states it was challenged by. In the case of the north-eastern Polabian Slavs the only reasonable defensive strategy was to form a

774

Independent Christian church & Western model the only solution: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 23, 182; and F. Seibt, 'The Religious Problems', in G. Barraclough, ed., Eastern and Western Europe in the Middle Ages (London: Thames And Hudson, 1970), p. 91. 250

supra-tribal, Christian state with political structures modeled on the Western examples. It would definitely involve the sacrifice of many of their personal and economic freedoms. In their majority they failed to realize that to preserve some of the aspects of their cultural identity it was necessary to sacrifice many things they treasured.775 They failed to foresee that there was no escape from "feudalism" and Christianity either under foreign or their own rulers. We may say that a society's success or failure is measured by its ability to respond and transform itself when confronted by new circumstances.776 It is symptomatic that the Obodrites, the north-western Polabians who modeled their principality on the western duchies and underwent the most significant socio-political and economic changes, and whose rulers promoted Christianity, preserved their independence much longer. And it could be argued that the Mecklenburgian duchy was a continuation of their state well into modern times, albeit Germanized over the centuries. Traditionally, polytheistic religions are not expansive and lack missionary zeal. Neither do they aim to convert others by force. As reported by Adam of Bremen, the Volinane of Wolin were a tolerant society. So too must have been the Stodorane who, on a few occasions, exercised control over the Brezhane of Havelberg, and there is no evidence that they attempted to supplant the local cult of Yarovit with their own of Triglav.

On the

contrary, as the example of the Roman Empire shows, polytheists tend to absorb elements of the cults and gods of subjugated people. This in itself might have been a factor in the emergence of syncretic cults and gods among the north-eastern and central Polabian Slavs. It would explain numerous similarities observed in the cults, rituals and deities of the region. Nonetheless, unlike universalistic Christianity, the Polabian cults did not facilitate ethnic and cultural integration, or at least not as efficiently as Christianity. This became

775 776

Need for some sacrifices: G. Labuda., 'Wytworzenie wspólnoty…', p. 25. Societies value their own culture: H. Łowmiański, Studia nad dziejami…, pp. 74-75. 251

apparent when the tribes of Khyzhane and Chrespyane rebelled against the dominant Redarove of the Veletian Union in 1057. The Polabian Slavs can be praised for their tolerant attitude, but in the times we are concerned with it was one of their main weaknesses. From a political point of view it was the wrong attitude in the wrong times, because tolerance was not an advantage in a time of aggressive Christianity. However, the north-eastern Polabian Slavs should not be judged too harshly. Religion on its own is a powerful force that can incite extreme emotions. Even today many people would kill or die for their beliefs as the recent events in the Middle East, the former Yugoslavia and Northern Ireland show. All societies value most their own culture, beliefs and way of life, and in this respect they are generally conservative. For that reason all social or ethnic groups are slow and reluctant to change. In the Polabian context the way Christianity was perceived must have played a vital role in its rejection and the hostility toward it. It should not be surprising that in the Polabian experience Christianity was seen as a vehicle of political and social subjugation, sanctioning the feudal economic order together with social stratification and divisions based on lordship and serfdom.777 In brief, it was the alien religion of an aggressor, hostile and intolerant of their beliefs and values. In this context, for the Polabian Slavs, it was not a very attractive alternative at all.778 It has to be acknowledged that the full picture of the Polabian religion is long way from being revealed, if it ever will be. The lands, which they once occupied, have yielded numerous artifacts of a religious character that await interpretation. Among them is a large wooden idol found on the southern bank of Ruppiner See, a lake in Brandenburg Land, near the site of the old Slavic stronghold of Altfriesack. The idol, dated to the

777 778

B. Rybakov, Early Centuries…, p. 51. Christianity as an alien religion of oppressors: A. P. Vlasto, The Entry…, p. 153. 252

second half of the sixth century, represents a male with a hole for a phallus to be attached. A similar find is known from Behren-Lübchin in Mecklenburg Land. Other phallic and fertility cult artifacts are reported from all over Slavdom.779 This indicates that a fertility cult was widespread among the Polabian and other Slavs. The historical records are totally silent about this cult. This is so, because medieval chroniclers were almost exclusively monks who tended to avoid any notion of human sexuality, as being inherent evil in accordance with the Christian doctrine. Also, feminine elements in Polabian beliefs have largely not been explored. Although there is no clear evidence for major female deities there it would be strange indeed if a predominantly agricultural society had not had fertility based female deities or perhaps worshipped Mother Earth. Data from other parts of Slavdom suggests this occurred elsewhere and there is no reason to believe that the Polabians were much different, taking into consideration the cultural, linguistic and religious closeness of all the Slavs in this period. It is worth noting that at least among the Obodrites at Ratzeburg a goddess Siva (Zhiva) was worshipped,780 her name deriving from the Slavic živ, alive. Another deity named Podaga or Pogada was mentioned by Helmold without specifying its gender,781 but its ending indicates that it was female, unless the chronicler made a mistake in recording the name. As for the Polabians, according to Thietmar, the Veleti have carried images of some female deities as part of their war standards, perhaps in the form of portable idols as the accounts suggest.782 Whatever the case, many other issues and aspects of Polabian religion await further investigation and research.

779

Phallic symbols & fertility cults: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp. 154-155; and Z. Váňa, The World…, p. 99. 780 HB, I.52. 781 HB, I.84. 782 TM, VII.64. 253

254

APPENDICES 1. Slavic tribal names appearing in the text. 2. German place names mentioned in the text and their former Slavic names. 3. Slavic deities appearing in the text and their various forms. 4. Svarozhits or Radegost? 5. The authenticity of the Song of Igor's Campaign. 6. The Gross Raden site, shrines, toll-house and other structures. 7. The Chronology of Otto of Bamberg's missions. 8. The relationship between Svarog, Svarozhits and Dazhbog.

255

APPENDIX 1 Slavic tribal names appearing in the text. Abbreviations: P - Polish, S - Sorbian BREZHANE - Brzeżanie (P), Brizani, HB CHRESPYANE - Czrespianie (P); Circipani, AB, HB. DOLENZHANE - Dolężanie (P) Tholenzi in AB, HB. KHYZHANE - Chyżanie (P); Chizzni, AB; Kicini (HB) NELETITSY - Nieletycy (P); Neleticojo (S); Neletici (948 Diplomata Ottonum).783 RANOVE - Ranowie (P); Rujenjo (S); Rani, HB: Rugiani, HB; Runi, AB; Rutheni, Ebbo and Herbord; Rugiani, SG. RECHANE - Rzeczanie (P); Riaciani (948 Diplomata Ottonum).784 REDAROVE - Redarowie, Ratarowie (P), Redarojo (S): Retari, Rethari, Redari, Retharii, AB, HB; Riediri, TM. STODORANE - Stodoranie (P), Stodoranojo (S); Stoderani, HB; Hõfeldan (from Havel River) The Old English Orosius, pp. 16-17; Heveldi, AB; Haveldun (948 Diplomata Ottonum). VELETI or VELETIANS - Wieleci (P); Wjeletojo (S), Wilzi - ARF, 789. Annales Fuldenses, 822. Wilte - The Old English Orosius, pp. 16-17. Uuilici, Bavarian Geographer. also called Lutycy: Liutici - TM, VI.33 & VII.17. Liuzici - TM, V.22 (16) Leutici AB, Book IV.XIII. VKRANE - Wkrzanie (P); Wukranojo (S); Vuucri (948 Diplomata Ottonum); Uchri, Widukind. VOLINANE - Wolinianie (P); Vilini ? HB; Julinensi, Ebbo; SZCZECINIANIE (P) - Stetinenses, Ebbo.

783 784

Full text of this document reprinted in: G. Labuda, Studia..., Vol. 1,p. 155n. ibidem. 256

APPENDIX 2 German place names mentioned in the text and their former Slavic names. (Abbreviations: C - Czech, P - Polish, R - Russian, S - Sorbian, Sl - Common Slavic). Please note that some of these names are known only from Polish or Sorbian sources. Therefore, their original Polabian pronunciation might have differed slightly from the names given below.

Arkona Barth Bautzen Behren-Lübchin Bergen on Rügen Berlin Bosau Brandenburg Cottbus Demmin Elbe river Gartz on Rügen Gross Raden Gützkow Havelberg Havel river Hiddensee Is. Kessin Köpenick Leipzig Lenzen Lübeck Magdeburg Meissen Merseburg Neisse river Oder river Oldenburg Parchim Peene river Puttgarten Recknitz Ruppiner lake Rügen island Saale river Sagard Stralsund Teterow

Arkona (this is not a Slavic name. Its etymology and origins are unknown) Bardo (P) Budyšin (S) Lubczyn (P) Góra (P) Barlin (Sl) Bozów (P) Branibor (S) Choćebuz (S) Dymin (P) Łobjo (S), Laba (C), Łaba (P) Gardziec Radim (Sl) Chocków (P) Hobolin (S) Hobola (S) Hycina (P) Chyżyn (P) Kopjenik (S) Lipsko (S) Łączyn (P) Lubice (Sl) Dźěwin (S) Mišno (S) Mjezybor (Sl) Nysa (P, S) Wodra (S) Starigard (Sl) Parchim (P) Piana (P) Podgardno (Sl) Ręknica (P) Rupin (P) Rana (Sl) Soława (S) Zagard (Sl) Strzała (P) Teterow (S) 257

Tolense river Tribsee Uecker river Usedom Warnow river Werben Wolgast Wüsterhusen Zeitz

Dolęża (P) Tribuż (P) Wkra (P) Uznoim (Sl) Warnawa (P) Werbno (Sl) Wołgoszcz (P) Ostrożno (P) Žitč (S)

258

APPENDIX 3 Slavic deities appearing in the text and their various forms. Dazhbog - Dażbóg (P), Dazhbog (R) Perun

- Perun in all Slavic languages.

Podaga, Pogada - HB Porenut - Porenutius, SG. Porevit - Poreuithus, SG; Puruvit, Knytlinga Saga Rugevit - Rugiewit, Rujewit (P); Rugieuithus, SG; Rinvit, Knytlinga Saga. Svarozhits - Swarożyc (P); Zuarasici - TM, VI.23 (17); Zuarasiz - Bruno of Quefurt. Sventovit - Świętowit (P); Suantaitus, Suantovithus - SG, XIX.XXXIX; Zuantevith, Zuentevich, Zuantevit - HB, I. 8 & 52, and II.108. Svantaviz - Knytlinga Saga, 122. Triglav

- Trzygłów (P) Trigelaw, Ebbo. Triglaus, Herbord. Trigloi, MP.

Yarovit

- Jarowit (P) Gerovit, Ebbo, Gerowitus, Herbord.

Zhiva - Żywa, Żywja (P); Siva, HB.

259

APPENDIX 4 Svarozhits or Radegost? There is a controversy surrounding the name of the major god of the Veletian Union as well as the name of the location of its temple.

In modern historiography this Veletian

deity appears as Svarozhits of Radegosć (the Sorbian spelling for the place name is used), or sometimes as Radegost of Rethra. Francis Dvornik and Marija Gimbutas support by the Poles Gerard Labuda, Lech Leciejewicz and Aleksander Brückner, and the former, also.785 On the other hand some scholars support the name of the deity being Radegost. This includes Henryk Łowmiański who believed that the Veletians under the name Radogost, although it was a form of Svarozhits, worshiped the deity.786 This diversity of opinion is because independent sources provide different and contradictory information. Adam of Bremen called the god Redigast, Radogost, and the place where the shrine stood Rethre, Retra.787 Helmold of Bosau also stated that the Luticians (the Veletian Union) worshipped Redigast at Rethra and mentioned the god Radegost as being venerated among the pagan Obodrites.788 However, according to Thietmar of Merseburg: "The triangular three-gated citadel of Radegost is situated in the Redarian district...The tallest (statue) is called Svarozhits and is much feared and revered by the heathens. "789 Helmold of Bosau lived in the second half of the twelfth century and there is clear evidence that early parts of his chronicle were based on Adam of Bremen. In fact on many occasions Helmold copied passages exactly from Adam.790 In this context

785

F. Dvornik, The Slavs, p. 296; and G. Labuda, 'Wytworzenie wspólnoty...', p. 27n; and

SKDS, p. 391; and A. Brückner, Mitologia…, pp. 73-74; and M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 162. 786 H. Łowmiański, Religia…, p. 170-171. 787 AB, II. XXI (18). 788 HB, I.2 and 52. 789 Svarozhits temple description: TM, . 23-25; and H. Schreiber, Teutons And Slavs, pp. 51-52. 790 F. Tschan, in HB, pp. 28 and 98 (n1) 260

we have to analyze who was wrong, Thietmar of Merseburg or Adam of Bremen. Both cannot be right, as the names of deities and places were unlikely to change in a relatively short time. Thietmar of Merseburg wrote his chronicle in the early eleventh century, while the temple was still in existence. Adam of Bremen's Gesta was composed in the late eleventh century shortly after its destruction. So, although Thietmar is the earlier source Adam of Bremen can not be discounted purely because he wrote later. However, the arguments for the correct name of the deity being recorded by Thietmar are much stronger. Above all, Thietmar knew the Slavonic language. He usually recorded Slavic place names correctly, and even provided correct etymologies for some places and personal names. He also traveled through the Slavic lands on a number of occasions and his detailed description is impressive as an eye-witness account. Surely he did not visit the place, but he must have come into contact with those who had been there, perhaps with the imperial envoys who must have negotiated with the Veletians on many occasions in that period. He must have met Valerians who supported Henry II during the war against Bolesław the Brave of Poland, as he took part in the campaigns of 1007, 1010 and 1012. In 1012 he participated in the rebuilding of the Lubusz fortress (modern German Lebus in eastern Germany) on the border land between Germany, Poland and the Veletian Union.791 On the other hand there is no evidence that Adam of Bremen traveled into Slavic territory. His depiction of the site is very brief, and the nine gates leading to the shrine (three in Thietmar) are rather suspicious.

It appears that the number nine was used to

emphasize the "evil" character of the place, and he drew this number from Virgil's description of Hades in the Aeneid: "Styx imprisons with its ninefold circles". He also used this phrase in his chronicle.792

791 792

M. Z. Jedlicki in TM, pp. XXII, XXV-XXVI, XXIX. AB, II. XXI(18). He used citation from Virgil: Virgil, The Aeneid in H.R. Fairclough 261

Furthermore, it is very unlikely that Adam knew Slavonic speech. For example, he named king Mieszko II (Myeshko) of Poland 'Mising' and Obodrite prince Budiwoj (Budivoy) 'Butue'. Neither shows much resemblance to the original. Helmold of Bosau can be discarded in this case, as he lived much later and there is evidence that he heavily used Adam of Bremen as his source. Secondly, there are numerous places with names similar to Radegost all over Slavdom, such as a town in eastern Germany between Halle and Dessau called Radegast.

There is a suburb in the Polish city of Łódź called

Radogoszcz. Besides, the Slavic root gost or gast, corresponding to the Polish goszcz, means in English guest. It is a very common root in other place names in Western Slavdom, such as Wolgast in northeastern Germany and Bydgoszcz, Małogoszcz, Gostyń, Gostynin, Goszcz in Poland or Uhost in the Czech Republic.793 It appears in Southern Slavic place names in the form Onogošt in Montenegro.794 Its common usage in Slavonic toponymy strongly suggests that Radogosć rather than Rethra was the real name of the place we are concerned with. At the same time, the Slavonic etymology of the name Rethra has never been clearly established, although such attempts have been made. Thirdly, the name Radegost does not fit the image of the god of war and fire whose statue wore armor and bore weapons. In Slavic, Radi-Gostu meant "welcoming guest" and that does not fit very well with the bloody sacrifices performed to this god either. Other evidence for Thietmar being right comes from Bruno of Querfurt, who in his letter to the emperor Henry II, called the deity Zuarasiz.795 This clearly resembles Svarozhits (Thietmar's Zuarasici). Bruno spent some years as a missionary among the Slavs and he died on a mission to the Baltic Yotvingians, who lived between the Old Prussians and

trans., (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986), vol.1 , VI.439. H. Łowmiański, Początki Polski, p. 111; and SKDS, p. 391. 794 SSS, vol. 3, p. 483. 795 M. Jedlicki in TM, p. 346n. 262 793

Lithuanians.796 No doubt he knew from first hand experience, what this pagan Slavic deity was called. Fourth, the name Svarozhits is not alien to Slavic mythology and, as already stated, is well attested among the Eastern Slavs. For these reasons, Thietmar's account and the name of the deity having been Svarozhits and the place Radegosć appears to be correct. Svarozhits, as an old Slavic god of fire, fits better the whole concept of the Redarove cult than a mysterious Radogost. Most likely Adam of Bremen made a simple mistake and recorded a "god of Radogost" as the deity's real name. Helmold of Bosau duly repeated the mistake.

796

P. Jones & N. Pennick, A History…, p. 170. 263

APPENDIX 5 The authenticity of the Song of Igor's Campaign. The authenticity and antiquity of this source on a number of occasions has been questioned. Without going into details, it is mainly Western scholars who questioned it but it also includes the Russian Aleksandr Zimin.797 But no one seems to have looked into one verse of this text, a passage referring to the bard Boyan, that states: "Vatic Boyan, grandson of Veles"798 This fragment clearly associates clairvoyance and the prophetic attributes of Boyan with the god Veles. At the same time in some Lithuanian legends the god Velnias is associated with clairvoyance.799 This association of Boyan's clairvoyance and prophetic attributes with Veles supports the argument for a medieval origin of the poem. Much later, a forger would have had no knowledge of the association of Veles with prophecies, which can be confirmed only through comparison with the Baltic Velinas. There is practically no chance that the alleged eighteenth century forger or later author was familiar with Lithuanian folklore to that degree, and no other surviving Eastern Slavic sources mention that attribute of Veles. This constitutes a strong argument that supports the authenticity of Song of Igor's Campaign.

797

J. Fennell, & A. Stokes, Early Russian Literature (London: Faber and Faber, 1974), pp. 191-206. 798 SIC, v. 65. 799 SIC, v. 65. 264

APPENDIX

6

The Gross Raden site, shrines, toll-house and other structures. The site at Gross Raden near Sternberg in Mecklenburg was excavated between 19731980 by the German archeologist Ewald Schuldt. After a number of excavation seasons the site has been largely reconstructed. Various activities such as weaving and baking using medieval implements and techniques are conducted there, and it has become a major tourist attraction in the area.800 The interpretation of the site is that in both the ninth and the tenth centuries it served primarily a cult function. In the ninth century a rectangular wooden temple (see picture 11) was constructed there measuring 10 by 7 meters. It was build of vertical oak planks. The tops of the facade planks were carved into either male or female heads. An aurochs head was also found there, probably a symbol of fertility and vitality. Most likely it hung in the entrance or inside the shrine. The ninth century temple was destroyed and/or pulled down at the turn of the tenth century.801 A different type of structure was constructed on the nearby island of the lake in the tenth century. On the island at the tip of the promontory a circular earthwork with a palisade on top was built. The palisade, made of relatively short planks, could not serve a defensive purpose. The entrance to the enclosure was very narrow and very low, unlike the usual gates of a military stronghold. In case of emergency people would be unable to rush there, with their property and stock. In the middle of the circle there was a yard with no evidence of any occupation or dwelling structures. In its middle a large post-hole suggests that some sort of pole stood there. This was interpreted as showing that a wooden idol of some sort stood there. 800 801

L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., pp. 95-96. Gross Raden temple: J. Herrmann, Die Slawen in Deutschland (Berlin: AkademieVerlag, 1985), p. 198.; and E. Schuldt, Der Eintausendjähringe Tempelort..., pp. 16-22. ; and H. Keiling, Archäologisches Freilichtmuseum Gross Raden 265

The name of the place also suggests a religious function. Medieval sources recorded Gross Raden as Radim. This name derives from the Slavic raditi, to advise, which suggests that oracles could have been provided there. All of the above suggests that the site was a religious centre devoted to an unknown deity, and the village on the promontory its supporting settlement.802 The service settlement on the peninsula and shrine on the island were linked by a wooden bridge of about 100 metres. Roughly half way along the bridge there was a structure measuring 4 by 5 metres built in the tenth century, made of wooden logs (see picture 12).803 Its size and location on the bridge leading to the shrine suggests that it must have been a watch-house.804 Taking into consideration that the circular shrine on the island was not inhabited, the watch-house must have a toll house collecting payments from those visiting the shrine to make offerings or seeking oracles. Perhaps access to Svarozhits' temple at Radegosć across a bridge passed a toll-house, which looked somehow similar.

(Schwerin: Museum Fûr Ur - Und Frühgeschichte Schwerin, 1990), pp. 16-17. L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., p. 98. 803 E. Schuldt, Der Eintausendjähringe Tempelort..., p. 14. 804 H. Keiling, Archäologisches Freilichtmuseum Gross Raden, p. 19. 266 802

APPENDIX 7 Chronology of Otto of Bamberg's missions. 1124-1125 mission 1124, April - departure from Bamberg. 1124, May - arrival in Poland where he spent 3 weeks including some time at Gniezno. 1124, early June - Pomerania - Pyrzyce. 1124, late June - Pomerania - Kamień. 1125, March - arrival at Wolin. 1125 Mid year - arrival at Szczecin. 1127 mission 1127, late April - departure from Bamberg. 1127, early May - Havelberg. 1127, May, early June ? - Morichane territory (western Veletian lands). 1127, until August - Szczecin. 1127, autumn - back in Bamberg

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AP P E N D I X 8 The relationship between Svarog, Svarozhits and Dazhbog. Svarog was mentioned in a Slavonic translation of the Kievan period of John Malalas, a Byzantine chronicler of the sixth century. In the Slavic version, Svarog, and that of Helios with Dazhbog replaced the name Hephaistos. The original goes as follows:

After the death of Hephaistos, his son Helios reigned over the Egyptians for....12 years and 97 days.805

In the Slavic translation we read:

After Svarog reigned his son, named Sun who was also called Dazhbog, for he was a mighty lord.806

The Slavonic version clearly indicates that the translator was fully aware of the mythological nature of Hephaistos and Helios, resulting in the substitutions of Slavic deities.

Usually it has been accepted that the functions of both Slavic gods

corresponded to Greek deities: that is, Hephaistos and Svarog were connected with fire, and Helios and Dazhbog with the Sun.

But this is not necessarily the case. It is

reasonable to assume that the translator, knowing Hephaistos to be the father of Helios, introduced into the text two Slavic deities who were in a father-son relationship. So, while Dazhbog was a Sun deity, his father Svarog's domain need not have been fire. Although in this translation there is no suggestion of Svarog being a Sky god, another

805 806

John Malalas, The Chronicle of John Malalas, 2.1 and 2.2. The Slavonic version of Malalas: G. Alexinsky, 'Slavonic Mythology', p. 284. 268

account from the other side of Europe supports this claim. Helmold of Bosau reported certain relevant Slavic myths:

...one god in heavens ruling over the others. They (the Slavs) hold that he, the all powerful one, looks only after heavenly matters; that the others, discharging the duties assigned to them in obedience to him, proceeded from his blood...807

It is worthwhile noting that the concept of a passive god is common among other IndoEuropeans. The Greek Uranos, a sky god, became incapacitated and an inactive deity after the act of creation.808

In Indian mythology Dyaus, a sky god, was also a creator

whose involvement in earthly affairs was unclear and indirect afterwards. In the Vedic period his importance was surpassed by Varuna and Mitra, with Varuna appropriating some of the attributes and functions of Dyaus.809 Taking into consideration that Sun worship was widespread among the Slavs, it seems that one of the deities fathered by the Slavic Sky god was the Sun god. This again is a common Indo-European concept, and in Indian mythology the Sun (Surya) is often described as a son of Sky (Dyaus) and Earth.810 Although Helmold did not mention the name of the Sky god, the complementary nature of both stories suggests that he was referring to Svarog. Therefore, the ancient Slavic pantheon would include Svarog, the sky god, Svarozhits, the fire god, and Dazhbog, the Sun god. 807

HB, Book I.84. M. Eliade, A History…, Vol. 1, pp. 247-250; & G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 178; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Słowian, pp.1 33-135. 809 On Dyaus' non-involvement in earthly affairs, see: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 409. 810 Sky and Sun in Indian myths: The Rig Veda, 1.160 & 1.164. On sanctity of the sky and its 808

269

fatherly functions, see: M. Eliade, A History…, 1, p. 189. 270

MAPS & PICTURES

MAPS

1. North-Eastern Germany in the Middle Ages. Please note that the tribal boundaries do not correspond to a particular period and they only approximately indicate the location of the Polabian principalities. 2. Rügen island. PICTURES 1. Wolin figurine. 811 2. Fisherinsel idol.812 3. Artistic reconstruction of the idol of Sventovit of Arkona.813 4. Four sides of the idol from Zbrucz river (the so called "Sventovit").814 5. View of Cape Arkona on Rügen island, medieval earthworks still visible today and the eroded cliff where once the temple of Sventovit stood.815 6. Horse figurine from Brandenburg.816 7. Figure with horn and in conical hat on the stone built into the wall of the church at Altenkirchen, Rügen island (the so called "Svantevitstein").817 8. Stone "idol" built into the wall of Holy Virgin's church at Bergen, Rügen island.818 9. A stone relief built into the wall of St. Peter's church at Wolgast (the so called "Gerovitstein").819 10. Drawing of a granite relief built into the wall of St. Peter's church at Wolgast. 820

811

Z. Váňa, The World of the Ancient Slavs, p. 87. Z. Váňa, The World…, p. 95. 813 S. Rosik, Udział Chrześcijaństwa..., p. 45. 814 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, p. 226. 815 Postcard: Attelier Schumann/Ansichtskarten-Verlag Stavginski, 18557 Wiek auf Rügen, Hauptstrasse, Germany. 816 J. Herrmann, Archäologie in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, Vol. 1, p. 198. 817 Postcard: photo Klaus Rossa, Germany. 818 Z. Váňa, The World…, p. 86. 819 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic…, p. 218. 820 L. P. Słupecki, Slavonic..., p. 219. 271 812

11. Reconstruction of the temple at Gross Raden.821 12. Reconstruction of the cult centre at Gross Raden. "Watch house" on the bridge.822

821 822

E. Schuldt, Der Eintausendjähringe Tempelort…, p. 17. Postcard, photo D. Radke, Radke-Verlag, Schwerin, Germany. 272