typology of metaphors with the gustatory target

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szeptem. speak.PART sensuous lyrical whisper.INSTR. 'Mas de Daumas Gassac Rouge 2009 seems to be even more promising than the white version.
Issue 17 2/2017

An electronic journal published by The University of Bialystok

Issue 17

2/2017

An electronic journal published by The University of Bialystok

Publisher: The University of Bialystok The Faculty of Philology Department of English ul. Liniarskiego 3 15-420 Białystok, Poland tel. 0048 85 7457516 [email protected] www.crossroads.uwb.edu.pl e-ISSN 2300-6250 The electronic version of Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies is its primary (referential) version. Editor-in-chief: Agata Rozumko Literary editor: Grzegorz Moroz Editorial Board: Sylwia Borowska-Szerszun, Zdzisław Głębocki, Jerzy Kamionowski, Daniel Karczewski, Ewa Lewicka-Mroczek, Weronika Łaszkiewicz, Kirk Palmer, Jacek Partyka, Dorota Potocka, Dorota Szymaniuk, Anna Tomczak, Daniela Francesca Virdis, Beata Piecychna Editorial Assistant: Ewelina Feldman-Kołodziejuk Language editors: Kirk Palmer, Peter Foulds Advisory Board: Pirjo Ahokas (University of Turku), Lucyna Aleksandrowicz-Pędich (SWPS: University of Social Sciences and Humanities), Ali Almanna (Sohar University), Isabella Buniyatova (Borys Ginchenko Kyiev University), Xinren Chen (Nanjing University), Marianna Chodorowska-Pilch (University of Southern California), Zinaida Charytończyk (Minsk State Linguistic University), Gasparyan Gayane (Yerevan State Linguistic University “Bryusov”), Marek Gołębiowski (University of Warsaw), Anne-Line Graedler (Hedmark University College), Cristiano Furiassi (Università degli Studi di Torino), Jarosław Krajka (Maria Curie-Skłodowska University / University of Social Sciences and Humanities), Marcin Krygier (Adam Mickiewicz University), A. Robert Lee (Nihon University), Elżbieta Mańczak-Wohlfeld (Jagiellonian University), Zbigniew Maszewski (University of Łódź), Michael W. Thomas (The Open University, UK), Sanae Tokizane (Chiba University), Peter Unseth (Graduate Institute of Applied Linguistics, Dallas), Daniela Francesca Virdis (University of Cagliari), Valentyna Yakuba (Borys Ginchenko Kyiev University)

Contents 5 editorial 8

List of abbreviations

9 Articles 9

Agnieszka Piórkowska Subjectification and intersubjectification in the analysis of the Polish adverb niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’

30

Justyna Polak The role of emergent structure in Conceptual Blending Theory – case studies of children in advertisements

46

Małgorzata Waśniewska The socio-parasite and bio-parasite metaphorical concepts in racist discourse

62

Shuai Zhang, Shaoqian Luo A study on conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions in English writing by Chinese secondary school students

76

Magdalena Zawisławska, Marta Falkowska Typology of metaphors with the gustatory target domain in Polish wine discourse

91

Book Review by Daniel Karczewski and Edyta Wajda

97

NOTE ON CONTRIBUTORS

special issue Studies in Cognitive Linguistics Guest editors: Daniel Karczewski Joanna Marhula Magdalena Rybarczyk

Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

Editorial This special issue brings together articles based on a selection of papers we received in response to a call for papers for a themed issue dedicated to Cognitive Linguistics (henceforth CL). The volume includes five original qualitative studies and a review of a book that deal with topics which might be of interest not only to cognitive linguists, but also to linguists of other persuasions. We thank the authors for their contributions and the referees for the time and expertise they invested in the reviews. We are also grateful to Crossroads editor-in-chief Agata Rozumko for her support and patience. CL, with its primary assumption that language is embedded in overall human cognitive capacities, has emerged out of dissatisfaction with formal approaches to language. It can be seen as a movement that has led to a range of complementary theories characterized by the same set of guiding principles and commitments (for an overview of CL as a research paradigm see e.g., Geer aerts, 2006 or Barczewska, 2017). What we wish to demonstrate through the selection of articles included in this volume, is the diversity of the cognitive linguistics enterprise. The term “diversity” needs to be understood here as pertaining primarily to a range of theoretical frameworks developed within CL, such as for example Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) and Conceptual Blending Theory that are employed in the papers brought together in this issue. At another level, the term diversity also concerns the data sources represented by various corpora, such as the Stormfront forum, wine blogs or WCEL, used for extracting data, as well as methodological tools that were used to investigate the topics addressed in the articles. At yet another level, linguistic diversity – the theme of the 14th International Cognitive Linguistics Conference (ICLC-14) in 2017 – is also present in this volume. Compared to the number of different languages that figure in the program of ICLC-14, our volume exhibits a very modest range of languages. It is, however, typologically quite diverse – data for analyses are drawn from a Slavic, a Germanic and a Sino-Tibetan language. Finally, the research presented here covers a range of topics, running the gamut from the study of metaphors, to an emotionally-loaded Polish adverb, comprising the study of emergent structure in advertisement posters, and including the conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions. The volume opens with Agnieszka Piórkowska’s study of the Polish adverb niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ conducted on a corpus of data compiled from a search on Google, and follows the methodology of Taylor and Pang (2008). Piórkowska’s paper – relying on two approaches to subjectification: Langacker’s and Traugott’s – demonstrates that different uses of niestety are governed by the process of subjectification and intersubjectification. Grounded in Conceptual Blending Theory, Justyna Polak’s paper discusses both the unique status as well as the explanatory potential of the emergent structure. Based on an analysis of four advertising posters which depict an image of a child, the paper demonstrates that a blend – 5

Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

to achieve its persuasive goals – is necessary to develop a well-organized and congruent emergent structure. A blend with an incoherent structure, on the other hand, may have a negative impact on the success of the product being advertised, as illustrated by one of the examples in her corpus. Adopting CMT in general and Musolff’s (2016) framework in particular, Małgorzata Waśniewska’s paper analyzes various forms of usage of the people as parasites metaphor on a white-supremacist Internet forum. Overall, Waśniewska shows that CMT is a useful tool for analyzing the phenomenon in question, while also suggesting a way in which Lakoff and Johnson’s framework can be employed to combat hate speech. The paper by Shuai Zhang and Shaoqian Luo – embracing Image Schema Theory – deals with the conceptual transfer in Chinese EFL learners’ use of prepositions. Answers to two research questions are sought by investigating the data taken from the WCEL corpus. On the whole, the study confirms that the errors made by students in their use of English prepositions are due to the negative conceptual transfer from the Chinese language. Departing from CMT and frame semantics, Magdalena Zawisławska and Marta Falkowska examine taste metaphors used in Polish wine blogs. The data taken from a corpus of synesthetic metaphors in Polish, allow them to offer a typology of metaphors present in wine discourse. A book review by Daniel Karczewski and Edyta Wajda concludes the volume. Devoted to the analysis of the press discourse regarding the American debate over evolution education, Conceptualizing Evolution Education by Shala Barczewska presents interesting insights into the debate in question. It is a methodologically sound, theoretically grounded research monograph that will be useful for researchers and students as a source of ideas and inspiration. To conclude, as it is obvious from these summaries, the papers in the present volume do not converge on a single theory or methodology, but rather rely on a network of complementary theories which aid our understanding of various linguistic phenomena. These theories demonstrate a range of research possibilities available within the CL framework. They can also help in improving communication between people with diverging viewpoints (see for instance Waśniewska’s paper in this volume or Barczewska’s book).

Daniel Karczewski, University of Białystok Joanna Marhula, University of Warsaw Magdalena Rybarczyk, University of Nottingham Ningbo China

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References Barczewska, Shala. 2017. Conceptualizing Evolution Education. A Corpus-Based Analysis of US Press Discourse. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Geeraerts, Dirk. 2006. “A rough guide to Cognitive Linguistics.” In Geeraerts, Dirk (ed.) Cognitive linguistics: Basic reading. Cognitive linguistics research 34.Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1–28. Musolff, Andreas. 2016. Political Metaphor Analysis. Discourse and Scenarios. London: Bloomsbury Academic. Taylor, John E. and Kam-Yiu S. Pang. 2008. “Seeing as though”.English Language and Linguistics 12(1), 103–139.

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List of abbreviations ACC accusative ADV adverb ATTR attribute C conceptualizer CONJ conjunction COMP comparison COP copula DAT dative DEM demonstrative DIM diminutive DM discourse marker FEM feminine FIN finite GEN genitive GER gerund H hearer IMPERF imperfective INF infinitive INSTR instrumental IMPRS impersonal ITER iterative

LOC locative MASC masculine NEG negation NEUT neutral NOM nominative PART participle PART PAS passive participle PAST past tense PCON participle continuous PERF perfective PERS person PL plural PR proper name PRED predicate PREP preposition PRES present tense PRON pronoun REFL reflexive S speaker SG singular

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Agnieszka Piórkowska Łomża State University of Applied Sciences

10.15290/cr.2017.17.2.01

Subjectification and intersubjectification in the analysis of the Polish adverb niestety ‘unfortunately/ regrettably’

Abstract. The present article aims at summarizing the results of the corpus-based study of the semanto-syntactic behaviour of the emotionally-loaded Polish adverb niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’. It will be claimed that the different uses of niestety are governed by the processes of subjectification, both at the synchronic and diachronic level. Such a perspective also allows us to explain the intersubjective senses in which this highly grammaticalized adverb is sometimes used in Polish. Key words: subjectification, intersubjectification, emotional attitude, adverbs, modality.

1. Introduction In the present article, the focus is on the Polish lexical item niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ and the modal meanings that it conveys. While some types of modality, especially those expressed by means of modal auxiliaries, like dynamic, deontic, or epistemic modalities, have received considerable attention from linguists, some other types remain on the margins of this (super)category (see the discussion in Nuyts 2006: 1-9). These include modalities such as evidentiality, volitionality, as well as boulomaic modality, or emotional attitude, as it is more often referred to (see Nuyts 2005, 2006, among others). They are most often expressed by lexical and morphological means (see Nuyts 2005: 14f). For example, in Polish, emotional and valorative meanings can be encoded by means of nouns (see e.g. Krzyżanowski 1992; Milewska 2003) and verbs (see Kozarzewska 1990: 117-151). Szymanek (2010: 206-215), in his account of Polish word-formation, points to the morphological means of expressing evaluation and attitude and discusses devices such as: diminutives, which frequently carry additional, affectionate or pejorative meanings (e.g. pijak ‘drunkard’ › pijaczek/pijaczyna), or the intensification suffixes, the majority of which is appreciative (e.g. czysty ‘clean’ › czyściutki ‘very clean’). Attitude can be expressed even by functional free morphemes, such as demonstratives (e.g. ten ‘this’, as in Co ten Olszewski wyprawia to ludzkie 9

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pojęcie przechodzi ‘What Olszewski is doing is just unbelievable’) and possessives (e.g. mój ‘my’, as in Jadę bo muszę tam być, to był mój prezydent ‘I’m going because I’ve got to be there, it was my president’) (see Rybarczyk 2015). Adverbs, next to adjectives, are the lexical means frequently employed for modal expression in many languages (see Nuyts 1994; Hoye 1997; de Haan 2006; Traugott 2012; among others). Importantly, adverbs often express attitudinal senses, i.e. those concerned with the degree of “the commitment of the speaking subject (or another reported person) towards the state of affairs” (Nuyts 2005: 23). The nature of this commitment may be moral, as in the case of deontic modality, “existential”, as with epistemic modality, or evaluative, as in the case of emotional attitude. Niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ exemplifies the last category, as it expresses the dissatisfaction of the speaker and his/her negative attitude towards the described state of affairs. 2. Niestety and its corpus in the present study According to the Etymologiczny słownik języka polskiego (Bańkowski 2000), niestety began to be used as an adverb in the sense of na nieszczęście, ‘unfortunately’ (lit. on.PREP misfortune.ACC) in the 18th century, being occasionally used in this sense since 1597. According to this source, it emerged gradually and originated from the noun niestoty which, between the 16th and 17th centuries, meant ‘biada’ ‘distress/hardship’, as in niestoty mnie ‘poor me’, a use dating back to 1545. Grzegorczykowa (see 2008: 65) points out that the “modal particle” niestety and other expressions of emotional attitude in Polish belong to the group of higher-level predicates having a scope over the whole sentence, as in Nasz wspólny przyjaciel lubi, niestety, długo spać przy zasłoniętych zasłonach ‘Our mutual friend likes, unfortunately, to sleep long with the curtains drawn’. Other adverbs and adverbials that exemplify this group are expressions of frequency, as well as some temporal and locative expressions (ibid.).1 The analysis of the uses of niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ was conducted on the corpus collected for the sake of a larger study of the adverbial means of expression of boulomaic modality, or attitude, in Polish (see Piórkowska 2011). In the study, the corpora of niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’, na szczęście (lit. on.PREP fortune.ACC) ‘fortunately’, and szczęśliwie ‘happily/fortunately’ were obtained through Google search, applied in a random but principled way as suggested by Taylor and Pang (2008).2 Qualificational rather than quantificational, the study revealed that the semanto-syntactic behavior of these adverbs is governed by the processes of subjectification (in all three cases) and intersubjectification (occasionally in the case of na szczęście, and quite frequently in the case of niestety).

1 In my work, I use the terms adverb and adverbial interchangeably to refer to niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’, in accordance with the definitions offered in Hoye (1997). 2 Following the methodology of Taylor and Pang (2008), in my study I used the Google search and collected relatively small databases of fifty examples of niestety, na szczęście and szczęśliwie, in each case, with the contexts in which they were used, taking the first ten uses of the items at intervals of one hundred, ignoring repeated hits, as well as hits that included incomplete contexts or contexts with vulgar language.

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3. Views on subjectification and intersubjectification The present study embraces two predominant approaches to subjectification in linguistic theory: Langacker’s Cognitive Grammar approach and the approach of Traugott and her collaborators. As for the analysis itself, it employs three factors: (i) fixation of form and autonomy of predication, (ii) fronting and widening of predicational scope, and (iii) weakening of agent control, which were identified and used by Company (2006) in her analysis of Spanish language data. For Langacker (1989), subjectification is a phenomenon concerned with the degree to which an entity is construed with respect to the speaking subject. It is assumed that meaning cannot be described in purely objective terms. In Langacker’s sense, the terms subjectivity and objectivity indicate the roles of the subject and the object of perception. An entity is subjectively or objectively construed in that it functions as the subject or an object of perception, subject and object not to be equated with the grammatical subject and object. Both the speaker (S) and the hearer (H) are conceptualizers, that is subjects of conception and, as such, they typically remain offstage, subjectively construed. For example, in the case of expressions like dog, the roles of S and H are limited to those of offstage conceptualizers, external to the scope of the expression (see Langacker 1999: 150). On the other hand, deictic elements like the article in the dog bring the speaker and the hearer into the overall scope as they indicate a degree of specificity of the apprehended entity. According to Langacker, in this particular case, the S and the H are still only tacitly referred to, and therefore they remain offstage. They go on stage and are profiled in the case of expressions such as pronouns I, you, or we. Originally, subjectification was understood by Langacker (1991) as a replacement of an objectively described relationship by a subjectively construed one, “inherent in the very process of conception”. Langacker (1999) proposes a refined characterization of subjectification which does not assume a replacement of the objective component by the subjective one, but presupposes that the subjective component is “immanent” in the objective conception. It is left behind when the objective basis for the conceptualization fades away (see Langacker 1999:151f). The objective construal profiles the relationship between the trajector and the landmark, the trajector being typically more active, usually an agent, an experiencer, or a mover (see Langacker 1999: 152). Within a certain processing time, the relationship undergoes “mental scanning” by the conceptualizer (C), with the trajector serving as the access point for the conceptualization. In The child hurried across the street, the child is the trajector of across, and the conceptualizer is confronted with an objectively construed relationship between this trajector and the landmark, the street. In a more subjective construal the degree of subject control weakens and provides less objective motivation for the relationship to the conceptualizer. In Langacker’s terms, the objective motivation for the profiled relationships becomes “attenuated”, as in another sense of across in There is a mailbox across the street. It is a case of attenuation because the entity selected as the trajector is static, neither an agent, nor an experiencer or a mover, and only occupies a single position with respect to the landmark (see 1999: 153). However, the configuration evokes at least some potential movement by a generalized or generic individual for whom the location ‘across the street’ is the 11

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potential goal. Eventually, in cases of full subjectification, the relationship between the trajector and the landmark exists only due to the conceptualizer’s mental activity; the objective basis for it disappears. In Last night there was a fire across the street, the conception of physical motion is “entirely absent, leaving only subjective motion by the conceptualizer, who mentally traces along the path in order to specify the trajector’s location” (Langacker 1999: 155). It is in this sense that Langacker speaks of the subjective relationship being “immanent in the objective one” (1999: 153). For Langacker, attenuation and subjectification are gradual in nature, “involving small steps along a number of possible parameters”, which include: (i) a change in status, from actual to potential, or from specific to generic; (ii) a change in focus, that is, to what extent particular elements are in focus (in profile); (iii) a shift in domain, from the domain of physical interaction to the domain of social interaction; (iv) and, a change in mover, from a specific, onstage participant, the trajector, to an offstage participant, the addressee, or some generalized mover (1999: 155f). All in all, according to Langacker (1999), attenuation as a process of subjectification figures in many cases of grammaticization, e.g. the development of the English be going to construction (see also Evans and Green 2006: 730-733), the deontic senses of modals, the auxiliary have, among others. To quote Langacker himself: “Attenuation in subject control has been shown to be a pervasive, multifaceted phenomenon that plays a major role in certain kinds of grammaticization, with important consequences for synchronic analysis and description” (1999: 172). For Traugott (1989, 1999, 2010), subjectification, as well as intersubjectification, is a diachronic process of pragmatically evoked semanticization which often co-occurs with grammaticalization. In the process of subjectification, meanings are becoming increasingly associated with the speaker’s beliefs and attitudes towards the proposition (see Traugott 1989: 31). Believed to be “the most pervasive tendency in semantic change” (Traugott 1999: 188), subjectification in this paradigm is considered to be a result of “pragmatic strengthening” and pragmatically triggered enrichment of old forms so that they serve to express the point of view of the speaker. When the pragmatically influenced new uses of a form become conventionalized, Traugott (1989) speaks of language change. And yet, even though in her approach subjectification is a diachronic phenomenon, it allows for variation at the synchronic level. Synchronically, structures display varying degrees of subjectification, which results in a number of their coexisting meanings (see Traugott 1999: 188). As regards intersubjectification, Traugott conceives of it as “the development of the speaker’s attention to the addressee’s self-image” (2010: 60). In other words, while subjective meanings encode the perspective of the speaker and his attitude to the state of affairs in question, intersubjective meanings, over time, begin to encode the perspective of the addressee of the proposition. Crucially, intersubjectification originates in subjectification, which is illustrated by the cline below (see Traugott 2010: 35): (1) non/ -less subjective



subjective

12



intersubjective

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In Traugott’s view, although intersubjectification, just like subjectification, starts with pragmatic considerations in certain contexts, it is a process of semanticization rather than pragmatization, and takes place only once a form acquires a newly coded intersubjective meaning which becomes conventionalized. Also, like subjectification, intersubjectification involves “the reanalysis as coded meaning of pragmatic meanings arising in the context of speaker-hearer negotiation of meaning” (Traugott 2010: 60). Last but not least, intersubjectification is a diachronic process whose effects can sometimes be observed only synchronically. Directly relevant for the present study are observations made by Company (2006: 376) who notes that subjectification has been mainly described from the semantic-pragmatic point of view, while it is equally worthwhile to look at this process from the perspective of syntax. She points out that there is an inverse correlation between the form’s subjective meaning and the quantity of syntax that the form requires, that is, with the increase in subjectivity, the form becomes increasingly restricted syntactically (see Company 2006: 381-393). On the one hand, the time needed for subjectification to take place naturally implies the cancelation of syntactic form. On the other hand, the speaker concerned with projecting his judgment, evaluation, and perspective lacks interest in the referential descriptive syntactic aspects of an expression. As a result, elaborate structure becomes redundant in subjectification and subjective expressions undergo syntactic cancellation and isolation. Drawing on her study of the phenomenon of subjectification in Spanish, Company (2006) formulates three tendencies, or factors, which she uses for the study of language change in Spanish: (i) fixation of form and autonomy of predication, (ii) fronting and widening of predicational scope, and (iii) weakening of agent control. These three factors are used in my study to account for the distribution and semantic behaviour of niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’. 4. The study 4.1 Fixation of form and autonomy of predication Company (2006: 381) argues that subjectification is manifested in the evolution of forms into fixed expressions, signaled by the prosodic independence of items and their syntactic isolation. Fixation of form and autonomy of predication is claimed to be an especially strong tendency in the development of evaluative discourse markers (see the discussion in Company 2006: 382). The analysis of the corpus of niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ in the light of this factor consisted in identifying cases in which niestety occurs with markers of prosodic independence. Specifically, the data were examined in order to identify cases in which niestety is separated from the context by commas, as in (2a), by pauses signalized by dots, as in (2b), by other punctuation marks, or in syntactic isolation3.

3 With respect to the use of markers of prosodic independence, only the immediate contexts of the sentences in which the adverb occurred, rather than whole samples, were examined. Importantly, in my count I followed the original punctuation of the samples.

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(2) (a) [Łukasz Derbich, a footballer of Cracovia, asked in an interview about his understanding of the phrase “a set piece of a game” and explaining that it has been a serious problem for the team] Niestety,

koszmar

unfortunately/ regrettably.ADV tracimy

bramki.

lose 2PL.PRES

goals.

nightmare

wrócił

i

is back

and

‘Unfortunately, the nightmare is back and we are losing goals’

http://sport.interia.pl/pilka-nozna/ekstraklasa/news/derbich-niestety-koszmar┐ -wrocil,1389131,812 (b) [about a longing for the literature of the interwar period and lack of film adaptations of the literature of this period] Dwudziestolecie…



the interwar period…

niestety,



trzeba

unfortunately.ADV



czytać

must.PRED read.INF

‘Unfortunately, literature of the interwar period must be read’

http://stopklatka.pl/felietony/felieton.asp?f1i=200

A careful analysis of the samples reveals that in as many as 17 cases niestety occurs in the context of a comma. Moreover, three times it was used in syntactic isolation, twice in the context of pauses signalized by dots, and once with the brackets. Five more times it was used with other punctuation devices (exclamation mark and dash). All in all, the majority of samples in the collected corpus (28 in 50) are biased towards contexts indicating prosodic independence and syntactic isolation of the items, which shows that the behaviour of niestety is clearly influenced by the process of subjectification. 4.2. Weakening of agent control Another factor included by Company (2006: 378) in her list of syntactic manifestations of subjectification is the degree of agent control. Langacker (1991: 285) defines the term ‘agent’ as “a person who volitionally initiates physical activity resulting, through physical contact, in the transfer of energy to an external object”. The weakening of agent control refers to Langacker’s (1999) observations that there is a preference for subjective expressions to take inanimate subjects rather than volitive agentive subjects. It is also very frequent that subjective expressions do not have a subject at all. 14

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In the present study, the corpus of niestety ‘unfortunately/ regrettably’ was examined with respect to the types of subjects featuring in the utterances with this adverb. The variety of subjects encountered is illustrated by the examples in (3)-(10) below. While as many as 3 uses of niestety in the corpus are cases with the speaker construed as the subject of a construction, there are also 5 cases in which human agent subjects were identified. In (3), the prince is apparently gone, but his act of going away and leaving behind a white horse as a consolation was volitional, and therefore, the subject is considered agentive. (3) ...a



...while

książe

niestety

uciekł

w

siną

dal...

prince

unfortunately.ADV

escaped

in

livid

distance...

na pocieszenie zostawił białego konia on consolation

left.2SG

white

horse

‘the prince unfortunately went away for good… leaving behind a white horse as a consolation’

http://dzierzba.flog.pl/wpis/569088/a-ksiaze-niestety-uciekl-w-sina-dalna┐ -pocieszenie-zostawil-bialego-konia

There are also cases in the corpus, such as (4), which posed considerable problems with their description. Although there are reasons for treating (4) as a case of the human agent subject construction, there are other reasons for seeing it as a construction with the subject in the role of the experiencer. If we look at the profiled relationship from the standpoint of absolute construal (see Langacker 1991), (4) indicates that Ewa Milewicz has been overcome by the power of a particular trend towards rejecting orders awarded by the President of Poland. Having succumbed to this trend, Ewa Milewicz codes an experiencer subject, rather than a volitive human agent subject. (4) [a radio interwiew with Władysław Stasiak, a minister of the former President, who talked about people who had rejected medals awarded by President Lech Kaczyński] Stasiak:

Ewa Milewicz



Stasiak .NOM [Ewa Milewicz].NOM

niestety

uległa

pewnej modzie

unfortunately.ADV

succumbed.3SG

[some fashion].DAT

‘Stasiak: Unfortunately, Ewa Milewicz has succumbed to some trend.’

http://tok.fm/TOKFM/1,91171,6488139,Stasiak_ _Ewa_Milewicz_niestety_ulegla┐ _pewnej_modzie.html

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The analysis of the corpus also revealed two uses of niestety with the inanimate mover subject, the mover understood as “an entity undergoing a change of location” (Langacker 1991: 285). In (5), such an entity is Focus, a Ford car model, and therefore, the sentence exemplifies constructions with inanimate mover subjects. (5) [from an automobile test report] Trzy poziomy

pracy układu

kierowniczego

three levels [work system].GEN steering mistrzostwo

praktyczności

mastery



to nie jest, ale

powinno

wystarczyć

practicality.GEN

it not is but

should

suffice.INF

Niestety,

Focus

jest głośny

przy wyższych

unfortunately.ADV

Focus.NOM is loud by higher

prędkościach......

z

powodu opływającego go

powietrza.

speeds

from

reason.GEN streamlining him

air.GEN

‘The steering system working on three levels is not the top of practicality but it should do. Unfortunately, the Focus gets loud at higher speed… because of streaming air’

http://www.autogaleria.pl/fotografie/index_test.php?id=19845&test=293

A substantial number of cases in the corpora of niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ was recognized as cases with the non-human instigator subject. I use the term “instigator” in the sense of Słoń, as referring to “a causal factor that is not necessarily human” (2007: 280). Such a causal factor is grypa ‘flu’ as used in example (6) from the collected corpus. (6) [about the Bird Flu virusH5N1, which, unlike in Denmark and France, did not force the Polish government to postpone the beginning of the new school year] Nowa grypa nie przedłuży (niestety) wakacji new flu not will prolong unfortunately.ADV holidays.GEN ‘Unfortunately, the new flu virus will not make the holidays any longer.’

http://rynekzdrowia.pl/Choroby-zakazne/Nowa-grypa-nie-przedluzy-niestety┐ -wakacji,9797,22.html

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Furthermore, cases of the so-called “setting-subject” were identified, with the term used in the sense of Langacker (1991: 345-348). He points out that, as long as the subject is usually considered as “the most prominent clausal participant”, there are also cases in which the subject is not a participant, but an aspect of a setting. The most prototypical setting is “a spatial or temporal expanse”, as in Thursday saw yet another startling development or Independence Hall has witnessed many historic events. Example (7) below illustrates uses with the spatial setting construed as the subject of the profiled relationship. (7) [contrasting a VW Polo GTI with a Peugeot 207 GT and a Suzuki Swift Sport] W Swifcie brakuje niestety osiowej regulacji in Swift lacks unfortunately.ADV

axial

regulation

kierownicy, a to dzisiaj feler trudny steering-wheel.GEN and this today defect difficult do zaakceptowania. to accept



Nie

pomaga

możliwość

zmiany

not

helps

possibility

change.GEN

wysokości siedzenia height.GEN seat.GEN ‘The Swift unfortunately lacks the function of the steering-wheel axle adjustment and it is a defect difficult to accept nowadays. It can’t be eliminated by the possibility of adjusting the height of the seat.’

http://wysokieobroty.moto.pl/auto/51,71357,4056687.html?i=9

Last but not least, the corpus of niestety was examined in search of examples featuring nonspecific or generalized subjects, as well as examples with no subjects. According to Langacker, it is frequently the case in the subjective construal that the subject’s role gradually decreases until, in some relationships, the subject no longer plays a role in affecting the relationship (see 1999:159162). In Langacker’s words, subjects increase in non-specificity and become more and more generalized, which, taken to the extreme, qualifies as a case of ‘transparency’. English examples of this tendency provided by Langacker include, among others, the so called “dummy” or “expletive” subjects, as in There is going to be another storm tonight, as well as highly grammaticized constructions in which a subject is no longer necessary at all, as in There may have been a serious breach of security, or Tabs should have been kept on all those dissidents all along (1999:160ff). In Polish, of course, by ‘no subject’ we mean those constructions which are overtly impersonal. This is in contrast to those cases where subjects are left unelaborated and are not given in the 17

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actual sentences, which is not only frequent, but also symptomatic of both colloquial and formal Polish. Due to the inflectional character of the Polish language, such subjects are easily identifiable. An illustration of a no subject construction from the corpus of niestety is given in (8), with the non-inflectional verb trzeba. Other constructions classified as ‘no subject’ constructions include passive voice constructions, as well as the 3rd SG NEUTR construction, which, according to Słoń (2007: 263) is characterized by obligatory non-elaboration of the inanimate instigator-agent. (8) [an excerpt from a column; the author, fed up with the anniversary-like repertoire of patriotic songs on the radio, films like Black Cross, Memoirs of a Geisha, and Harry Potter and tiresome discussions on television, longs for the literature of the Interwar Period] Dwudziestolecie…

niestety,

trzeba

the.interwar.period

unfortunately. ADV

must.IMPS read.INF

czytać

‘Literature of the Interwar Period must be read … unfortunately’

http://stopklatka.pl/felietony/felieton.asp?f1i=200

In the study, non-specific subjects were identified in cases such as (9), where it is impossible to pin down the precise referent of to ‘it’ in the verbless sentence Niestety, to już koniec wakacji. (9) [from an article; about children for whom it is hard to accept the news that the holidays are over] NIESTETY, TO JUŻ KONIEC WAKACJI unfortunately.ADV

it already end holidays.GEN

‘Unfortunately the holidays are drawing to an end’

http://sp-siercza.pl/koniec-wakacji.html

The case of the 2nd SG impersonal construction in (10) is considered as having a generalized subject. Although the notion of the addressee is evoked, the subject of the profiled relationship is non-specific. In this particular context, the message accompanying the picture has no particular addressee but it is directed at a larger group of Internauts visiting the website.

18

Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

(10)

Niestety,

wciskając mocniej

unfortunately.ADV

pressing.PCON.IMPERF stronger

szybciej, nie pojedziesz faster not will.go.2SG.FIN.PERF ‘Unfortunately, by pressing stronger, you won’t go faster.’

http://demotywatory.pl/135109/Niestety/

The analysis of the corpus samples with niestety ‘unfortunately/ regrettably’ in the light of the factor of weakening of agent control leads to a number of observations. There are only 5 uses of the adverb with the subject in the role of a human agent, while the adverb is strongly biased towards types of construal low in agentivity. The corpus includes 3 constructions with non-specific subjects, 4 constructions with generalized subjects, and 9 constructions with no subjects. Interestingly, niestety appears to be considerably influenced by the attenuation factor in view of the number of its uses with non-human instigator subjects and setting subjects: 13 and 10 such uses respectively. 4.3. Fronting and widening of predicational scope The third factor employed in the study is fronting and widening of predicational scope. Company observes that, in spite of their flexibility with regard to their position in the discourse, subjectified expressions tend to appear at the beginning of the utterance, while in some languages they also have a tendency to appear in the rightmost position (see 2006: 378f, see also Traugott 2012). In the case of adverbs, fronting tendencies result in the widening of their scope, from over the word, or word-phrase, to sentential scope. In Traugott’s approach, adverbs are classified into three types with respect to their position in the discourse and the structural path of change: Verb Adverbs (VAdv), Sentence, or Inflectional Phase, 19

Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

Adverbs (SAdv)4, and Discourse Markers (DM). VAdv typically occurs at the end of a clause, is often an adverb of manner, and has a clause-internal scope (see 1999: 177). According to Traugott, the category is elsewhere described as adverbs of direction, manner, etc. SAdv may occur “after Complementizer or adjacent to the tensed verb” and its scope is over the clause (1999: 180). Finally, the position of DM is outside Complementizer while its scope is over the following complex structure. According to Traugott, the process of subjectification underlies the development of adverbials in English, from VAdvs being the least subjective, via SAdvs, to the most subjective DMs. While VAdv modifies the event, SAdv modifies the clause and DM modifies the “relationship between successive discourse units” (Traugott 1999: 189). Nevertheless, as Traugott (1999: 180) argues, SAdvs and DMs need to be additionally distinguished on the basis of pragmatic differences between them rather than on the basis of their syntactic behavior only. She observes that the use of adverbs, especially of the SAdv type, is influenced by the strategy of “counter-expectation” understood as: “the speaker’s expression of belief or point of view contrary to his/her own or their interlocutor’s expectations concerning the state of affairs in question” (Traugott 1999: 178). Additionally, counter-expectation is very often redundantly marked in those uses, for example by modals or adversatives like although (ibid.). As far as DMs are concerned, Traugott follows Fraser (1988: 21f) in assuming them to “signal a comment specifying the type of sequential discourse relationship that holds between the current utterance… and the prior discourse” (1999: 181). Also, using Dancygier’s terminology (1992, after Traugott 1999: 181), she views them as “metatextual” devices whose function is to indicate the speaker’s attitude to the text being constructed as well as to draw hearers’ attention to this attitude. In order to apply the factor of fronting and widening of predicational scope in the study of niestety ‘unfortunately/ regrettably’, its corpus was examined with respect to the occurrences of the adverb in question in various positions in the sentence. Importantly, there were no verb modifier uses in the corpus, even though it is the most prototypical adverb position. At the same time, as many as 26 uses are uses in the role of SAdv, which is illustrated by example (11): (11) [about the Bird Flu virusH5N1, which, unlike in Denmark and France, did not force the Polish government to postpone the beginning of the new school year] Nowa

grypa

nie

przedłuży

(niestety)

wakacji

new

flu

not

prolong.FUT

unfortunately.ADV holidays.GEN

‘Unfortunately, the new flu virus will not make the holidays any longer.’

4 Traugott (1999) herself uses the term Inflectional Phase Adverb (IPAdv) to refer to adverbs in this function. In my work, I choose to use the term Sentence Adverb (SAdv), more universally used in literature (see Hoye 1997), to refer to these adverbs.

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Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

http://rynekzdrowia.pl/Choroby-zakazne/Nowa-grypa-nie-przedluzy-niestety┐ -wakacji,9797,22.html

Niestety in (11) is regarded as a SAdv on the grounds of its distribution after the Complementizer. It has to be noted, however, that according to Traugott, apart from their typical distribution, SAdvs additionally exhibit the characteristics of “counter-expectation” (1999: 177f). Drawing on her analysis of in fact she observes that speakers often “set up false scenarios and then show that the assumptions manifest in them are wrong and inappropriate to the occasion” (ibid.). It seems that the same strategy can be traced in the SAdv uses of niestety. Upon a closer look, the speaker in (11), presumably assuming the children’s viewpoint, sets up a hypothetical scenario according to which Polish authorities decide to postpone the beginning of the school year because of the Bird Flu virusH5N1, as was the case in some other countries. Once such a scenario is created, the speaker expresses his/ her regret that it is not going to happen. It can also be the case that the interpretation of a given message is a result of the clash between the actual state of affairs and the expected norm, as in example (12) from the collected corpus. According to the speaker, these days we usually receive a warranty for a new car that we buy from a dealer. However, in the case of second-hand vehicles, we can only get a warranty for some of their spare parts. And what is more, garages do not have to provide a warranty for their services at all. Clearly, the speaker is dissatisfied with this state of affairs, and he/ she would rather expect to receive a certified warranty for the services that he/she is paying for. (12) [from a press article; the author is complaining about the fact that, while car dealers give a warranty for new cars, and a limited warranty for second-hand cars, garages are not obliged to give a warranty for their services] Gwarancja

na usługę?

Niestety,

nie

zawsze.

warranty

on service.ACC

unfortunately.ADV

not

always

‘Service warranty? Unfortunately, not always’.

http://dziennik.pl/auto/article39415/Gwarancja_na_usluge_Niestety_nie_zawsze┐ .html

As for Discourse Markers (DMs), like in the case of SAdvs, they can be differentiated on the basis of their syntactic behaviour. It is the distribution of niestety in (13) that qualifies it as a DM, in line with Traugott who claims that DMs are syntactically restricted to positions outside complementizer (1999: 177-184). At the same time, they are metatextual devices to express speakers’ attitudes toward both the current and the prior discourse. Additionally, adverbs in this position signal a degree of contrast and often elaborate and clarify the ideas from the preceding context. 21

Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

Traugott believes that the strategy of counter-expectation is much weaker in the case of DMs than in the case of SAdv, but it can nevertheless be traced. This contrast typical of DMs, as well as the clarification of the prior discourse, seems apparent in (13), as the adverb evokes a negative meaning itself. The idyllic picture of the Baltic seaside that is like the Riviera is quickly shattered at the mention of the climate changes that are to bring adverse and inevitable effects. (13) Riwiera

nad

Bałtykiem

i

słodkie

wina

Riviera

at

the Baltic

and

sweet

wines

z

polskich

winnic?

Niestety, zmiany klimatu

from Polish vineyards unfortunately.ADV

changes

climate.GEN

będą miały cierpki smak. Jeśli sądzisz, że zmiany will have tart taste if think .2SG

that changes

klimatu

będą

dla nas



dobre, nowy

raport

Banku

for us



good

new

report

Bank .GEN

Światowego wyprowadzi

cię

z

błędu.

World.ADJ lead.out.3SG.FUT

you

from

mistake

climate.GEN will.be

‘The Riviera at the Baltic Sea and sweet wines from Polish vineyards? Unfortunately, the climate changes will taste tart. If you think that the climate changes will be good for us, the new report of the World Bank will show that you are mistaken.’

http://dlaklimatu.pl/Riwiera-nad-Baltykiem-i-slodkie

The message conveyed in example (5) quoted in Section 4.2 is similar. The Focus is reported to be equipped with some technical solutions that should satisfy the potential customers. And yet, as the author of the car review points out, it is not free of drawbacks such as being loud at higher speed. Apart from the sentence-initial position in which adverbs like niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ are used in Polish, they are likely to appear in the rightmost position5; there are 4 such instances in the present corpus. Niestety in this position is an after-comment to the preceding discourse, as in example (14). Often, the adverb is an additional comment, contrastive to what may normally be expected. Clearly, the adverb in this position has a sentential scope.

5 This is also observed in Spanish (see Company 2006).

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(14) [about Bartłomiej Adamczuk’s diploma design of a new Widzew stadium] Kibice



Widzewa

mogą

o

takim pomarzyć.

supporters Widzew.GEN can.PL.PRES of

such dream.INF

Niestety unfortunately.ADV ‘The supporters of Widzew can only dream of such a stadium. Unfortunately.’

http://stadiony.net/news.php?n=1446

5. Marker of intersubjectivity There is one corpus example, here given in (15), which does not fall in any of the categories described in the previous section. In this example, niestety stands alone and is both the title of a photograph and a comment on the state of affairs depicted in the photo, undoubtedly expressing the attitude of the speaker towards this state of affairs. (15)

niestety unfortunately.ADV ‘Unfortunately’

http://patrz.pl/zdjecia/niestety

Upon a closer look, niestety in (15) is prone to be interpreted as expressing ridicule and contempt of the speaker for the driver of the car. It is not difficult to arrive at these interpretations even though no linguistic context is provided apart from niestety. The question can be posed of how it is possible that a speaker who ridicules and negatively assesses the lack of imagination of the driver of the car in the photo uses the adverb niestety ‘unfor23

Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

tunately/regrettably’ to express his attitude. The state of affairs in question can be found unfortunate only if the speaker assumes the perspective of the owner of the car. The owner, or the driver of the car, may be considered a potential hearer, whereas assuming his/her perspective results in an intersubjective reading, even if only to create a pun. The intersubjectivity of this particular case is contextually driven (see Section 2), the context being the photograph itself. A clearer case of an intersubjectified use of niestety is example (16) in which the speaker, apparently glad that he/she is right, says niestety as if on behalf of the addressee. This in itself illustrates the process of intersubjectification, as described by Traugott (2010; see Section 3). (16) Niestety (ale) mam rację. unfortunately.ADV (but) have.1SG.PRES

rightness.ACC

‘Unfortunately, I’m right.’

Although (16) is a constructed example, Polish allows for such uses. Consider the words of Witold Waszczykowski, Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, quoted in wpolityce.pl. Schetyna is the leader of the biggest opposition party in Poland nowadays. They call themselves “total opposition”. In view of this, it is impossible to assume that Waszczykowski regrets that Schetyna is not telling the truth. Quite the opposite, niestety in this utterance only makes sense if we assume the perspective of Schetyna himself and other members of the opposition party. (17) [part of an interview with Minister of Foreign Affairs, Witold Waszczykowski, in which he denied the words of Grzegorz Schetyna about Barack Obama rejecting the proposal of meeting President Andrzej Duda; he explains that no such meeting was being planned in the first place] No

niestety,

muszę

powiedzieć

Well

unfortunately.ADV

must.1SG

say

że

pan Schetyna

kłamie.

that

Mr Schetyna

is lying.

‘Well, unfortunately, I have to say that Mr Schetyna is lying.’

http://wpolityce.pl/polityka/286855-waszczykowski-niestety-musze-powiedziec-ze┐ -pan-schetyna-klamie-prezydent-obama-nie-odmowil-zadnego-spotkania

Some usages of niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ in Polish may suggest that speakers are aware that they do not speak on their own behalf. You sometimes hear Polish speakers say a non24

Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

existent word stety ‘fortunately’ in order to, as if, correct themselves right after they use niestety. It seems that this need of self-correction arises when speakers realize that the niestety that they say does not express their own point of view but somebody else’s. This is the case in (18) where niestety may be associated with the point of view of either all the citizens of the European Union, or those citizens who support the idea of the EU. (18) [Tomasz Kalinowski, the Press Secretary of ONR, for Republika TV (2nd May 2017)] Unia Europejska

będzie

niestety,

znaczy

European Union

will.be

unfortunately.ADV

mean.3SG.PRES

*stety, odchodziła

do



lamusa.

*fortunately go.3SG.FEM.PRES to junk.room.GEN ‘The European Union will be, unfortunately- I mean, fortunately- going out of date.’

The two uses of niestety in (19) below are quoted after Miodek (2000), who considers these sentences as ill-formed, which, as he explains, is a result of the users of Polish becoming less and less sensitive to the semantic values of the words they use these days. (19) (a) Kiedy

widzi



policjanta,

niestety

when see.3SG policeman unfortunately.ADV zdejmuje

nogę

remove.3SG leg.ACC

z

gazu.

from

accelerator.GEN

‘When he sees a policeman, he unfortunately takes his foot off the accelerator.’ (b) Niestety,

już

unfortunately.ADV

already



jesteś

zdrów,

are.2SG

healthy

jutro idziesz do szkoły. tomorrow go.2SG to school ‘Unfortunately, you are no longer sick. You are going to school tomorrow.’

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Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

According to Miodek, the words of a policeman in (19a) only make sense if we assume that the policeman finds it unfortunate that he misses a chance to give the driver a ticket for exceeding the speed limit. In (19b), Miodek points out that it was actually a happy mother whom he heard uttering these words. In both cases, we need to reconsider the described state of affairs from a perspective other than that of the speaker, the perspective of the addressee in case (19b), and only then the use of niestety seems justified. Examples (16)-(17), and probably (19), should be regarded as cases of intersubjectification, in line with Traugott (2010), for whom it naturally emerges from subjectification (see the discussion in Section 3). At the same time, the fact that such uses of niestety are not necessarily attested in standard Polish may suggest that their intersubjectification is pragmatically inferential and not conventionalized, and therefore it is not a case of semanticization. The corpus of niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ in the present study clearly contains cases indicating the process of intersubjectification. Most frequently, intersubjective readings were identified in the context of first persons plural, as example (20) illustrates. (20) Nasze

niestety rosną.

długi,

our debts unfortunately.ADV Coraz

trudniej Polakom

spłacać swoje

more.and.more

difficult Poles.DAT

pay

zadłużenie

wobec

banków,

grow

their

zakładów energetycznych,

debt to banks.GEN

electricity boards.GEN

spółdzielni mieszkaniowych

czy

firm telekomunikacyjnych.

housing associations. GEN

or

telecommunications companies. GEN

‘Our debts are unfortunately growing. It is becoming more and more difficult for Poles to pay their debts to the banks, electricity boards, housing associations, or telecommunications companies.’

http://mkredyty.net/wiadomosci/banki/nasze-dlugi-niestety-rosna

Nasze długi ‘our debts’ and niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ in the first sentence in (20) signal the attitude of the speaker toward a state of affairs: while it is open to question whether the speaker is indebted himself/herself, he/she talks about the indebtedness of the community that he/she is a member of with sympathy. The intersubjective reading becomes more evident in the context of the second utterance, where the speaker speaks of the Polish who find it more and more difficult to pay their debts these days. Niestety expresses an evaluation of the state of affairs in question not

26

Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

only from the speaker’s own perspective, but also from the perspective of the addressee who, just like him/her, belongs to the community of Polish people. In the analyzed corpora, it is possible to identify about 15 cases of intersubjective uses of niestety.6 Apparently, niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ can undergo the process of intersubjectification. However, the uses in the corpus of this study suggest that intersubjective interpretations of the adverb are contextually driven, rather than a result of the fully-fledged subjectification. At the same time, the research method applied does not allow the identification of cases of extreme intersubjectification leading to semanticization (see the discussion in Section 3). 6. Summary The article presented the results of an analysis of the adverb niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ conducted on the corpus data which secured a high representativeness of the samples with respect to the styles and registers in which the adverb was used. The three factors employed in the study, proposed by Company (2006) and used by her in the study of Spanish adverbs, proved to be reliable tools for the examination of the processes underlying the development of subjective and intersubjective senses of niestety. The analysis of the corpus data has led to a number of conclusions: 1. The samples reveal that the subjectification and intersubjectification of niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ is manifested in the occurrence of the adverb in contexts indicating prosodic independence and syntactic isolation. 2. In view of the factor of weakening of agent control, niestety shows a strong bias towards types of construal low in agentivity. While the adverb can be used, for instance, with human subjects, such uses are scarce. At the same time, niestety most frequently appears with non-agentive and diffuse subjects. In this way, the subjectification of niestety can be traced on the synchronic level, which is in line with Langacker’s (1999) claims that attenuation in subject control is a phenomenon relevant for the study of grammaticalization. 3. The uses of niestety as SAdv and DM are constrained syntactically as well as pragmatically. Traugott’s observations concerning the influence of the strategy of counter-expectation on the development of SAdv and DM uses of in fact can be successfully extended to account for the development of niestety in Polish. 4. Moreover, niestety is frequently used as a marker of intersubjectivity, which emerges naturally from its subjectified senses. The corpus uses suggest, however, that the intersubjective interpretations of the adverb are contextually driven, rather than a result of a fully-fledged subjectification, whereas the method applied in the study does not allow the identification of cases of extreme subjectification leading to semanticization. All things considered, niestety ‘unfortunately/regrettably’ always expresses the degree of the speaker’s emotional

6 The whole study showed that only six intersubjective uses can be detected in the corpus of na szczęście (lit. on.prep fortune.acc), while the corpus of szczęśliwie ‘happily/fortunately’ was practically devoid of intersubjective readings.

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Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

assessment of the state of affairs in question, while its different senses are indicative of pragmatic polysemy (Traugott 1999: 180).7 5. The case of niestety shows that together with its increase in subjectification, the adverb is becoming restricted syntactically to positions enhancing its propositional scope. The samples indicate the gradualness of the process of subjectification. As Traugott claims, subjectification, being mainly diachronic in nature, on the synchronic level may result in “layerings of less or more subjective meanings for the same lexical item or construction” (1999: 188). References Bańkowski, Andrzej. 2000. Etymologiczny słownik języka polskiego. Warszawa: PWN. Company, Company Concepción. 2006. Zero in syntax, ten in pragmatics: Subjectification as syntactic cancellation. In: Athanasiadou, Angeliki, Canakis Costas and Bert Cornillie (eds.), Subjectification. Various Paths to Subjectivity, 375-397. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. de Haan, Ferdinand. 2006. Typological approaches to modality. In: Frawley, William (ed.), The Expression of Modality, 27-69. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Dancygier, Barbara. 1992. Two metatextual operators: Negation and conditionality in English and Polish. Proceedings from the 18th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 61-75. Evans, Vyvyan and Melanie Green. 2006. Cognitive Linguistics: An Introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Fraser, Bruce. 1988. Types of English discourse markers. Acta Linguistica Hungarica 38, 19-33. Grzegorczykowa, Renata. 2008. Wykłady z polskiej składni. Warszawa: PWN. Hoye, Leo. 1997. Adverbs and Modality in English. London/New York: Longman. Kozarzewska, Emilia. 1990. Czasowniki mówienia we współczesnym języku polskim. Studium semantyczno-składniowe. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Krzyżanowski, Piotr. 1992. Fleksja rzeczownika jako środek wyrażania wartości w języku polskim. In: Falkenberg, Gabriel, Fries Norbert and Jadwiga Puzynina (eds.), Wartościowanie w języku i tekście, na materiale polskim i niemieckim, 279- 284. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Langacker, Ronald W. 1989. Subjectification. Duisburg: L.A.U.D. Langacker, Ronald W. 1991. Foundations of Cognitive Grammar. Vol. 2. Descriptive Application. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Langacker, Ronald W. 1999. Losing control: grammaticization, subjectification, and transparency. In: Blank, Andreas and Peter Koch (eds.), Historical Semantics and Cognition, 147-175. Berlin/ New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

7 Traugott assumes that polysemy may be both semantic and pragmatic. Consequently, she regards the distinctions between SAdvs and DMs uses of in fact as polysemous.

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Milewska, Małgorzata. 2003. Rzeczowniki ekspresywne na –isko w języku polskim i górnołużyckim. In: Pstryga, Alicja (ed.), Wokół struktury słowa, 63-71. Gdańsk: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego. Miodek, Jan. 2000. Rozmyślajcie nad mową – niestety. Wiedza i Życie 2. http://archiwum.wiz┐ .pl/2000/00021100.asp (22 October 2009). Nuyts, Jan. 1994. Epistemic Modal Qualifications: On their linguistic and conceptual structure. Antwerp Papers in Linguistics 81. Nuyts, Jan. 2005. The modal confusion: on terminology and concepts behind it. In: Klinge, Alex and Henrik Høeg Müller (eds.), Modality: Studies in form and function, 1-38. London: Equinox. Nuyts, Jan. 2006. Modality: Overview and linguistic issues. In: Frawley, William (ed.), The Expression of Modality, 1-26. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Piórkowska, Agnieszka. 2011. On the Margins of the Modality Category: The case of boulomaic modality. A cognitive study. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Warsaw. Rybarczyk, Magdalena. 2015. Demonstratives and Possessives with Attitude. An  Intersubjectively -Oriented Empirical Study. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Słoń, Anna. 2007. The ‘impersonal’ impersonal construction in Polish. In: Divjak, Dagmar and Agata Kochańska (eds.), Cognitive Paths into the Slavic Domain, 257-287. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Szymanek, Bogdan. 2010. A Panorama of Polish Word-Formation. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL. Traugott, Elizabeth C. 1989. On the rise of epistemic meanings in English: an example of subjectification in semantic change. Language 65(1), 31-55. Traugott, Elizabeth C. 1999. The rhetoric of counter-expectation in semantic change: A study in subjectification. In: Blank, Andreas and Peter Koch (eds.), Historical Semantics and Cognition, 177-196. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Traugott, Elizabeth C. 2010. (Inter)subjectivity and (inter)subjectification: A reassessment. In: Davidse, Kristin, Vandelanotte Lieven and Hubert Cuyckens (eds.), Subjectification, Intesubjectification, and Grammaticalization, 29-74. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Traugott, Elizabeth C. 2012. Intersubjectification and clause periphery. English Text Construction 5(1), 7-28. Taylor, John E. and Kam-Yiu S. Pang. 2008. Seeing as though. English Language and Linguistics 12(1), 103-139.

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Justyna Polak University of Warsaw

10.15290/cr.2017.17.2.02

The role of emergent structure in Conceptual Blending Theory – case studies of children in advertisements

Abstract. The aim of this article is to consider the role of emergent structure in conceptual integration networks and the impact it has on the process of meaning construction. What is under analysis is the way in which a well-established emergent structure helps the blend to achieve its goals of providing human scale and achieving its persuasive effects. The analysis is a case study of four advertising campaigns which use conceptual blending to advertise their products via manipulating an image of a child into their advertising posters. Key words: Cognitive Linguistics, mental spaces, conceptual blending theory, emergent structure, persuasive effects.

1.1. Introduction The aim of this article is to present basic principles governing the process of conceptual blending as employed in the advertising campaigns using images of children in achieving particular persuasive effects, with a special focus on emergent structure: its place within the whole integration network, its creation, development and elaboration, as well as its impact on the interpretation of the input spaces contained in the network. The main purpose of the analysis is to prove the unique status of emergent structure as a feature specific to Conceptual Blending Theory (1995, 1998, 2000, 2002), as well as to provide evidence for the claim that emergent structure is crucial for explaining inferences arising from the integration of two or more conceptual inputs, which are not directly available from the inputs analyzed in isolation. Emergent structure is treated as a result of the creative online processing of projections of elements from input mental spaces onto a newly established space, the blend. The first part of this article provides a brief analysis of the mechanism of blending, with a special emphasis on the role of the projection of elements and inferences to establish a coherent and internally integrated network of mental spaces. Then follows a detailed account of emergent structure as the result of the said projections. What is explained in detail are the subsequent stages via 30

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which the emergent structure is created, i.e. composition, completion and elaboration of the blend. Then the article focuses briefly on the processes which strengthen the internal congruity of the blend, i.e. compression of vital relations and backward projection of inferences from the blend back onto the input spaces, as mechanisms which are exceptionally effective in providing a human scale, and reevaluation of the frames contained in the inputs. The first part of the article provides a theoretical background for further analysis of selected examples of visual blends included in later sections. It explains the main notions, mechanisms and terms necessary for the efficient description of processes involved in the creation of the emergent structure, as well as its development and, finally, its effects. 1.2. Method and database The corpus consists of ten posters collected from four advertizing campaigns, two of which use the image of a child to advertise a notion directly involving children – candies in “Chupa Chups. It’s the end of the world without it”, and adoption in “Adopt. You can receive more than you can ever give” – and two to advertise products not directly related to the conceptual domain of children – a bank, in “Sofia Bank. Experienced, although newborn”, and car tires in “Michelin. Because so much is riding on our tires”. Four of the posters are analyzed in this article. The analysis is based on the application of Conceptual Blending Theory, as developed by Gilles Fauconnier and Mark Turner (1995, 1998, 2000, 2002). It also follows Joy et al.’s observations of conceptual blending as being a process of arrival at the meaning of advertisements with a dose of individuality between the viewers since the process of meaning construction depends on the individual “activation, interconnection and manipulation of mental spaces” (2009: 48). It is also crucial to note their observation that “an awareness of cross-cultural understandings” is crucial for correct deciphering various advertisements (ibid.). Also, since blending is a conceptual process of meaning construction, it is assumed in this article that it may be found in its nonverbal manifestations, much like metaphor in Forceville’s work on advertisements (1994). 1.3. General characteristics of the mechanism of blending As Fauconnier and Turner (1995) point out, Conceptual Blending is a process of on-line meaning construction based on the integration of at least four conceptual structures into a dynamic network which stays strongly dependent on context. Since the process is local and dynamic, the structures used in the integration are mental spaces, which are local meaning constructions, rather than conceptual domains which are whole systematically structured areas of knowledge. The process of integration is based on the projection of elements across mental spaces involved in the network: two input mental spaces, a generic space and a blended space. The cross-space mapping which connects counterpart elements contained within the input spaces gives rise to newly emerged inferences and judgments which are not directly available from any of the inputs considered separately. These inferences are contained within 31

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a newly established mental space, the blend, which remains systematically connected to the inputs (see Fauconnier 2005: 525). Crucially, the blend, apart from being only a collection of mappings from the input spaces, contains a structure which is not predictable from any of the mental spaces involved in the meaning construction process (see Fauconnier and Turner 1995). The structure emerges as a result of all the projections involved in the network and provides a unique logic to the blend. The whole process of conceptual integration may be schematically represented in a diagram proposed by Fauconnier and Turner (2002: 46), Figure 1.

Figure 1. Mechanism of blending The circles in the diagram represent mental spaces, the dotted lines symbolize projections between elements across the whole integration network, the solid lines indicate mappings between counterpart elements between two input spaces, whereas the square within the blend represents the emergent structure (see Fauconnier and Turner 2002: 46f). The generic space comprises highly schematic features characteristic of both of the inputs. It facilitates the process of establishing the cross-space mappings between counterpart elements from the input mental spaces. In this way, it can be further projected onto the blend (see Evans and Green 2006: 406). It is important to note that while the generic space contains only the elements common to both of the inputs, the blended space with its emergent structure is composed not only of the elements projected selectively from the input spaces and counterpart elements found in the generic space, but also contains elements not present in any of the input spaces (see Fauconnier and Turner 2002: 46f).

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1.4. An insight into the emergent structure The possibility of arriving at the emergent structure is the factor that distinguishes Conceptual Blending Theory from other cognitive processes of meaning construction. The discovery of emergent structure enabled linguists to explain a novel meaning of utterances which was not derived directly from any of the input structures, either linguistic or conceptual, involved in the meaning construction process (see Evans and Green 2006: 401). The blend’s emergent structure may generate the meaning of sentences whose meaning often cannot be solved by the conceptual metaphor approach, such as “This surgeon is a butcher” (see Kövecses 2006: 275). The negative assessment of the surgeon as being incompetent comes about not as a result of a simple mapping of meaning from the domain of butchery onto the domain of medical craftsmanship, but instead emerges as a new concept of a surgeon who, while performing an operation, uses the skills of a butcher, which as a result renders him incompetent (see Kövecses 2006: 275ff, see also Brandt and Brandt 2005). It is important to note that such a composition of a surgeon possessing the skills of a butcher did not appear in any of the input structures. The emergent structure arises as the result of multiple projections of elements from input mental spaces onto the blended space. These projections give rise to new inferences, which can be later projected back onto the inputs. Since the projections are multidirectional, the blended space with its emergent structure remains constantly linked to the whole integration network (see Fauconnier and Turner 1998: 305). 1.5. Creation of the emergent structure The emergent structure arises as a result of three operations performed during the construction of the blend. These operations are: composition, completion and elaboration. Composition is based on the selective projection of elements from the input spaces onto the newly established mental space, the blend. Counterparts from the inputs are mapped onto the blend either as separate items or projected into one element. The latter type of projection is referred to as fusion. Composition creates new relations between mental spaces involved in the integration networks, thus that operation is often sufficient for the emergent structure to arise (see Fauconnier and Turner 2002: 48). Completion recruits well entrenched background knowledge about elements composed into the blend. It completes the structure of the blend with other structures and scenarios employed from background everyday experience. The most basic form of recruitment is pattern completion, thanks to which, as Fauconnier and Turner suggest, “[a] minimal composition in the blend can be extensively completed by a larger conventional pattern” (1998: 315). It is also interesting to note the metonymic character of this process. Elements projected from the input spaces into the blend serve as vehicles for the recruitment of much broader knowledge originating from the cognitive domain of which they were part (here: the part for whole conceptual metonymy) or other non-counterpart elements which were not originally in the inputs but become part of the blend (ibid.: 336).

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Elaboration develops the blend further by imaginative mental simulation performed in accordance with the newly established logic and principles which emerged during the composition and completion of the blend. Further “running the blend” may lead to the emergence of yet other new principles and logic used for subsequent simulation (see Fauconnier and Turner 1998: 315). The elaboration of the blend may be performed indefinitely, since mental simulation is performed via imaginative use of all the elements and logics incorporated within the blend. Creating new inferences or introducing new concepts to the blend lead to its further elaboration (see Fauconnier and Turner 2002: 49). All these operations lead to the creation of an emergent structure in the whole integration network (ibid.). As Evans and Green point out, “[t]he structure is ‘emergent’ because it emerges from ‘adding together’ structure from the inputs to produce an entity unique to the blend” (2006: 405). The inferences created by running the blend provide a novel structure which enables operations otherwise impossible in any of the input spaces (see Fauconnier 2005: 528). Since the process of conceptual integration is on-line and non-algorithmic (see Fauconnier and Turner 1998: 306), the imaginative act may be performed at any site of the network in order to achieve a satisfactory integration (see Turner 2007: 22). 1.6. Compression and human scale Apart from providing explanations for novel meanings emerging from the unconventional use of linguistic expressions, Conceptual Blending, being a cognitive process, provides much broader effects to human cognition. As Evans and Green point out, the main purpose of blending is to provide global insight, i.e. to present new or already existing ideas in the most understandable way (see 2006: 418). Fauconnier and Turner claim that blends, by arriving at global insight, achieve a human scale which, as the authors argue, is the most crucial principle governing conceptual integration (see 1998: 339). Human scale is obtained by the simplification of complex notions, i.e. reducing complexity to the scope of the basic human experience (see Fauconnier and Turner 2002: 30). According to Fauconnier and Turner, this process is guided by a number of sub-goals in the blend construction (1998: 339). Among such processes are, for instance, compression and intensification of vital relations shared by the input spaces into the vital relations present in the blend (see Turner 2006: 17; for the full list of such sub-goals, see Fauconnier and Turner 1998: 340, or Evans and Green 2006: 419). Compression seems to be one of the most crucial elements in the construction of the blend and seems to provide the most powerful effects. Turner defines compression as “transforming diffuse and distended conceptual structures that are less congenial to human understanding so that they become more congenial to human understanding, better suited to our human-scale ways of thinking” (see 2006: 18, for more about compression and vital relations see also Fauconnier and Turner 2000: 283-304). In other words, via compression, the blend not only gains a new unique structure obtained by compressing elements and relations from input mental spaces, but also becomes more immediate to human attention. 34

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Projection of vital relations and their compressions within the blended space has a crucial effect on the topology of the blend and its emergent structure. Fauconnier and Turner (see 1998: 343355) provide a comprehensive classification of integration networks in accordance to the topological structure of the blend. They claim that four-space blends form shared topology networks, i.e. the topology of the generic space is projected onto all spaces involved in the integration. The difference in the organization of the blended space and thus its emergent structure is crucial. If the blended space inherits the organizing frame of one of the inputs, i.e. if one of the inputs provides the logic and structure for the blend to organize the elements projected from the other input, this network is single-scope. If, however, the blend is organized by the projections from both of the inputs and a new organized frame is thus created, the network is double-scope (for other types of networks, see Fauconnier and Turner 1998: 343-355). In each case, the result is the emergent structure which provides the blend with new inferences which are otherwise not available (see Turner 2006: 21). Fauconnier (see 2005: 530) and Turner (see 2006: 17) both claim that such integration of contrastive frames is basic and common to the human cognitive system. Another crucial element of blending is backward projection. Since the projections in the integration network are multidirectional, certain properties developed in the blend are mapped backwards onto the input mental spaces. In other words, the emergent structure which arises through projections and compressions of diffuse concepts into coherent vital relations in the blend facilitates the interpretation of the notions presented in the input mental spaces (see Fauconnier 2005: 531f). In this way, the blend remains constantly linked with the whole integration network (see Fauconnier and Turner 1998: 310f). 2.1. Cultural image of a child For the purpose of this article I assume a commonly shared image of a child present in western culture. I adopt a standardized viewpoint of an adult person and disregard any differences in perception connected with gender, race and economic or family status. In this cultural viewpoint I refer to, children are traditionally associated with positive attributes: they are innocent, active and eager to communicate, they have an excessively loving nature and exhibit positive naivety towards the world. Children are generally inexperienced but enthusiastically explore their surroundings, and they are happy, lovable and energetic. Adults perceive children as vulnerable; they also feel the need to provide them with affection, love, care and protection. There are, however, times when children bring slightly negative associations to mind: they tend to misbehave, often stubbornly insist on their whims, and are likely to overreact. 2.2. It’s the end of the world without Chupa-Chups Children often have a tendency to overreact and misbehave, especially when something happens against their will or liking. The following advertisement, presented in Figure 2, seems to draw its inferences exactly from these characteristics. 35

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Figure 2. Chupa-Chups ad: a girl on a doll-house The picture in Figure 2 presents one of the three advertising posters designed by an agency in South Africa for the Chupa-Chups brand in order to promote their lollipop candies. All three posters pictured children aged 4 to 8 in situations characteristic for adults suffering from severe depression: a boy lying on a sofa and talking to a teddy bear which is wearing a psychiatrist’s lab coat, another boy sitting behind a bar, drinking glasses of milk, and a girl threatening to jump from a doll house. The last example is the subject of the analysis in this section. As previously noted, the advertisement depicts an approximately 5-year-old girl standing on the rooftop of a doll house. She is looking reproachfully at the viewer. Considering her position, the arrangement of the toys below her, as well as the slogan of the campaign: “It’s the end of the world without it”, followed by the Chupa-Chups logo, the girl is evidently about to jump. Where does this interpretation of the scene come from? What was the cause of the girl’s behavior? Does she really intend to jump? In order to address these questions, it is required to examine the situation more closely. The advertisement makes use of conceptual blending in evoking its cognitive effects. The blend is composed of two input mental spaces: the first input is the mental space of suicide, and the second input involves the child’s grief, specifically after being denied her favorite candy. The mappings established between the inputs proceed as follows: a person about to commit suicide from the suicide input corresponds to the girl who is overwhelmed with grief from the second input; the building from which the suicide victim is about to jump relates to the doll house; whereas the cause of the suicide corresponds to the lack of the Chupa-Chups lollipop. The generic space abstracted from the two input spaces consists in an individual overcome with tragedy to the point of not knowing how to continue their life any longer. 36

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The construction of the blended space proceeds as follows: the composition of the blend maps, the counterpart mappings from the input spaces, and the abstraction from the generic space onto the newly established element in the network, the blend. Some of the elements are fused together, i.e. forced under compression to form one entity within the blended space: the girl from the second input becomes the person about to commit suicide from the first input, the doll house becomes the building from which she is about to jump, and the lack of a lollipop becomes the cause of the forthcoming suicide. It is noticeable that one of the inputs, i.e. the mental space of suicide, evidently provides an organizing frame for the input of the child’s grief. Applying Fauconnier and Turner’s classification of blends, this particular type of blending is described as a single-scope network, where the blended space is organized according to the logic projected from one of the inputs (1998: 343-355). The structure is completed by recruiting the background knowledge concerning suicide scenarios and behaviors characteristic to children when something goes against their will: their tendency to overdramatize, and emotional involvement. It is also interesting to note the metonymic character of the situation present in the picture: what the viewer is exposed to is the initial stage of a very concrete suicide scenario, i.e. jumping from the roof of a high building. The rest of the scenario is evoked automatically via the initial stage of the action for the whole action conceptual metonymy. Elaboration runs the blend as follows: the girl is so devastated about the lack of the ChupaChups candy that she does not know how to proceed with her life and hence consciously decides to end it. In order to do so, she has arranged her immediate surroundings which have been directly available to her. The cause of her misery is the overwhelming grief over being denied the most important thing in her life at this moment, which, judging by her disappointed straightforward look, was evidently induced by her parents or some other adult. Since the girl looks directly at the viewer of the advertisement, the viewer becomes fused with the parents or other adults who caused that reaction, and thus becomes directly involved in the scenario. Thanks to this technique, the advertisement obtains a number of powerful persuasive effects. Now it is the viewer who witnesses their daughter so devastated she decides to threaten her parents, or any other actual causers, to commit suicide. The viewer realizes that they have been the immediate cause of the situation by not giving the girl her favorite candy. What emerges is the direct feeling of guilt in the viewer because they have let such a situation happen. Instead of providing safety and care, they threaten the life of the ones they should protect. What is projected back is the intended message of the advertisement: what for an adult may seem a trivial matter, i.e. a simple Chupa-Chups lollipop, for a child is the equivalent of the meaning of life. Denying children their Chupa-Chups is like denying adults their reason to exist. What is particularly striking in this advertisement is the emergent image of a child. In the emergent structure of this blend, the child inherits the reasoning and actions from the adult suicide input, i.e. the consciousness of the decision, knowledge about suicide scenarios, as well as the possible effects of blackmailing others by attempting to perform such an action. Interestingly, the child maintains her naivety: to commit her “suicide”, the girl chooses a dollhouse instead of a real high 37

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building, which may provide a somewhat humorous effect. This juxtaposition of two strikingly different characteristics renders the advertisement powerful and effective and, thus successful. 2.3. Adopt The previous advertisement used conceptual networks for strictly commercial purposes, i.e. its main goal was to present a product in the most effective way. However, conceptual blending is also equally persuasive in social advertising, where its primary function is raising awareness about a social phenomenon, in the case of the following example, about adoption.

Figure 3. Adopt ad: a girl holding a woman The advertisement presented in Figure 3 is part of an advertising campaign designed by The Indian Association for Promotion of Adoption and Child Welfare. SeeIt presents a mother and a daughter who are embracing each other. The headline at the bottom says: “Adopt. You will receive more than you can ever give”. As already hinted, the advertisement uses conceptual blending in achieving its persuasive effects. The integration network is composed of two inputs: a cognitive frame of kinship with the specific roles of mother and daughter, and another mental space containing an adult woman and a little girl who are not related to one another. Counterpart mappings connect the role of mother 38

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with the woman and the daughter role with the girl. During the composition of the blend, the roles from frame of kinship and the elements from the second input are projected onto a newly created mental space, the blend. Pattern completion recruits additional background knowledge and scenarios about kinship, parenting and children into the blend, i.e. the ideas of providing protection, care and nurturing in the case of mothers: giving birth, and in the case of children: being the recipient of said care. However, once the viewer notices the physical arrangement of the woman and the girl on the poster, some new inferences come to light. The blend is elaborated in the following way: judging by the sizes of the girl and the woman, the girl is assigned a more prominent role. She stands straight and holds the woman as if she were her favorite toy. The shape they make together metonymically evokes the shape of a pregnant woman. However, what is striking is that it is not the woman who is pregnant but the girl. This shift in the internal structure of the blend, which is counterfactual, is enough to produce a powerful emergent structure. The vital relations of identity become reversed in the blend. In effect, the girl is assigned the role of the mother, i.e. she gives birth, provides love and nurturing for the woman, but still maintains her childlike figure. The woman, on the other hand, is assigned the recipient role of the child, i.e. she is the beneficiary of the girl’s immense love and protection. In a way, it is the child who gives birth to the mother, and this inference is projected to reevaluate the inputs. Since the woman and the girl are not related to one another, and the girl is given the prominent status in their relationship, it is the existence of the girl which makes the woman a mother. This is when the adoption scenario is evoked. Since the woman is not able to conceive a child, adopting one makes her a mother, not only by having an opportunity to provide protection and care, but also by being immersed in the unconditional love of the child. In this sense, she receives more than she can give: apart from closeness and affection, she is given a chance to satisfy her inner need and desire, which she would never be able to fulfill by herself. The image of the child evoked by the emergent structure of this blend only reinforces the characteristic features assigned to children in western culture. What is strengthened is the positive associations with children, such as their loving nature and their need to be taken care of. What is new and powerful in the blend is children’s power to evoke positive feelings in the adult, or even to change their nature. In both of the examples, presented in Figure 2 and Figure 3, the image of a child was used to advertise a notion directly connected with the conceptual domain of child, i.e. the Chupa-Chups poster advertised a candy: an element directly associated with children and their love for sweets, whereas the Adopt campaign focused on the family notion, of which children are an inseparable part. It is now necessary to posit a question: is there a possibility for the image of a child to be used to advertise a product or a notion which does not belong directly to the conceptual domain of children? 2.4. The newborn experience The advertisement under analysis in this section uses conceptual networks to reason about an element which is not directly related to any of the input spaces involved in the creation of the blend it39

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self. The poster in Figure 4 is part of an advertising campaign for the Finnish Sofia Bank, whose aim was to promote the bank’s refreshed image. The guiding slogan says: “Experienced, although newborn”.

Figure 4. Sofia Bank ad: a baby meditating The poster presents a newborn baby sitting in a lotus position, characteristic of advanced religious practices in Eastern Asia. The logo at the bottom introduces Sofia Bank. These three elements in fact serve as the inputs for creating the blend: a mental space of newborn baby, a mental space of meditation, and a mental space of bank. It is important to note the conceptual background knowledge which is evoked metonymically by both the baby and the position he sits in. Newborn babies are vulnerable, clumsy and generally inexperienced, whereas the meditative pose brings up rich knowledge from the cognitive frame of religious beliefs and practices in the Far East. Meditation is known as an advanced practice which not only requires a perfectly balanced body position, but also a well-trained mind. It is performed by individuals, often of high religious status, and requires practice, concentration and, above all, experience. What is also important to notice is that the bank frame is evoked by the verbal Sofia Bank logo only. The logo’s function is to anchor1 the whole reasoning about the baby and the meditation in the bank mental space. What happens during the composition of the blend is fusing this inexperienced newborn baby into this highly experienced individual from the meditation input and then again fused with the bank from the 1 For more on anchoring, see Forceville 1994.

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bank input. The Sofia Bank becomes thus personified. The vital relations of identity from all of the inputs become compressed into one entity in the blend – the baby. During completion, apart from recruiting the already mentioned background knowledge, what is also employed is the notion of experience, which is understood in much broader terms in the Eastern Asian area. In Eastern Asian religious beliefs, a hugely vivid notion is reincarnation, according to which after death a person’s soul is reborn in a new body, hence advancing in the hierarchies of being. Thus, elaboration runs the blend and gives rise to an apparent emergent structure where the baby, although being newborn, possesses all the experience from his previous lives, and in this way, is able and competent to perform this highly advanced religious practice. The emergent structure gives rise to an internally contradictory image of a child being simultaneously new to the world and experienced within it. This compressed image is the most powerful effect of the blend. It is skillfully used further to reason about Sofia Bank, the object of the advertisement. In effect, the bank is like the newborn baby on the poster: it is fresh to the surroundings, easily adaptable, and eager to open itself up to the ever-changing market, yet still possesses its huge experience from its previous incarnations. Thanks to this experience the bank is likely to proceed in its existence, avoiding mistakes which would otherwise be bound to happen to any beginning banking institution. It is crucial to note that the correct deciphering of the advertisement’s meaning is only possible after the viewer recognizes the pose the baby sits in and connects it with the religious practices of the Far East. It not only proves that the cross-cultural awareness is essential to understand an advertisement, but also stresses the fact that the reading and elaboration of a blend are individualized processes and may differ from person to person, depending on their background knowledge. The emerging image of the child in the “Experienced, although newborn” blend is used to advertise a notion which does not relate itself directly to the conceptual domain of children. Given a skillful manipulation of the elements within input spaces and the congruent emergent structure, the image of a child may serve as a very powerful tool of persuasion, especially in advertising. However, is it always effective to use blending to advertise a product? 2.5. So much is riding on your tires All three advertisements discussed in the previous sections used conceptual blending in arriving at their powerful persuasive effects. In all of the examples the input spaces were readily recognized, the mappings were projected smoothly, and the emergent structure was congruent, efficient and effortless to follow. It provided coherent inferences which were later used to arrive at conclusive judgments about the products which were advertised. The image of a child used in these advertisements seemed to be a very effective means of persuasion, which would adapt itself to the particular needs of the companies freely. In order to prove the necessity of an easy and effortless process of emergent structure formation and elaboration for the powerful persuasive effect of a blend, it is useful to consider an example of a less successful attempt at blending: an advertising poster designed for the Michelin tire company in Figure 5. 41

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Figure 5. Michelin ad: a baby sitting next to a tire The poster comes from a larger advertising campaign designed for the brand in the 1980s. This one presents a baby sitting next to a car tire. The background of the advertisement is dark, which provides contrast for the bright silhouette of the baby. In the top right-hand corner, there is a slogan which says: “Michelin. Because so much is riding on your tires”, and below it there is a body of text in small font, explaining briefly the main idea of the advertisement, followed by the Michelin logo. The organization of the elements in the picture attempts at a visual blend. The input spaces are, on the one hand, the baby space and, on the other, car driving, evoked metonymically via the image of the tire. Although tires are the object of the advertisement, putting one in the background of the picture seems not enough for the viewer to arrive at the car driving scenario, especially when there seems to be no interaction between the baby and the tire itself: both just stay there. Contrary to the situation hinted at by the anchoring slogan [“(…) so much is riding on your tires”], the situation in the picture is static, hence no scenario of motion is evoked directly. Although the input spaces are not readily recognizable and the counterpart mappings seem difficult to establish, the two inputs seem to share one generic idea, i.e. the notion of safety. What is curious is that the viewer is able to arrive at it only after several attempts are performed at composing the two elements into one picture and completing it further with the background knowledge of the car-driving conceptual frame: people generally need their children to feel safe and they themselves need to feel safe while driving. This conclusion may give rise to an emergent scenario which seems to be the intended meaning of the advertisement: the only way to provide safety for ourselves and our family, considered the greatest value in our lives, is having our car equipped with Michelin tires. This inference might be, however, questioned: proper tires evidently are important, but are they really the key factor for providing full safety while driving?

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Clearly, the blend composed for this advertisement requires a lot of cognitive effort to establish its internal elements and mappings. The emergent structure does not appear effortlessly, but on the contrary, the viewer following the principle of Relevance (see Fauconnier and Turner 1998: 340) seems forced to find the emergent meaning, which seems slightly farfetched. The judgments about Michelin tires, though, are drawn thanks to merging two highly distinctive elements into one picture, resulting in cause and effect compression. The image of a child used in this advertisement is based on the general associations people have of children: their vulnerability and dependence on others. It seems, however, to be rather poorly incorporated within the visual representation of the conceptual idea behind the advertisement. The baby in the picture does not indicate any relation with the tire positioned behind him. The persuasive effect of the poster would be achieved with less effort if there were some interaction between the two elements, for instance, if the baby were shown playing with the tire, imitating his parents driving a car. What seems to be crucial is that it is not enough merely to insert an image of a child into an advertisement to achieve its intended goal. Instead, skillful manipulation of the element is the key. Thus, in order to advertise a product in an attractive and efficient way, it is important to manipulate it aptly on the conceptual level. Although this particular poster does not use conceptual blending and the image of a child effectively, the whole Michelin advertising campaign, composed not only of posters but also of television commercials involving actual active integration between children and the Michelin tires, proved to be a huge success in the advertising world, providing the company with recognition and high stock ratings. Although being a part of a bigger campaign and potentially serving as a remainder of one, the poster analyzed in isolation does not achieve persuasive effects on its own but strongly depends on its larger context. 3. Summary The aim of this study was to analyze the role of the emergent structure in the conceptual integration networks as employed in advertising campaigns using images of children in achieving particular persuasive effects. The first part explained Conceptual Blending Theory, focusing specifically on the creation and role of the emergent structure, as well as the process of compression, which facilitates achieving the fundamental purpose of blending, i.e. achieving human scale, as well as, in more creative uses of integration networks, providing persuasive effects. It was stressed that the emergent structure arises as a result of projections of elements from input mental spaces to form a new structure within the integration networks, the blend. What was emphasized was the fact that this newly formed mental space is composed of the elements mapped from the inputs, but also it contains elements and relations not originating in any of the mental spaces involved in the process. As a result, new inferences arise in the conceptual networks, which are later used to reevaluate the elements in the inputs via multidirectional mappings. This process, backward projection, facilitates achieving the main purpose of the blend formation, that is providing global insight and human scale for the diffused notions. It is also efficient as a potential mechanism of persuasion. 43

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What is also important about blending is the local and automatic character of the process, i.e. it happens immediately after exposure to the input material, and once the inferences or the reevaluation of the concepts involved are reached, the blend is decomposed in the mind of the conceptualizer, leaving him/her with new judgments and opinions about the relevant notion. The second part focused on the analysis of the conceptual networks based on the visual input of four advertisements using an image of a child in order to achieve their persuasive effects. Each of the blends presented in the advertising posters developed their own unique emergent structure, where the image of a child played the key role in the evaluation of the advertised products. Four advertisements were analyzed, each coming from a larger advertising campaign. The first three examples provided a readily available coherent emergent structure, whereas in the fourth one the emergent structure was slightly difficult to establish due to the inconsistent structure of the mappings in the integration network. The analysis proved that in order for the blend to achieve its persuasive goals, it is crucial that it develops a well-organized and congruent emergent structure. In order to do that, the elements chosen for the creation of the blend must allow for coherent projections and form a structure which would be more than just a sum of the inputs. What is more, the construction of the emergent structure must be immediate and effortless for the arrival at coherent inferences and conclusions leading to persuasive effects. The emergent image of a child which was developed in the blends had a significant impact on the evaluation of the advertised products. The first poster equipped the image of the girl with features strongly associated with the adults’ view of the world, and juxtaposed the very positive cultural image of a child with a strongly negative side of human existence, which rendered the blend immensely powerful. The second poster emphasized the positive associations connected with children and projected them onto promoting adoption. The third advertisement presented a counterfactual image of a newborn baby already equipped with rich life-experience and used it to promote a notion not directly associated children. The forth advertisement used an image of a child least creatively of all the examples, i.e. the baby’s role was only to evoke the domain of children, but the emergent structure was not effortless to establish and hence rendered the blend diffuse. In all of the posters, though, the image of a child was used to project associations typically characteristic of children onto the advertised products, which was to result in an emotional response on the part of the viewers. In all of the advertising posters an image of a child was used which was later developed by the, stronger or weaker, emergent structure of the blends. It turned out that the blends which were able to form an effortless and immediate emergent structure provided a very vivid image of the child, which was later projected onto the advertised product. As a result, the advertisement was successful in achieving its persuasive goals by forcing the conceptualizer to project onto the advertised product the intensive feelings normally expressed towards children. In the case of the blend where the emergent structure was developed incoherently, the image of the child was static and rendered the advertisement less successful.

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To conclude, conceptual integration is a very prominent mechanism for achieving conceptual persuasion. A well-developed emergent structure is the key step in forming a coherent and internally consistent blend. For achieving the most effective integration networks it is not enough to choose juxtaposing notions and blend them together. Instead, skillful manipulation of these elements is even more crucial. References Brandt, Line and Per Aage Brandt. 2005. Making sense of a blend: A cognitive semiotic approach to metaphor. Annual Review of Cognitive Linguistics 3, 216-249. Evans, Vyvyan and Melanie Green. 2006. Cognitive Linguistics: An Introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Fauconnier, Gilles. 2005. Compression and emergent structure. Language and Linguistics 6(4), 523-538. Fauconnier, Gilles and Mark Turner. 1995. Conceptual integration and formal expression. Metaphor and Symbolic Activity 10(3), 183-203. Fauconnier, Gilles and Mark Turner. 1998. Conceptual integration networks. In: Geeraerts, Dirk (ed.), Cognitive Linguistics: Basic Readings, 303-371. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Fauconnier, Gilles and Mark Turner. 2000. Compression and global insight. Cognitive Linguistics 11(3/4), 283-304. Fauconnier, Gilles and Mark Turner. 2002. Conceptual Blending and the Mind’s Hidden Complexities. New York: Basic Books. Forceville, Charles. 1994. Pictorial metaphor in advertisements. Metaphor and Symbolic Activity 9, 1-29. Joy, Annamma, Sherry John F. and Jonathan Deschenesa. 2009. Conceptual blending in advertising. Journal of Business Research 62, 39-49. Kövecses, Zoltán. 2006. Language, Mind, and Culture: A Practical Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Turner, Mark. 2006. Compression and representation. Language and Literature 15(1), 17-27. http://┐ ssrn.com/abstract=1672132 (22 March 2013) Turner, Mark. 2007. Frame Blending. In: Rossini Favretti, Rema (ed.), Frames, Corpora, and Knowledge Representation, 13-32. Bologna: Bononia University Press. http://ssrn.com/┐ abstract=1321302 (22 March 2013) List of figures Figure 1 Mechanism of blending, http://markturner.org/blending.html (10 October 2012) Figure 2 http://adsoftheworld.com/media/print/chupa_chups_jumper (10 October 2012) Figure 3 http://adsoftheworld.com/media/print/the_indian_association_for_promotion┐ _of_adoption_child_welfare_mother_daughter (11 October 2012) Figure 4 http://adsoftheworld.com/media/print/sofia_bank_baby_1 (10 October 2012) Figure 5 http://www.startupnation.com/images/pages/articles/12-3-28-Branding-article/ Michelin02.jpg (10 October 2012) 45

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Małgorzata Waśniewska University of Warsaw

10.15290/cr.2017.17.2.03

The socio-parasite and bio-parasite metaphorical concepts in racist discourse

Abstract. Defined as the transfer of meaning from one conceptual domain to another (Lakoff and Johnson 1980; Lakoff 1993), metaphors play a key role not only in the thought process, where they facilitate the understanding of complex concepts, as well as determine and shape people’s attitudes and perceptions of reality, but also in the way we speak, as they strongly influence the storage and organisation of information. The main aim of the paper is to identify and evaluate the people are parasites metaphor employed while referring to racial outgroups, and to review its different forms of usage on the white-supremacist Internet forum  Stormfront.org according to the bio -parasite / socio-parasite categorisation framework proposed by Musolff (2016). The analysis of the metaphors unveils a slight target-dependant variation in the conceptual frame employed, which, in consequence, may influence the actions of forum users. Key words: Conceptual Metaphor Theory, socio-parasite, bio-parasite, racism, antisemitism, ideology.

1. Bio -parasite and socio -parasite as metaphorical concepts Since the publication of Lakoff and Johnson’s influential book Metaphors We Live By in 1980 Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) has inspired extensive research into the influence of our language system on our perception of reality and resulting actions. The CMT view of a metaphor extends beyond its usage as a decorative rhetorical device: metaphors allow us to understand and express complex, abstract or problematic concepts through others that are “highly structured and clearly delineated” (Lakoff and Johnson 1980: 61) in the process that Lakoff and Johnson call metaphorical mapping (ibid. 246) or cross-domain mapping (Lakoff 1993: 203) between the source domain and the actual target (ibid. 207). As our experience of reality is largely structured by a conceptual system that is predominantly metaphorical in nature (see Lakoff and Johnson 1980/2003: 3f), metaphors also shape how we perceive ourselves and the surrounding reality, and can therefore determine our actions and reactions to various phenomena.1 Considering that one’s conceptual system is generally not consciously acknowledged, our behaviour is mostly automatic (ibid. 3), and that is 1 For a study of behavioural responses to different metaphorical framings of the social issue of crime see Thibodeau et al. 2009.

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why consistently repeated and reinforced metaphors have the potential to modify our worldview, and consequently our actions, without our awareness. This feature makes the metaphor a dangerous weapon in the arsenal of political propaganda. As shown by many examples in history, this weapon can be especially deadly when employed in the context of the ‘us’ against ‘them’ antithesis, such as the representation of racial and ethnic minorities. Parasites are one of the most prevalent source domains of metaphors in racist and extreme rightwing political discourse, but the concept is by no means uniform. For the purpose of this paper I will employ the bio-parasite/socio-parasite categorisation framework proposed by Musolff (2016). The general people are parasites metaphor is aimed not only at degrading, demeaning, and dehumanising an individual or group; it also serves as an argument justifying banishment and, in extreme cases, total annihilation of whoever happens to be the target. The categorisation of an outgroup as parasites is a prototypical example of semantic mapping between the source domain of biology and the social target domain, where the parasite is presented as a menace for two reasons: first, it feeds off the life force of the host, and second, it simultaneously infects the body with a deadly disease (see Musolff 2016: 73). The metaphor implies the urgent need to get rid of the parasite in order to save the host body, which makes it the weapon of choice in propaganda discourse advocating the total extermination of the enemy. It is important to note that parasites themselves do not actually elicit a fear response similar to that we experience when attacked by a wild animal; it is rather the feeling of disgust and the threat of infection and contamination that incites the urge to get rid of the foreign body. This universal human reaction to all things loathsome and repulsive is known as the behavioural immune system. This series of self-defensive psychological mechanisms is aimed at protecting the body against the threat of infection by (1) detecting the presence of pathogens that could potentially enter the body, (2) eliciting an aversive emotional and cognitive response, and (3) promoting a behavioural reaction to the threat (see Schaller and Park 2011). The feeling of disgust plays a key role in the behavioural immune system, and is thus crucial for ensuring survival and maintaining health when the risk of an actual biological infection is high (ibid. 100). However, a similar reaction can be observed when no real risk of contagion is present – the response is instead triggered by an association of an outgroup with issues of disease and infection, for instance a comparison to a viable biological threat such as a parasite. Hodson et al. argue: (1) To the extent that an outgroup reminds us of something disgusting, or is associated with contagionrelevant concerns, the outgroup can itself evoke a disgust reaction. In addition, the practices and norms of another group can instantiate an automatic disgust reaction even when that group does not directly pose a sense of threat to one’s own group (Hodson et al. 2014: 274).

The most infamous usage of the people are parasites metaphor is undoubtedly Third Reich propaganda, where it was used to legitimise the Holocaust during World War II. Jews were represented as parasitic organisms such as leeches, lice, bacteria or viruses (see Smith 2011: 26). Their 47

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extermination was thus seen as a therapeutic activity and a matter of hygiene. The worldview presented in Nazi propaganda is perhaps best summarised by the German scholar Musolff in his analysis of figurative language in Mein Kampf, Adolf Hitler’s 1925 autobiographical book: (2) The source imagery of Hitler’s political worldview consisted in the conceptualization of the German (but, in principle, every) nation as a human body that had to be shielded from disease (or, in case of an outbreak, cured). Jewish people, who were conceptually condensed into the super-category of “the Jew” and viewed as an illness-spreading parasite, represented the danger of disease. Deliverance from this threat to the nation’s life would come from Hitler and his party as the only competent healers who were willing to fight the illness (Musolff 2007: 25).

The Holocaust, although undoubtedly the most well-known, is certainly not the only instance of using the people are parasites metaphor throughout history. Just like the Jews in the Third Reich, Armenians were likened to parasites in Turkish propaganda during the genocide of 19151953, with an equally gruesome outcome: an estimated 1.5 million people were murdered by starvation, stabbing, clubbing or other methods that did not require the use of bullets, which were deemed too valuable (Smith 2011: 156). Similarly, the metaphor was used during the Chinese Cultural Revolution in 1966 to label capitalist ‘enemies of the state’ that the Party needed to be rid of (ibid. 149); approximately 1.5 million people were killed, and millions of others suffered imprisonment and torture. These are just some examples that illustrate the implications of such a conceptualisation of the enemy; still, it is plain to see that the people are parasites metaphor can be directly linked to genocide, and “those who use parasite metaphors to stigmatise others risk being accused of articulating a Nazi-like world view” (Musolff 2016: 73). Due to its widespread usage, the term parasite is certainly worth a closer inspection. Musolff (2016: 74) distinguishes two main variations of the term parasite: bio-parasite – a plant, fungus or animal that feeds off another organism and transmits a potentially lethal disease, and socio-parasite, an individual or a group that lives at the expense of others. The dictionary definition reveals that parasite, derived from the ancient Greek parasitos (“person who eats at the table of another”, Online Etymology Dictionary), was originally used to denote a priest who participated in communal meals, and later employed to humorously describe any freeloader that takes from a community without offering anything substantial in return (see Musolff 2016: 75). As the term became a biological category only in the mid-seventeenth century and had not been lexicalised as such before the eighteenth century, it is surprising to note that the concept of socio-parasite actually predates that of bio-parasite, with the transfer of meaning from the social to the biological domain (according to CMT, it is rather expected that a concrete concept would be used to facilitate understanding of an abstract one) (ibid. 75f). With its widespread use in biological research at the end of the eighteenth century, the term parasite was once more re-metaphorised from the biological to the social domain, but this time it was applied to whole groups instead of isolated individuals, and its usage lost all its comedic un48

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dertones due the comparison to potentially dangerous parasitic plant and animal species (see Musolff 2016: 77). Because of that, the referents were no longer categorised as humans, but rather as a separate species of organisms that feeds of the body of a nation. It is in that form that the socioparasite concept came into usage in dehumanising discourse as a metaphor targeting the monarchy, aristocracy, bourgeoisie, capitalists, etc. in revolutionary wars from the eighteenth to the twentieth century (ibid. 76). The Soviet Union introduced actual anti-parasite legislation in 1961, allowing courts to sentence individuals who either refused to work or whose labour was considered an insufficient contribution to society (including intellectuals and artists, as well as political dissidents) to up to five years of exile (see Fitzpatrick 2006). The concept that Musolff refers to as socio-parasite 2 “became a class name for groups that were deemed to damage the whole society and needed to be controlled or destroyed” (2016: 77), meaning that, for the first time in history, the term parasite was linked to dehumanisation, violence towards whole outgroups, and mass killings. This new concept of socio-parasite is perhaps best illustrated by the narrator in the 1940 Nazi propaganda film Der Ewige Jude: “He buys and sells, but produces nothing. The production he leaves to the workers and farmers of the host nation. The Jews are a people without farmers or workers: a race of parasites” (Hippler 1940, English subtitles provided on the website). The Jews are presented in the film as a collective that unscrupulously employs an immoral and destructive economic strategy in order to exploit the host nation. What makes them especially dangerous is the fact that it is not enough for them to simply use the resources without making any contribution to society; it is in their best interest to deteriorate the condition of the host body by infecting it with a deadly disease. The narrator continues: “Wherever the body of a nation shows a wound, they anchor themselves and feed on the decaying organism. They make business out of the sickness of a nation, and therefore endeavour to deepen and prolong all conditions of sickness” (Hippler 1940). The Jews are thus a parasite of a dual kind: not only a socio-parasite, but also a re-metaphorised version of a bio-parasite – an organism that infects the body and causes a physical illness. This new concept, which Musolff calls bio-parasite 2, is the result of yet another change of direction in the transfer of meaning, this time from the social to the biological domain (Musolff 2016: 77f). The prevalence of the socio-parasite concept in public discourse led to the anthropomorphisation of parasites in scientific research, implying that these organisms are in fact “intentionally and deliberately ‘insidious’, ‘harmful’ or ‘destructive’” (Musolff 2016: 78). Anthropomorphism in source domains of animalistic metaphors is generally a common phenomenon, with animals such as wolves, pigs and rats often being accused of possessing the same worst character traits we fear in humans. As Waytz et al. point out: (3) Anthropomorphism goes beyond providing purely behavioral or dispositional descriptions of observable actions (such as noting that a coyote is fast or aggressive); it involves attributing characteristics that people intuitively perceive to be uniquely human to nonhuman agents or events. (...) Anthropomorphism therefore includes both physical features (...) and mental capacities that people

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believe are uniquely human, such as the capacity to have conscious awareness, possess explicit intentions, or experience secondary emotions (e.g., joy, pride, shame, guilt) (Waytz et al. 2010: 59).

On the one hand, anthropomorphism makes non-human agents worthy of moral consideration; on the other hand, agency attribution leads to them being perceived as liable for their own actions and hence deserving appropriate punishment (see Gray et al. 2007: 619). The vocabulary of modern parasitology is in fact largely shaped by our knowledge of manners and customs related to hospitality and relations with strangers in general. For instance, the organism that nourishes another is called a host, and the life environment of a parasite is described as hospitable or hostile. Moreover, parasites are often presented as conscious agents that employ various strategies and methods to enter a host body. An important element of the image is the bio-parasite’s 2 ability to enter the body unnoticed, conceal his presence and delay the onset of the symptoms of illness, making the host unaware of infection until it is too late: “Outwardly, they try to act just like the host peoples. (...) Therein lies the enormous danger: these assimilated Jews remain forever foreign bodies in the organisms of their host peoples, regardless of appearances” (Hippler 1940). In Third Reich propaganda, arguably the most extreme example of applying the people are parasites metaphor, the Jews are portrayed as a threat not only to society, but also to the physical and spiritual wellness of the Aryan race, which makes them more than simply a socio-parasite. The metaphor of Jewish race parasite combines the standard notion of a group living at the expense of another with the concept of bio-parasite 2, i.e. a separate biological species (the Jewish race) that is morally responsible for its actions and must be eradicated for the sake of community health, as well as an element of demonic or satanic influence on the world at large (see Musolff 2016: 79f). As Musolff observes: (4) the

socio-parasite

2 concept can be further developed into the notion of a biological threat to the host

society that must be eliminated at all cost. The concepts of

bio-

and

socio-parasites

are blended into the

construct of a superparasite 2, which combines deadly dangerousness with devilish cunning (Musolff 2016: 80).

The superparasite concept offers a new outlook on a racial group as well as a new weapon in the propaganda arsenal. On top of economic and biological destruction it introduces an element of spiritual parasitism, a concept widely elaborated in Third Reich propaganda (see Bärsch 2002: 49ff). At present, its use is marginal and restricted to extreme political communities, such as the users of the Stormfront forum. It is important to note that the parasite metaphor used in relation to whole groups is not simply an epithet aimed at insulting someone, as is the case in interpersonal usage towards an individual; the metaphor functions as a description and statement, and can therefore be interpreted as a death threat. Regardless of which type of parasite people are categorised as, one thing remains constant: the parasite is always seen as a foreign body, an alien that sneaks in uninvited and therefore has no right to freedom or any type of resources. The metaphor implies the need to control 50

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the threat, either through banishment or extermination; any communication, negotiation or cooperation is out of the question. 2. Racism in the digital age The people are parasites metaphor has been used to dehumanise groups that were perceived as undesirable since the eighteenth century, and has since been widely reproduced in literature, political discourse, print media and on television. In recent years, however, it is most often employed in the context of ethnicity and race, and related issues such as immigration. The Internet, undoubtedly one of the most revolutionary inventions in the history of human communication, has provided a new kind of outlet for the reproduction of racist discourse, one where conventional mechanisms of control, such as state-imposed censorship or legal regulations, are no longer applicable. Thanks to the Internet all users are granted almost limitless access to information, as well as the possibility to reach nearly anyone on Earth. Perhaps most importantly, people with extreme views on race who in the real world would be exposed to criticism and social stigma because of their beliefs can enjoy relative anonymity and impunity for their actions. As a source of examples of usage of the people are parasites metaphor I will use one of the most infamous Internet websites representing an undeniably racist worldview - Stormfront.org, widely considered the first major on-line platform dedicated to promoting white supremacy, nationalism and extreme rightwing ideology (see Levin 2003: 363). Stormfront’s slogan proclaims that “Every month is White history month”, and the website claims to be the voice to “the new, embattled White minority” (Stormfront.org). Registered members are greeted with an introductory message from Stephen Donald “Don” Black, a former Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan and the owner of the website: (5) We are a community of men and women working to ensure the survival of our people and a future for our children. We have grown steadily since first going online in 1995. We now reach over sixty thousand unique visitors a day, but we have a long way to go. Our ultimate success will depend upon all of us, so we encourage you to participate in our forums and become active in your local community.

In fact, according to Google Analytics the site has approximately 30 thousand unique visitors a day (as of March 2017, Google Analytics 2017). The e-mail urges the users to try their best to conceal their identities and to follow the guidelines for posting, including avoidance of profanity and “racial epithets” (these are indeed censored, for instance by using abbreviations or asterisks), and the application of self-censorship: “Don’t post anything you wouldn’t want attributed to you in a court of law, quoted on the front page of the New York Times, or read by your mother” (Stormfront.org 2017). The website was first launched in 1991 in the form of an on-line bulletin board in support of David Duke, the former Imperial Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, running for a post in the U.S. Senate (see Swan and Nieli 2003: 153f). It was in 1995 that Black realised its potential for reaching millions of people with a similar worldview and transformed it into the massive Internet forum it is today (ibid. 155), hosting almost 250,000 active members (as of April 2017, Stormfront.org). All 51

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examples in this article come from the English-speaking forum sections and are quoted with the original spelling and punctuation; emoticons, images and extra spaces were removed. The year of each of the posts is given in brackets. The examples were gathered with the help of the forum search tool provided by the website, and priority was given to the most recent posts of forum members. 3. Metaphors and the ideology of white-supremacy The worldview of users of the Stormfront forum is firmly grounded in white-supremacist ideology, which is unsurprising, considering that many users identify themselves as Ku Klux Klan members, and, as mentioned before, the founder of the website himself is a former high-ranking KKK official. Consequently, much of the racial hatred expressed on the forum is directed towards AfricanAmericans, a group that is considered inferior to whites or even subhuman. Black people are often portrayed as either aggressive animals or “beasts of burden”, lacking the refinement and mental capacities that characterise the more advanced white society. As targets of the people are parasites metaphor black people are most commonly represented as socio-parasites 2 due to their alleged inherent laziness, lack of motivation and dependence on the welfare system in host countries: (6) The only way to get blacks out of USA or any other white country is to convince them there are better welfare payments, freebies and a pot of gold in Africa....the parasite always feeds off the fattest host (Stormfront.org 2017). (7) What would the average Black slave have become if he had been freed? We have the answer to this: He would keep working on his original plantation for a paycheck that amounts to nothing more than the benefits he got when he was a slave, and his freedom had thus expanded to either going to work on another plantation for the same pay, or moving north and trying to mooch off the naive pity of the antislavery libtards of the time. Few took that last option because it was the unknown and required thought and effort. The opportunity to become a welfare parasite had to be brought to the southern Negro’s door by libfags from the north because Blacks are so inferior that they would have remained slaves forever rather than figure out how to live off other people’s tax money (Stormfront.org 2016).

In the case of African-Americans or black people in general, socio-parasite 2 could be exchanged for a more specific welfare parasite concept. As opposed to more economically aggressive targets such as the Jews, the welfare parasite does not strive for financial dominance or actively seek ways to enrich itself at the cost of a community; instead it passively waits for government handouts, reproducing rapidly and excessively burdening the welfare system of the host country, and, in consequence, the white taxpayers. The black race is not the only target of the people are welfare parasites metaphor; other non-white minorities are also commonly categorised as a burden to the state: (8) If we lived in a pure free market society, I would still prefer to live in a white nation, but the presence of non-whites would be far less detrimental to whites. This is because of the lower IQ of Hispanics and

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blacks, which means less of them succeed, which means more money in welfare payments from whites to blacks and Hispanics. This practice of parasitism has now become a part of black and Hispanic culture, to the point where people who could succeed in the marketplace instead choose to be a parasite because of the cultural acceptance in their communities of that life strategy, as well as basic human nature which dictates that one get the greatest degree of resources for the least amount of effort (Stromfront.org 2016). (9) Exactly these idiot beans and nigs and Ricans act like they wish whites would just disappear or go back to Europe too stupid and brainwashed to realize that the whole reason they come to America is because of what whites made it and live off our system and welfare\tax dollars, our government, our inventions, our schools, our buildings, our medical and scientific achievements which they could never come close to mimicking in their craphole third world garbage dump slum failure countries. (...) Well then don’t live in the lands we settled then parasite. (...) Name one thing your people have contributed to this country? Besides a sky high crime rate? (Stormfront.org 2015)

As in any other instance of usage of the people are parasites construct, the non-whites are welfare parasites metaphor implies an immediate call to action. In this case, the proposed solutions to the problem largely suggest a reform of the state and “cutting off” from all government benefits. Any further actions are considered optional, as the non-whites are expected to leave the country should state aid be taken away from them. Interestingly, Asians seem to be considered relatively high up on the evolutionary ladder and “close” to the white race in terms of culture, intelligence and usefulness in a community. Several posts even suggest that a peaceful co-existence of the two races would be possible in a utopian White-Asian society. On the other hand, even though they are not typically deemed welfare parasites, there are still whole threads employing the asians are socio-parasites 2 metaphor. Asians are seen as a threatening race that strives for domination over the white race: (10) They lie and they cheat and they steal constantly. They, like every other non-White race, swarm into White nations for a better life, bringing their corruption with them and destroying what we have, all while telling us how oppressive and hateful and vile we are (Stormfront.org 2016). (11) How can a superior race be dominated by a lesser race then? I mean white race be dominated by Asians and controlled by the jews (Stromfront.org 2017) (12) How can a man be dominated by the combination of a mosquito and a malaria parasite? Stop thinking in terms of superior and inferior and start thinking in terms of hosts and parasites. We need to cleanse the hosts and keep the parasites from doing what parasites do. We need to make the hosts healthy and parasite free. We need complete and total racial separation. Stop the hate, separate (Stormfront.org 2017).

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In the case of Asians integrated in Western societies it is hard to pinpoint the actual mappings between the source and target domains of the asians are parasites metaphor. One possible explanation supported by example (12) is that the sole issue that fuels this conceptualisation of Asians is in fact race, meaning the categorisation of a group in terms of a separate biological species. This would suggest a blend with the concept of bio-parasite, with the focus predominantly on biological aspects of the source domain. 4. Immigrants and biological infection Immigration has always been a heated political topic, especially in the context of non-white refugees with a different cultural and religious background coming to Western countries. In recent years, particularly since the 9/11 attacks, this difficult debate has been fuelled by fear of an impending terrorist threat coming from the Muslim world. Europe has also experienced a shift in the perception of immigrants and refugees, with multiple European citizens with an immigrant background involved in terrorist activities raising important questions about the viability and effectiveness of immigrant integration programmes. Both in Europe and the US this general fear of immigration has contributed to an overwhelming rise in support for populist right-wing political parties and politicians, and many have now established themselves in a position of power. Unsurprisingly, the Stormfront community represents a radical political stance in this debate. The main issue raised by the immigrants are parasites metaphor remains that of money, that is financial support for refugees and migrants provided by the state. In the overwhelming majority of cases the concept of socio-parasite 2 is employed to underline the economic aspects of migration: (13) It’s the smell of money that will be the migrants demise, these people aren’t looking for refugee, they are searching for the best welfare system to exploit and parasite on (Stormfront.org 2015). (14) [Re: Superior home for Syrian refugees]. Let me get this straight,the government bought a five star mansion for a jobless parasite welfare suckling family? No wonder they call it broken britain! (Stormfront. org 2017) (15) Unfortunately it’s not your average person that wanted the government to plow our hard earned taxes into these oxygen thieves (Stormfront.org 2017). (16) Muslims are a destructive parasite to any host they latch onto. They are a non assimilating populace feeding off the sympathy of half wits. Wait until they become the majority within a particular living space, and you’ll see how peaceful these refugees are (Stormfront.org 2017).

In addition to being destructive to the economy and draining the host country’s resources, immigrants are also accused of carrying actual parasites (bio-parasite 1/2) and infecting the host population in a scenario that Musolff calls a “double parasite whammy” (Musolff 2016: 78):

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(17) It’s the homeless ex-servicemen epidemic that is truly disgusting as they are the ones that should be getting housing, not some flea ridden parasite from some sandpit south of the equator (Stormfront.org 2017). (18) [Re: The floating slum on stilts: Staggering pictures of the families who fight for survival on a sea of festering filth] Breeding ground for super viruses (Stormfront.org 2017).

In the thread entitled 8 ways illegal immigrants are making you sick the author enumerates several diseases carried by immigrants, including cysticercosis, a parasitic disease caused by the pork tapeworm, and adds: (19) You can call me a racist all you want, but if turning a blind eye to (or heaven forbid, welcoming with open arms) these illegals means opening up my children’s children to these awful diseases, you can forget it. I won’t stand for what these moochers are doing to our land, our school-rooms or our hospitals—and neither should you (Stormfront.org 2008).

It is interesting to note that these examples from an extremist white-nationalist Internet forum are in fact not that different from those found in mainstream media (compare Musolff 2016: 80-87). The worldview expressed through the immigrants are parasites metaphor has now moved from the periphery to the very centre of public discourse, which raises the following question: can the radical attitudes presented on a forum such as Stormfront.org any longer be described as truly “marginal” or “extremist”? 5. The ultimate global superparasite The Jews, both the ones that live within American or European societies and the ones in Israel, are undeniably the most loathed, feared and hated racial group represented on the forum, with almost every thread containing some form of attribution of blame for any event that is seen as detrimental to the well-being of society or the white race in general. It is important to note that Jews are considered a separate race, essentially non-white but able to blend into white society because of physical similarities (the blonde and fair-skinned Barbara Streisand is often named as one example of such an impostor). That clear categorisation of Jews as a biologically defined race in a literal sense is identical to the view of “the Jewish race” promoted in Third Reich propaganda. Another link between the worldview of the Nazi Party and that of Stormfront users is a portrayal of the Jewish race that falls in line with not just one, but multiple variants of the people are parasites metaphor. First, the Jews are portrayed as the socio-parasite 2, i.e. a collective of individuals who do not produce any goods or make any other form of contribution to society, while simultaneously extorting more than their fair share of resources. Consider these examples: (20) Jews piggybacked the settlement of Europeans in North America & applied their well rehearsed number one party trick, c’est-à-dire mafioso tactics/money lending & banking malpractices in a new

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nation populated by desperate Europeans who were too busy enriching themselves to even care about the parasite which was prospering in their new land (Stormfront.org, 2017). (21) The darker the city, the more of the nightclubs seem to crop up. No doubt Jews own a lot of them, they are a parasite on the local community which is just the sort of “business” Jews like (Stormfront.org, 2017). (22) Jews think all non-jews,approximately 98% of mankind are cattle to serve the jews and all fruits/ money/possesions of the people belong to the jews. Very vile and dangerous people. A jew is never a victim but always the perpetrator !!! (Stormfront.org, 2017). (23) The real enemy is the parasite within that has latched hold of all the levers of power and influence in the West (Stormfront.org 2017).

The destructive force of the socio-parasite 2 lies within its ability to take money and goods from honest, hard-working white people. The Jews employ immoral, illegal or at least dishonest tactics to make profit off an unsuspecting, innocent and naive community. In contrast to Black or Hispanic racial groups, they do not limit themselves to living off government handouts in the form of welfare cheques; their strategy is to establish themselves in a position of power that grants them unlimited access to money and other assets. Secondly, the portrayal of Jews on the Stormfront forum meets all the conditions of the bio-parasite 2 scenario, that is: (1) the target is categorised as a separate species whose survival strategy involves actual biological parasitism; (2) the target cannot thrive on its own; the non-mutual relationship with the host is a necessary condition for survival; (3) the target either weakens the host by extracting vital nutrients, causes a biological illness with its presence, or infects the body with a deadly disease. As mentioned before, the Jews are considered a separate race that is hostile to whites. In addition, they are often portrayed as a different biological species altogether, drawing from the source domain of well-known parasitic animals: (24) [Original post] Scientists have discovered a parasitic insect with a reproductive strategy straight out of an Alien movie. Dubbed the “crypt-keeper wasp,” it infects a rival species with its young, which, after hatching, proceed to chew their way out through the victim’s head. [Reply] Also known as the Jew Wasp. (Thread title: “Diabolical Parasite Grows Inside Baby Wasps and Eats Their Brains to Escape”, Stormfront. org 2017) (25) Every jew is a “holocaust survivor” because there was no Holocaust! I wonder when the Germans will finally grow some balls and say enough is enough and don’t let those jewish ticks fleece them anymore. Every dog knows a tick is a dangerous parasite and not a friend. Todays germans unfortunately don’t... (Stormfront.org 2017).

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The cuckoo is the perfect example of a source domain that is broadly known and embedded in folk mythology and group mentality. This brood parasite is known for laying its eggs in other birds’ nests so that the young are cared for and fed by the host. The premise led to the formation of the lexical blend “cuckservative”, a term used to describe conservative politicians that allow the parasite species to thrive in the host nest: (26) Zionists know that cuckservatives are their best friends, whereas the left features a lot of “anti-Semites” that dare to criticise Israel (see the UN, what a bunch of anti-Semites, and Obongo) (Stormfront.org 2017).

An important element of the parasite source domain is the ability of certain biological species to control the behaviour of the host by means of changing brain chemistry, causing a hormonal imbalance, or affecting the physical structure of the brain: (27) Everyone should read the life cycle of Toxoplasma gondii. It’s a brain eating parasite that infects mice, takes over the brain of the mouse so that they become unafraid of cats, then the cat eats the mouse and the parasite is able to reproduce in the cat, which then spreads the cysts to the environment where they are picked up again by more mice, starting the cycle all over again. The power of this parasite to take over and control the brains of mice for its own purposes, causing the mice to commit suicide in the process, is truly horrifying. That this parasite is able to do the same thing and take over and control the brains of humans is even more horrifying. And it has occured to me that the Jews have done something similar to the white race, by waging psychological warfare, and convincing whites to serve the Jews and to commit racial suicide in the process (Stormfront.org 2017). (28) “The jews are able to prevent us from listening to ourselves.” and that is what certain parasites in nature do, they take over the central nervous system and drive the host to kill itself. [external link: Suicide Grasshoppers Brainwashed by Parasite Worms]. (...) Whites are only committing suicide because they can literally no longer think. Their thinking has been hijacked by the Jewish parasite, which seeks to destroy it (Stormfront.org, 2017). (29) The jews are a kind of parasite. They are like slaver ants taking over a host ant colony. They get the workers to kill the host ant queen, then use up the host ant colony to make more slaver ants. When they have used up the host ants of one colony, they move on to another (Stormfront.org 2016).

This ability of the parasite to control the mind of the host and in effect turn him into a slave, drive him to self-destructive behaviour and ultimately suicide, or make him turn against his own species is what makes the jews are bio-parasites 2 metaphor so powerful and easy to decode. The enemy is not a stronger animal that can be seen, hunted, controlled and defeated; the strength of the metaphor lies in a universal fear of the unseen threat that slowly takes over our body and mind. 57

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Another example of mapping between the source and target domain in the jews are bio-parasites 2 metaphor is the fact that they are allegedly unable to survive on their own without a host body to feed off: (30) Even the Jews couldn’t live in other non-White civilizations, and had to parasite off Whites to survive, just like all the other non-Whites who they kid themselves they are superior to. If anything, this fact validates Whites intellectual superiority over all other races, including the Jew (Stormfront.org 2017).

The third and perhaps most fear-inducing aspect of the jews are bio-parasites 2 metaphor is the illness that they infect the host body with. In the worldview presented on the Stormfront forum the disease induced by the Jewish parasite is in fact immigration from non-white countries. The immigrants are seen as rapidly multiplying microbes, or, alternatively, another breed of parasite that feeds off the host body. This creates a double parasite infection scenario: the initial bio-parasite 2 infects the body and takes over the central nervous system making the host defenceless, while simultaneously introducing a whole army of socio-parasites 2 that drain the host’s resources: (31) The Jews are just parasite degenerate zionists on average. I expect them to push for the importation of blacks and arabs to our homelands, they are at war with us and our innocent young. That is to be expected, as are the muds attacking our women and children. I can’t blame them, that is what they do. They are animals of the lowest kind. There is no excuse for white cuck traitors though, i have no mercy for them. Crush them all out of existence. Not only as justice for the victims of this brown invasion, its a matter of racial hygiene. We cannot allow these traitors to thrive in our midst, they are cancer. If we clean up Europe (and we will) in 50 years the offspring of these mentally diseased cucks will be importing more savages to hurt our people (Stormfront.org 2017) (32) Its funny how the (((politicians))) can’t figure out the reality of why the natives (white europeans) are not having big families... let alone one child.. its because we are being financially restrained as well as cucked by paying for non-whites to eat, live, and reproduce off of us.. if politicians want to increase the native birthrates... they are going to have the biggest parasite out of their country that is creating this... and that is the jews/zionists that are in control or influencing that country... (Stormfront.org 2017)

In the case of the Jews, the symptoms of a parasite infection are sometimes similar to demonic possession. Another added dimension of the jews are parasites metaphor is the element of “spiritual” sickness that they inflict: (33) For example in my opinion as to why white western men are spiritually sick is because the one racial group that owns the majority of the media, entertainment, music, and everything else interjects poisonous ideologies and social norms onto our societies and on top of that.. when we resist this poison.. we are considered “intolerant”, “racist”, or whatever anti-white statement/slur they will throw at us... (Stormfront.org 2017)

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The spiritual parasite concept has already been explored by the Nazi Party, which likened the Jews to a satanic cult following the destructive religion of Judaism. In fact, both in German propaganda and on the Stormfront forum the Jews are often represented as the spawn of Satan, introducing an additional antithesis of “godly whites” versus “devil-worshipping Jews”, often supported by biblical examples: (34) A “good jew” would have been Jesus. But the Jews killed him because he wanted to save them from their sickness called Judaism. A good jew would be a jew that is not a jew anymore. Like a Viper with it’s poisonous fangs removed! Jews are very dangerous because they are the children of Satan (Stormfront.org 2017). (35) Jesus was no jew! Jesus wanted to save the Jews though from their sickness called Judaism but the Childen of Satan killed him like they killed Hitler who wanted to free the Germans from the jewish parasites. Only a dead parasite is a good parasite! (Stormfront.org 2017). (36) Parasite jews burrow into a Christian country and do all kinds of damage from the inside (Stormfront. org 2017).

Just as in Third Reich propaganda, a seemingly incompatible blend of the socio- and bio-parasite concepts with the element of demonic or diabolical forces gives way to the all-encompassing superparasite. 6. Conclusions The examples from the Stormfront forum discussed above all tend to follow the same pattern of usage and play a part in the narrative-argumentative scrounge scenario (see Musolff 2016: 83-84), one where the outgroup scrounges from the ingroup. The people are parasites metaphor employs terminology that presents the target as a disgusting and dangerous biological organism and castigates non-white racial groups (including Jews) as detrimental to the host body. In contrast to the relatively simple scenarios employed by mainstream media, where the usage of the people are parasites metaphor tends to be viewed as highly controversial, the worldview presented on the Stormfront forum is far more complex and can be summarised as the following scenario: ‘International Jewry’ is a global superparasite: as socio-parasites 2 they feed off the resources of the host community and avoid any form of contribution; as bio-parasites 2 they represent a separate species that attempts to conceal its presence by mimicking the host while slowly poisoning the host body, intentionally preventing natural processes of healing, and driving the host to self-destruction by means of mind control. The nation of Israel is the world parasite that follows that same strategy on a global scale: it takes the resources of the host community (all the world’s nations), infects the world body with a chronic illness, and blocks its natural defence mechanisms. After gaining both economic and psychological control of the host, the parasite drives the host to extinction by weakening the body’s immunity against the socio-parasite/welfare 59

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parasite that was already present in the community (African-Americans, Asians, Indians, etc.) and introducing a new infection of rapidly multiplying socio-parasites (non-white immigrants) that further drain the host’s resources. These new socio-parasites are in turn infected by actual parasites (bio-parasite 1/2) that contaminate the host population. The infection that spreads to all parts of the body is not only biological, economic and psychological in nature; the presence of the superparasite also affects the spiritual domain by undermining true faith and values. This apocalyptic representation of political reality is no coincidence. As Musolff argues: (37) Scenarios in themselves are not metaphor-specific or grounded in a particular source domain, but should rather be seen as conceptual patterns that emerge in discourse and are made narratively and argumentatively coherent by specific metaphors, which in turn makes them prime candidates for ‘selffulfilling prophecies’ (Musolff 2016: 87),

and it is therefore fair to assume that the structuring of a metaphorical scenario is in fact a conscious and deliberate act where both the speakers and the recipients are fully aware of its implications and the ideology they subscribe to (see Musolff 2016: 88). This elevates the status of the metaphor from a vehicle of unconscious bias to socially meaningful action, where the authors can and indeed should be held accountable for its implications. The people are parasites metaphor is especially persuasive, as it entails an immediate call to action whose effects can potentially be no longer metaphorical. If the cognitive impact on the recipients is, just as in the case of Third Reich propaganda, full social acceptance of a biased worldview, the real-world consequences can in fact be catastrophic. The constantly evolving people are parasites metaphor definitely merits further consideration, especially at the present time, with right-wing ideology rapidly gaining support on both sides of the Atlantic. Extreme views held by marginal communities such as Stormfront are now making their way into public and political discourse, and, as demonstrated in this article, Conceptual Metaphor Theory can be a useful tool in the identification and analysis of such phenomena. While a prescriptive approach aimed at counteracting such discourses is beyond the scope of this paper, cognitive metaphor analysis can be successfully employed by international projects such as C.O.N.T.A.C.T. (reportinghate.eu) to raise awareness about hate speech and construct a legal framework supporting victims of violence. References Bärsch, Claus-Ekkehard. 2002. Die politische Religion des Nationalsozialismus. Munich: Fink. Fitzpatrick, Sheila. 2006. Social parasites: How tramps, idle youth, and busy entrepreneurs impeded the soviet march to communism. Cahiers du Monde russe 47(1/2), 377–408. Gray, Heather M., Gray Kurt and Daniel M. Wegner. 2007. Dimensions of mind perception. Science 315, 619.

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Hodson, Gordon, Kteily Nour and Mark Hoffarth. 2014. Of filthy pigs and subhuman mongrels: dehumanization, disgust, and intergroup prejudice. TPM - Testing, Psychometrics, Methodology in Applied Psychology 21(3), 267-284. Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lakoff, George. 1993. The contemporary theory of metaphor. In: Ortony, Andrew (ed.), Metaphor and Thought, 202-251. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Levin, Brian. 2003. Cyberhate. In: Perry, Barbara (ed.), Hate and Bias Crime: A Reader, 363-382. New York/London: Routledge. Musolff, Andreas. 2007. What role do metaphors play in racial prejudice? The function of antisemitic imagery in Hitler’s “Mein Kampf”. Patterns of Prejudice 41(1), 21-44. Musolff, Andreas. 2016. Political Metaphor Analysis. Discourse and Scenarios. London: Bloomsbury Academic. Schaller, Mark and Justin H. Park. 2011. The behavioral immune system (and why it matters). Current Directions in Psychological Science 20, 99-103. Smith, David Livingstone. 2011. Less Than Human: Why We Demean, Enslave, and Exterminate Others. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Swain, Carol M. and Russ Nieli. 2003. Contemporary Voices of White Nationalism in America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Thibodeau, Paul H., McClelland James L. and Lera Boroditsky. 2009. When a bad metaphor may not be a victimless crime: The role of metaphor in social policy. In: Taatgen, Niels and Hedderik van Rijn (eds.), Proceedings of the 31st Annual Conference of the Cognitive Science Society, 809814. Austin, TX: Cognitive Science Society. Waytz, Adam, Epley Nicholas and John T. Carcioppo. 2010. Social cognition unbound: Insights into anthropomorphism and dehumanization. Current Directions in Psychological Science 19(1), 58–62. Internet sources Google Analytics https://www.seethestats.com/site/stormfront.org (10 April 2017) Hippler, Fritz. 1940. Der Ewige Jude. https://archive.org/details/1940-Der-Ewige-Jude (10 April 2017). Online Etymology Dictionary http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=parasite&allowed_in┐ _frame=0 (15 April 2017) Stormfront.org (10 April 2017)

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Shuai Zhang1 Shaoqian Luo2 10.15290/cr.2017.17.2.04 Beijing Normal University Beijing Normal University

A study on conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions in English writing by Chinese secondary school students

Abstract. This study addresses the issue of conceptual transfer in Chinese EFL learners’ use of prepositions under the guidance of Image Schema Theory, aiming to explore the cognitive underpinnings of conceptual transfer. By observing linguistic data from the learner corpus WCEL (Writing Corpus of English Learners), part of ICCI (The International Corpus of Crosslinguistic Interlanguage), this study summarises types and manifestations of conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions in English writing by Chinese secondary school students, and analyses corresponding cognitive causes of conceptual transfer. Data processing software, AntConc, is used for observation of concordance lines according to the minimum assumption proposed by Sinclair (2004) in corpus-based studies. It is found that errors made by students in their use of English prepositions are mainly caused by negative conceptual transfer of the Chinese language; positive conceptual transfer also exists. Conceptual transfer is mainly caused by cognitive similarities and differences between English and Chinese, represented by image schemas. Key words: conceptual transfer, image schema, prepositions, English writing, Chinese secondary school students.

1. Introduction Language transfer has been a central issue in second language acquisition (SLA) research. It is not only the result of language learning, but also a process in which human cognition and conceptualisation are involved (Odlin 1989). Conceptual transfer (Jarvis and Pavlenko 2008) emphasises the role of human cognition and conceptualisation in the process of language acquisition. Learners’ writing can be regarded as linguistic representations of their linguistic competence, and therefore serves as primary and valid data for studies in the field of SLA. Among the linguistic units that L2 learners need to acquire, prepositions used in the writings of L2 learners are related to temporal and spatial concepts. The use of prepositions reveals cognitive processes and can be analysed 1 First author 2 Corresponding author

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to investigate conceptual transfer. With these considerations in mind, this study aims to explore types and manifestations of conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions in English writing by Chinese secondary school students, and tries to explain the conceptual transfer with an emphasis on the conceptual similarities and differences between Chinese and English. 2. Literature Review 2.1 Language transfer and conceptual transfer The term “language transfer” can be used interchangeably with “cross-linguistic influence”, denoting the existence of influence across different languages. It is not easy to find an all-inclusive definition of language transfer. Among existing definitions of language transfer, the working definition by Odlin (1989) has shown more about the nature of language transfer. According to Odlin, language transfer refers to the influence resulting from the similarities and differences between the target language and any other language that has been previously (and perhaps imperfectly) acquired. Language transfer can be classified into linguistic transfer, semantic transfer and conceptual transfer, corresponding to the transfer of linguistic elements (e.g. pronunciation and syntactic structure), meanings and concepts (Zhang and Liu 2013). Currently, little attention has been paid to conceptual transfer (Jarvis and Pavlenko 2008). Conceptual transfer can be understood at three different levels: as an observation, approach and hypothesis since it “focuses more on the effects of cognition on language use, particularly the effects of patterns of cognition acquired through one language on the receptive or productive use of another language” (Jarvis 2011: 3). In SLA, conceptual transfer refers to the influence of one language on the acquisition of another in terms of thinking patterns, in which process the way L2 learners think through L1 and their mode of thinking through L2 interact with each other (Jarvis and Pavlenko 2008). 2.2 Relevant studies of language transfer and conceptual transfer Investigations of language transfer mainly include phonetic, phonological, lexical, morphological, syntactic, semantic, pragmatic as well as conceptual studies, which reveal different dimensions and provide convincing evidence of language transfer. Existing studies of transfer may overlap and thus can be categorised roughly into three major types, i.e. linguistic transfer, semantic transfer and conceptual transfer. Most early studies are concerned with linguistic transfer, which may be phonetic, phonological, lexical, morphological, or syntactic. Some studies (e.g. Hancin-Bhatt 2000, Aoyama et al. 2004) deal with the acquisition of L2 phones and phonemes. Some (e.g. Ringbom 2001) discuss the use of L2 vocabulary and likewise show cross-linguistic influence. There are also studies (e.g. Jarvis and Odlin 2000, Koda 2000) dealing with morphological transfer. Certain syntactic structures have also been examined in the field (e.g. Matthews and Yip 2003). Both semantic transfer and pragmatic transfer deal with cross-linguistic influence in meaning, which may overlap with but do not equal conceptual transfer (e.g. Ijaz 1986, Kwon 2003, Tamanaha 2003).

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Conceptual transfer can be regarded as a subset of semantic transfer in accordance with the claim that conceptual transfer involves semantic transfer, not vice-versa (Odlin 2005). There are discussions concerning the notion of conceptual transfer (e.g. Pavlenko 1999, 2002, von Stutterheim 2003) as well as empirical studies under the guidance of different theoretical frameworks. Some scholars investigated different linguistic levels of conceptual transfer within the paradigm of Cognitive Linguistics or linguistic relativity (e.g. Ijaz 1986). In accordance with Odlin (2005), conceptual transfer is concerned with a second language and can be understood as cases of linguistic relativity. Accordingly, some studies of conceptual transfer are often related to issues of relativity, which can be understood briefly as the hypothesised effect of language on thought (e.g. Pederson et al. 1998, Jarvis 1998, Pavlenko 1999). Recently, scholars in China have explored language transfer from the perspective of psychology or cognitive linguistics (e.g. Ma 2010, Xu et al. 2014). Under the influence of the Linguistic Relativity Principle, Zhang and Liu (2013b) explored features of Chinese EFL beginners’ acquisition of English metaphorical prepositions by utilizing linguistic data from ICCI through the analysis of their collocations. From the above, we can see that conceptual transfer has gained increasing attention, and it has developed rapidly, as reflected in the diverse topics. It includes not only L1 influence on L2 learning, but also bidirectional transfer. Trilingual and multilingual situations in conceptual transfer studies have been considered in some particular studies. However, there are few investigations of conceptual transfer with a consideration of Chinese EFL learners’ linguistic output. In other words, very few studies have been conducted on the Chinese secondary learners. Therefore, it is necessary to conduct such a study of conceptual transfer through the analysis of Chinese EFL learners’ linguistic performance. 2.3 Image Schema Theory In the analysis of causes of conceptual transfer, Image Schema Theory was employed in order to compare the conceptual similarities at the lexical level between Chinese and English as far as spatial or temporal prepositions were concerned. The concept of “image schema” is generally considered to have first been proposed in Conceptual Metaphor Theory by Lakoff and Johnson (1980). According to this theory, metaphor is fundamentally conceptual, not linguistic in nature. Although the overwhelming majority of evidence for conceptual metaphor is linguistic, it is also true that people structure their concepts metaphorical when they are not using language (Casasanto 2009). Johnson (1987: xiv) defines an image schema as “a recurring, dynamic pattern of our perceptual interactions and motor programs that gives coherence and structure to our experience”, emphasizing the “perceptual experience” nature of an image schema. Gibbs and Colston (1995: 349) define image schemata as “dynamic analog representations of spatial relations and movements in space”, which draws attention to the “spatial” aspect of an image schema. According to Oakley (2007), an image schema can be defined as a condensed redescription of perceptual experience for the purpose of mapping spatial structure onto conceptual structure, which is a combination of the above two, emphasizing “perceptual 64

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experience”, “spatial structure” and “conceptual structure”. These three diachronically arranged definitions vary in terms of the linguistic expressions that are employed to define the term “image schema”, but the nature of this term remains the same. An image schema reveals people’s concepts acquired in their interactions with the outside world. An image schema can be expressed or understood with the help of simple diagrams in the results and discussion sections. The notions “trajector (TR)” and “landmark (LM)” are essential to understanding an image schema. The former is the primary focus of attention, and the latter equals the background in a spatial relationship. Linguistic representations in the use of prepositions reveal similarities as well as differences in terms of conceptual structures between Chinese and English. Therefore, theoretical support from Image Schema Theory cannot be neglected for its role in explaining the underlying commonalities and discrepancies between concepts related to the use of English prepositions by Chinese secondary school students in their writing, especially to the use of spatial and temporal prepositions as these prepositions reveal cognitive processes in which people interact with their physical world, social world and even psychological world. 3. Research Design A corpus-based approach to learner language is perceived as an important research methodology due to authentic linguistic data and the convenient process of data processing. It is applicable to an investigation of systematic and regular features in Chinese learners’ use of English prepositions by retrieving and observing their use of the target language. 3.1 Research questions To investigate conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions in English writing by Chinese secondary school students at the lexical level, we focus on the following two research questions: RQ1: What are the types and manifestations of conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions in English writing by Chinese secondary school students? RQ2: What are the underlying causes of conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions in English writing by Chinese secondary school students?

By focusing on these two research questions, this study may provide some evidence of Chinesespecific conceptual transfer in the process of English learning. The linguistic data were chosen from WCEL (Writing Corpus of English Learners), which contains altogether 166,301 tokens of 1, 494 written documents based on essay writing. Writing samples in WCEL were collected from first- and second-year secondary school students from twelve key and ordinary secondary schools in three cities (Shenyang, Changchun and Harbin) of northeastern China. It is worth noticing that key secondary schools refer to top schools that have a better guarantee of teaching resources and excellent student enrolment compared with ordinary secondary schools. To ensure typicality of the data, two key secondary schools and two ordinary secondary schools were considered 65

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in each city. The students’ gender was taken into consideration to balance the ratio of male and female students. They are all native speakers of Mandarin Chinese and they learn English as a foreign language in school settings. Their age ranges from 12-17 years old, and English learning experience from 4-6 years. They were required to complete their English writing tasks within 20 minutes without any assistance from teachers or dictionaries. The writing tasks used were mainly descriptive, including topics such as A Christmas party, A funny thing that happened to me, Computer games, How to make children get enough exercise, How I could spend 100 yuan, My birthday, My school, Exercise, Smoking, Watching TV. The corpus can be used to investigate the systematic features or regularities revealed in Chinese secondary school students’ written English. 3.2 Data collection and processing In this study the learner corpus, WCEL, was used to help identify those aspects of the students’ performance in the use of English prepositions due to the influence of L1 concepts. To collect the linguistic data of students’ outcome in using English prepositions, we conducted a simple retrieval of these prepositions in the corpus. Thus, concordance lines that contain these English prepositions were built, which can provide data on the properties of the students’ interlanguage. The processing of linguistic data involved a process of editing concordance lines, deletion of unnecessary concordance lines if they are irrelevant to the topic concerned, creation of a plain text based on concordance lines containing prepositions, identification of conceptual transfer in the use of these prepositions, classification of the types of conceptual transfer, and explanations of conceptual transfer at the lexical level. The processing tool of the corpus, AntConc, was used to retrieve the prepositions and observe the concordance hits containing these prepositions. Conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions can be identified by observing their own textual environment and by examining the misuses of these prepositions. The format of KWIC has been widely used in data-processing. Minimum assumption is a very important claim with methodological advantages by Sinclair (2004) in corpusbased studies. According to this assumption, only a minimum of assumptions can be held in the initial stages of study. It follows that researchers should observe textual evidence with an open mind through a process of extraction of data, and observation of data, which may be a circulatory procedure until all the linguistic data have been observed and an appropriate conclusion has been reached. Minimum assumption is a typical example of a deductive method in the context of corpus-based study, which also reflects the respect for the facts hidden in the texts to be examined. The interpretation of conceptual transfer came after the classification and identification of conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions from the perspective of Image Schema Theory. 4. Results and Discussion This part presents the results and discussion of two types of conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions in English writing by Chinese secondary school students under the guidance of Image Schema Theory. The study focuses on the prepositions “at”, “in” and “on”, not only because of 66

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the high frequency of concordance hits retrieved, but also because of the evidence of conceptual transfer revealed. 4.1 Two types of conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions By using the data processing software, AntConc, the frequency of use of the prepositions “at”, “in” and “on” in English writing by secondary school students can be obtained. This study just focuses on conceptual transfer at the lexical level under the guidance of Image Schema Theory. Linguistic data that are evident enough to reveal conceptual transfer at the lexical level were categorised into two major types of conceptual transfer, i.e. positive conceptual transfer and negative conceptual transfer. Through observation and identification of the concordance hits containing these prepositions, cases of both positive and negative conceptual transfer were identified based on the observation of concordance lines according to the minimum assumption proposed by Sinclair (2004) in corpus-based studies. 4.1.1 Positive conceptual transfer at the lexical level Positive conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions at the lexical level was found in the use of the English prepositions “at” and “in”. In the use of the English preposition “at”, due to positive conceptual transfer at the lexical level, no errors were made in such cases in which the English preposition “at” collocates with other verbs and adjectives, i.e. phrases such as “shout at”, “look at”, “smile at” and “be mad at” in the following cases: (1) It was his tree and he shouted at him. (2) Tim’s math teacher looked at his homework and saw that he had got all his sums right. (3) I smiled at them. (4) I thought the teacher would be mad at me.

Positive conceptual transfer in the use of the English preposition “in” was also evident as no errors were made by learners. The following underlined instances of the use of “in” provide linguistic representations of this type of conceptual transfer: (5) In the dream, I wore a birthday hat, smiling to my father and mother. (6) In our school, there are many trees on the playground. (7) In many cities, smoking is forbidden in public places.

4.1.2 Negative conceptual transfer at the lexical level Negative conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions at the lexical level was found in the use of the prepositions “at” and “on”. Negative conceptual transfer in the use of the English preposition “at” by Chinese secondary school students was reflected in the misuses of the English preposition “at” instead of other spatial or temporal prepositions, as illustrated in the following examples: 67

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(8) I often watch TV at past. (9) My birthday is at July 11th. (10) My school also has long history. It was set up at 1950. (11) At afternoon, my parents and I went to western restaurant to enjoy our lunch. (12) I studyed at middle school. (13) One day, we were studying at the classroom. (14) I can play games and run at the playground.

Examples (8) to (11) are related to temporal concepts, while examples (12) to (14) are concerned with spatial concepts. Likewise, negative conceptual transfer in the use of the English preposition “on”, whose semantic meaning corresponds to the Chinese “上”, was also evident when expressing spatial concepts. Observe the following instances: (15) There are many clouds on the sky. (16) You can see many birds flying on the sky. (17) We can see birds on the trees. (18) Then I sat on the chair and cried. (19) We lay on the sofa. (20) On P. E. class, we can play sports and relax ourselves on the playground. (21) Finally I fell asleep on the math class.

Different from instances (15)-(19), which express abstract spatial relations, (20) and (21) are concerned with abstract spatial concepts. 4.2 Causes of conceptual transfer in the use of prepositions Cognitive causes of conceptual transfer at the lexical level are analysed under the guidance of Image Schema Theory by considering conceptual similarities and differences between Chinese and English. Note that the Chinese equivalents of the prepositions discussed are provided in the Chinese original, with Pinyin and their literal English translations provided in parentheses. 4.2.1 Cognitive causes of positive conceptual transfer at the lexical level Most monosyllabic characters in the Chinese language are ideographic. Chinese characters that express spatial and temporal relations indicate their meanings and conceptual categories by their original patterns or formations. This is particularly evident when it comes to Chinese characters in ancient times, e.g., inscriptions on bones or tortoise shells of the Shang Dynasty. In the process of understanding a specific spatial or temporal concept, native speakers of the Chinese language are usually influenced by the spatial or temporal concepts represented by a corresponding Chinese 68

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character. Consequently, in the process of learning English, transfer of L1 spatial or temporal concepts exists, and Chinese EFL learners’ use of prepositions is influenced by L1 spatial or temporal concepts subconsciously. The basic spatial conceptual meaning of the English preposition “at” is “a certain point in space”, as shown in Figure 1, which is the prototypical image schema, denoting a static spatial relationship between the TR represented by an orbicular shading and the LM represented by a parallelogram.

Figure 1 Static schema for “at”

Figure 2 Dynamic schema for “at”

The semantic meaning of the English preposition “at” corresponds to the Chinese expressions “ 朝 (chao, towards)”, “向 (xiang, towards)”, “对 (dui, to)”, and “面对 (miandui, face)”, all of which share the meaning “facing or towards a certain direction”, and is represented by a dynamic image schema signalled by an arrow (→) in Figure 2 above. In the use of the English preposition “at”, positive conceptual transfer of its corresponding Chinese expressions makes secondary school students acquire the spatial meaning of “at” with ease. The spatial relation expressed by “at” in the English language is quite similar to that indicated in the corresponding Chinese expressions when it cooccurs with verbs like “shout”, “look”, “smile” and adjectives like “mad” to form collocations, all of which have the potential meaning of “pointing to a certain direction” and may function together with an object in the expressions within which they co-occur. Therefore, the correspondence of conceptual meanings between the English preposition “at” and the Chinese “ 朝 (chao, towards)”, “ 向 (xiang, towards)”, ” 对 (dui, to)”, and “ 面对 (miandui, face)” may lead to positive conceptual transfer. However, we have to admit that there may be other explanations, e.g., the students have used the English preposition “at” correctly perhaps because they have properly memorized them. Conceptually, the English preposition “in” corresponds to Chinese “ 里 (li, in)”, whose original meaning equals “ 裏 (guo, in)” or “ 衣内 (yinei, the inner side of clothing)” (Xu 2001). The spatial concept represented by the Chinese character “ 里 (li, in)” is very similar to that represented by the English preposition “in”. Spatial concepts can be used metaphorically as temporal or psychological concepts, and this is true for the spatial concept “ 里 (li, in)”. Its spatial concept can be mapped onto temporal and psychological concepts. And this mapping process is quite similar to that of the English preposition “in”. To wit, in the use of Chinese “ 里 (li, in)” and the English preposition “in”, the grammatical metaphor in the Chinese language resembles that in the English language in 69

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terms of conceptual mapping processes. To illustrate the conceptual attributes of “ 里 (li, in)” and “in” more clearly, these two concepts are represented by two similar image schemas with subtle differences, as shown Figure 3 and Figure 4.

Figure 3 Image schema for “里(li in)”

Figure 4 Image schema for “in”

The above two diagrams illustrate that the concept “ 里 (li, in)” and the English “in” share both conceptual similarities and differences. The Chinese “ 里 (li, in)” represents the conceptual attributes that “the TR is wholly inside the LM, which can be closed or open”, and that “the TR can be moving or static”. The English preposition “in” represents the conceptual attributes that “the TR is surrounded or partially surrounded by other items”, and that “the TR can be moving or static”. By comparison, it is clear that the only difference between these two image schemas lies in whether the TR is wholly surrounded. Therefore, the spatial, temporal, or psychological concept represented by the English preposition “in” is broader than the concept represented by the Chinese “ 里 (li, in)”. For example, in cases where students use the expressions “in the dream”, “in our school” and “in many cities”, the Chinese concept “ 里 (li, in)”, which is limited in its conceptual meaning compared with the English preposition “in”, plays a positive role. That means, in any situations where the Chinese concept “ 里 (li, in)” is retrieved, the use of the English preposition “in” is correct with no doubt. And this leads to positive conceptual transfer in the use of the English preposition “in” by Chinese EFL learners. 4.2.2 Cognitive causes of negative conceptual transfer at the lexical level A major difference between the preposition “at” and its Chinese equivalent “ 在 (zai, at/in/on/exist/ be)” lies in that the latter has a much wider application range due to its relatively rich conceptual attributes, which may cause negative conceptual transfer of the Chinese “ 在 (zai, at/in/on/exist/be)” in the use of the English preposition “at”. While expressing temporal concepts, the English preposition “at” relates to an exact time. However, its equivalent Chinese “ 在 (zai, at/in/on/exist/be)” does not have this limitation in expressing temporal concepts. And this is also true in expressing spatial concepts, in which case the English preposition “at” mainly represents “exist at a specific point, a relatively small place, or 70

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a place that can be regarded as a point”. However, the Chinese character “ 在 (zai, at/in/on/exist/ be)” does not have this limitation in expressing spatial concepts. It has a much wider application range and therefore can be applied to refer to almost anything that exists in our physical or mental space. Accordingly, when Chinese EFL learners express temporal or spatial concepts, they may enlarge the application range of the English preposition “at” due to the negative influence of the Chinese concept “ 在 (zai, at/in/on/exist/be)”. Therefore, Chinese EFL learners tend to make errors in their use of the English preposition “at” due to the negative influence of the Chinese concept “ 在 (zai, at/in/on/exist/be)”. In expressing concrete spatial relations, the similarities and differences between concepts lexicalised by the English preposition “on” and its corresponding Chinese character “ 上 (shang, on/ upon/upper)” can be well understood in terms of the image schemas in Figure 5 and Figure 6, respectively.

Figure 5 Image schema for “上 (shang, on/upon/upper)”

Figure 6 Image schema for “on”

The lexical concepts specifically encoded and externalised by the Chinese character “ 上 (shang, on/upon/upper)” include that “the TR is on or above the LM”, “the TR may be in a state of motion or static”, and “the TR may be exposed in the air or surrounded by other items”. In contrast, the spatial concepts represented by the English preposition “on” include that “the TR is on the LM (the TR touches the LM)”, “the TR may be in a state of motion or static”, and “the TR should be exposed in the air but not surrounded by other items”. Thus, the major difference between the spatial concepts expressed by “ 上 (shang, on/upon/upper)” and the conceptual attributes of “on” is that when using “on”, the TR should be exposed in the air, and there is physical contact between the TR and the LM, while the Chinese character “ 上 (shang, on/upon/upper)” does not possess these two conceptual attributes. In other words, the conceptual category of “  上 (shang, on/upon/upper)” is broader than that of “on”, which is the main cause of errors made by Chinese EFL learners due to the influence of negative conceptual transfer in the use of the English preposition “on”. To make a detailed analysis, the Chinese expression “ 在天上 (zai tian shang, in the sky)” is acceptable in cases where the sphere of human activities is regarded by native Chinese speakers as the LM, and anything above ground level is thought of as the TR. Therefore, the Chinese 71

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“ 上 (shang, on/upon/upper)” is chosen to express this kind of spatial relation between the LM and the TR. The Chinese concept of “ 上 (shang, on/upon/upper)” is close to the English preposition “on”, which requires physical contact between the TR and the LM. Therefore, the expression “on the sky” in the above instances is unacceptable for native speakers of English, and the correct form should be “in the sky”, which relates to a container schema. Another example, the Chinese expression “ 在树上 (zai shu shang, in the tree)” illustrates that native speakers of Chinese regard their sphere of activities as the LM, and anything above ground level is regarded as the TR. Errors occur due to the difference between the spatial concept of “ 上 (shang, on/upon/upper)” and the conceptual attribute of “on”. That is to say, “the TR should be exposed in the air” in the case of “on”, while the Chinese character “ 上 (shang, on/upon/upper)” does not have this spatially conceptual limitation. In this sense, anything above ground level and existing in any part of a tree can be described by “ 在树上 (zai shu shang, in the tree)” in the Chinese language. However, the conceptual attribute of the English preposition “on” does not include the conceptual meaning that “the TR is surrounded or partially surrounded by other items”. Additionally, negative conceptual transfer can also be found in the expression of abstract spatial relations. Following in a similar vein, the difference between concepts lexicalised by the English preposition “on” and its corresponding Chinese character “ 上 (shang, on/upon/upper)” also exits in expressing abstract spatial concepts, which may cause negative conceptual transfer. In the Chinese language, the collocation of abstract nouns and “ 上 (shang, on/upon/upper)” functions to express the conceptual attribute that “something is in progress”. However, the collocation of abstract nouns and “on” does not have this abstract spatial meaning. The English preposition “in” can be used to express this kind of abstract spatial meaning, and therefore “in” should be used in the above instances (20) and (21) instead of “on”. Therefore, it is concluded that the transfer of the Chinese lexical concepts in collocation of abstract nouns and the Chinese character “ 上 (shang, on/upon/upper)” to the use of English prepositions by Chinese EFL learners is the main cause of the errors in the above linguistic representations at the lexical level. In both cases of “ 在 (zai, at/in/on/exist/be)” and “ 上 (shang, on/upon/upper)”, there is typological linguistic difference involved. What lies at the root of the cause is that the Chinese language encodes these two ideas analytically, whereas the English language encodes them synthetically (Gennari et al. 2002). Different languages may simply instantiate underlying conceptual universals in different ways and linguistic differences have cognitive consequences in some or all circumstances. 5. Conclusion Both positive conceptual transfer of L1 and negative conceptual transfer of L1 can be found at the lexical level. Specifically, positive conceptual transfer in the use of the prepositions “at” and “in”, and negative conceptual transfer in the use of the prepositions “at” and “on” were presented to provide evidence for the existence of conceptual transfer in Chinese secondary school students’ English learning process.

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Additionally, underlying cognitive causes of conceptual transfer were identified by comparing conceptual similarities and differences between Chinese and English under the guidance of Image Schema Theory. It can be generally concluded that similarities and differences between the conceptual attributes of English prepositions and their Chinese equivalents may lead to positive conceptual transfer and negative conceptual transfer, respectively. Where there are similarities between conceptual meanings of English prepositions and their corresponding Chinese expressions, there is positive conceptual transfer. However, in particular cases, differences in the application range of concepts between English prepositions and their corresponding Chinese expressions may lead to positive conceptual transfer or negative conceptual transfer. The analysis of the underlying causes of conceptual transfer has proved that the Chinese concepts play an important role in SLA. Under the guidance of Image Schema Theory, this study has also revealed that conceptual similarities and differences between Chinese and English arise from similar and different perspectives in the construal of reality or the physical world. 6. Implications and limitations of this study There are three major implications of this corpus-based empirical study in terms of the theoretical development of conceptual transfer, the practice of English teaching and learning in the Chinese context, and research methodology. Firstly, this study provides implications for the theoretical development of conceptual transfer in the Chinese context. Secondly, this study has implications for the practice of English teaching and learning in the Chinese context in terms of the role of Chinese concepts. Thirdly, in terms of research methodology, since it is a corpus-based investigation of learners’ authentic linguistic output, which is characterised by its authentic data and the replicable nature of this methodology. Admittedly, this study has its limitations. Firstly, it only focused on the use of three English prepositions: “at”, “in” and “on” according to the frequency of use and the evident conceptual transfer revealed by them. For the convenience of data analysis, peripheral situations or less-frequently used prepositions were left out. Secondly, in terms of levels of linguistic performance, this study just focused on the lexical level, leaving out conceptual transfer at the grammatical and the textual levels. Therefore, future studies need to take non-typical or peripheral prepositions into consideration to provide more convincing evidence for the existence of conceptual transfer not only at the lexical and grammatical levels, but also at the textual level. To wit, linguistic representations at different levels should be examined. References Aoyama, Katsura, Flege James E., Guion Susan G., Akahane-Yamada Reiko and Yamada Tsuneo. 2004. Perceived phonetic dissimilarity and L2 speech learning: The case of Japanese /r/ and English /l/ and /r/. Journal of Phonetics 32(2), 233-250.

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Casasanto, Daniel. 2009. When is a linguistic metaphor a conceptual metaphor? In: Evans, Vyvyan and Stephanie Pourcel (eds.), New Directions in Cognitive Linguistics, 127-145. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Gibbs, Raymond W. and Herbert L. Colston. 1995. The cognitive psychological reality of image schemas and their transformations. Cognitive Linguistics 6(4), 347-378. Hancin-Bhatt, Barbara. 2000. Optimality in second language phonology: Codas in Thai ESL. Second Language Research 16(3), 201-232. Ijaz, Helene I. 1986. Linguistic and cognitive determinants of lexical acquisition in a second language. Language Learning 36(4), 401-451. Jarvis, Scott. 2011. Conceptual transfer: Crosslinguistic effects in categorization and construal. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 14(1), 1-8. Jarvis, Scott and Terence Odlin. 2000. Morphological type, spatial reference, and language transfer. Studies in Second Language Acquisition 22(4), 535-556. Jarvis, Scott and Aneta Pavlenko. 2008. Crosslinguistic Influence in Language and Cognition. New York: Routledge. Johnson, Mark. 1987. The Body in the Mind: The Bodily Basis of Meaning, Imagination, and Reason. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Koda, Keiko. 2000. Cross-linguistic variations in L2 morphological awareness. Applied Psycholinguistics 21(3), 297-320. Kwon, Jihyun. 2003.  Pragmatic transfer and proficiency in refusals of Korean EFL learners. Unpublished PhD dissertation, Boston University. Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Ma, Shuhong. 2010. Classification and acquisition of English spatial prepositions by EFL learners: The perspective of Categorization Theory. Journal of PLA University of Foreign Languages 33(4), 64-69. Matthews, Stephen and Virginia Yip. 2003. Relative clauses in early bilingual development: Transfer and universals. In: Ramat, Anna G. (ed.), Typology and Second Language Acquisition, 39-81. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Oakley, Todd. 2007. Image schemas. In: Geeraerts, Dirk and Hubert Cuyckens (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics, 214-235. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Odlin, Terence. 1989.  Language Transfer: Cross-linguistic Influence in Language Learning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Odlin, Terence. 2005. Crosslinguistic influence and conceptual transfer: What are the concepts? Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 25, 3-25. Pavlenko, Aneta. 1999. New approaches to concepts in bilingual memory. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 2(3), 209-230. Pavlenko, Aneta. 2002. Bilingualism and emotions. Multilingua 21(1), 45-78.

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Pederson, Eric, Danziger Eve, Wilkins David, Levinson Stephen, Kita Sotaro and Gunter Senft. 1998. Semantic typology and spatial conceptualization. Language 74(3), 557-589. Ringbom, Hakan. 2001. Lexical transfer in L3 production. In: Cenoz, Jasone, Hufeisen Britta and Urlike Jessner (eds.), Cross-linguistic Influence in Third Language Acquisition: Psycholinguistic Perspectives, 59-68. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Gennari, Silvia P., Sloman Steven A., Malt Barbara C. and Tecumseh W. Fitch. 2002. Motion events in language and cognition. Cognition 83(1), 49-79. Sinclair, John. 2004. Trust the Text: Language, Corpus and Discourse. London/New York: Routledge. von Stutterheim, Christiane. 2003. Linguistic structure and information organisation: The case of very advanced learners. EuroSLA Yearbook 3(1), 183-206. Tamanaha, Masako. 2003. Interlanguage speech act realization of apologies and complaints: The performances of Japanese L2 speakers in comparison with Japanese L1 and English L1 speakers. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles. Xu, Qingli, Liu Zhenqian and Cai Jinting. 2014. The influence of the categorization of reference objects on the use of the English spatial preposition “in” by Chinese learners. Foreign Language Teaching and Research 46(5), 723-734. Xu, Shen. 2001. Shuo Wen Jie Zi. Nanjing: Jiangsu Guji Publishing House. Zhang, Huiping and Liu Yongbing. 2013. English preposition learning and conceptual transfer: Collocation and colligation of the most frequently used prepositions. Foreign Language Teaching and Research 45(4), 568-580. Zhang, Huiping and Liu Yongbing. 2013b. The acquisition of English metaphorical prepositions and conceptual transfer from the perspective of linguistic relativity. Foreign Language Education 34(5), 51-55.

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Magdalena Zawisławska Marta Falkowska University of Warsaw University of Warsaw

10.15290/cr.2017.17.2.05

Typology of metaphors with the gustatory target domain in Polish wine discourse Abstract. Although wine culture is quite a new phenomenon in Poland, Polish wine blogs on the Internet are numerous, and a specific wine language is rapidly emerging. The Polish lexical field of taste is rather poor compared to other perceptual fields. It is obvious that the limited lexical repertoire does not suffice to describe such a multidimensional experience as wine tasting. Polish wine discourse is permeated with various kinds of metaphors, starting from basic terms like ciało wina ‘the body of a wine,’ through more creative, but still lexicalised metaphors, e.g. leciutka nuta korkowa ‘a light note of the cork,’ to intricate, elaborated, semi-narrative metaphors, e.g. Tyle innych burgundów z lat 90-tych cierpi na sklerozę i haluksy ‘So many other burgundies from the 1990s suffer from sclerosis and bunions.’ A number of metaphoric wine terms have of course been borrowed from French or English, but there are also many new metaphors, specific for the Polish language and culture. The material for the analysis consists of blog excerpts taken from “Synamet”—a corpus of synesthetic metaphors in Polish. The paper aims at examining taste metaphors that are used in Polish wine blogs and proposing a preliminary typology of metaphors recurring in wine discourse. Key words: metaphor, synesthesia, wine discourse.

1. Introduction Recently, a considerable literature has grown around the theme of winespeak. Researchers have noticed that wine discourse is a valuable source of a variety of metaphors. Starting from the pioneering work by Adrienne Lehrer (1975) Talking about Wine (followed by a monograph, see Lehrer 2009 [1983]), the figurative language of wine reviewers has been analyzed in many languages, i.a. in French (Amoraritei 2002, Negro 2012), English (Caballero 1996, 2007; Caballero and SuárezToste 2010; Paradis 2010), Australian English (Creed 2014), and Italian (Țenescu 2014). A major account of the language of wine reviews was provided by Carita Paradis and Mats Eeg-Olofsson (2013), who advocate lexical syncretism of wine descriptors, and argue that “synesthetically flexible notions map onto the same primitive concepts for the different sensory perceptions” (Paradis and Eeg-Olofsson 2013: 38). The role of personification schemata in English winespeak was studied by Ernesto Suárez-Toste (2007). Although quite a lot of research has been carried out on wine 76

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metaphors in English up till now, too little attention has been paid to Polish wine discourse. Apart from Zawisławska (2015), there is a general lack of analysis of metaphors in Polish wine reviews. The purpose of this paper is to present a classification of wine metaphors in Polish blogs, and to examine creative and elaborated metaphors (in contrast to lexicalised wine terminology) that require a much more complex analysis. Data for this study were collected using excerpts from blogs about wine collected in Synamet—the Microcorpus of Synesthetic Metaphors in Polish, which aims at creating a semantically and grammatically annotated corpus of Polish synesthetic metaphors. The corpus contains texts excerpted from blogs devoted to perfume, wine, beer, cigars, Yerba Mate, tea or coffee, as well as culinary blogs, music blogs, art blogs, and massage and wellness blogs. The wide selection of texts in the corpus allows us to study the ways the particular senses (taste, smell, sight, hearing, touch) and complex perceptual experiences are described. At the present moment, Synamet comprises 6158 annotated metaphorical units. The methodological approach adopted in this study draws on both the methodology based on frame semantics (Fillmore 1982) and conceptual metaphor theory (CMT) by Lakoff and Johnson (1980). Instead of the term “domain” we use “frame” because while the internal structure of domains is not fully clear, frames are described as ordered structures within which there are categories “slots” and their values “fillers”. Frames are hierarchically organized, and they may represent various events, states, objects, and situations. Along these lines, the metaphorization process may be described as “frame shifting”. Coulson defines this phenomenon as a “semantic reanalysis process that reorganizes existing information into a new frame” (2001: 34). It follows that some elements of a frame evoking specific sensations (e.g. taste) as its topic may become regrouped under the influence of a vehicle activating a frame of some other sensory perception (e.g. vision). Since there are some interesting and distinctive features of Polish metaphors, our research can give new insight into the problem of metaphor with the gustatory target domain. 2. Lexical field of taste in Polish and wine tasting Taste is the oldest and the most universal sense in the whole population of vertebrates (Mitrenga 2009: 26). The sensation is produced when a substance in the mouth reacts chemically with taste receptor cells located on the taste buds. The gustatory perception is in fact a mixture of several sensations: not only taste, but also temperature, texture, and smell. The taste sensation is analyzed in the gustatory area located in the cortex of the brain, but also in the limbic system, which is responsible for emotions. Therefore, the taste sensation is very subjective and may evoke certain feelings and memories, as is probably best shown in the famous quote from Proust’s novel: No sooner had the warm liquid mixed with the crumbs touched my palate than a shudder ran through me and I stopped, intent upon the extraordinary thing that was happening to me. An exquisite pleasure had invaded my senses, something isolated, detached, with no suggestion of its origin. And at once the vicissitudes of life had become indifferent to me, its disasters innocuous, its brevity illusory – this new sensation having had on me the effect which love has of filling me with a precious essence; or rather this

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essence was not in me it was me. ... Whence did it come? What did it mean? How could I seize and apprehend it? ... And suddenly the memory revealed itself. The taste was that of the little piece of madeleine which on Sunday mornings at Combray (because on those mornings I did not go out before mass), when I went to say good morning to her in her bedroom, my aunt Léonie used to give me, dipping it first in her own cup of tea or tisane. The sight of the little madeleine had recalled nothing to my mind before I tasted it. (Marcel Proust, In Search of Lost Time, transl. by C.K. Scott Moncrieff and Terence Kilmartin)

The basic tastes that a human can feel are: 1. salty (the standard substance – table salt); 2. sour (the standard substance – tartaric acid or citric acid); 3. sweet (the standard substance – saccharin); 4. bitter (the standard substance – caffeine, quinine). Two more tastes are sometimes distinguished: the umami taste (described as the taste of meat: the standard substance – monosodium glutamate); and the fatty taste (the standard substance – fatty acids). The gustatory perception is a dynamic one. Our taste buds react with different speeds to various tastes. The fastest reaction is evoked by the salty taste, then sweet, sour, and the slowest reaction is to the bitter taste (Skolik 2011: 21-24). The lexical field of taste in Polish (likewise in other Indo-European languages) is much more restricted than fields of visual or auditory perception. It encompasses a narrow group of verbs that denote: 1) tasting, e.g. kosztować ‘to taste’, posmakować 1 ‘to sample’, degustować ‘to savor’; 2) the subject’s approval or disapproval of a particular taste sensation, e.g. smakować [jakoś] ‘to have a particular flavour’, zasmakować ‘to develop a taste for something’, posmakować 2 ‘to find sth delicious’; 3) a change of taste, e.g. jełczeć ‘to go rancid’, kisić się ‘to marinate’, gorzknieć ‘to turn bitter’. Most nouns from the analyzed lexical field are names of a specific taste, e.g. gorycz ‘bitterness’, słodycz ‘sweetness’, kwaśność ‘acidity’. Apart from that, the taste field contains nouns referring in general to: 1) neutral gustatory sensation: smak ‘taste’, posmak ‘aftertaste’ or 2) negative gustatory sensation: absmak ‘distaste’, niesmak ‘bad taste’. There are also nouns denoting the high tastiness of the object of perception, e.g. pyszności ‘delicious things’, przysmak ‘delicacy’, rarytas ‘rarity’ or a specific taste of an object of perception, e.g. słodycze ‘sweets’, łakocie ‘sweet things’, kwasek ‘citric acid’. Wine tasting is a relatively new phenomenon in Poland. For a very long time the typical alcohols drunk by the Polish people have been vodka and beer. In 2016 wine consumption in Poland amounted to 5.5 liters per capita (in 2013 it was only 3 liters per capita). Still, Poland is far behind other European countries—in the Czech Republic people drink 21 liters per capita, in Germany—28, in Italy—44, and a typical French person drinks 50 liters of wine yearly. Although the Polish do not drink as much wine as their Western neighbors, Poland is now the fastest growing wine market in Europe (Naszkowska 2017). The progress in the wine market is followed by a rapid development of wine blogs and a specific winespeak. Due to the very poor lexical field of taste 78

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in Polish, it is not surprising that wine reviewers must use figurative language to describe such a complex and dynamic act as wine tasting. 3. Frame of wine tasting and metaphorical terms classification Wine develops in a long and complicated process of fermentation. As a result, we get an alcohol that consists of water, sugar, acids, tannins, ethanol, and glycerol. Various combinations of these elements can produce different taste impressions. Wine tasting is a multi-faceted act, integrating several senses: 1. visual sensation—a wine taster evaluates the color and shades of wine, 2. olfactory sensation—a wine taster detects the aromas of wine, 3. gustatory and tactile sensations (e.g. getting numb by acids)—a wine taster feels the taste of wine. The frame of wine tasting consists of the following elements: 1. the dominant taste of wine (sweet, acid, bitter), 2. intensity of wine taste, 3. detectability of alcohol in wine, 4. water and alcohol/extract balance in wine, 5. balance of tastes in wine, 6. durability of aftertaste. All the elements of the frame are described by terms of metaphorical provenance, see Table 1. Table 1. Frame of wine tasting. FRAME ELEMENT

METAPHOR

DOMINANT TASTE the dominant taste of wine is bitter (but not unduly)

wino jest jędrne ‘wine is firm’ wino jest sprężyste ‘wine is pliant’ wino jest solidne ‘wine is robust’

the dominant taste of wine is unduly bitter

wino jest twarde ‘wine is hard’ wino jest sztywne ‘wine is rigid’

the dominant taste of wine is acid (but not unduly)

wino jest rześkie ‘wine is fresh’ wino jest rozłożyste ‘wine is spreading’

the dominant taste of wine is unduly acid

wino jest zielone ‘wine is green’ wino jest agresywne ‘wine is aggressive’

the dominant taste of wine is sweet

wino jest łagodne ‘wine is gentle’ wino jest miękkie ‘wine is soft’

the dominant taste of wine is unduly sweet 12

wino jest wiotkie ‘wine is frail’ wino z wigorem ‘bouncy wine’

1 Although in general Polish usage the words wiotki and wigor do not have a pejorative meaning, in winespeak they tend to signal a negative evaluation of the product.

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INTENSITY OF TASTE high intensity of wine taste

wino jest bogate ‘wine is rich’ wino jest głębokie ‘wine is deep’

low intensity of wine taste

wino jest nudne ‘wine is boring’ wino jest skąpe ‘wine is mingy’ wino jest proste ‘wine is simple’ wino jest płytkie ‘wine is shallow’ wino jest nieme ‘wine is dumb’

ALCOHOL DETECTABILITY alcohol is incisive

wino jest gorące ‘wine is hot’

alcohol is not incisive

wino jest chłodne ‘wine is cold’

alcohol is too strong

wino jest palące ‘wine is torrid’ wino jest ogniste ‘wine is fiery’

WATER AND ALCOHOL/EXTRACT BALANCE

alcohol/extract is incisive

wino ma pełne ciało ‘wine is full-bodied’ wino jest mięsiste ‘wine is chunky’ wino jest solidne ‘wine is solid’ wino jest masywne ‘wine is bulky’ wino jest dobrze zbudowane ‘wine is hunky’ wino jest krągłe ‘wine is round’ wino jest mocne ‘wine is strong’ wino jest ciężkie ‘wine is heavy’ wino jest męskie ‘wine is manly’

alcohol/extract is not incisive

wino jest cienkie ‘wine is thin’ wino jest lekkie ‘wine is light’ wino jest kobiece ‘wine is feminine’

TASTES BALANCE

tastes are well balanced

wino jest zrównoważone ‘wine is well balanced’ wino ma charakter ‘wine has character’ wino jest eleganckie ‘wine is elegant’ wino jest aksamitne ‘wine is velvety’ wino jest rasowe ‘wine is pure-bred’

tastes are not balanced

wino jest bez wyrazu ‘wine is featureless’

DURABILITY OF AFTERTASTE aftertaste lasts for a short time

wino jest krótkie ‘wine is short’

aftertaste lasts for a long time

wino jest długie ‘wine is long’

The wine terms are based on the following metaphorical schemata: 1. wine is a physical solid object 1.1. it is a flexible/non-flexible physical object (wine is pliant/rigid) 1.2. it has shape (wine is round) 1.3. it has length (wine is short) 1.4. it has width (wine is thin) 1.5. it has depth (a container) (wine is deep) 1.6. it has temperature (wine is hot/cold) 80

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1.7. it has weight (wine is light) 1.8. it has a surface with a specific texture (fabric) (wine is velvety) 2. wine is an animate being 2.1. wine is a plant (wine is green) 2.2. wine is an animal (wine is pure-bred) 2.3. wine is a human 2.3.1. wine has a body 2 (wine is full-bodied) 2.3.2. wine has a personality (wine is gentle) 2.3.3. wine has gender (manly/feminine wine) 2.3.4. wine can speak (wine is dumb) 2.3.5. wine wears clothes (wine is elegant) 2.3.6. wine can have a fortune (wine is rich) In general, most metaphorical terms used in Polish winespeak present wine as a three-dimensional object or a person with certain physical and psychological features. Such visualization underlines the complexity of sensory perception during wine tasting. Some terms undoubtedly have metonymic origins. Since alcohol literally imparts a burning sensation to our tongue, it comes as no surprise that alcohol predominance in wine is described by the activation of the fire frame (hot, fiery). Similarly, the metaphors indicating that wine is rich in extract and activating the robustness or weight frames as their source can be explained by the fact that alcohols and sugars have a much higher viscosity than water, and as a result may be perceived as heavier, thicker in our mouth. The most typical feature of winespeak is the concomitance of several metaphorical schemata in one sentence (so-called “mixed metaphors” 3). For example, wine can be described simultaneously as velvety, warm, light and long. Sometimes in one text two different schemata are mixed: wine is a physical object and wine is an animate being, e.g. (1): (1) Santo Stefano

i

Santo Stefano Riserva

to

wina

głębokie,

Santo Stefano.PR

and

Santo Stefano Riserva.PR

be.COP

wine.NOM.PL

deep

długie,

eleganckie,

o

twardej

ramie

garbników

2 We are aware that animals also have bodies, but language is highly anthropocentric. Moreover, creative metaphors used in Polish winespeak (see examples (6)-(8) ) clearly suggest that it is the human body that speakers had in mind. 3 The term “mixed metaphors” is used extensively in English stylistics and rhetoric. The occurrence of mixed metaphors in texts has traditionally been seen as a sign of the author’s lack of stylistic competence, and the critique of such practice was voiced for instance in Henry B. Lathrop’s manual: “Sometimes writers go so far as to forget the metaphorical significance of their words as to combine distinctly incongruous metaphors, producing what are called mixed metaphors” (Lathrop 1920: 200, cited in Gibbs 2016: vii). However, recent studies point to the fact that mixing metaphors is actually common and natural in various discourse types.

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long

elegant

with

hard

frame.LOC

a zarazem

mięsistej,

sutej

materii.

simultaneously

fleshy

ample

fabric.LOC

tannin.GEN.PL

‘Santo Stefano and Santo Stefano Riserva are deep wines, long, elegant with a sturdy tannin frame and fleshy, ample fabric.’ Mixing various perceptual and non-perceptual source frames in metaphors is a typical feature of wine blogs. Paradis and Hommerberg believe that: …the elusive mixture of sensations in wine tasting takes the form of mixed metonymizations, metaphors and similes in wine reviewing discourse. Such construals of meaning are taken to be motivated by the fact that concrete word meanings elicit qualitatively different processing in the form of mental imagery than abstract word meaning in that they evoke rich sensory experiences which are intimately tied up with our experience in life (Paradis and Hommerberg 2016: 181).

4. Elaborated metaphors in Polish wine blogs Most terms used in Polish wine discourse are of course borrowings. Nevertheless, Polish wine blogs are remarkably rich in new, creative metaphors that expand the basic metaphorical schemata. In example (2), wine is pictured as a carving in almond wood. The metaphor, based on the schema wine is a physical object, brings out the three-dimensionality of wine taste and its almond aroma. (2) Znakomite

wino,

sprawiające

wrażenie

wyrzeźbionego

exquisite

wine.NOM

make.PART

impression.ACC

carve.PERF

w

migdałowym

drewnie

(to

pewnie

nuta

z aromatu).

in

almond

wood.LOC

it

surely

note.NOM

out of aroma

‘An exquisite wine, as if carved in almond wood (it must be a note of the aroma).’ In example (3), the speaker elaborates on a quite conventional metaphor wine is fabric. A typical description of fabric features (e.g. adjectives dense, gauzy) is in fact projected onto the description of wine. (3) Materia

wina

jest

zbita,

gęsta,

fabric.NOM

wine.GEN

be.PRES.SG

matted

dense

ale

zwiewna

jak

w

perskim

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dywanie –

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but

gauzy

as

in

Persian

carpet.LOC

cieniutkim,

lecz

o

niezliczonej

ilości

supełków.

thin.DIM

but

with

countless

number.LOC

knot.GEN.PL.DIM

W

Ovello

tych

supełków

zdaje się

być

In

Ovello.PR

this.DEM.PL.MASC

knot.GEN.PL.DIM

seem.PRES

be.INF

jeszcze

więcej

i



jeszcze

drobniejsze.

even

more

and

be.PRES.PL

even

fine.PL

Taniny



mikroskopijne,

wyrafinowane,

tekstura

tego

tannin.NOM.PL

be.PRES.PL

microscopic

sophisticated

texture.NOM

this.DEM.SG.NEUT

wina

jest

bardzo

szlachetna.

wine.GEN

be.PRES

very

noble

‘The fabric of the wine is matted, dense, yet gauzy as in a Persian carpet – ultrafine but with countless knots. There seems to be even more of the knots in Ovello, and they are even finer. Tannins are microscopic, sophisticated, the texture of this wine is very noble.’ Even personifications, quite frequent in winespeak, can be more creative and elaborated. In example (4), two different wines are characterized as if they were inhabitants of the regions where they were made. Human features, pertaining both to the appearance (e.g. shaven) and behavior (e.g. unmannerly), are mapped onto the taste of the two wines. (4) I

choć

lubiłam

myśleć

o

and

despite

like.1ST.PERS.PAST.FEM

think.INF

about

nero

jak

o

szorstkim,

nieokrzesanym

nero.PR

as

about

brusque

unmannerly

Sycylijczyku

(ze

wszystkimi

tego(sic)

wadami),

Sicilian-LOC

(with

all.PRON

this.DEM.SG

fault.INSTR.PL

to

ogolony

i

wygładzony

nero

CONJ

shave.PART.PAS

and

smoothaway.PART.PAS

nero.PR

od

Gigliotto

przypadł mi do gustu.

from

Gigliotto.PR

take to.PAST

‘And even though I liked to think about Nero as of a brusque, unmannerly Sicilian (with all his flaws), I found the shaven and smoothened Gigliotto’s Nero quite to my liking.’ Example (5) shows a wine as a very aggressive attacker who yells, destroys and murders dishes, whereas the specific components of taste (alcohol, fruit) are depicted as weapons.

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(5) Żadne

z

podanych

win

nie nadawało się

none.PRON.NEG

out of

serve.PART.PAS

wine.GEN.PL

suit.PAST.NEG

jednak

do

jedzenia

Zakrzykiwały

każdą

however.PART

to

food.GEN

shout.PAST.ITER

every.PRON

potrawę –

zalewały



oleistą

materią,

dish.ACC

flood.PAST.ITER

it.PRON.SG.FEM

oily

fabric.INSTR

niszczyły

rozbuchanym

alkoholem,

mordowały

zbyt

destroy.PAST.ITER

lush

alcohol.INSTR

murder.PAST.ITER

too

słodkim

owocem,

i

nic

tu

sweet

fruit.INSTR

and

nothing.PRON

here.DEM

nie pomogło

nachalne

dokwaszenie.

help.PAST.NEG

aggressive

acidize.GER.PERF

‘None of the wines that were served matched the food, though. They shouted down every dish, flooding it with their oily fabric, destroyed it with their lush alcohol, murdered it with fruit that was too sweet, and the aggressive acidizing was of no use at all.’ The specialist term “body of wine”, which functions as a conventional wine tasting descriptor, is creatively expanded in examples (6)-(9). In example (6), the reader’s attention is focused on a specific body part, i.e. the legs. Legs normally enable a standing person to maintain balance, and the basic experience is mapped onto the domain of gustatory perception in order to communicate the complexity of impressions a wine taster gets, which evolve over time as the wine is exposed to oxygen. (6) Miałem

wrażenie

jakby

wino

lekko

have.PAST.1st .SG.MASC

impression.ACC

as if

wine.NOM

gently

chwiało się

na

nogach,

chociaż

im

shake.PAST.3rd.SG

on

foot.LOC.PL

though

the more

dłużej

oddychało

w

karafce,

tym

long

breathe.PAST.3rd.SG

in

decanter.LOC

the more

pewniej

łapało

pion.

confidently

keep.PAST.3rd.SG

upright.

‘I got the impression that the wine was a bit shaky on its feet, though the longer it breathed in the decanter, the firmer it stood.’

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The anthropocentrism of language manifests itself in comparing the body of wine to that of celebrities (see example (7) alluding to Sylvester Stallone as a culturally entrenched hallmark of athleticism, and example (8) with Scarlett Johansson perceived as a paragon of a sexually attractive, curvy woman; in both cases the wine is evidently positively evaluated by the taster), or that of a muscleman on steroids (see example (9) )–an image that conveys a negative evaluation. (7) Napakowane

owocem,

muskularne

niczym

Sylvester Stallone

wina.

pack.PART.PERF

fruit.INST.SG

muscular

like

Sylvester Stallone.PR

wine.GEN.SG

‘Crammed with fruit, muscular like a Sylvester Stallone of wine.’ (8) Znakomite

wino

jednocześnie

prezentujące

okrągłości,

exquisite

wine.NOM

simultaneously

present.PART

curve.ACC.PL

których

nie powstydziłaby się

Scarlett Johansson.

which.PRON.REL

be ashamed.COND.NEG

Scarlett Johansson.PR

‘An exquisite wine, at the same time revealing curves that Scarlett Johansson would not be ashamed of.’ (9) Dosyć

gęste,

ciężkie

wino.

Aromat

quite.PART

thick

heavy

wine.NOM

aroma.NOM

intensywny,

owocowy,

na dłuższą metę

męczący,

ale

intensive

fruit.ATTR

in the long run

tiresome

but

Kto

będzie wwąchiwał się

w

kieliszek

who.PRON

sniff.FUT.3rd.SG.REFL

in

glass.ACC

przy

kotlecie?

Ciało

osiłka

na

over

chop.LOC

body.NOM

muscleman.GEN

on

sterydach:

niby

duży,

niby

silny,

steroid.LOC.PL

seemingly

big

seemingly

strong

ale

i

groteskowy.

but

as well

grotesque

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Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

‘A quite thick, heavy wine. An intensive fruity aroma, tiresome in the long run, but who will want to sniff so diligently over a chop of meat? A body of a muscleman on steroids: he seems to be big and strong, but grotesque as well.’ The lexicalized metaphorical term “nieme wino” ‘dumb wine’ is developed in examples (10) and (11). Dumb wine is a negative characteristic of wine which is tasteless and devoid of aroma. However, in the following two examples the speakers make use of the concept to describe the good taste and aroma of wines. This is done by offering an image of (personified) tannins whispering in the case of a young wine that has not developed its full voice yet (see (10) ), or a seemingly tacit wine that turns out to resemble a song sung in an archaic white voice technique as in example (11). (10) Mas de Daumas Gassac Rouge 2009

zapowiada się

bodaj

wspanialej

od

Mas de Daumas Gassac Rouge 2009.PR

promise.PRES.3rd.SG

perhaps.PART

excellent

than.COMP

wersji

białej.

Na razie

to

jeszcze

version.GEN

white

for the time being

be.COP

still.PART

osesek:

gdy

go

degustowałem

w

nursling.NOM

when

it.PRON.MASC.SG

taste.PAST.1st.SG.MASC

in

marcu,

dopiero

trafił

do

beczek.

March.LOC

just.PART

land.PAST.3rd.SG.MASC

into

barrel.GEN.PL

Już

jednak

czuje się

świetną

równowagę

already

however.PART

feel.PRES.IMPRS

excellent

balance.ACC

I

przede wszystkim

arcypiękną

urodę

garbników,

and

aboveall.PART

beautiful

beauty.ACC

tannin.GEN.PL

przemawiających

zmysłowym,

lirycznym

szeptem.

speak.PART

sensuous

lyrical

whisper.INSTR

‘Mas de Daumas Gassac Rouge 2009 seems to be even more promising than the white version. For the time being, it is still a nursling: when I tasted it in March, it had just landed in barrels. 86

Crossroads. A Journal of English Studies

However, one can already feel its excellent balance and above all the superior beauty of the tannins that speak in a sensuous lyrical whisper.’ (11) Przez

pierwsze

dziesięć

minut

Pommier Pinot Noir 2011

for

first.PL

ten.NUM

minute.GEN.PL

Pommier Pinot Noir 2011.PR

nie pachniało

zupełnie

niczym,

w

ustach

smell.PAST.3rd.SG.NEUT

completely

nothing.PRON

in

mouth.LOC

też

zdawało się

milczeć.

Potem

powoli

also.PART

seem.PAST.3rd.SG.NEUT

be silent.INF

then

slowly

dawało

się

odkrywać

po

kawałeczku –

let.PAST.3rd.SG.NEUT

itself.PRON.REFL

discover.INF

by

bit.LOC.DIM

lilie,

odrobina

wiśni,

kwasowość,

zieloność,

lily.NOM.PL

bit.NOM

cherry.GEN

acidity.NOM

greenness.NOM

zero

garbnika.

Wszystko

drobne,

proste,

zero.NUM

tannin.GEN.SG

all.PRON

small

simple

smukłe,

czyste,

skromne,

ale

niesamowicie

slender

pure

modest

but

incredibly

autentyczne.

Jak

pieśń

śpiewana

białym głosem.

authentic

like

song.NOM

sing.PART.PAS

white voice.INSTR

Niespieszne,

nierozgadane,

mało

alkoholowe,

zupełnie

unhurried

unchatty

little

alcohol.ATTR

completely

niedzisiejsze. old-fashioned

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‘For the first ten minutes, Pommier Pinot Noir 2011 had no smell whatsoever, it seemed to stay tacit in the mouth, too. Later on, it began to reveal itself bit by bit—lilies, a bit of cherry, acidity, greenness, no tannin. Everything was small, simple, slender, pure, modest, but incredibly authentic. Like a song sung in a white voice. Unhurried, not chatty, with little alcohol, totally old-fashioned.’ Conclusion Winespeak in Polish is evolving quite fast, in fact much faster than the wine market. Blogs about wine expand upon specific language reflecting a dynamic and very subjective gustatory perception. In this type of discourse the metaphor’s main function is to translate a personal sensory experience into more general ideas. We think that the relatively young culture of wine degustation in Poland is the reason that Polish winespeak abounds in metaphors which are creative and elaborated. Borrowed wine terms (round, long, rigid, etc.) seem to be hermetic and alien. Polish reviewers prefer to vividly expand those lexicalized metaphors and create story-like wine descriptions. Mixed metaphors, typical of winespeak, are also frequently represented in Polish discourse. Mixing several source frames to describe one concept—the taste of wine—results from the multi-dimensional taste sensation that develops in time. However, there are some constraints on metaphor mixing. It seems that antonym metaphors are mutually exclusive, e.g. wine cannot be described as simultaneously hot and cold, rigid and soft, aggressive and gentle. The proposed constraints will be tested in the future on various synesthetic metaphors (e.g. in perfumery discourse) as it is likely that the limitation also concerns other types of perception. Although wine discourse is rich in creative metaphors, sometimes even baffling, they are based on a very limited number of figurative schemata. The most prominent one is personification. Likewise, a very frequent schema is wine is a physical object. Most metaphors exploiting that predication activate tactile experience (e.g. soft, smooth, harsh, rigid wine). It is owing to the metaphorization processes that the lexical field of gustatory experience in Polish winespeak is much bigger and diversified as compared to general Polish. Acknowledgments The article is funded by the National Science Centre in Poland under project no. 2014/15/B/ HS2/00182 titled: Microcorpus of Synaesthetic Metaphors. Towards a Formal Description and Efficient Methods of Analysis of Metaphors in Discourse. References Amoraritei, Loredana. 2002. La métaphore en œnologie. Metaphorik.de 3, 1-12. Caballero, Rosario. 1996. Cutting across the senses: Imagery in winespeak and audiovisual promotion. In: Forceville, Charles and Eduardo Urios-Aparisi (eds.), Multimodal Metaphor, 73–94. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Caballero, Rosario. 2007. Manner-of-motion verbs in wine description. Journal of Pragmatics 39(12), 2095–2114.

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Caballero, Rosario and Ernesto Suárez-Toste. 2010. A genre approach to imagery in winespeak: Issues and prospects. In: Low, Graham, Todd Zazie, Deignan Alice and Lynne Cameron (eds.), Researching and Applying Metaphor in the Real World, 265-287. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Coulson, Seana. 2001. Semantic Leaps. Frame-Shifting and Conceptual Blending in Meaning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Creed, Allison. 2013. Wine and metaphor: cross-cultural [dis]harmony. In: Midgley, Warren, Trimmer Karen and Andy Davies (eds.), Metaphors for, in and of Education Research, 10-25. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Fillmore, Charles. 1982. Frame Semantics. In: Seoul International Conference on Linguistics, The Linguistics Society of Korea (eds.), Linguistics in the Morning Calm, 111-137. Seoul: Hanshin Publishing Co. Gibbs, Raymond W. (ed.) 2016. Mixing Metaphor. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Lakoff, George and Mark Johnson. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Lehrer, Adrienne. 1975. Talking about Wine. Language 51(4), 901-923. Lehrer, Adrienne. 2009 [1983]. Wine and conversation (Second edition). Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press. Mitrenga, Barbara. 2009. Nazwy zmysłu smaku w języku polskim. LingVaria 4(2), 227-236. Negro, Isabel. 2012. Wine discourse in the French language. RAEL: Revista Electrónica de Linguistica Aplicada 11, 1-12. Paradis, Carita. 2010. Touchdowns in winespeak: ontologies and construals in use and meaningmaking. In: Rambaud, Margarita G. and Alfredo P. Luelmo (eds.), Proceedings from the 1st Conference on Linguistic Approaches to Food and Wine Descriptions, 37–55. Madrid: UNED. Paradis, Carita and Mats Eeg-Olofsson. 2013. Describing sensory experience: The genre of wine reviews. Metaphor and Symbol 28(1), 22-40. Paradis, Carita and Charlotte Hommerberg. 2016. We drink with our eyes first: The web of sensory perception, aesthetic experience and mixed imagery in wine reviews. In: Gibbs, Raymond W. (ed.), Mixing Metaphor, 179-201. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Skolik, Agnieszka. 2011. Smak w analizie sensorycznej. Poznań: Wydawnictwo UEP. Suárez Toste, Ernesto. 2007. Metaphor inside the wine cellar: On the ubiquity of personification schemas in winespeak. Metaphorik.de 12(1), 53-64. Țenescu, Alina. 2014. The organicist-animist metaphor in Italian wine media discourse. Social Sciences and Education Research Review 2, 62-72. Zawisławska, Magdalena. 2015. Funkcja metafory w rekonstrukcji językowego obrazu świata na przykładzie metaforyki w języku winiarzy. Poradnik Językowy 1, 79-88.

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Internet sources Naszkowska, Krystyna. 2017. Polacy piją coraz więcej wina – rośnie spożycie i produkcja. Jakie wina najchętniej kupujemy? Półwytrawne i tanie. http://wyborcza.pl/7,155287,21639178,polacy┐ -pija-coraz-wiecej-wina-rosnie-spozycie-i-produkcja.html (15 April 2017)

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Book Review

10.15290/cr.2017.17.2.06

Barczewska, Shala, Conceptualizing Evolution Education. A Corpus-Based Analysis of US Press Discourse. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017, 400 pp., ISBN-13: 978-1-4438-4314-0, ISBN-10: 1-4438-4314-8. Hardback £74.99. Reviewed by Daniel Karczewski and Edyta Wajda, Department of Modern Languages, University of Białystok, Poland.

Shala Barczewska’s Conceptualizing Evolution Education presents an in-depth analysis of the press discourse concerning the controversy over the issue of teaching Darwinian evolution as part of the curriculum in American schools. Although the research is primarily underpinned by the general tenets of Cognitive Linguistics, in her study the author adopts a variety of perspectives and instruments originating from Pragmatics, Critical Discourse Analysis and Corpus Linguistics. The author points to the fact that most studies grounded in Cognitive Linguistics so far have focused primarily on the applications of the Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT). She attempts to enrich the Cognitive Linguistic approach to discourse analysis by applying tools of Corpus-Assisted Discourse Studies and by incorporating elements of Cognitive Pragmatics. The general context of the analyzed discourse is constituted by one of American ‘culture wars’ – a nation-wide debate on the trustworthiness of the theory of evolution, which, in essence, is a dispute over more fundamental ontological and ethical issues concerning the nature of reality – spiritual or material and the source of moral authority – transcendent or personal. The clash of values underpinning the debate, which may be simplistically characterized as religion versus science, has social and political consequences. The culture war hypothesis suggests that an axiological transformation within public culture results in serious tensions in social order (Dill and Hunter 2010). By investigating how the debate over evolution education is construed in the press, Barczewska hopes to uncover hidden meanings of the controversy and suggest alternative construals that may facilitate public communication (p. 2). The volume is clearly structured in 7 chapters of varying lengths along with an introduction and conclusions. Chapter 1, titled ‘Debating and Legislating Evolution Education in the US’, provides an exhaustive description of the context by reporting on various stages and levels of both the debate and the legislation concerning the content of educational programs with respect to the so-called creation versus evolution controversy. The author undermines this simplistic dichotomy, however, by presenting a diversity of ideological views concerning the origins of man, which form a whole spectrum ranging from Young Earth creationism to neo-Darwinian materialism. The chapter presents a brief history of the debate over evolution education based on sources that are widely acknowledged as “providing a balanced account” (p. 13). The analysis concentrates on the current 91

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press representation of the debate (2003−2012) but it also relates to the discourse concerning the 1925 trial of John T. Scopes, who was accused and convicted of teaching the evolution of man in school. The case, coined the “monkey trial”, has become an important point of reference in the discussions both on the content of biology programs and on the scope and nature of science. Therefore, due to its political and ideological salience, Barczewska, following Jäger and Maier (2009), considers the Scopes’ trial a discursive event as it is still shaping the conceptualizations present in the discourse of evolution education (p. 2). In the concluding part of Chapter 1, the author briefly reviews research on the language of the debate, both linguistic and socio-cultural. It includes the shift in the use of such concepts as science and scientist, their legitimizing value and competing interactional frames present in the press discussion, along with “terminology battles” over key concepts in the debate that reflect the clash of values rather than the battle between truth and error. Chapter 2, titled ‘Corpus Materials and Methodology’, is devoted to the presentation of the research tools grounded in Corpus-Assisted Discourse Studies (CADS). The author presents different approaches to corpus analysis, which can be broadly divided into two groups, treating the corpus either as a method or a theory. The former called corpus-based studies involves hypothesis testing; whereas the latter, referred to as corpus-driven studies, is based on inductive methods exploring the corpus as a text (Tognini-Bonelli 2001). Barczewska (pp. 39−40), following Partington (2009), adopts a more integrative approach, which allows for adjusting tools and perspectives to investigate the general picture of the discourse in which the debate is imbedded and, in particular, ways in which language is used to modify people’s beliefs about the issue in question. In the process, the two research perspectives, “induction and hypothesis testing combine and interact” (Partington 2009: 282). Barczewska (pp. 41−42) argues convincingly that Corpus-Assisted Analysis may help to discover hidden patterns of language more effectively and provides arguments against the tool’s insensitivity to context. The author supports the view that CADS studies should be distinguished from critical discourse analysis as the aim of the former is descriptive and “linguistically motivated” (Stubbs 1997: 2−3). The latter, in contrast, concentrates on the investigation of power relations as projected in language and the identification of the misuse of power. Barczewska (p. 41), aligning herself with the non-political agenda, states that her book “is focused on a description of the construal of the debate over evolution education [...], not an evaluation of the claims made therein”. The remaining part of the chapter is devoted to the discussion of the tools used within corpus linguistics (frequency lists, collocations, key words) and the composition of the corpora used for the study. Chapter 3, titled ‘Cognitive Processes and Discourse Space’, provides the theoretical background for the remaining chapters in the book. The author places her research within the paradigm of Cognitive Linguistics (represented by Ronald Langacker, George Lakoff and Charles Fillmore), which covers a variety of approaches sharing the commitment to generalizability and cognitive assumptions. In contrast to cognitive linguistics, including both functional and generative approaches, the Cognitive Linguistics paradigm focuses on uncovering general principles underlying linguistic behavior and providing a description of language “in accord with what is generally known 92

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about the mind and brain from disciplines other than linguistics” (Lakoff 1991: 54). The chapter presents notions and specific theories that are relevant to Barczewska’s subsequent analyses that include e.g. encyclopedic meaning, construal, frame semantics, conceptual metaphor and metonymy and conceptual blending. The chapter also surveys some concepts in pragmatics that prove relevant for the analysis of subsequent chapters. It also presents some criticism of specific approaches (CMT in particular) and shows how the study of some of the issues which traditionally fall under the pragmatics umbrella could benefit from Cognitive Linguistics’ insights. The final section of this chapter serves as a road map of theories to be employed in the following empirical chapters. Discussing encyclopedic meaning in Chapter 3, Barczewska considers the word scientist and observes that both the definition given in the OED online (2016) and the binary feature notation fail to do full justice to the complexity of the image in the mind of an average English speaker. In Chapter 1, Barczewska reviews Daniel Thurs’ discussion pertaining to the changing uses of the notion of science and the development of the terminology in the realm of non-science. It seems that science and scientist are the two most important concepts in the language of the debate on evolution education. It might be interesting in this respect to refer to a promising approach developed by Knobe, Prasada and Newman (2013) who present empirical evidence that certain concepts such as scientist, mother or teacher have a ‘dual character’. In this approach, a scientist may refer to a person who is professionally involved in doing research and trained in formal experimental methods, as well as to a person who employs analytical methods in his/her activities and thinking, but who lacks formal training. This is to say that the conceptualization may entail both or either of the two: being a formal researcher who may lack scientific rigour and being a ‘real’ scientist who may lack formal education. Chapter 2 and 3 form the theoretical backbone which directs the methodological framework of the study. Barczewska defines her multi-faceted method of analysis as triangulation. If cognitive linguistics and corpus-assisted linguistics are interpreted as different theoretical models, this type of triangulation may be specified as both theoretical (drawing upon alternative theories) and methodological (utilizing different methods on the same object). In the latter case, however, following the assumptions of Corpus-Assisted Discourse Studies, the author herself admits that diverse methods are used to investigate different aspects of the subject and it is the sum of the results of all the analyses which forms the final picture of the issue under investigation. Within a framework of the traditional research paradigm, researchers are expected to provide a systemic justification for the choice of methods and their utility with respect to particular objects of inquiry. Although Barczewska distances herself from Critical Discourse Analysis, the method she adopts can be described as a hybrid and placed within the realm of critical linguistics − the perspective which is characterized by heterosis, i.e. the creative expansion of possibilities resulting from hybridity. As such, it allows for the originating of hybrid models of research, the relating of language to broader social, political, cultural and ethical issues and thus the creation of new schemas of politicization in the Foucauldian sense (Pennycook 1999; 2001).

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Chapters 4, 5, 6 and 7 are devoted to the analysis of various aspects of the press representation of evolution education. Chapter 4, titled ‘Construal of the Debate over Evolution in Select Articles’, is the first analytical chapter whose aim is to unpack construal operations present in five articles (see the Appendix) that are claimed to be representative of the viewpoints frequently encountered in a larger corpus of reporting on evolution education from 2003–2012. Linguistic clues taken from the headlines, the subheads as well as from the introductory paragraphs serve as a retrieval aid for reconstructing vantage points from which the debate on evolution is viewed. Some dimensions of construal that are discussed include categorization, force dynamics, scope, schematization, and prominence. More specifically, three different metaphorical conceptualizations of linguistic construal (i.e. vision, geometry and physical interaction) provide the framework for subsequent analysis. This chapter features a number of tables and figures (e.g. domains of science, mappings from the source and target domains, sketches of the conceptual viewing arrangements) which illustrate the points discussed in the chapter. Not only do these display items clearly communicate/summarize information, they also facilitate the reader’s comprehension of the specific points Barczewska develops in chapter 4. As clearly outlined by the author in the summary conclusions (pp. 212–215), the analyses revealed that the journalists of the five articles under analysis construe the debate by (i) employing various figurative devices such as e.g. metonymy and metaphor in the headlines and introductory lines to construct the vantage point from which it is viewed; (ii) using words/phrases from the semantic domain of religion; (iii) picturing it in terms of a dichotomous model of us and them; (iv) quoting experts in their discussion; and (v) alluding to different frames. Additionally, the summary includes a comparison of the various ways in which the journalists draw upon these “resources” in construing the debate. For instance, Barczewska observed that some journalists draw on the intimidated teachers frame while others allude to morals/values/truth and protect children frames. Chapter 5, titled ‘Headline Analysis’, examines the headlines of the 601 articles in the EE312 corpus. The chapter aims both to identify semantic domains in the headlines, as well as “to assess the possibility of using headlines as a door to identifying possible source domains when researching metaphorical mappings in a larger corpus, in this case EE312” (p.10). Barczewska observes that the journalists rely on a number of semantic domains in construing the debate over evolution, some of the most prevalent domains identified in the headlines include e.g. religion and science, game or sport, conflict/war, container or chasm. On the one hand – perhaps not surprisingly – the analysis indicated some of the domains such as e.g. religion and science; on the other hand, it also unearthed the conceptualization of the debate in terms of spatial dimensions such as e.g. container. However, as Barczewska states, this method of categorizing (i.e. selecting the most salient domains in the headlines) is not a straightforward task as many headlines employ mixed metaphors or rely on several source domains. Perhaps one way of dealing with this difficulty and thus increasing the reliability of the findings, is by utilizing a second coder, which does not seem to be a common practice in linguistics research. According to Barbour (2001) the degree of inter-rater agreement is an important indication of the consistency of ratings between coders;

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however, what matters most are insights gained from discussion (about the sources of disagreements between the coders) that can as a result give rise to improvements in categorization schemes. Chapter 6, titled ‘Keywords in the Corpora’, aims to investigate the aboutness of the corpus via a study of keywords in EE312 and TIME25, as well as to study the organization of the sub-corpora according to semantic domains. For this purpose, Barczewska used a word list from The Guardian (1998–2004) that served as the reference corpus for calculating keywords. The first part of this chapter presents a list of some of the top keywords found in the EE312 corpus (e.g. the top five include: evolution, science, intelligent, design, and creationism) while the remaining parts of Chapter 6 focus on comparisons between keywords in the sub-corpora categorized according to the stance of the journalist, the genre of the article, and the scope of the publication. Some interesting observations have emerged from the chronological comparison. It shows the shift in the use of key semantic domains between proponents and opponents of Darwinian evolution in the articles under analysis. That is to say that the former group favored words from the domain of religion, as opposed to the latter group that had a tendency to use words from the semantic domain of science. Chapter 7, titled ‘Construal of Keywords in the Corpus’, continues the discussion of keywords within the EE312 corpus, with a focus on the two top keywords: science and evolution. More specifically, the discussion centers on one grouping of collocates (frequent and statistically significant) of science within the corpus—i.e. polarity markers that include for instance such lexemes as pseudo, sound and good, as well as on some collocates of education—some of the examples discussed include e.g. anti-, pro- and teaching. Overall, Barczewska shows how journalists make use of the key terms in question to construe their own voice (as well as other participants’) when debating over evolution education. Moreover, Chapter 7 discusses two techniques (metonymic and metaphorical) utilized by the participants of the debate to classify their opponents as religious and it also highlights some of the lexicalizations of the most prevalent conceptual metaphor in the EE312 corpus—i.e. argument is war. The summary of the results (Chapters 4–7) concludes this chapter. Here, the author offers some suggestions as to how communication between people representing different viewpoints on the evolution education debate can be improved. Relying on the results of her analyses, Barczewska postulates that “understanding and harnessing effective metaphors and appropriate image schemas” (p. 319) is the essence of the problem at stake. To conclude, Conceptualizing Evolution Education offers a plethora of inspiration for researchers and students working in the fields of corpus linguistics, Cognitive Linguistics and discourse analysis. The author has successfully employed a balanced combination of research theories and tools. The list of references is extensive (26 pages) and provides a valuable resource for other researchers; the volume also contains a detailed index. The book has many strengths, not least of which is its clear and comprehensive presentation. It also provides valuable data and insights for anyone interested in the American debate over evolution education. Importantly, the book does not only present how the debate is construed in the US press, but also offers insights into the “ways in which linguistic choices help and/or hinder communication in this and other controversies” (p.  xviii). Culture wars over such controversial problems as abortion, immigration policies or same-sex mar95

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riages dominate much of public discourse both in the USA and Europe. The volume also makes an excellent template for the analysis of other topics/controversies and as such, it has already taken its place in the list of essential reading for our BA and MA modules at the University of Białystok.

References Barbour, Rosaline S. 2001. “Checklists for improving rigour in qualitative research: a case of the tail wagging the dog?” British Medical Journal 322, 1115–1117. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1136/ bmj.322.7294.1115 Barczewska, Shala. 2017. Conceptualizing Evolution Education. A Corpus-Based Analysis of US Press Discourse. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Dill, Jeffrey S. and James D. Hunter. 2010. “Education and the Culture Wars”. In Hitlin, Steven and Stephen Vaisey (eds.) Handbook of the sociology of morality. New York: Springer, 275–291. Jäger, Siegfried and Florentine Maier. 2009. “Theoretical and Methodological Aspects of Foucauldian Critical Discourse Analysis and Dispositive Analysis”. In Wodak, Ruth and Michael Meyer (eds.) Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis. London: Sage, 34–61. Knobe, Joshua, Prasada, Sandeep and George E. Newman, G. 2013. “Dual Character Concepts and the Normative Dimension of Conceptual Representation”. Cognition 127, 242–257. DOI: https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2013.01.005 Lakoff, George. 1991. “Cognitive versus generative linguistics: How commitments influence results”. Language and Communication 11, 53–62. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/02715309(91)90018-Q Partington, Alan. 2009. “Evaluating evaluation and some concluding reflections on CADS”. In Bayley, Paul and John Morley (eds.) Corpus Assisted Discourse Studies on the Iraq Conflict: Wording, the War. New York: Routledge, 261–303. Pennycook, Alastair. 1999. “Introduction: critical approaches to TESOL”. TESOL Quarterly 33(3), 329−348. Pennycook, Alastair. 2001. Critical applied linguistics: A critical introduction. London: Lawrance Erlbaum. Stubbs, Michael. 1997. “Whorf’s Children: Critical Comments on Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA).” In Wray, Alison and Ann Ryan (eds.) Evolving Models of Language. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 100–116. Tognini-Bonelli, Elena. 2001. Corpus linguistics at work. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

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NOTE ON CONTRIBUTORS Marta Falkowska, Ph. D., is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Polish Language, University of Warsaw, where she teaches Polish grammar and English–Polish translation. She specializes in lexical semantics and cognitive grammar. She published a monograph devoted to the concept of guilt in Polish (Semantyka winy we współczesnej polszczyźnie, Warsaw 2012). Currently, she is a co-investigator on synamet, and is writing a book on the lexical and grammatical means of conveying empathy in Polish. E-mail address: [email protected] Agnieszka Piórkowska holds a Ph. D. in linguistics, and works as a lecturer at Łomża State University of Applied Sciences and Jański Higher School in Łomża. Her research interests include cognitive investigation of modality and emotional attitude, as well as methodology of teaching English to Young Learners. E-mail address: [email protected] Justyna Polak is a Ph. D. student at the Institute of English Studies at the University of Warsaw, Poland. Her academic interests include conceptual metaphor, conceptual blending, polysemy as well as natural language processing. E-mail address: [email protected] Shoaquian Luo is a Professor of applied linguistics at School of Foreign Languages and Literature, Beijing Normal University. She obtained her Ph. D. degree in applied linguistics in 2007 from The Chinese University of Hong Kong, supervised by Professor Peter Skehan. She now teaches at Beijing Normal University and her research interests concentrate on applied linguistics. E-mail address: [email protected] Małgorzata Waśniewska is a Ph. D. student and teacher in the Institute of English Studies at the University of Warsaw. Her research interests focus on linguistic aspects of dehumanization and its symptoms in media discourse and everyday communication. E-mail address: [email protected] Magdalena Zawisławska, Ph. D., is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Polish Language, University of Warsaw, where she teaches courses in Polish grammar and contrastive lexical semantics. Her main research interests are metaphor, semantics, and cognitive linguistics. She published a book about metaphor in the language of science (Metafora w języku nauki, Warsaw 2011). She was an investigator on several semantic projects, including Polish WordNet, Polish FrameNet, and COTHEC (Unified theory of coreference in Polish and its corpus-based verification). Currently, she is the principal investigator on SYNAMET. E-mail address: [email protected]

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Shuai Zhang is a Ph.D. student of applied linguistics at School of Foreign Languages and Literature, Beijing Normal University. He obtained his Master’s degree in applied linguistics in 2015 from School of Foreign Languages, Northeast Normal University. His research interests concentrate on applied linguistics. E-mail address: [email protected]

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