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The role of wild edible plants in household food security among transitioning huntergatherers: evidence from the Philippines Homervergel G. Ong & Young-Dong Kim

Food Security The Science, Sociology and Economics of Food Production and Access to Food ISSN 1876-4517 Volume 9 Number 1 Food Sec. (2017) 9:11-24 DOI 10.1007/s12571-016-0630-6

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Author's personal copy Food Sec. (2017) 9:11–24 DOI 10.1007/s12571-016-0630-6

ORIGINAL PAPER

The role of wild edible plants in household food security among transitioning hunter-gatherers: evidence from the Philippines Homervergel G. Ong 1 & Young-Dong Kim 1

Received: 25 November 2015 / Accepted: 2 November 2016 / Published online: 13 December 2016 # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht and International Society for Plant Pathology 2016

Abstract The Ati Negrito people, a recently settled huntergatherer indigenous group in the Philippines, are faced once more with the challenge of adapting to new settlements and gradually declining areas of prime food sources. The research is a documentation of uses and importance of wild edible plants the group collects and consumes as a transitioning hunter-gatherer community. Interviews were conducted with 44 female key informants representing 40 households. A total of 69 wild edible plant taxa in 31 plant families were recorded. Informant consensus revealed that many wild food plants are prioritized for their caloric content and dietary structure to complement oftentimes monotonous diets. Some of the recorded edibles were found to be non-native weedy introductions, signs of mechanisms for coping with environmental and socio-cultural changes. Preferences for certain wild edible plants also revealed that non-food factors underlay food choices. Significant factors that influence food knowledge and selection appeared to be household income, acculturation and past experiences of food scarcity. Further studies, however, have yet to provide concrete evidence that there is erosion of traditional knowledge. Regardless, determining informant confidence in selecting wild food plants has emphasized that preferences are decided based on socio-economic, cultural and ecological conditions.

Keywords Ati Negrito . Food preference . Household food security . Hunter-gatherer . Philippines . Wild edible plants * Young-Dong Kim [email protected] 1

Department of Life Science, Center for Aging and Health Care, Hallym University, 8310 Life Science Bldg, Hallymdaehak-Gil 1, Chuncheon City 200-702, Republic of Korea

Introduction Background of the study Wild edible plants (WEPs) have always been an essential food source for food-insecure families living in poverty in many developing countries (Delang 2006; Mavengahama et al. 2013; Yumkham et al. 2016). They are an important source of vegetables, fruits, tubers and nuts which are relevant in ensuring food supply and enhancing the nutritional value of food (Heywood 2011). Wild leafy vegetables, for example, are critical sources of micronutrients in the tropics and are significant in children’s nutrition for ensuring normal growth and intellectual development (FAO 2010). They are also important for many communities in rural villages (High and Shackleton 2000; Fentahun and Hager 2009; Urso et al. 2016) and even those in urban areas, especially among the poor and marginalized (Rathore 2009; Termote et al. 2012b; Kaoma and Shackleton 2015). WEPs particularly play an important role in the life of many indigenous farming and hunter-gatherer communities (Turner et al. 2011). They are a reliable alternative among marginalized groups when production of cultivated crops is reduced or has failed. By turning to this resource as famine foods, shortages are mitigated, and nourishment to some level is improved. In poor and developing nations prone to drought and famine, the importance of WEPs as fallback options or even for survival is of immeasurable worth (McNamara and Prasad 2013; Azam et al. 2014; Erskine et al. 2015). Wild food plants are also widely collected in the Philippines (Lugod and De Padua 1979; Tangan 2007; Chua-Barcelo 2014), a country often hit by natural disasters, such as typhoons and drought, if not by extended wet and dry seasons which cause seasonal and sometimes severe food deficits. Unfortunately, the many impoverished indigenous

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peoples are the ones who are most affected when food stocks decline (Rovillos et al. 2009). During times of food insufficiency, indigenous households augment food stocks by diversifying food sources, resorting to hunting and gathering, or by engaging in occasional menial labor in urban areas. Other emergency measures include reducing consumption, eating low quality diets, skipping one or more meals per day and even begging (Cariño 2012). Cases of food scarcity have especially been reported among the indigenous Negrito people (Seitz 1998; Novellino 2008; Tuck-Po 2013). They are the Philippine aborigines, numbering about 33,000 and spread all over the archipelago into more or less 30 ethnoliguistic subgroups (Headland 2003). In the past, they were travelling bands, but had completely adopted sedentary living by the end of the 20th century (Headland and Blood 2002). Some subgroups on the other hand, like the Ati Negrito (Ati hereforth) in central Philippines, still subsist by hunting and gathering of forest products despite the gradual increase in trends in occasional shifting of agriculture, wage labor and cash economies (Stewart 1992). Quite a number of studies have documented the importance of WEPs in indigenous people’s food systems (Dénes et al. 2012; Boedecker et al. 2014; Sujarwo et al. 2014), including those which showed the influence of socio-cultural and environmental factors on wild food consumption (Mahapatra and Panda 2012; Powell et al. 2013; Shumsky et al. 2014). This research on the other hand, sought to gain a deeper understanding on how indigenous communities adjust to changes in their natural and social environments by investigating their food culture during phases of transition and examining its implications for food access and sufficiency. In particular, this research aimed to show that choices in types of WEPs can convey information about the conditions of indigenous communities in transition, such as those with hunting and gathering background living in the peri-urban environment. We believe that this study can be a positive, if not novel contribution to the scientific literature on wild foods and food security. In light of the considerations mentioned, the present study specifically sought to (1) document WEPs and their uses among Ati households; (2) compute the relative value of each plant using informant consensus metrics; and (3) discuss the implications of informants’ knowledge and choice of WEPs in the context of household food security.

Materials and methods Research site The research was conducted in Guimaras, a small island province in the Visayas group of islands, central Philippines, where significant Ati populations are distributed (see Fig. 1). The island has a total area of 604.57 km2 and is about 100 m above

H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim

mean sea level. It has two pronounced seasons: the dry season, which is usually between November and April, and the wet season (with at least 15 typhoon visits) occurring during the rest of the year. Average temperature is 27 °C with an increasing trend in the mean temperature levels. About 57 % of the total area suffers from moderate soil erosion, while 8 % is severely eroded. More than half of the total land area (56.32 %) is also calculated to have difficult sources of ground water, hence the economy is dominated by the services sector (e.g. tourism), followed by agriculture, forestry and fishery, and the industry sectors (Province of Guimaras 2008). We conducted three visits in different seasons from 2013 to 2015 in Sitio Kati‐kati, a village of around 60 Ati households located in the town of Jordan, the provincial capital. The community is only about 2 kilometers away from the town center where the public market and hospital are located. It is also within a kilometer of the nearest basic education institutions (elementary and high schools). The majority of households in the village have access to electricity. Water however is only sourced from deep wells and shallow springs. The community is surrounded mostly by rain-fed farmlands and patches of remaining lowland forests. Security of land tenure however is still a problem for most families who are occupying areas claimed to be privately owned by non-Ati locals. Although a 10-hectare resettlement area less than a kilometer away from the village was recently awarded, it is still far from the conditions of an ancestral domain and too minimal an area for farming or raising livestock (Province of Guimaras 2008). Informants The Negrito people, wherein the Ati is a subgroup, were the first to inhabit the Philippine archipelago some 20,000 years ago prior to the arrival of major ethnic groups and Spanish colonizers who coined the term Negrito, meaning little black people. They were traditionally nomadic, as they hunted and foraged in the highlands, but adopted a peasant-like sedentary lifestyle when they began to co-exist by trading with the dominant non-Negrito population. Although most Ati men choose to be employed as farm laborers and construction workers these days, there are still some who practise hunting wild game for household consumption or sale. Small reptiles like monitor lizards and turtles, or wild cats and birds are commonly captured in nearby forests, which were once abundant with wild pigs and other mammals. The Ati women on the other hand, are well-known collectors and peddlers (traveling vendors) of medicinal plants and materia medica (Zayas 2008; De la Peña 2009; Ong and Kim 2014). They are also the primary decision-makers for food preparation since they are the ones who frequent the forests to gather useful plants and take care of children. Due to the highly gendered role with regard to plant food collection, preparation, and therefore transfer of knowledge to

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Fig. 1 Distribution of significant Ati populations (●) in central Philippines and the study site (▲)

Philippines Guimaras Island Luzon

Kati-kati Visayas

Mindanao

younger members, only the women were chosen as key informants for this study. A total of 44 informants who were family heads (or members who shared the responsibility) representing 40 households agreed to be interviewed. Twenty-one (21) informants directly contributed to the family income, 15 of whom were doing work related to useful plant collection and trade (e.g. herbal medicine, handicrafts), while 6 were employed elsewhere. The remaining 23 respondents were either full-time homemakers or students who at times weave native accessories to sell. Average number of children per household was 4 despite the generally poor economic conditions. Table 1 presents the respondents’ socioeconomic profile. Data collection Data were gathered by asking the informants questions about their direct experience in WEP collection, preparation and consumption (i.e. use) using semi-structured interview questionnaires and an initial guide list of commonly observed WEPs recorded during earlier visits. This method is commonly practised in ethnobotanical studies utilizing quantitative techniques so as to ascertain that no or only a few plants are omitted during time-limited interviews with numerous respondents. Interviews were conducted on a one-to-one basis to minimize one informant’s answers influencing another’s. Standard questions focused on collection of WEPs, including those that were collected in the past and during times of famine (see Supplementary Material for guide questions). Modes of plant preparation, part(s) used, place(s) of

collection, distribution and availability, and season of collection were also recorded to obtain a clearer perspective on the diversity of plants and their uses. In some cases, detailed Table 1

Socioeconomic profile of the informants

Information

n (%)

Age 16-26

16 (36.4)

27-43 44-82

13 (29.5) 15 (34.1)

Marital status Single Married Number of children 0-2 3-4 5 above Descent Full native Mixed Education None to complete elementary Secondary to complete secondary College level above Monthly family income Less than 90 USD More than 90 USD * Government financial aid beneficiaries

8 (18.2) 36 (81.8) 19 (43.2) 13 (29.5) 12 (27.3) 25 (56.8) 19 (43.2) 19 (43.2) 12 (27.3) 13 (29.5) 34 (77.3)* 10 (22.7)

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information about traditional food preparations and recipes were also recorded. Interviews were conducted in the local language, which the Ati more commonly use today, and the first author’s mother tongue. Documentation of wild foods was limited to higher plants gathered from their natural (or naturalized) ecosystems taking into account the existence of a continuum between Bwild^ and Bcultivated^ species (Harris 1989). Thus, plants which are actively managed but were initially sourced from their natural environment and with a self-maintaining original population, were all considered wild. Reported WEPs were collected with the assistance of local Ati guides and consequently prepared as specimens for taxonomic identification and storage in the Herbarium of Hallym University (HHU). Prior informed consent agreement between the informants and authors, and the legal permit to interview was facilitated by the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP), while the phytosanitary certificate to transport plant specimens was acquired from the Department of Agriculture (DA). Over all, the field study was carried out following ethical guidelines in conducting ethnobotanical studies (ISE 2006). Quantitative data analyses WEPs are often described as sources of food regularly gathered and consumed, especially by people in rural areas. The actual contribution of WEPs to food systems however, is dependent not only on the frequency of use and number of people using them, but also to the agreement among users (Powell et al. 2015). In order to determine the relative value of each plant, quantitative indices, based on informant consensus, were employed in this study. Use Value (UV), which is based on the number of uses and the number of people that cite a given plant (Phillips and Gentry 1993), was employed to measure the importance of WEPs. UV is calculated using the following formula: UV = (ΣUi)/N, where Ui is the number of use-reports cited by each informant for a given species, and N is the total number of informants. UV of a plant is high when there are many use-reports for it, implying its importance, and low (approach to 0) when otherwise. Computation of plant use-report (UR) was based on recently published studies from the area (Ong and Kim 2014, 2015). Each use-report (UR) was counted every time a plant was cited for a particular purpose under a specific category, while two or more URs were counted for multiple citations. When an informant cited 2 or more uses of a plant under the same category, only a single UR was counted. URs were assigned to 5 WEPs use categories as follow: (1) BRoot crops,^ are underground parts consumed raw or cooked; (2) BLeaf crops,^ include young shoots and leaves consumed only after cooking; (3) BFlowers, fruits and seeds,^ include plant reproductive parts that are cooked, usually as

H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim

part of the main meal; (4) BFresh fruits,^ are ripe or mature fruits consumed without further preparation; and (5)^Flavorings,^ are any plant part used as a spice, condiment, coloring or food deodorant. Informant Consensus Factor (ICF) for each category was quantified to measure participants’ agreement on the choice of plants (Trotter and Logan 1986; Heinrich et al. 1998). ICF was computed using the following formula: ICF = (Nur-Nt)/(Nur-1), where Nur is the number of use-report of informants in each use category, and Nt is the number of plant taxa used for a particular category. High ICF values (approach to 1.00) are obtained when only one or a few species are used by a high proportion of informants for a certain category, whereas low ICF values indicate that informants disagree over which plant to use. Evaluation and comparison of informants’ WEPs knowledge/use were carried out by computing the total UR from each participant using PASW Statistics 18 software (SPSS 2009). Nonparametric inferential statistics, MannWhitney U and Kruskal-Wallis tests were employed to determine significant difference(s) involving two and three related groups, respectively. All statistics were set at 0.05, and pvalues less than the set level were considered significant.

Results Diversity of WEPs and uses This study was able to document a total of 69 WEP taxa in 31 plant families. Dioscoreaceae and Fabaceae recorded the highest diversity with 6 taxa each, followed by Malvaceae, Moraceae and Poaceae with 5. Other noteworthy plant families include the Amaranthaceae with 4 reported members, and Araceae, Anacardiaceae, Phyllanthaceae and Zingiberaceae with 3 each. Quantitative examination of these diverse plant groups by computing the mean informant use-reports and use-value (UR and UV) underscored the roles they play in the Ati diet and food system. For instance, Dioscoreaceae/yam family (39, 0.87) and Araceae/taro family (44, 1.0) recorded a relatively high informant use consensus implying informants’ preference on carbohydrate-rich diet. On the other hand, the use of Malvaceae (58, 1.32) and Poaceae (27, 0.62) species revealed distinct dietary structures indicating not only cultural preferences, but also economic conditions of the marginalized Ati. Uses of other plant families, such as the Moraceae (27, 0.61) and Amaranthaceae (36, 0.82), have also emphasized their roles in mitigating food deficiency as food alternatives. Utilization of Fabaceae/bean family (34, 0.78) rather showed the value of different plant parts. High informant consensus (44, 1.0) for economically valuable members of this plant group were recorded for Pithecellobium dulce and

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Tamarindus indica, which are harvested for their fruits, and Pachyrhizus erosus for its succulent roots. WEPs with the highest URs and UVs similarly showed uses of different plant parts in more than one category. Notable plants are Anacardium occidentale (88, 2.0) for uses of its fleshy fruits and tasty seeds, and Hibiscus sabdariffa and H. radiatus (85, 1.93) for use of their leaves and fruits as cooking ingredients and as souring agents. The unpopularity of plants which recorded the lowest informant use consensus such as Chrysopogon aciculatus (5, 0.11) can be attributed to their use as famine food (also Dioscorea hispida) in the past. They are no longer being gathered due to high energy and time input in harvesting and preparation. The very low UR and UV for Sesuvium portulacastrum (7, 0.16) on the other hand, can be attributed to its availability only in places which are distant from villages. In the context of conservation and sustainability, none of the reported species seemed to be under pressure from over-harvesting since the ones with the highest UVs (i.e. with the highest harvesting pressure) are those that are actively managed or cultivated in the village, if not allowed to spread as hardy weeds. Table 2 presents the taxonomic information of all reported WEPs, their use(s) under each category, and relative values based on informant consensus. In general, high ICF values were recorded for all 5 WEP use categories, indicating concordance in the use of plants among the respondents. WEPs utilized as BFlavorings^ showed the highest ICF value (0.99), followed by those consumed as BRoot crops^ (0.98), BLeaf crops^ (0.98), BFresh fruits^ (0.97), and BFlowers, fruits and seeds^ (0.96). WEPs collected for their BFresh fruits^ included 26 taxa, confirming reports of high wild edible fruit diversity in tropical regions (Saw et al. 1991; Mahapatra and Panda 2012; Chua-Barcelo 2014). Plants consumed as BLeaf crops^ on the other hand, listed a total of 20 species most likely due to the year-round availability of aerial parts in the tropics. Computed ICF values are also in agreement with the percentage of most used plant parts as follow: fruits (40 %), leaves/shoots (37 %), tuberous roots (15 %), seeds (5 %) and flowers (3 %). The relatively high number of recorded UR per informant on the other hand, may be attributed to their use preference as (semi-)wild food plants commonly transplanted and managed in the area. On average, each informant recorded 56.98 UR, implying their knowledge in wild food plant diversity and preparation, as well as their ability to provide food options to their families. The results of informants’ food knowledge/use statistical computations and the different variables that influence food choice and use are analyzed and presented altogether in the Discussion section.

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Discussion The Ati diet and wild foods sources Carbohydrate-centered diets A typical Ati diet is centered on carbohydrates often composed of rice and a single side-dish. Depending on availability, a meal may or may not have animal protein content. Rice is most highly prioritized although securing the main staple food often becomes a struggle among poorer families. About 77 % of the respondents live by a meager family monthly earnings of about 90 USD, thus financial assistance of 11 to 32 USD per month is provided by the government to qualified households (see Ong and Kim 2015). Alternatively, respondents resort to other cultivated starch-rich crops (e.g. sweet potato, cassava) or wild edible roots when rice is insufficient. On average, high informant consensus (UR and UV) was recorded for carbohydrate-rich plant groups, such as yams (39, 0.87), and taro/aroid plants (44, 1.0). Informants had a particular perception of the consumption of these underground tubers and corms (kararuton) as compared to rice because B… these starchy foods are bulky, heavy and fill the stomach.^ Worldwide, yams are a major source of food for about 60 million people in tropical and sub-tropical regions of Africa (Asiedu and Sartie 2010), while taro ranks fourteenth among the staple vegetable crops and is deeply embedded in various cultures in Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands (Rao et al. 2010). Among the Ati, yams were less preferred (i.e. lower URs and UVs) probably due to the difficulty of their collection and preparation. For example, Dioscorea hispida recorded the lowest informant consensus (26, 0.59) among other yams despite its abundant distribution along forest margins. In this study, it is the only plant that is no longer actively used due to its toxicity when not properly processed. The laborious preparation involves soaking the sliced tubers in running water sometimes for days in order to remove the toxins before it can be boiled and eaten. In the past, soaked tubers were initially sun dried for longer storage in preparation for the seasonal famine (tigkiriwi) during the wet (and typhoon) season. Regardless, most yams reported here had to be dug deep underground and would rather be collected during the non-rainy season. Wild yams during this time are sought for their starchy-dry consistency and texture. Rainforests as sources The principal source of Ati livelihood and wild foods, the remaining patches of tropical lowland rainforests surrounding the village and elsewhere on the island, still seemed able to provide the group with raw materials for their basic needs. Most herbs and materia medica for their non-codified traditional medicine, which they sell and trade even in other parts

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H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim Wild edible plants collected by the indigenous Ati people on Guimaras Island, Philippines

Plant family

tbcolw38mmScientific name

Local name

Use report (UR)

Use value (UV)

Category tbcolw47mmParts and preparation

Aizoaceae Amaranthaceae

Bilang-bilang Lupo-lupo, Lupo pula Lupo puti

7 38

0.16 0.86

2 2

Aerial parts cooked as a fish soup ingredient Aerial parts cooked as a vegetable soup ingredient

40

0.91

2

Aerial parts cooked as a vegetable soup ingredient

Amaranthaceae Amaranthaceae

Sesuvium portulacastrum (L.) L. Alternanthera sessilis (L.) R.Br. ex DC. a Alternanthera philoxeroides (Mart.) Griseb. a Amaranthus spinosus L. a Amaranthus viridis L.

Kulitis Alum-alum

38 29

0.86 0.66

2 2

Anacardiaceae

Anacardium occidentale L. a

Kasuy

88

2.0

Anacardiaceae Anacardiaceae

Semecarpus cuneiformis Blanco Anagas Spondias pinnata (L. f.) Kurz Alubijod, Libas

41 54

0.93 1.23

Annonaceae

Uvaria grandiflora Roxb.

0.93

Annonaceae Araceae

0.86 1.0

4 1

Ripe fruits edible Corms boiled and eaten, or cooked as a soup ingredient

Udag

44

1.0

2

Palawan

44

1.0

1

Young convoluted leaves cooked as the main ingredient for a traditional soup or stew dish Corms boiled and eaten

Buri, Bunga buri 39 Kamarinis 30

0.89 0.68

3 2

Clusiaceae Convolvulaceae

Uvaria rufa Blume Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott var. antiquorum (Schott) F.T.Hubb. & Rehder Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott var. esculenta Cyrtosperma merkusii (Hassk.) Schott Corypha utan Lam. Dracaena angustifolia (Medik.) Roxb. b Garcinia vidalii Merr. Ipomoea aquatica Forssk. a

41 Kalansaging, Saging-saging Banawak 38 Gabi 44

4 3 4 4 5 4

Aerial parts cooked as a vegetable soup ingredient Young shoots/leaves cooked as a vegetable dish or fish soup ingredient Ripe fruits edible Seeds dried and roasted Ripe fruits edible Ripe fruits edible Leaves used as food (meat) deodorant in soups Ripe fruits edible

Batuan Tangkong

44 44

1.0 1.0

5 2

Convolvulaceae

Ipomoea triloba L. a

33

0.75

2

Cucurbitaceae

Momordica charantia L. a

Uyampong, Kurukamote Sampaliya

11

0.25

Dilleniaceae Dioscoreaceae Dioscoreaceae Dioscoreaceae

Dillenia philippinensis Rolfe Dioscorea alata L. Dioscorea hispida Dennst. Dioscorea esculenta var. spinosa (Prain) R.Knuth Dioscorea esculenta var. fasciculata (Roxb.) R.Knuth Dioscorea glabra Roxb. Dioscorea pentaphylla L. Diospyros blancoi A.DC. Erythrina variegata L. var. orientalis (L.) Merr. Gliricidia sepium (Jacq.) Walp. a,

Katmon Ubi-kinarbaw Kayos Burot, Kurot

29 44 26 38

0.66 1.0 0.59 0.86

2 3 4 4 1 1 1

Fruits boiled and eaten Young shoots/leaves cooked as a vegetable dish or fish soup ingredient Young fruits used to sour soups Young shoots/stems cooked as a salty vegetable dish or fish soup ingredient Young shoots/leaves cooked as a vegetable dish or fish soup ingredient Young leaves cooked as a fish soup ingredient Unripe fruits cooked as a fish soup ingredient Ripe fruits (seed pulp) edible Ripe fruits edible Tubers boiled and eaten Tubers processed, boiled and eaten (as famine food) Tubers boiled and eaten

Tam-is

37

0.84

1

Tubers boiled and eaten

Banayan Sap-ang Mabolo Dapdap

44 43 10 18

1.0 0.98 0.23 0.41

1 1 4 2

Tubers boiled and eaten Tubers boiled and eaten Ripe fruits edible Young shoots/leaves cooked as a soup ingredient

Madre cacao

34

0.77

3

Flowers cooked as vegetable dish

Singkamas Kamunsil

44 44

1.0 1.0

1 4

Tubers edible Mature fruits edible

Fabaceae Fabaceae Gnetaceae Malvaceae

Pachyrhizus erosus (L.) Urb. a Pithecellobium dulce (Roxb.) Benth. a Sesbania grandiflora (L.) Pers. b Tamarindus indica L. a Gnetum gnemon L. b Ceiba pentandra (L.) Gaertn. a

Gaway-gaway Sambag Bago Duldol

21 44 29 36

0.48 1.0 0.66 0.82

3 4 2 2

Malvaceae Malvaceae

Corchorus olitorius L. Hibiscus sabdariffa L. a

Tugabang Rusil tapol

44 85

1.0 1.93

Malvaceae Malvaceae

Hibiscus surattensis L. Hibiscus radiatus Cav. a

Labog Rusil puti

40 85

0.91 1.93

Tungaw-tungaw 41 Santol 44

0.93 1.0

2 5 2 5 5 5 2 4 4

Flowers cooked as a vegetable dish ingredient Mature fruits edible Young shoots/leaves cooked as vegetable dish Young leaves cooked as a slimy vegetable soup ingredient Leaves cooked as a slimy vegetable soup ingredient Leaves used as souring agent in fish soup Young leaves cooked as vegetable dish Leaves used as souring agent in fish soup Leaves used as souring agent in fish soup Fruits used as souring agent in fish soup Young leaves cooked as vegetable dish Mature fruits edible Ripe fruits edible

Amaranthaceae

Araceae Araceae Arecaceae Asparagaceae

Dioscoreaceae Dioscoreaceae Dioscoreaceae Ebenaceae Fabaceae Fabaceae Fabaceae Fabaceae

b

Melastomataceae Melastoma malabathricum L. Meliaceae Sandoricum koetjape (Burm.f.) Merr. a

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Table 2 (continued) Plant family

tbcolw38mmScientific name

Local name

Use report (UR)

Use value (UV)

Category tbcolw47mmParts and preparation

Moraceae

Artocarpus blancoi (Elmer) Merr. b

Tipolo

36

0.82

3

Moraceae

Artocarpus camansi Blanco b

Kamansi

33

0.75

3 3

Moraceae Moraceae

Ficus nota (Blanco) Merr. Ficus pseudopalma Blanco b

Tabuyog Sulamyog

20 30

0.45 0.68

Moraceae Musaceae

Ficus septica Burm.f. b Musa balbisiana Colla

Myrtaceae Myrtaceae Olacaceae Opiliaceae Pandanaceae Passifloraceae Phyllanthaceae Phyllanthaceae Phyllanthaceae Poaceae Poaceae Poaceae Poaceae Poaceae Portulacaceae Primulaceae Rubiaceae Rubiaceae Solanaceae Zingiberaceae Zingiberaceae Zingiberaceae

Young fruits cooked as vegetable dish (jackfruit alternative) Seeds roasted Young fruits cooked as vegetable dish (jackfruit alternative) Ripe fruits edible (but intoxicating) Mature fruits edible Young shoots/leaves cooked as vegetable dish Young shoots/leaves cooked as vegetable dish Ripe fruits edible

Labnog Pakul, Saging-amo Bayabas Psidium guajava L. a Lumboy Syzygium cumini (L.) Skeels a Olax imbricata Roxb. Labnok Champereia manillana (Blume) Luyong-luyong Merr. b Pandanus tectorius Parkinson ex Pandan Du Roi

15 42

0.34 0.95

4 4 2 2 4

44 44 24 37

1.0 1.0 0.54 0.84

4 4 2 2

Ripe fruits edible Ripe fruits edible Young leaves cooked as a fish soup ingredient Young shoots/leaves cooked as vegetable dish

37

0.84

4

Ripe fruits (seed pulp) edible

Passiflora foetida L.

36

0.82

3 4

Seeds roasted Ripe fruits edible

44 40 21 22

1.0 0.91 0.48 0.50

4 4 4 2

Dalusan, Galusan Kawayan

27

0.61

2

44

1.0

2

Bariri

5

0.11

3

Ripe fruits edible Ripe fruits edible Ripe fruits edible Underground shoots cooked as a vegetable soup ingredient Underground shoots cooked as a vegetable soup ingredient Underground shoots cooked as a vegetable soup ingredient Mature fruits cooked with rice (as famine food)

Botong

39

0.89

2

Alusiman Tagpo-bayi Tagpo-laki Unis-unis Tino-tino Langkauas Kalawag

21 37 12 28 44 37 37

0.48 0.84 0.27 0.64 1.0 0.84 0.84

2 1 1 1 1 5 5

Puyang-puyang

24

0.54

5

Kuru-kadena, Maria-maria Antidesma bunius (L.) Sreng Bugnay Antidesma ghaesembilla Gaertn. Inyam Bridelia stipularis (L.) Blume Singkiwilan Pawa Bambusa bambos (L.) Voss a Bambusa vulgaris var. striata (Lodd. Ex Lindl.) Gamble a Bambusa vulgaris var. vulgaris Schrad. a Chrysopogon aciculatus (Retz.) Trin. Gigantochloa levis (Blanco) Merr. a Portulaca oleracea L. Ardisia elliptica Thunb. Ixora philippinensis Merr. Ixora sp. Physalis angulata L. a Alpinia galanga (L.) Willd. Curcuma longa L. Zingiber zerumbet (L.) Roscoe ex Sm.

a

Naturalized or introduced

b

Usually prepared with jackfruit (filler or meat substitute) and mung beans

of the country, can still be found in abundance (Ong and Kim 2014, 2015). Unfortunately, some wild animal food sources of proteins and fats, such as wild boar and monkey have been exhausted decades ago. Turtles and monitor lizards can still be captured from the forests, hence the remaining practising Bfull-time^ Ati hunters, albeit few. Consumption of roasted turtles or the preparation of a wild taro dish called udag in which turtle meat is the protein counterpart is uniquely an Ati traditional food. Turtle meat is most likely the primary source of wild animal protein in the Ati contemporary diet because monitor lizards (itok) are often sold at a good price to nonNegritos who are eager to try exotic food.

Underground shoots cooked as a vegetable soup ingredient Aerial parts cooked as a fish soup ingredient Ripe fruits edible Ripe fruits edible Ripe fruits edible Ripe fruits edible Rhizome soaked in vinegar as condiment Rhizome soaked in vinegar as condiment, or used as food coloring Rhizome soaked in vinegar as condiment

Despite the abundance of wild foods, Southeast Asian rainforests may be deficient, particularly in carbohydraterich food plants because potential sources are either buried deep underground or are toxic (Headland 1987; Bailey et al. 1989; Bailey and Headland 1991). Due to adversities in obtaining wild plant foods, it was hypothesized that prehistoric Negrito people could not have survived purely by hunting and gathering, and had to attach themselves to non-Negrito farming populations. The critical nutritional needs most likely led them to practise swidden farming and cultivation of crops, and management of some wild species (Headland 1987; Headland and Reid 1989). In this study for instance, 3 edible

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taro plants (Araceae) were observed to be very commonly managed around family huts or water sources nearby. This underlines their importance as starch source, even though their origin, distribution and the advent of their cultivation are argued by many botanists (Fox 1953; Lebot and Aradhya 1991; Matthews et al. 2012). Although biodiverse-rich environments do not always assure better, increased and sustained nutrition security (Termote et al. 2012a), forests can certainly contribute to the diversity of diet and flavor. In a recent review of studies on food biodiversity in relation to diets, Powell et al. (2015) highlighted the importance of tropical forests (and tree-based systems) in the availability not only of wild edible fruits and vegetables for home consumption and children’s dietary diversity, but also of animal sourced foods. Wild foods have also been reported to supply flavors for gastronomy and vitamins for nutrition among indigenous groups in developing countries (Motlhanka and Makhabu 2011; Chua-Barcelo 2014; Upadhaya et al. 2016). In this study, noteworthy WEPs easily accessed along forest margins are fruits of 3 members of the Phyllanthaceae (35, 0.80) and 2 members of the Annonaceae/ custard-apple family (39, 0.89). They are collected most often by younger Ati villagers both for flavor and fun. Among homemakers, the Zingiberaceae/ginger family (33, 0.74) gathered from nearby forests (and also transplanted in the village) are sought after ingredients for condiments, as well as ready medicines. The number of recorded WEPs sourced from surrounding forests provides empirical evidence of the importance of the natural flora. Hence, the need to formulate policy and management programs for conservation of the remaining forests for the improvement not only of the Ati food and livelihood systems, but also those of other communities on the island. Distinct dietary structures Once carbohydrates are secured, a side dish to complement each meal was the next most important element of the Ati diet. The use of some WEPs was observed to be essential in providing variety, taste and texture to oftentimes monotonous starch-prioritized meals. As emphasized by Barker (1983), these sensory elements of flavor, color, texture, and aroma are important in defining food cultural preferences and biological need for food. This section discusses the uses of WEPs as indicators of social, economic and environmental conditions by examining the aspects of Ati food dietary structure, quality and availability. Preference for sour and salty tastes In terms of taste, sourness was one of the most commonly observed flavors in Ati food preparations. By adding young leaves, shoots or fruits as souring agents, the dominant flavor,

H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim

which is also generally savored in most Filipino dishes, is created. Souring (usually by adding coconut vinegar) is practised to prolong the shelf life of foods in the hot and humid country. Among the Ati households, the most preferred plant group is the genus Hibiscus (H. radiatus, H. sabdariffa and H. surattensis) of the Malvaceae/mallow family as supported by their high mean UR and UV (70, 1.59). On special occasions, young leaves and shoots of Spondias pinnata (54, 1.23) and Gnetum gnemon (29, 0.66), or young fruits of Garcinia vidalii (44, 1.0) are used to sour meat or fish soup dishes. Another distinct flavor the Ati are familiar with is saltiness, commonly regarded as the symbolic flavor of poverty in the country. Dried salted fish for example, is a usual side dish among households that are unable to make ends meet. Among vegetable dishes, the salty apan-apan using the hardy perennial Ipomoea aquatica (44, 1.0) stewed with salty fermented shrimp paste (ginamos) and vinegar is a popular alternative. In extreme cases, however, salt becomes the only rice or carbohydrate accompaniment. This inclination for salty (and sour) foods in the Philippines may have other reasons other than economy and food preservation. It is generally believed that in hot climates, people who do strenuous physical activities (e.g. hunting and farming) should consume more salt because of sodium loss through perspiration. Slimy vegetable soup recipes Another interesting observation was the respondents’ preference for slippery texture in preparing vegetable soup dishes. The slimy-watery dish called laswa for example, is a popular vegetable soup recipe which is a mixture of various plant ingredients, hence the variety of versions. This clear, slightly thick soup is prepared by families with lower budgets and is common among the poorer part of the population in central Philippines. Although informants mentioned a handful of commonly cultivated vegetable ingredients (e.g. pumpkin, string beans, okra), some WEPs are also considered indispensable components. Corchorus olitorius (44, 1.0) leaves were most preferred for their mucilaginous properties, although the young shoots and leaves of Ceiba pentandra (36, 0.82) and Erythrina variegata var. orientalis (18, 0.41) can also be good alternatives. The soft and slippery texture of this dish seemed to be appropriate for most members of the family, whether the young and the elderly, or the sick and healthy, thereby reducing the need for extra spending. Other reported WEPs which make up much of the volume in slimy soup dishes are the underground shoots of four bamboo taxa: Bambusa vulgaris var. vulgaris, B. vulgaris var. striata, B. bambos and Gigantochloa levis. As a group, they recorded an average of 33 UR and 0.75 UV. The Ati only harvest the young, cream-yellow and fiber-rich culms of these giant grasses. These are then peeled, thinly sliced and generously added to various laswa recipes. When compared with

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other societies in Asia (Yang et al. 2008; Nongdam and Tikendra 2014) however, the Ati do not appear to have traditions of processing bamboo shoots for longer storage, which could be linked with their history of being travelling hunters and foragers in search for more food-abundant environments. A few more filler foods Occasionally, but more often during times of food shortage, fruits which are enjoyed as desserts to complete the food experience are prematurely collected and served as the main course. Among the Ati for example, the commonly cultivated jackfruit is peeled, chopped in chunks and added to increase the quantity of thick mung bean-based soup recipes. Wild breadfruits Artocarpus blancoi (36, 0.82) and A. camansi (33, 0.75) can be similarly used as substitutes and fillers. The use of the cheap but reliable mung beans, along with about 10 reported WEPs (see Table 2), often serve as the main plant source of proteins (and other nutrients) and as replacement for unaffordable meat dishes. Although unripe breadfruits (and jackfruit) may not contain as much energy as other starch-containing root crops, their dense and fibrous pulp can be adequate enough to fill up the stomach and provide dietary fibers. In many Pacific island nations, breadfruits are widely propagated and even consumed as subsistence foods resulting in the cropping of many notable varieties (Redfern 2007; Jones et al. 2011). Breadfruits appeared to be a less utilized fruit vegetable in the Philippines but could be a potentially reliable novel food source and should therefore be further studied for cultivation. Incorporated wild foods and other alternatives Introduced, naturalized, consumed During the Spanish colonial period, enormous amounts of goods were introduced by galleon trades from the Americas (via Mexico) to the Philippines. The former Spanish colony immediately became a major Asian gateway of imports, including economically useful plants, such as cereals, beans and fruit trees (Alvina and Madulid 2009). In time, many of these crops escaped cultivation and became naturalized. Together with other introduced species, these plants now comprise 6 % of the total Philippine flora (Pelser et al. 2011 onwards). An example is Anacardium occidentale (88, 2.0), a commercial fruit tree which had its origins from neotropical regions. Today, cashew is one of the biggest contributors to the agriculture sector in the island (Province of Guimaras 2008). Other favored non-natives are Tamarindus indica (44, 1.0) and Syzygium cumini (44, 1.0), which may have been brought by the agricultural ancestors of the Filipino majority who came a few thousand years after the Negritos.

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Overall, about 22 introduced WEPs were recorded in this study (see Table 2). The adoption of these naturalized plants in the Ati food system may suggest dietary necessity, specifically when the formerly nomadic Negritos were beginning to adopt cultivation and a less mobile lifestyle. Although the proportion of non-native WEPs is indicative that there is a longstanding non-native influence on food tradition, it does also suggest the Ati’s adaptive strategies and resilience as they interact with cultures foreign to them. Desirable weeds Weeds have been called by many names and descriptions: unwanted, undesired, in the wrong place. For the Ati people however, some weeds can be favored leafy vegetable alternatives because of their abundance and availability. They are exemplified by the four members of the Amaranthaceae/ amaranth family, recording an average informant consensus of 36 UR and 0.87 UV. Some of these taxa (e.g. Alternanthera spp.) are collected from rice paddies lying fallow or after harvest, while others (e.g. Amaranthus spp.) are just gregariously growing in vacant areas and waste lands. Contrary to their rather negative image, the weedy amaranths contain significant proteins and micronutrients, and are widely promoted vegetables to reduce child malnutrition and hunger in Africa (Achigan-Dako et al. 2014). One issue regarding edible weed collection, however, is health risk as the environment where they are harvested contributes to their composition, nutrition and safety. We believe that some edible weeds gathered in the village may be potential hazards to health since many households do not seem to practise proper garbage disposal and still lack sanitary toilets. On several occasions during our field work, we even saw young children being allowed to relieve themselves outside huts or in backyards where edible weeds also grow. Although still subject to verification, our observations should provide a basis for local level efforts to inspect community health and sanitary conditions. Cases of contamination in places of harvest have already been documented, but mostly from developed countries where people are more conscious about food sources (Kalač 2010; Wehi and Wehi 2010). Nonetheless, food safety in sources of WEPs should always be considered since, on a global scale, more rural households depend on non-forest wild food plant harvests for subsistence (Hickey et al. 2016). Whether Ati villagers are aware of possible contamination of WEPs in their surroundings, we could not ascertain. But foraging of potentially health-compromising plants should be cautioned as they eventually relocate to smaller resettlements, and as areas for foraging gradually decline. Indeed food security is not merely food sufficiency to meet needs, but should also include food nutrition and safety (FAO 1996; PinstrupAndersen 2009).

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Factors influencing food knowledge and selection People’s choices in meeting food needs relate to many factors. According to Kuhnlein and Receveur (1996), when there is a variety of available food, selection is made based on social influences, individual biological needs, beliefs and cultural preferences. In some societies however, food choices may not equate to preferences but only as alternatives. Regardless, examining these factors is important in order to understand how communities adjust to changes related to their food system. In this section, we evaluated non-food factors which relate to wild plant food knowledge utilizing total WEPs use-reports from each informant and inferred from the findings discussed below. Economy and hunger After statistical analyses, the findings showed a significant difference in the number of use-reports (U = 55.50, p < 0.001) between informants who experienced hunger (Md = 66.50, n = 20) and those who never had (Md = 55.50, n = 24). This seasonal and unfortunate occurrence may have been influential for the informants’ knowledge and use of WEPs, and confirms the role of wild plants as famine foods in times of food scarcity and nutritional stress. No significant difference (U = 127.50, p > 0.05), however, was observed when informants with lower monthly income (Md = 59, n = 34) were compared to those with higher earnings (Md = 56.50, n = 10). This may indicate the importance of WEPs regardless of income, and may also imply that monthly household takings in general, are not sufficient enough to assure either food stability or quality. Thus, poverty alleviation should be properly addressed because, as noted by Kuhnlein and Receveur (1996), access to quality food is often a problem of affordability rather than availability. One drawback however is that the more Ati households focus on earning money, the stronger the concept of materialism grows, thereby eroding the practice of sharing. These days for instance, foraged foods from forests are often sold to fellow Ati villagers or even to relatives, although at a special price. Similar observations by Estioko-Griffin (1984) described how the increasing trade with non-Negrito outsiders affected Negrito traditional practices of reciprocity, and how their desire for commercial and manufactured items even created conflicts within the group. Age and number of children When grouped according to age, the results revealed a significant difference (x2 (2, n = 44) = 22.56; p < 0.001) in the number of use-reports among the age group of 44 years and above (Md = 67, n = 15) as compared to informants from age groups 27 to 43 years (Md = 59, n = 13) and 16 to 26 years (Md =

H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim

49.50, n = 16). These findings were most likely due to the degree of experience and responsibilities as informants increase in age, although almost everyone is taught to cook by age 10 or during puberty. It is also highly possible that social and cultural conditions among generations have not only influenced WEPs knowledge, but also attitudes toward their use. Like age, the role and responsibility of informants in raising children and dependents may have influenced the significant difference in the number of use-reports among groups (x2 (2, n = 44) = 28.0; p < 0.001). The number of use-report from informants with 5 or more children (Md = 68.50, n = 12) was higher as compared to those in groups with 3 to 4 (Md = 63, n = 13) and those with none to 2 (Md = 48, n = 19). As in most cultures, Ati mothers are the ones expected to take charge in food preparation and care of the children. Some mothers even mentioned giving their entire share of food to children when supply was lacking. This shows that women are very vulnerable with regard to food and nutrition security, and are tasked with the paramount job of managing big families. Several published studies from developing countries (Babatunde et al. 2008; Mallick and Rafi 2010; Kassie et al. 2015) have reported such cases of gender bias in food security, with women often at the receiving end of inequality. It is therefore suggested that a deeper investigation into the role that indigenous women play in food access and utilization be undertaken. Another growing concern, which should be addressed, is the increasing consumption of alcohol among the Ati villagers, which includes the women. This possible development to alcohol dependence not only has negative consequences to health, but also questions whether troubled family authority figures can still perform their responsibilities, such as knowledge transfer to younger members. Education, media and basic services When grouped according to education, the findings revealed a significant difference in the number of use-reports (x2 (2, n = 44) = 15.02; p < 0.01). Respondents with the lowest (none to elementary) educational attainment (Md = 67, n = 19) recorded higher number of use-reports as compared to those who completed secondary (Md = 59, n = 12) and college levels (Md = 46, n = 13). According to informants who were able to reach college, their education required them to stay in the city (or town centers) and interact closely with other non-Ati locals. This experience inside and outside school, the acculturative pressure, and nutrition education which more often teaches not those of the cultural minorities’ food systems, may have influenced this outcome. Similarly, the availability of social services, such as access to electricity, may have played a role in the significant difference in the number of use-reports (U = 129, p < 0.05) between informants who have access to electricity in their homes (Md = 58, n = 30) and those who do not (Md = 61.50, n = 14). Public

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health and nutrition programs through mass media (e.g. TV, radio) have perhaps emphasized food systems mostly known to the dominant culture. Having electrical appliances for longer food storage, such as coolers or refrigerators, are also factors to be considered, especially among cultures with traditions of food preservation. Access to basic services, such as clean water, primary healthcare and sanitary conditions should also be examined since these non-food factors contribute to meeting the needs for safe and nutritious foods (Pinstrup-Andersen 2009). Descent and intermarriages Statistical computations also showed significant differences (U = 70.50, p < 0.001) when informants were grouped according to descent. Informants who are full Ati mentioned higher number of use-reports (Md = 63, n = 25) than those who are mixed (Md = 51, n = 19). This implies that respondents who are products of intermarriages may have assimilated new food habits through their non-Ati parent, and therefore should be the focus group, along with younger members, of traditional food revival programs. Among the married informants, it was interesting to note that no significant difference in the number of use-reports were recorded (U = 105, p > 0.05) between those who have Ati husbands (Md = 60.50, n = 26) and those who have nonAti spouses (Md = 60, n = 10). This result may point once again to the key role of women in decision making with regard to food preparation, and that the nearly uniform scores of the two groups indicate similar range of food choices due to strong socio-cultural relations.

Conclusion As contemporary transitioning Negrito communities adjust to changing social and natural environments, the pursuit of food security may seem to be an everyday confrontation, a challenge that perhaps their ancestors too encountered as early settlers. During this phase, diversity of wild food sources fluctuates, and elements of food systems readjust. This study highlights not only the importance of WEPs as food options to societies in transition, but also emphasizes that preference for certain types of WEPs is an expression of social, cultural and environmental conditions. Our findings specifically showed that elements of Ati food system such as nutrient type, food quantity and dietary structures can present a clearer picture of the group’s contemporary diet during this phase of transition. Nutritional value however was never observed as a priority, indicating either lack of awareness or lack of food options. This study also brought up the issue of safe and clean food sources as harvest areas are probably contaminated due to seemingly poor sanitary conditions. When knowledge and utilization of WEPs in relation to non-food

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factors were examined, consumption was mainly traced to generally low economic status. Significant differences in knowledge were also observed across several variables but were not conclusive enough to suggest knowledge erosion, rather modification and acculturation. A particular concern, however, is the imminent loss of knowledge and skills in processing what are now perceived as toxic plants among younger Ati members, thus should be addressed, along with other issues on generational differences. Regardless, it is recommended that further studies covering a wider range of samples be conducted utilizing not only quantitative metrics, but also qualitative methods so as not to decontextualize informants’ deeper understanding of their food system. On a positive note, we would like to commend the efforts of concerned organizations to revive and reinvigorate food traditions, and (re)introduce native Negrito dishes through cultural festivals (see Rutu Foundation website 2016). It should be noted, however, that appreciation of foods is relative and dependent on socio-ecological backgrounds. In a comparative analysis of the economic contribution of wild edibles to rural households across wide socio-economic, demographic and geographical contexts, Hickey et al. (2016) noted that there is no one-size-fits-all approach in integrating wild foods into policies. Marginalized indigenous communities most likely do not value WEPs the way industrialized and developed countries in East Asia do in relation to their beliefs, religion and economy (Kim et al. 2006; Chen and Qiu 2012; Ong et al. 2015), or those in the Mediterranean which take pride in theirs as part of culinary heritage and well-being (Hadjichambis et al. 2008; Sánchez-Mata et al. 2012; GarcíaHerrera et al. 2014). Thus, festive showcases in traditional food revival programs should be sparingly regulated so as not to divert from the reality that due to shrinking areas of resource, transitioning marginalized communities, like the Ati, are struggling to acquire sufficient, safe and nutritious food. Acknowledgments The authors would like to thank the members of the Jordan Ati Association of Guimaras and all the informants for sharing their wild food knowledge and stories. Thanks are especially given to the Tahan family for the accommodation and assistance during the fieldwork, and the NCIP and DA for facilitating the necessary legal permits. This project was made possible by the Hallym University Research Fund (HRF-S-13). Compliance with ethical standards Conflict of interest The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.

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H.G. Ong, Y.-D. Kim Homervergel G. Ong is a Filipino PhD student in the College of Life Science, Hallym University. He obtained his MS degree (Botany) in the same institution as a Korean government (KGSP) scholar, and is continuing his interests in economic and ethnobotany, and plant taxonomy. For the past 2 years, he has conducted a series of studies in various aspects of the Ati people’s lives, particularly related to plant food and medicine. Currently, he is involved in a Korea-Myanmar project in the former Burma in discovering potentially useful plant resources, including those utilized by ethnic communities.

Yo u n g - D o n g K i m i s t h e Professor of Plant Taxonomy and Plant Molecular Systematics at Hallym University. Aside from conservation and taxonomic work, his interests also cover investigations of novel sources of useful plants. He has been in charge of botanical expeditions in Cambodia since 2009, and in Myanmar from 2012 for the National Institute of Biological Resources of the Korean government. Currently, he presides as the editor-in-chief of the Korean Journal of Plant Taxonomy. He received his MS degree from Seoul National University and his PhD from the University of Texas-Austin.