unmasking motivation & monumentalizing

HANDBOOK OF VISUAL CONSCIOUSNESS MEASURES

UNMASKING MOTIVATION & MONUMENTALIZING GENERATIONAL VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING: HANDBOOK OF VISUAL CONSCIOUSNESS MEASURES WITH ASSERTIVENESS TRAINING APPLICATIONS FOR TRAFFICKING VICTIMS & POLITICAL CAMPAIGNERS

Photograph of the marble sculpture of a Roman lady (Giulia Maggiore in chapter 6) by Lendering (1995) to unmask and empower Gigliola Addini September 1946 at age 17 in Florence, Italy

SILVIA STEIN, PUBLISHED AUTHOR BOOK COPYRIGHT REGISTERED IN DUSSELDORF, GERMANY DECEMBER 2017 Doctoral Studies (2002-2017) and Pontifical Research (2005-2007) Psychophysiology & Strategic Visual Communication SILVIA STEIN 0


Contents INTRODUCTION I

II

RESEARCHER QUALITIES & METHODOLOGY 1

Trafficking has a generational nature requiring moral character of the trafficking researcher rather than ethical character

2

Visual matrix: predictive theory of visual rhetoric and its formula with measureable variable activity in communication studies

MODEL EXPLAINING MIND & BODY INTERACTION 3

III

IV

Cartesian dualism supports women & amputees as complete: Ian Stevenson’s concept of the psychophore

A PROPERTY RIGHTS STRATEGY TO TURN THE TABLES ON PERPETRATORS 4

VICTIM HATED, VICTIM WANTED, AGAIN - The face as a floating signifier and a suspended motif in identifying the attraction power of a generational trafficking iconic murder victim: the face of Emmet Till (1941-1955) and Meredith Kercher (19852007)

5

Can unmasking produce profitable Justice after torture or death: case study in photojournalism revealing the Lamarckian manipulation of evolution of a Holocaust victim of trafficking’s consciousness, an intellectual property right, & application of predictive visual rhetoric theory to improve waterboarding

FROM DISNEY TO JESUS: PROTECTING ICONIC VALUE AS A MORAL CORNERSTONE OF THE COLLECTIVE 6

From Disney to Jesus: Swarm intelligence political campaigning unmasking & empowering an extended personality matrix phenomenological turn benefiting moral evolution

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INTRODUCTION Silvia Francesca Stein, Author After my three laptops being stolen, two in Heathrow airport (2009) and one in Rome while visiting two Italian supreme cassation court employees (2014), I tend to keep my writing both on hard-drives, back-up memory sticks, and on the internet. I thus developed, in various formats, these chapters after fourteen years of study of symbolic inter-action (constructionism) that began with my master’s thesis (Malinowski, 1992 & Stein, 2002). The following chapters are a step by step understanding of how trafficking includes issues such as the Holocaust as the former Soviet faculty in Crimea taught me. Trafficking trauma remains with its victims, and is generationally reinforced by rituals and symbols forming a cultural and structural mind trap. Human behavior can be symbolically triggered and controlled through exposure to images associated with trafficking trauma (Stein, 2002). Seeing ourselves in a different way, can help us break abusive modern cultural and structural restraints and appreciate our indigenous European traditions and histories, challenging abusive media representations, as the young woman sold into sex slavery taught me, with our own moral visions to delineate our own terms of freedom embracing our historical heritage (Ayers & Hopf, 1987). Chapter 1 explains my rationale and findings with reference to on-site ethnographic interviews, statistics, documentation of trends, and my final geopolitical evaluation of the current illegal human trafficking situation for the European Union (IOM, 2000 & Malinowski, 1992). Chapter 2 is the subconscious visual processing predictive theory I developed based on my collaborations with the university laboratory in Crimea, to help victims or survivors of generational trafficking, including a performer whose image was abusively merchandised, to become aware of themselves and empower themselves (IOM, 2000 & Stein, 2002). Chapter 3 is an application of the theory work to explain how persons with a handicap, for example, can behave strong like a fully able-bodied person. Chapter 4 is a proposal to see victims of ethnic hatred crimes as repeatedly victimized, generationally, and the need to enforce prevention in human inter-actions. Chapter 5 is an example of combined methodologies to help a Polish high-school drop-out, lured into mafia activities in Germany, to re-evaluate his case as being a victim of generational trafficking, and providing him the cognitive skills for him to establish his own terms of freedom and achievement based on the survival of previous life consciousness. He is a case of three generation trafficking of his image abusively merchandised. Chapter 6, based on literature and discussions from Vatican circles at the Gregorian University, is on the role of generationally promoted iconic attraction in swaying voters and supporters. SILVIA STEIN 2


References Ayers, J. & Hopf, T.S. (1987). Visualization, systematic desensitization, & rational emotive therapy: A comparative evaluation. Communication Education, 36 (3), 236-240. Bandura, A. (1994). Social cognitive theory of mass communication. Media Effects: Advances in Theory & Research. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, 61-90. Brady, R. A., Lieutenant General USAF (2005). The report of the Headquarters Review Group concerning the religious climate at the US Air Force Academy. Headquarters, United States Air Force: 22 June 2005. Dor, J. (2000). Introduction to the Reading of Lacan: The unconscious structured like a language. NYC: Other Press. El-Dahabi El-Dahabi, EG (2002). “Protection of human rights in Islam”, in Europe & Islam: evaluations & perspectives at the dawn of the third millennium: proceedings of an international conference, Elsheik, MS (ed.), Florence University Press. Gerbner, G., Gross, L., Morgan, M. & Signorielli, N. (1994). Growing up with television: the cultivation perspective. Bryant, J. & Zillmann, D. (Eds.). Media Effects: Advances in Theory & Research (pp. 1760). Howe, UK: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers. Glock, C.Y. & Stark, R. (1963). Christian Beliefs & Anti-Semitism. NYC: Harper Row. Goldsworthy, A (2005). The Complete Roman Army. London: Thames & Hudson, LTD. Jung, C. G. (1990). The Archetypes & the Collective Unconscious. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Kempadoo, K. & Doezema, J. (1998). Global Sex Workers: Rights, resistance, & redefinition. NYC: Routledge. Laczko, F. (ed.) (2000). Migrant Trafficking & Human Smuggling in Europe. Geneva, Switzerland: International Organization for Migration (IOM). Lifton, J. 2000. The Nazi Doctors: Medical killing and the psychology of genocide. NYC: Basic Books. Malinowski, B. (1992). Magic, Science & Religion & Other Essays. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press Inc. Stein, S. (2002). Exploring Sexual Feelings through Roman Catholic Images: The lust judgment of gentile religion. Masters of Arts thesis. Pullman, WA: Washington State University.

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Zahavi, A. & Zahavi, A. (1997). The Handicap Principle: A Missing Piece of Darwin`s Puzzle. Oxford University Press.

I

RESEARCHER QUALITIES & METHODOLOGY

Chapter 1 Trafficking has a generational nature requiring moral character of the trafficking researcher rather than ethical character Silvia Francesca Stein, Author “To the victims of the Nazis. To those who survived” (Lifton, 2000) – postmortemly When research subjects, particularly victims of illegal human trafficking, judge me reliable to speak with about dangerous topics, they rely on my having a moral conscience to protect them, while getting their stories out (Laczko, 2000 & Limburg, 1994). I here delineate the difference between being moral, and being ethical (Limburg, 1994), and how being a researcher who prioritizes morality, lead me to question the practices of a religious institution, Roman Catholicism (Stein, 2000 & Stein, 2003b). Ethical principles in research are useful guidelines, like a mission statement (Limburg, 1994), to help us not only write a good research project, they also provide a demarcation point from which to judge if a person claiming to abide by ethical principles, particularly an ethicist (Limburg, 1994), actually has the personality to practice what they preach (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). I learned this from my mentor and employer, a Professor Emeritus of Ethics, Val Limburg, who earlier in his career learned to watch himself on and off camera when producing television news programs in Chicago. From Val I became very conscious that we are not always perceived as acting the way we feel we are, and that often audiences do not interpret what we say the same way (Limburg, 1994). Furthermore, some persons are just deceitful (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). All these issues can be explained if we consider the values involved, the priority values are awarded, the loyalties of the persons involved, and the indisputable facts of any situation (Limburg, 1994). Persons with a moral aversion to cheating, and an aversion to cheaters, are the most reliable in research (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). Measuring a person’s character is not possible by simply taking care that their writing samples are in order, meeting ethical principles (Bateson, 1979). We must also take care that their moral character is one that is horrified by the idea of cheating, not just horrified at the idea of getting caught cheating (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). Then we know we are employing persons with a moral aversion to cheating, thus the most reliable in research (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). Additional character traits are that the persons are, by their own cultural standards, outgoing (extraverted), agreeable (able to negotiate), conscientious (informing other persons of their rights and the possible dangers involved), stable (have security in a network and with resources), and are open (thus able to contemplate the position of the other, even if they disagree) (Limburg, 1994, & Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010).

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The tell-tale signs of who will behave unethically, even if they appear ethical in their writing and in a first impression, are persons having the diagnosable personality traits of the “Dark Triad”: psychopathy, with the sub-categories of Machiavellianism, and narcissism (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). Deceitful researchers can compromise how the facts are presented, and thus compromise the results and interpretation of the findings in a research project (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). It is not enough that a research project appear to fulfill the three principles of respect, benevolence, and justice (Belmont, 1979), we must also pay heed to the testable moral character and testable personality traits of the researchers Authoring and executing the research project (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). Particularly when researching the issues of handicapped persons (Lifton, 2000 & Swain, Finkelstein, French & Oliver, 2003), the research evaluator of any institution, at the office for the Institutional Review Board (IRB), has to educate and guarantee that the research project Authors, mentors, and investigators ethically fulfill their duties, if the project is approved by the IRB office. I know, I am the first Communication scholar, at Washington State University, where I worked with Professor Limburg, to have a National Institute of Health (NIH) project application accepted by the institution's IRB office for submission to NIH (Stein, 2003a). Thus not only are project proposals reviewed for meeting the required Belmont (1979) principles of respect, benevolence and justice; the individual moral character, personality traits and actions should be measured in evaluating and selecting project personnel and the project Author (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). When I Authored my communication department’s first National Institute of Health project application (Stein, 2003a) I sought out native experts from the region, Ukraine. Once on location, in Ukraine, my project would investigate through surveys and a snowball sample population of qualitative interviewees to understand emergent trends, a significant sample size population of Ukrainian women (Stein, 2003a). I also recruited advise from an ethics professor (Limburg, 1994), to make certain I had clearly imagined in my head all the possible dangers to myself, my research colleagues, and our subjects as I wrote our NIH project. My NIH project investigated prostitution in a mafia ridden post-Soviet Ukraine. In completing the NIH application I had to fulfil the IRB protocol requirements and Belmont (1979) principles of respect, benevolence and justice, being that I was responsible for the lives of our faculty and subjects. The danger was high if the religious-affiliated mafia networks overseas, particularly Catholic or Islamic, targeted any of us during our investigation of the subject. My responsibilities included possible provisions to assist rehabilitation of the victims of prostitution and other forms of illegal human trafficking. Thus, not only did I have to evaluate and anticipate my and colleagues’, personality traits, in my writing our mission statement for my project. I had to acknowledge the possible dangers to any of us, at the risk of our lives. The threat is the overseas mafia, as a result of the research, targeting us, which they repeatedly did. Fortunately, as part of my Bachelor's in Political Science, I excelled in Marxist studies and knew how to speak and interact with former Soviets on-site and cut through their very superficial religious indoctrination. Trafficking systemically involves civilian police and religious sects superstitiously believing that trafficking is a punishment for persons that do not conform to one religious ideology or another (Stein, 2003b). Preparing any research project, I take the same lengthy and complicated precautions of envisioning the real-life challenges of completing the project. If I cannot see something completed, as part of the envisioning of the goals, I do not participate in it. My moral obligation (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010) to the safety of everyone, as project Author and on-site leader, involved I take precautions utilizing an established research site, in 2003, where previous studies and exchanges had been contracted through the US State Department. My university had SILVIA STEIN 5


established and continued a regional network of security protecting us and our research subjects. In 2003 I made the point to ensure faculty safety overseas by travelling ahead of my group to investigate the dangers, and set up a working network of support in Ukraine anticipating the safety of my faculty joining me overseas. This required for me to take on the chores of a military scout, investigating all the possible mafia trappings within a hundred kilometer region. As project Author I felt I was the leader of the project’s vision and had to personally investigate possible safety concerns, as well as determine, before the project initiated, who was a reliable source in our project network, and who was a “cheater” (Williams, Nathanson, & Paulhus, 2010). If the project did not achieve its goals, I was also prepared to finish the research and develop my findings all on my own. Now I know Ukraine very well, having been immersed in the context, and have established a solid international security network protecting me to perform research investigating human phenomena overseas. When working in a foreign country it is essential to have contacts in neighboring countries, so that the researcher's network is greater than the networks of the traffickers, religious sects, and mafia that pose immediate dangers when on-site, whether in Ukraine, Russia, or later in Italy, where, by consulting with the Office of Count and Archbishop of Vienna Cristoph Schönborn, personal assistant of Joseph Ratzinger, with my intention to complete both my Washington State University Doctoral dissertation and National Institute of Health research on the role Vatican and Catholic doctrines played in facilitating the cognitive styles of perpetrators of violence against girls and women in illegal human trafficking and violence to its victims (Laczko, 2000); after several days I received the Office’s notarized letter of support for my Italian student visa to pursue my studies and research at the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome to study whatever I wanted.

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My invitation to attend the lectures at the Gregorian Pontifical University, and utilize their historical library collections of precious ancient documents on-site, was a continuation of my M.A. investigation of the disconnect between what is stated, what is imaged, and what is done among Roman Catholics (Stein, 2002). My enrollment at the Gregorian was helpful in following-up my NIH project proposal of how to deprogram victims and prevent victimization of Ukrainians in trafficking (Stein, 2003a) in that I required an understanding of the theological interpretations informing the various cognitive styles, and how to effectively argue any position utilizing the same theological documents as utilized by persons participating in trafficking. My PhD research subject I submitted in 2003 was grounded in ethnographic interviews of Ukrainian young women who had been trafficked into prostitution in western Europe, survived, and returned to Ukraine, often joining an evangelical Christian church in Kyiv, God's Embassy, lead by Pastor Sunday Adelaja, to help others avoid their fate. One young Ukrainian woman, recently married to a non-white member of God's Embassy, provided particularly insightful information on illegal trafficking in her interview. She had recently finished her high-school diploma and was working while attending a technical college, after returning to Ukraine escaping the prostitution mafia that had abducted her. As a young adolescent she had been proficient in English. Since she was marketable to an English speaking market (Laczko, 2000), SILVIA STEIN 7


she was sold to traffickers in Ukraine by her biological brother and removed from Ukraine. Once she was smuggled across the border into Poland, destined for another western European country, she was held in a Roman Catholic church basement used by the trafficker as a stop-over, raped, loosing her virginity and shamed to continue-on into prostitution. Her ability to clearly place the crime of her abduction on her biological family, helped her to not feel shame, and she was able to escape the trauma by clearly establishing for herself a new family, her non-white husband from the African continent, and her new found friends through God's Embassy in Kyiv. Normally I do not advocate evangelical churches, being an agnostic I do not doubt nor impose belief in the existence of a God, though for this young white Ukrainian woman Pastor Sunday Adelaja's ministry was what helped her determine for herself her concept of freedom (Malinowski, 1992). My sister had a somewhat similar experience, and decided for herself who to recognize as her family, and whom to not recognize. The young Ukrainian woman's account, and her clear thinking style similar to my sister's, strongly motivated me to investigate the role of Roman Catholic doctrine in facilitating illegal human trafficking, as well as feminicide. Thus by enrolling as an academic at the Pontifical University, I could also examine the Vatican's role in this generational objective of subduing young Slavic women to the will of religious (Stein, 2003b), framing the entirety of my research for eventual publication (Malinowski, 1992). My original intention was to help debrief Ukrainian survivors of trafficking, and to assist youth of university age in Ukraine to avoid becoming victims of trafficking (Stein, 2003a). To understand how these victims and targets think, and how the recruiters and abductors think, requires, through conversation and inter-action analysis, understanding their cognitive style, visual, audio, and somatic orientation points (ideographs), and how they prioritize their orientation points, to identify their ideology and motivation. This requires an understanding of the subconscious, preconscious, and the facade used consciously individually, in small groups, and in the collective as well as in out-group relations. Once you understand someone's, or a culture's cognitive style, how they rationalize, you know how to change cognitive styles for better environmental adaption, survival, and self-determination. Thus to de-program victims, targets, and perpetrators you must see trafficking at all levels across many nations, and understand the micro to change macro patterns through communication interventions and empowerment strategies. Sometimes empowerment is obtained in a community, such as through Pastor Sunday's ministry in Kyiv, although sometimes persons have the material and psychological resources to do it alone. In not finding a verbal communication intervention strategy with native Ukrainian women as verified victims of trafficking, I learned to help them express themselves and their inner vision, a self-visualization strategy (Ayers & Hopf, 1987), depending on their inner sense of self, aside from the negative experiences. This meant that rather than speaking I learned to carefully listen, and try to see as they saw, and learn to accept their rationalization as a sign of my acceptance of them, without judgment. In essence the victims were teaching me skills, and this was their empowering reward, that I listened and could repeat in my own words what they said, as I mirrored them and tried to verify what I heard. When I arrived in Kyiv, I thought I would use basic Buddhist strategies in conversations of addressing the inner-self, though I found that in a post-Soviet society persons had a sense of inner-worth, perhaps due to their families, having learned to read and interpret for themselves at home prohibited Christian bibles, during communism. Thus my studying Buddhism had helped me to listen, and empathize, taking notes rather than advising. Transferring my research to Crimea, in late 2003, I found that university academics were very knowledgeable about Buddhism, world philosophies, and New Age thought. The former Soviets (Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990), in avoiding the thinking traps of religious and ideological sects, pioneered research in past concepts of self that are understood through interpretation of myth and mythological figures (Frog, 2015), much like Carl Jung's theory of archetypes (Jung, 1990). SILVIA STEIN 8


Professors at a former KGB laboratory at Tavrichisky (in Russian) or Taurida (in Ukrainian) V.I. Vernadsky National University in Simferopol, Crimea, invited me to speak with their faculty that had pioneered studies in psychophysiology, reincarnation, aura and magnetism in interaction issues among humans. The scientific study of psychophysiology as a forensic issue of post-mortem trauma, and future orientation, bringing Buddhist precepts into an empirically testable theory with predictive value in personality studies, was a pioneering success at the National University in Simferopol, Ukraine, under the former Soviet system. The former Soviets are focused on trafficking as a western strategy to subdue the human soul, called a psychophore in reincarnation studies (Stevenson, 1997), so as to generationally control populations under one religious sect or caste system, and extract slave labor. The psychophysiology laboratory in Simferopol, Crimea particularly focused on the west's use of Islamic propaganda to subdue northern white European and indigenous Slavic populations in Ukraine and particularly Crimea. Realizing that the same criticisms are applicable against Roman Catholicism, and the active role through coded wording in Sunday lectures straying from the printed missal, of Catholic parishes in illegal human trafficking and sex slavery abductions (Laczko, 2000 & Stein, 2002), I learned the methodologies used at the psychophysiology laboratory to then prepare me to go into the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome, Italy and document the rhetorical strategies and rationale taught to Roman Catholic religious, as the Vatican promoted Islamic immigration into Europe from the south (Elsheikh, 2002 & Laczko, 2000). I was personally informed in a face to face interview, in 2004 with Paolo Blasi, PhD in physics, former rector of the University of Florence and board member of the United Nations' International Association of Universities (Elsheikh, 2000). Professor Blasi provided me with what turned-out to be the literature facilitating construction of an Islamic State diaspora through migrations in Europe (Elsheikh, 2002). Thinking I would be his ally in this endeavor, Professor Blasi assisted me with his network, while I was enrolling at the Pontifical University, to investigate the Vatican's doctrinal role in illegal human trafficking (Stein, 2003b). During my stay in Italy, for academic research, I combined the forensic approaches used by the former soviets with my background teaching visualization exercises (Ayers & Hopf, 1987) for communication apprehension, and audio and photo documentation of Freudian slips, as cueing a latent memory, usually related to a past life trauma and repressed mental images, to identify persons previously abducted into illegal human trafficking, including Holocaust victims (Stevenson, 1997). This generational approach, relying on touching the needs of previous lives, helped me fulfill the question of how persons who have never known freedom delineate the terms of their own freedom, as the young Ukrainian woman, a victim of illegal human trafficking (Laczko, 2000), mentioned earlier had done for herself. Survival and escape from illegal human trafficking, by the Ukrainian women I interviewed in Kyiv, might have been due to their originating from a northern European cold weather climate, Ukraine. Once returning with their own money, the women had protection through feminist NGO's, such as La Strada International in Kyiv (Kempadoo & Doezema, 1998). As a lesbian and an arm amputee, with a Semitic family name, I adopted the strategies of these women in Kyiv to learn for myself how to enforce protection of myself, my hired research assistants, and my interview subjects (Swain, Finkelstein, French, & Oliver, 1998). During my research years in continental Europe I had to ward-off four assailants, and I did so with the confidence the women in Kyiv modelled for me. Essentially I too hired lethal bodyguards and chauffeurs. The women, some who had worked as very expensive escorts for U.S. Congressional figures, invested their money in property and decided who to assist, in their 'new' family, and whom to ignore in Ukraine's troubled economy. One interviewee in 2003 worked part-time as a secretary for Pastor Sunday Adelaja, at Kyiv's Embassy of God ministry. She had a PhD in Geological Engineering for petroleum drilling, before going to France to work as an escort. She informed me that as an escort for U.S. Congressmen and Senators, she SILVIA STEIN 9


could easily earn $7,000 with one assignment. By saving her money she bought a new apartment in Kyiv for her grandmother, and could perform free work for the church while helping organize the ministry. The money some of these survivors earned in three or five years was perhaps rationalized as avoiding an early marriage and an unpleasant divorce. The prostitution and escort work could be equated to the years spent in an unhappy marriage and the money as a divorce settlement. Often the women said they relied on the church's ministry to help them find a good husband on their own terms. Having money these survivors of trafficking could pursue their own studies, career, and hire their own protection against any harassment. The majority of persons utilizing trafficking routes are from the south (Laczko, 2000). Cold weather nations are primarily not a destination country in trafficking, they are used as trafficking routes (Laczko, 2000). European Union funds mostly address safety of the immigrants, and not a centralized system to enforce laws criminalizing trafficking, traffickers, and those trafficked. Only support is offered after, not prevention before, they are trafficked with the goal to evaluate if they are able to remain replacing indigenous, nonMuslim, populations in warmer European regions or not (Laczko, 2000). Under the European Union game-plan of accommodation, and not prevention, the goal of substitution is the design for the countries in the south (Laczko, 2000). Italy and Greece carry the heaviest burden in accommodating immigrants, perhaps as a political ploy to bankrupt the European Union, forcing themselves out of the European Union, or the north treating Italy and Greece as second class European Nations, if they remain in the European Union. The European Union's warm weather generational patriarchal culture trafficking goals sustain the Vatican’s mission (Laczko, 2000, Stein, 2002, & Stein, 2003b): conversions, setting the agenda through parish political discussions globally, marginalizing women so men as advertising crucifixal images are the point of reference for voter tendencies and policies (Laczko, 2000, Fox, Lang, Chung, Lee, Schwartz, & Potter, 2004, Stein, 2002, & Stein, 2003b). Double-speak, or coded language, is the key symptom of trafficking cultures (Laczko, 2000). When persons grow-up and learn from within a trafficking culture, such as Poland, in which the dominant religion, Roman Catholic, assists in masking the exploitation of trafficking by saying one thing while visually seen doing another (Stein, 2002), members of the culture do not know what they are participating in is in any way wrong, unless the law criminally penalizes the behavior (Laczko, 2000). The participation is cultivated through the training of where a person looks, at what height, for how long, and through the rhetoric in the form of prayers to intensify the indoctrination experience glorifying exploitation (Stein, 2002, Stein, 2003a, & Stein, 2003b). Noted theologian Gustavo Gutierrez, a Vatican critic, proposed that the crucifix represents the power of the state to punish, the power to oppress, and not of salvation (Henneberger, 2001, McAffee, 1980, & Stein, 2002). In 2001 an Italian school teacher Ornella Orlandi, decided for herself how to interpret its insignificance in a classroom, and was punished (Henneberger, 2001, McAffee, 1980, & Stein, 2002). In 2002 I identified as harmful the crucifixal images used in Roman Catholicism, used to cultivate the cognitive rationalizing style and networks that facilitate the exploitation and trafficking of men and women, that at all levels visually contradict what is officially reported (Stein, 2002). As an example I performed a case study of the crucifix as the key advertising symbol, citing the chain reaction generated by the Italian school teacher who removed the crucifix from her public school classroom (Henneberger, 2001). In Italy, as in most Roman Catholic countries, especially Poland (Laczko, 2000), parishioners, particularly women, are not encouraged to read, much less interpret for themselves, the bible. My study explored the crucifix as reSILVIA STEIN 10


enforcing patriarchy by eroticizing the possibly false advertising image of the sculpted male (Fox, Lang, Chung, Lee, Schwartz, & Potter, 2004, & Stein, 2002) as what raped the then adolescent Ukrainian girl in the Polish Roman Catholic church basement, as part of preparing her to be trafficked into prostitution, after she was sold into sex slavery by her brother (Laczko, 2000). Thus the need to stress the moral character of the researcher, when women's voices and actions expressing their interpretation of morality are raped, marginalized, and silenced (Stein, 2002). Based on the censorship in Roman Catholicism of women's moral voices (Stein, 2002), in my 2003 mission statement, the abstract for my NIH project (Stein, 2003a), I stated the ethical premises guiding my research project (Belmont, 1979 & Limburg, 1994), I had to state the criminal nature of trafficking in the Ukrainian region and its recent history, since the economic instability of post-Soviet Ukraine (Laczko, 2000). The new economy lead up to our research on victims of prostitution, who had survived systems of abductions, deceptions, and rape that trapped victims into situations of shame, stigma, and exile until they had enough help and resources to return to Ukraine (Laczko, 2000). I addressed concern in my statement that “[a] young woman’s familiarity with English language is an appealing quality to criminal organizations practicing deception and abductions in order to supply the international sex-industry with Ukrainian women possessing typical Slavic features” (Stein, 2003a). Unfortunately, in my case, this statement proved to be true, as I posed as a blonde English speaking woman from Ukraine in Europe, particularly in Kyiv, Ukraine, Rome, Italy and St. Petersburg, Russia. Routinely I was approached and solicited for drugs and sex. I saw my dressing as a Slavic woman as part of my undercover role in understanding first-hand the predicament of Slavic women in the eyes of criminals and their networks here and throughout continental Europe (Stein, 2003a). In order to keep myself aware of my own ethical conduct (Limburg, 1994), the interventions were audiovideotaped, or photographically recorded, guaranteeing all proper procedures were followed while respecting the rights to full informed consent of the communication anxiety participants (age 18 and older). Benevolence was obtained by my philanthropically provided a free service that detects communication anxiety for participants. My detection and intervention strategy has a proven history of empowering subjects to communicate effectively (Ayers & Hopf, 1987). Social justice was achieved in helping persons who speak English to be more assertive in projecting themselves as autonomous persons. Assertiveness is key to effectively refuting criminal elements that could try to recruit them into drug and prostitution activities during difficult economic periods (Stein, 2003a). Thus the following chapters are a step by step understanding of how trafficking includes issues such as the Holocaust as the former Soviet faculty in Crimea taught me. Trafficking trauma remains with its victims, and is generationally reinforced by rituals and symbols forming a cultural and structural mind trap. Human behavior can be symbolically triggered and controlled through exposure to images associated with trafficking trauma (Stein, 2002). Seeing ourselves in a different way, can help us break cultural and structural restraints, challenging media representations, as the young woman sold into sex slavery taught me, with our own visions to delineate our own terms of freedom being the key (Ayers & Hopf, 1987). Reviewing pre-Christian stories and myths, as the Soviets did, help us ground our concept of our own selfevolution (Frog, 2015 & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990). Mythological studies help us think outside of current ideological and religious cognitive structures we have ritually initiated into, escaping these rituals we avoid the thinking traps of religious and ideological sects (Frog, 2015 & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1992). American, Canadian, Ukrainian and Russian researchers have pioneered research in past concepts of self (Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990) that are understood through photography and inter-action analysis (Stevenson, 1997), particularly in evaluating moral reasoning (Limburg, 1994), helping us avoid motivations SILVIA STEIN 11


and obstacles that could make us victims again, or remain victims. Our minds function at the level of verbal and visual memories, forming a real visual grammar, and our selection of exposure to symbols and images can free, or imprison us. Thus, to avoid being lured into trafficking sub-cultures, understanding and anticipating archetypical attractors can help us focus on issues, and not on iconic advertising attractors or crucifixal images (Fox, Lang, Chung, Lee, Schwartz, & Potter, 2004, & Stein, 2002). References Ayers, J. & Hopf, T. S. (1987). Visualization, systematic desensitization, & rational emotive therapy: A comparative evaluation. Communication Education, 36 (3), 236-240. Cacioppo, J.T., Tassinary, L.G., & Fridlund, A.J. (1999). The skelomotor system. Principles of Psychophysiology: Physical, Social & Inferential Elements. Cacioppo, J.T., Tassinary, L.G. (eds.). NYC: Cambridge University Press. Elsheikh, M.S. (ed.) (2002). Europe & Islam: evaluations & perspectives at the dawn of the third millennium: proceedings of an international conference. Florence, Italy: Florence University Press. Fox, J.R., Lang, A., Chung, Y., Lee, S., Schwartz, N., & Potter, D., 2004. Picture this: Effects of graphics on the processing of television news. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, December 2004, 646-674. Iacoboni, M., Molnar-Szakacs, I., Gallese, V., Buccino, G., Mazziotta, J.C. & Rizzolatti, G. (2005). Grasping the intentions of others with one’s own mirror neuron system. PLoS Biology, 3 (3), 529-535. DOI: 10.1371/journal.pbio.0030079. Frog (2015). Mythology in cultural practice: a methodological framework for historical analysis. Between Text & Practice: Mythology, religion, & research. Retrospective Methods Network (RMN) Newsletter, 10 (3) 33-57. Helsinki: University of Helsinki. Henneberger, M. (November 16, 2001). Are There Crosses in Schools? Is Italy Catholic? The New York Times. A4. Jung, C. G. (1990). The Archetypes & the Collective Unconscious. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Kempadoo, K. & Doezema, J. (1998). Global Sex Workers: Rights, resistance, & redefinition. NYC: Routledge. Laczko, F. (ed.) (2000). Migrant Trafficking & Human Smuggling in Europe. Geneva, Switzerland: International Organization for Migration (IOM). Lifton, J. (2000). The Nazi Doctors: Medical killing and the psychology of genocide. NYC: Basic Books. Limburg, V.E. (1994). Electronic Media Ethics. Boston, MASS: Focal Press.

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Lincoln, Y.S. & Guba, E.G. (1985). Naturalistic Inquiry. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Malinowski, B. (1992). Magic, Science & Religion & Other Essays. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press Inc.. McCroskey, J.C., Beatty, M.J., Kearney, P. & Plax, T.G. (1985). The content validity of the PRCA-24 as a measure of communication apprehension across communication context. Communication Quarterly, 33 (3), 165-173. Samohvalov, V. & Crilov, V. (1990). Myth as a bridge for the languages of mental activity. Personal Mythology: Psychological perspectives. A special issue of The Humanistic Psychologist. 18 (2), 143-150. Sennewald, C. A. (2003). Effective Security Management. Burlington, MA. Stevenson, I. (1997). Reincarnation & Biology: A Contribution to the Etiology of Birthmarks & Birth Defects. Volume I: Birthmarks & Volume II: birth defects & other anomalies. London: Praeger. Stober, D.R. & Grant, A.M. (2006). In Evidence Based Coaching Handbook: Putting Best Practices to Work for Your Clients. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Stein, S. (2003a). Media Framing Ukrainian Women’s Health Issues & Stigma. Washington, DC: National Institute of Health project proposal. Stein, S. (2003b). Vatican City's Revelations & Cultural Rape of the Mother Pisti Sophia Vision: A multicultural model analyzing emerging trends in US media rooted in Vatican City's interpretations and her revelations. Proposal for Interdisciplinary PhD degree in Psychophysiology and Strategic Communication. Pullman, WA: Washington State University. Swain, J., Finkelstein, V., French, S. & Oliver, M. (1998). Disabling Barriers – Enabling Environments. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Williams, K.M., Nathanson, C. & Paulhus, D.L. (2010). Identifying & profiling scholastic cheaters: their personality, cognitive ability, & motivation. Journal of Experimental Psychology, 16 (3), 293-307. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

Chapter 2 Visual matrix: predictive theory of visual rhetoric and its formula with measureable variable activity in communication studies in communication studies Silvia Francesca Stein, Author Rene’e Kath Moon, Professional Photographer & Technical Adviser & Marco Martelli, Professional Photographer SILVIA STEIN 13


“‘I can choose to believe this is from God or I can think this is just from me, and the reality is that it could be either, and I know that’” (Tanya Luhrmann. Kindling God: Spiritual Experience among American Evangelicals, in Terrain: Anthropologie & sciences humaines no. 66. October 2016, p. 10). Abstract Anomalous events, “particular and independent brain events made possible by idiosyncratic bodily vulnerabilities” (Luhrmann, 2016, p. 3), or pressure points, are elicited and photographically measured. Photography measures synchronization of parallel processes of external and interior vision sensitivity (Bolls & Lang, 2003, & Severi, 2015), arguing that a ghost, termed psychophore, influences our perceptual process (Stevenson, 1997).My predictive visual rhetoric theory affirms that the unconscious is structured like a visual language (Dor, 2000) composed of images, even ghosts, as linguistical units, proposing to identify, predict, and describe the ideographs structuring human behavior, and organizing society, as a cost-effective communication process in human biology, and forensics (Griebel, Coburger, & Scheel, 1992). Ideographic orientation points and their function are predicted and described (Burke, 1969, Dor, 2000, p. 22, & McGee, 1999, p. 434), and a testing methodology is presented using two case examples, bringing us to a new frontier in psychology and philosophy of mind through photo-journalism, identifying and empowering victims of generational and systemic abuse (Griebel, Coburger, & Scheel, 1992). My predictive theory statement, and methodology, is the result of a long established tradition of rhetorical analysis of images that has been studied in a multidisciplinary fashion by linguists (Baugh, 1963), rhetoriticians (Burke, 1969 & McGee, 1999), speech communication and visualization scientists (Ayers & Hopf, 1987), mythologists (Frog, 2015, & Frog & Lukin, 2015), philosophers of mind and anthropologists (Severi, 2004, Severi, 2005, & Severi, 2015), psychiatrists and biologists (Stevenson, 1997), as well as photo-journalists (Moon, 2013), treating images, specifically ghosts, as valuable cognitive artifacts, remnants, of mental language (Frog, 2015, Frog & Lukin, 2015, Severi, 2004, Severi, 2005, Severi, 2015, & Stevenson, 1997). Introduction Visual and audio processes research has verified that salient images access cognitive processes faster than simple verbal messages (Bolls & Lang, 2003). Visually stimulating radio advertising has the greatest message efficacy stimulating the same parts of the brain essential in seeing (Bolls & Lang, 2003). Sensemaking in visual cognitive artifact retrieval, comparison, and review, is possible with reference frames (Severi, 2015), utilizing images as memory units (Frog, 2015), organizing memory narratively: “no memory is imaginable without a narrative frame” (Severi, 2004). This position stipulates that even without a verbal, oral or written language, images by themselves are rhetorical, and part of a visual based grammar informing a narrative process in visual rhetoric (Frog, 2015). Our predictive theory of visual rhetoric provides explanatory power to what is already obvious, and self-evident. Our descriptive contribution in this essay specifies the variables, adding predictive power to the theory of visual rhetoric so that we have a strong theory (Dubin, 1978, Frog, 2015, Goffman, 1974, & Severi, 2004, p. 327). The predictive theory of visual rhetoric, as a communication science theory, builds on the theory development of visual rhetoric, as first suggested by the discussion of language as travel (Baugh, 1963), the orientation role of ideographs (Dor, 2000, p. 22) by Burke (1969) and McGee (1999), and further developed by Ayers and Hopf (1987), in visualization processes, personality studies by Stevenson (1997), and the anthropological applications to mythological thinking by Frog (2015) and Severi (2004). Thus our predictive theory statement and methodology is the result of a long established tradition of rhetorical analysis of images that has been studied in a multidisciplinary fashion by linguists (Baugh, 1963), rhetoriticians (Burke, 1969 & McGee, 1999), speech communication and visualization scientists (Ayers & Hopf, 1987), mythological thinking SILVIA STEIN 14


scientists (Frog, 2015, & Frog & Lukin, 2015), philosophers of mind and anthropologists (Severi, 2004, Severi, 2005, Severi, 2015), psychiatrists and biologists (Stevenson, 1997), as well as photo-journalists (Moon, 2013), treating images as valuable cognitive artifacts of mental language (Frog, 2015, Frog & Lukin, 2015, Severi, 2004, Severi, 2005, Severi, 2015, & Stevenson, 1997). Severi proposes there is an asymmetrical relationship, a unidirectional transaction, from iconic image to narration (Severi, 2004, p. 330). The iconic image infers meaning, which is narratively described, yet narration does not, of itself, infer meaning onto an image. Thus the relationship between image and narrative is not reciprocal, it is not a dual-transactional process, merely a usury process that underlies intellectual and royalty rights, as well as copyright rights, in the case of intellectual properties and performances particularly in regards to historical images (Limburg, 1994 & Stein, 2002). An example is observing through video-surveillance a tall overweight bully leaning menacingly over a shorter handicapped woman, at the cash register (Engber, 2015). The image infers the action of bullying of a handicapped woman (Engber, 2015). The bully can invent many different stories about color and ethnicity to protect herself from the charge of bullying, yet none of her stories change the fact of the measureable movements on the video-surveillance recording. Thus a video-surveillance recorded image, connecting to the an image in a mind, holds iconic power, and an “iconic [image] mode can deeply influence narration; the narrative mode can scarcely be translated in iconic terms” (Severi, 2004, p. 330). Severi further states that narrative structure is a cultural inheritance, requiring cultural immersion (Severi, 2005, p. 828). If a person does not have personal experience as a physically handicapped person, they cannot anticipate the issues for the handicapped. Likewise it is difficult to anticipate the issues for Europeans, Asians, and the elderly. As post World War II Europeans and Asians, where many civilians survived with injuries from conflict related bombings, physical violence, and shootings (Swain, et al, 1998 & Zuccotti, 1996), it is difficult for those not immersed in these cultures to understand how to identify the issues for these populations. The issues are much more complex than just discussing individualism versus collectivism or issues of race such as non-white and white. In the discussion of Apache beliefs, Severi presents the example of the use of a wooden cross and snake symbol (Severi, 2005). Snakes shed their skin, and seem lethargic, near death, during skin shedding, yet as if re-born or reincarnated they are restored to full energy once they’ve shed their skin, as if fulfilling a resurrection narrative. For Apache cognitive styles, as with ancient Egyptian cognitive styles, a snake resurrecting is a Jesus metaphor for changing the skin, or body. Rather than a bearded Jesus image on a wooden cross (Severi, 2005, p. 821), a snake image, that has no hair growth, emphasizes the role of changing appearances. Apache Indians are not biologically able to grow facial hair, much less associate with the image of a bearded Jesus. Thus the concept of a bearded Jesus figure is not possible in the Apache narrative of resurrection, whereas the snake figure is. Instead the Apache experience makes possible the clean-shaven, ambiguous sexual orientation, of the historical Jesus imagery with a left arm in a sling, prior to the 10 th century introduction of the bearded male crucifix image in Europe (Stein, 2002). The snake imagery for Jesus, in this context of Apache imagery and narrative (Severi, 2005), has continuity with the earlier imagery of a beardless and non-gender specific historical Jesus with a seemingly injured, or flail, left arm resurrecting (Stevenson, 1997). The Apache narrative provides an alternate (Severi, 2005), almost effeminate and indigenous interpretation of the Jesus image of resurrection (Stevenson, 1997).

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Beardless figure of the historical Jesus (Giulia Minore) in the catacomb of Rome (Settimi, 2010) In studying post-mortem survival of visual memories, and utilizing photographs in documenting suspected cases of reincarnation, Ian Stevenson, MD, also proposed that both narrative interpretation and image orientation survive one’s death (Stevenson, 1997), besides being a cultural inheritance (Severi, 2004, Severi, 2015, & Stevenson, 1997). Stevenson suggests that photography, dream, and ideographic orientation studies (Dor, 2000, p. 22), provide post-mortem evidence of the same gestures, and salient features, belonging to the reincarnated individual (Stevenson, 1997). Research has established that visual images access our cognitive processes faster than audio and verbal processes, and are more efficacious for fast persuasive message retrieval (Bolls & Lang, 2003). For example the two sets of photographs, below (Suddeutsche Zeitung, 1920’s, Moon, 2013, Anonymous, 1933, & Moon, 2013), evidence the salient features and gestures of Rudolf Sieber, a deceased person, as identifiers of reincarnation in the image of a woman, documented by professional photo-journalist Rene’e Kath Moon (Moon, 2013 & Stevenson, 1997). Sieber was an assistant film director, married to Marlene Dietrich, a bisexual film star. Rudolf Sieber was involved in a relationship with Hollywood director Josef von Sternberg. Sieber died in 1976. Sternberg died in 1969.

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Rudolf Sieber (Suddeutsche Zeitung, 1920’s), Sieber’s possibly surviving psychophore (Moon, 2013), Rudolf Sieber and Josef von Sternberg (Anonymous, 1933), & Sieber’s suspected psychophore with male model (Moon, 2013). Sternberg is pictured as clean-shaven in the first two photographs at the left (Suddeutsche Zeitung, 1920’s & Anonymous, 1933). Sieber has a moustache. The photographs of Sternberg and Sieber together, are juxta-positioned with photographic studies on the right, by photojournalist Rene’e Kath Moon (Moon, 2013). The female model reminded Moon of Marlene Dietrich, yet had the salient features and gestures, typical of Dietrich’s husband, Rudolf Sieber (Moon, 2013). The photographic case study meets the established professional standards, in photography and medical forensics, of a possible case of reincarnation of Rudolf Sieber, as a woman (Moon, 2013 & Stevenson, 1997). As psychiatrist and biologist Ian Stevenson, MD, affirmed, visual processes are biological in nature and not just imagination; images cannot be relegated abstractly to the study of art and myth (Frog & Lukin, 2015, Severi, 2015, & Stevenson, 1997). Accountable communication scientists need to empirically test visual processes, until now deemed subjective, as an objective subject to test and measure (Ayers & Hopf, 1987). Visual processes are never subconscious issues, relegated only to the imagination, since they can always be elicited to consciousness through stimulation (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Bandura, 1994, & Stevenson, 1997). Even if mental images seem to lay dormant, they are always preconscious with conscious potentials (Bandura, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). This falls in line with Bandura's work in social psychology and television exposure to graphic violence, indicating that we must always control what we are visually exposed to; anything we see can be used to elicit a behavior from us by others (Allport, 1958, Bandura, 1994, Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1994, & Limburg, 1994).

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Visual processes are as real as developing critical thinking processes in argumentation and speech (Ayers & Hopf, 1987). Visual communication processes, both interpersonal and intrapersonal, must be understood and tested empirically, as a material reality with a biological nature (Severi, 2015 & Stevenson, 1997), with quantitative measures (Ayers & Hopf, 1987 & Cacioppo, et al, 1999) as well as qualitative measures (Guba & Lincoln, 2000). Proper testing combines multidisciplinary perspectives, across the sciences, as a communication phenomenon rooted in prehistoric mythological ideographic processes (Frog, 2015, Frog & Lukin, 2015, & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990) of interest to psychiatrists (Stevenson, 1997), biologists (Severi, 2015, & Stevenson, 1997), anthropologists (Severi, 2004 & Severi, 2015), philosophy of mind researchers (Abdulaeva, Danilova, & Papelina, 2004, & Severi, 2015), and communication scientists (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, & Stein, 2002). For example, cave wall graphics survive from prehistoric times, and are a form of our earliest graphic communication, prior to the biological based evolution of the alphabet (Frog & Lukin, 2015, Hockney, 2006, Langer, 1957, & Metzner, 1994). In establishing a moral standard in electronic mass media regulation (Limburg, 1994), an understanding of visuals, as a form of persuasion rooted in biological behavioral evolution (Hammerman & Lenard, 2000, Steele, Lindley, & Blanden, 1998, Severi, 2015, & Stevenson, 1997), in rhetorical theory (Burke, 1969 & McGee, 1999) is also a step towards establishing ethical and legal guidelines regarding exposure to, and transmission of, images (Limburg, 1994). Ideally, these guidelines are applicable to limiting opportunistic interruptions, particularly advertising, by third parties (Limburg, 1994). Advertisers are usually irrelevant and interruptive third-party strangers. These include corporate sponsors, charities, and media network promoters, that have no useful literary, nor informative, contribution of primary value in regards to the person reading or watching media content. Advertisers, as interrupters, compromise the message of visual rhetoric of the original content Author. As media users, our freedom to interpret for ourselves, the potential meanings and applications of a piece of literature, or visual rhetoric, must be protected from interruptions (particularly advertisers), as part of protecting the possible intentions of the original Author. Our predictive visual rhetoric theory, for communication studies, relies on the methodology of comparing personality changes, and consistencies, through photography; a form of material evidence (Stevenson, 1997). Informing us how to think about the visual language units in photography we rely on an innovative article by Frog (2015), which describes the grammar of visual processes as rhetorical, "Mythology in Cultural Practice: a methodological framework for historical analysis". Frog's (2015) explanation of the units, and integers, in studying images in mythology, provides a framework, in explaining how a theme, or narrative, is visually cultivated (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1994). Additionally, we contribute a definition of the extended mental state, and extended mental images, in communication processes, as components of a predictive visual rhetoric theory, as well as introducing two tested cases using our methodology (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Dubin, 1978, & Stevenson, 1997). A predictive theory of visual rhetoric must account for three mental states: the conscious mental state; the preconscious mental state; the extended mental state (Stevenson, 1997 & Theiner, 2011). The preconscious state is simply a substitute for the term subconscious, implying that everything in the subconscious can become conscious, current, material in memory retrieval processes, even post-mortemly (Bandura, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). Extended mental state implies that our conscious and preconscious material has diachronic and synchronic extension, through photography, for example, with a past life image inferring meaning on us in this lifetime, or into a future lifetime, as well as having spatial extension (Stevenson, 1997 & Theiner, 2011). Extended mental state phenomena is accounted for in Stevenson’s description of the biological function of the psychophore (Stevenson, 1997), which is discussed later in this essay. SILVIA STEIN 18


This essay also describes the process of visualizations as a storyboard narrative (ideology), that as a visual rhetoric, connects to other key image impressions on other storyboards. Combining storyboards an operational matrix is formed, potentially explaining at the quantum level how and why we find meaning, while experiencing the perception of imagery, in the three mental states (Stevenson, 1997, Theiner, 2011, & Zelazo, et al, 2007). The value in finding meaning is physically testable, materially measureable through photographic methods, response surveys (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Bolls & Lang, 2003, McCroskey, Beatty, Kearney, & Plax, 1985, & Stevenson, 1997), and further supports the iconic value of the person's material image. Personalized human images have currency as media images, particularly through profitable documentaries about an iconic individual (Limburg, 1994). Highly iconic persons in public historical memory act as a mental ideograph in themselves (Dor, 2000, p. 22), much like the terms ‘liberty’ or ‘equality’ (McGee, 1999). Somehow, the common person has a particular sensation when thinking of the iconic person, just as they do when thinking of ‘liberty’ or ‘freedom’. Yet no two persons’ account of iconic persons, or of ‘liberty’ or of ‘freedom’, are the same. As ideographs, everyone is familiar with the mental image, yet no one agrees to exactly what it is for everyone else (Dor, 2000, p. 22), for each person holds onto their own particular definition of the ideograph (McGee, 1999). A common ideograph in popular thought is Jesus. Yet everyone’s abstract concept of Jesus seems to have little or nothing to do with the historical Jesus (Ehrman, 2003, p. 154). Thus, Jesus, as an iconic person, or attractor, is an ideograph (Dor, 2000, p. 22, & McGee, 1999). Once an iconic attractor is identified, the original human image that inspired copies as media advertising, or religious cult images, is then like picking up a stone (ideograph) with weeds and moss attached to it. Like persons stumbling over the stone, we can understand the preconscious patterns of interaction and attraction (or revulsion) experienced by those around the stone, or the ideograph of the Jesus psychophore. The iconic state, eliciting positive or negative potentials, is an example of "the symbolic psychic resources through which mythology is manifested and functions", in our pictographic based primitive cognitive systems today, in which mythological importance elicited by iconic images, or ideographic thought units (Dor, 2000, p. 22, Frog, 2015, & McGee, 1999), joined as a theme, or narrative, instantiate preconscious images with conscious meaning (Frog, 2015, Levitin, 2007, & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990). Understanding from a subjective perspective, this quantum cognitive process of material thought unit conductors, or microtubules (Kurzweil, 2000), described as ideographic thought units (Frog, 2015), can provide a flip-side materialistic explanation of the objective analysis of quantum cognitive processes involving microtubules, in the physical brain (Kurzweil, 2000), as the physical units in ideographic image processing in quantum cognitive processes (Kurzweil, 2000). This discussion of the material processes, involved in visual rhetoric, contributes to Michael Calvin McGee's ultimate goal: identifying and describing all the ideographs structuring human behavior, and society, and how they all function at the different levels of societies past, present, and future, forming a catalogue of the full spectrum of the human personality matrix, individually, and as part of a collective (McGee, 1999, p. 434). The problem

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We are not taught to study nor utilize visuals seriously. Visuals are a form of material communication in mental operations (Severi, 2005), and visual images in and of themselves have moral agency (Stein, 2002). Visuals, like conversation in forensic studies (Nofsinger, 1991), are a real form of communication, and cannot be underestimated, nor relegated, for study under amateur artists nor opportunistic advertisers (Limburg, 1994). Visual communication is dangerous (Bandura, 1994). Visual images easily bypass our conscious efforts to screen-out harmful or unnecessary data (Bandura, 1994, Bolls & Lang, 2003 Limburg, 1994). Visuals can harm just like a virus, and like a virus, visual images are material for communication scientists, such as myself, with multicultural and multidisciplinary expertise, to seriously investigate and prescribe much as a medical doctor diagnoses and prescribes a cure for an illness. Visuals, in this manner, are a matter of biological study (Severi, 2015 & Stevenson, 1997), and no longer overlooked by the general public while exploited by Roman Catholic priests, and others, as material for exorcisms, and other superstitious abuses (Stevenson, 1997), that have left the Catholic church a dungeon operated by pedophiles and pathological abusers (Stein, 2002). As with the Holocaust, we know visuals are tied to mass indoctrination and mass murder (Baird, 1982, Burke, 1969, & Loshitzky, 1997). The writings and research of psychiatrist, and biologist, Ian Stevenson, MD, on the effects of images (Stevenson, 1997) provides a new scientific direction in communication research. I began my investigation of the intersection of evolutionary biology, image use and abuse, and the contradictions between image and verbal rhetoric in the cover-up of abuse by Catholic clergy with my graduate thesis, on the moral implication of misleading imagery in Roman Catholicism (Stein, 2002). As anthropologist Carlo Severi found, to establish himself in anthropology using biological approaches, he had to challenge the verbal narratives applied to visual cognitive artifacts such as in the use of the cross and the Jesus imagery (Severi, 2005 & Severi, 2015). "Faced with the perplexity aroused by the distinction between ‘oral’ and ‘written,’ my first reaction was to seek some intellectual precedent, a field in which my new research work might discover for itself an intellectual genealogy or — more modestly — a set of premises that would be of use in this new investigation. I discovered such an intellectual precedent in the biology of images, as conceived by the young Warburg. Warburg had a very clear vision of the necessity of images and of their extremely close relationship to thought in any culture. That relationship, although without coinciding with the arts of our own culture, nevertheless does share one of its roots: the manner in which an image orients visual inferences" (Severi, 2015). Severi (2015), briefly, has concisely stated what Ian Stevenson, MD, has maintained, that images orient our thinking, and communicate with us, sometimes initiating and orienting our physical actions before our thought processes (Bandura, 1994, Iacoboni, et al, 2005, & Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090), or misleading and disorienting them, and from this perspective have moral agency (Limburg, 1994 & Stein, 2002), which we might apply to the discussion even of “apparitions” (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). Like any communication phenomena, such as visualization strategies in overcoming speech anxiety, visual phenomena is to be tested for its evolutionary implications (Limburg, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997), and explained by a hard communication science (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, & Bolls & Lang, 2003). That there is a visualization process, underlying and enabling traditional concepts of written or oral forms of rhetoric (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, & Bolls & Lang, 2003), demands accountability for how mental images are involved in real physical interaction of a biological nature (Frog, 2015, Severi, 2015, & Stevenson, 1997). A predictive theory of visual rhetoric specifically detailing the power of image on biology, with empirical case testing and established validity for predictability, has been urgently needed in communication sciences (Foss, 2005), and is what we present in Authoring this essay. I credit Rene’e Kath Moon, professional photographer, as technical adviser for her pragmatic SILVIA STEIN 20


advising, editing, and introductory black and white photographic examples of body posture as rhetorical (Moon, 2013). Studying visual rhetoric is similar to studying astronomy; both visual rhetoric and astronomy depend on tools, and accurate measurements, in testing a predictive theory. As Galileo Galilei would reproach the Catholic church for socializing the world into believing the earth is flat, we reproach the Catholic church for abusing visual rhetoric to manipulate behavior in the form of inaccurate historical portrayals and exorcisms based on superstition, and not biological sciences and tested data interpretation methodologies (Severi, 2005, Stein, 2002 & Stevenson, 1997). In countering these fraudulent ‘doctors’ of the church it’s necessary to understand how visualization processes are living processes (Severi, 2005), co-involving extended mental images in producing meaning (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Severi, 2005, Stevenson, 1997, & Theiner, 2011). This can be achieved by understanding the function of imagination as a real entity (Stevenson, 1997), with real units of thought, or extended mental images (Stevenson, 1997 & Theiner, 2011) that are durable (Frog & Lukin, 2015, McGee, 1999, & Stevenson, 1997), and permanent (Stevenson, 1997), such as the ideograph (McGee, 1999). The definition of rhetoric, itself, implies this visualization process, referred to as the imagination (Burke, 1969 & McGee, 1999). Rhetoric defined is the communication pattern utilized, of many patterns, to inform, persuade or motivate, which include nonverbal and verbal appeals (Burke, 1969, Foss, 2005, & McGee, 1999). A pattern is established by a minimum of three action units, or verbs (Frog, 2015). A verb, consisting of two or more images, is called a 'motif' (Frog, 2015). Three motifs, or verbs, establish a pattern with a minimum of three moves or actions, or persuasive strategy, in rhetoric (Arendt, 1985, Burke, 1969, Frog, 2015, 1985, Plato, 1992, & Stein, 2002). The more patterns, or strategies a communication practitioner knows, the greater their chance of effectively communicating their message to their audience (Poulakos & Poulakos, 1999). The effective rhetorical strategies used, as first articulated in the first century by Quintillian, are usually of four kinds (Poulakos & Poulakos, 1999, p. 175): 1.) Appeals to reason, which require analogy, and etymology. Analogy is the ability to compare and contrast ideas, sounds, impressions, vocabulary, and visual units, or images. Etymology is knowing, and understanding, the origins of a word or image, and its usages; 2.) Appeals to tradition, or established rituals and laws; 3.) Appeals to authority, such as the opinion of certified professionals or respected persons; 4.) Usage, or repetition, meaning that the more a message or visual is repeated, the more the audience simply accepts it, without contesting its value (Poulakos & Poulakos, 1999, p. 175). In visual rhetoric the four patterns, Quintillian first articulated (Poulakos & Poulakos, 1999), are also present and considered part of the investigation of visual rhetoric phenomena: 1.) Analogy involves noticing relationships between words, or images, and ideas requiring a mental form of transportation, such as reading a book (a communication vehicle), to a higher level of abstraction (Baugh, 1963), or “a mental move that enables us to unlock the unfamiliar by the key of the familiar” (Poulakos & Poulakos, 1999, p. 175); 2.) Etymology in a visual rhetoric, is when we see a material image we are familiar with, such as a car wheel, and are able to understand that the origin of the design is rooted in prehistory with the use of cut timber under a heavy stone, to move the heavy stone into place (Frog & Lukin, 2015); 3.) Appeals to authority are effective in visual rhetoric when a product, such as a brand of toothpaste, is pictured being held by a dentist. We don’t know if dentists actually tested the toothpaste, and SILVIA STEIN 21


assume the person dressed as a dentist is actually a certified dentist. Nonetheless, a product associated with an image of authority sells; 4.) Usage and repetition is easily established in visual rhetoric. Repeatedly advertising a beverage with a particular logo, such as Pepsi (TM) with its logo, makes it more likely people will accept the beverage (or a similar beverage in a cup using the same logo), without inspecting the ingredients in the beverage for conformity to the actual Pepsi (TM) product. Current theories of rhetoric (McGee, 1999) and visual rhetoric (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Foss, 2005, Frog, 2015, & Frog & Lukin, 2015) do not take a materialist approach, failing to account for, or reliably predicting visual rhetorical effectiveness involving the human imagination. Human imagination in visualization exercises utilizes the same brain areas as actually seeing an image in real life (Bolls & Lang, 2003), and imagination, as a visualization process, has real material implications (Ayers & Hopf, 1987) in processing information between the conscious and preconscious mind (Stevenson, 1997). Until recently, the tools measuring and testing communication theories, such as visual processes, were not developed. Study of imagination and visualization was relegated to psychology (Stevenson, 1997) or the arts (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, & Frog & Lukin, 2015), and not to physiological and biological studies (Cacioppo, et al, 1999, Severi, 2015, & Stevenson, 1997) in human communication (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, & Bolls & Lang, 2003). The study of visual processes phenomena in human communication studies is now possible due to further advances in theory (Foss, 2005 , Frog, 2015, Frog & Lukin, 2015, & McGee, 1999), and methodology (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Bolls & Lang, 2003, Cacioppo, et al, 1999 , & Stevenson, 1997), requiring an innovative approach, with reference to a multiple-process matrix of human personality evolution (Foss, 2005, Frog & Lukin, 2015, p. 15, Scott, 1994, Stevenson, 1997, & Zelazo, et al, 2007) An innovative approach that fits with quantum theory in psychology (Zelazo, et, al, 2007) is reviving Cartesian dualism in extended mental image and predictive visual rhetoric theory building, and testing (Dubin, 1978 Stevenson, 1997, & Theiner, 2011). Thanks to new tools of objective material measurement for empirical and quantitative testing of theories, and phenomena (Beck & Miller, 2001, Cacioppo, et al, 1999, Frog & Lukin, 2015, p. 13-14, Stevenson, 1997, & Zelazo et al, 2007), twentieth century approaches to studying, abstractly describing, and qualitatively testing visual and verbal rhetorical processes, and associated theories (Burke, 1969 & McGee, 1999), are now inadequate. A predictive theory of visual rhetoric, formerly described as simply a visualization process (Ayers & Hopf, 1987) relegated to the imagination (Frog & Lukin, 2015, p. 12), now must rely on Rene’ Descartes’ seventeenth century theory of the extended mind, as having a separate reality from the biological body, in processing extended mental images (Stevenson, 1997 & Theiner, 2011). Visual rhetoric as a cognitive style of communication, media ethics, & mythic discourse Frog and Lukin, of the University of Helsinki, write that resurgent northern European Odin symbolism and images survive in discourse, and visual forms of media, including material sculptures of the left eyed Odin figure who was sacrificed from a tree like the later Jesus figure was from dead wood (Baird, 1982, Frog & Lukin, 2015, Metzner, 1994, & Severi, 2005). The images infer both the potential to understand the original intention of their Authors, and the recent attempts to apply new meanings to these ancient images (Frog, 2015 & Frog and Lukin, 2015, & Metzner, 1994). That ancient images still attract our attention is quite odd (Fields, 2007), since two and three thousand year old relics are obviously before our existence. It is not odd to think of images attracting our attention if we share the same historical orientation as that of the original Authors, even if thousands of years have passed (Plato, 1992), in which case we recognize the argument for extended mental images, and perhaps electric or magnetic fields (Fields, 2007), surviving death SILVIA STEIN 22


(Theiner, 2011). Based on their shared cognitive orientation style, in visual communication styles, Slavic populations are included as continental European populations in this essay (Haraldsson, 2005, Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990, & Stein, 2004). Our shared recognition of these Odin images indicates that part of our mythological discourse pattern (Burke, 1969, Frog, 2015, Frog & Lukin, 2015, & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990) is symptomatic of a preconscious collective ideographic point in the persistent historical personality matrix of many Europeans and Slavs (Frog & Lukin, 2015, Haraldsson, 2005, Jung, 1990, Metzner, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). Of course, two thousand years ago, the world population was only two-hundred million. Not everyone shares the same cognitive style, as it differs according to the limited number of shared histories (Frog & Lukin, 2015, Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990, & Stevenson, 1997), physiology, ethnic or multi-ethnic biology, and cultural or multicultural environment (Abdulaeva, Danilova, & Papelina, 2004, Rosenthal, 2006, & Stein, 2004). The European population was only twenty-eight million. Not everyone today could possibly share the original experience of the same archetypical orientation point in extended mental images of the twenty-eight million Europeans of two thousand years ago (Jung, 1980 & Stevenson, 1997). Reasonably, not all living today are equally evolved (Stevenson, 1997) in the same extended mental image repertoire (Frog, 2015, Stevenson, 1997 & Theiner, 2011). Older European cultures with ethnic and cultural traditions, prioritize, protect, and advance their elders, their physically challenged, and their women (Baird, 1982, Limburg, 1994, Metzner, 1994, Nelson, 2004, Stein, 2004, & Swain, et al, 1998). Thus, that some younger or foreign minds with more recent mental images of, for example, a Prophet Mohammed, resist ancient Odin, Jesus, or even the Roman orator Quintillian (Poulakos & Poulakos, 1999) reference points in their visualization processes by destroying ancient archeological sites, in Islamic occupied nations, is quite rational. Also, quite rational, is that we Europeans defend ourselves from such primitive pillaging and destroying understanding that they destroy what they cannot comprehend, because it is from before their evolution cycle (Metzner, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). Image based rhetorical messages have multiple directions of communicating, or inferring, meaning (Severi, 2015), and inversely, meaning can be interpreted from varying audience contexts. If persons do not know the context that informs the particular (secret) meaning ascribed to an image, in visual rhetoric, then interpretation of the image’s meaning, or series of images, will differ (Frog & Lukin, 2015, p. 8). Catering to such very different audiences, without seeming to prioritize any particular interpretation by any audience member, requires varying presentational order. Visual rhetorical strategies can use different presentational orders, providing in the same narrative varying options for communicating different messages: positioning images alone; positioning images in a series. There is also the possibility of inappropriately ascribing meaning to the original intent of the Author, if the context is not understood, or is corrupted (Frog & Lukin, 2015, & Stevenson, 1997). In this sense, image interpretation and image analysis (in or out of its original or intended context) drastically alters, or corrupts, the meaning of the image, or series of images, within the natural or original context (Frog & Lukin, 2015, p. 8, & Stevenson, 1997). To avoid corruption of meaning, there is the application of media censorship in cases of inappropriate use, or abuse, of images (Limburg, 1994 & Stein, 2002). In arguing for biological approaches to the study of visual rhetoric, in psychiatry, anthropology and media studies (Bolls & Lang, 2003, Severi, 2015 & Stevenson, 1997), and not as an art form, it is reasonable to apply the same moral reasoning styles, copyright, proprietary and decency laws, as well as prioritizing the SILVIA STEIN 23


medical concerns for the psychological welfare of those exposed in the images, and for the audience members’ psychological welfare as well (Limburg, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). Ethical guidelines for print and electronic media content are already established (Limburg, 1994 & Stein, 2002). These ethical media guidelines are easily applied in cases whence art, or photography, otherwise deemed innocuous, are revealed to have offensive, dangerous, or otherwise improperly contextualized meaning potentials, as a visual based rhetorical narrative (Limburg, 1994 & Stein, 2002). In regulating visual rhetorical messages, that could be covertly communicating harmful information, such as a directive for a terrorist or criminal deed, the images need to be treated and regulated as communication tools, with a real physical, biological, and evolutionarily harmful impact. For inappropriately presented or used images, in a public or private communication medium, such as in the print and electronic media, local, national and international codes for regulation can apply (Limburg, 1994 & Stein, 2002). Due to the masking of meaning, through context and limitations of visual rhetoric competence, rooted in flexible versus inflexible cognitive styles (Abdulaeva, Danilova, & Papelina, 2004, Frog, 2015, p. 45, Stein, 2004, & Stevenson, 1997), the function of a visual rhetoric can be optimized for covert communication of messages, eliciting meaning, without attracting censors and critics if the message were otherwise verbally communicated (Baird, 1982 & Stevenson, 1997). In determining the ethical context to apply communication regulation laws, or in determining how to circumvent existing censors to covertly and effectively communicate a message, a predictive visual theory of rhetoric, targeting particular cognitive communication styles, is quite useful to test, and communicate sensitive information for propaganda and counterpropaganda purposes (Baird, 1982 & Hockney, 2006). Compared to traditional verbal concepts of rhetoric (speaking and writing), visual rhetoric has the added advantage of resembling art. Hunting narratives in visual rhetoric, as cave art, take on a mythical aspect of a mystical relic, ensuring continuity, suspension, disruption, or redirection of visual cognitive patterns from prehistoric times, through today. This is achieved by maintaining, hiding, or dislocating centrality of an archetypical image (integer) in relation to other images (Frog, 2015, p. 51, & Jung, 1990). In this sense, visual rhetoric, or mythical prehistoric cave art symbolism in visual discourse, is not just a function of the imagination (Frog & Lukin, 2015 & Stevenson, 1997). It is part of an extensive ongoing system of ideographic transactions, in itself, that preceded oral and written language cognitive styles (Frog, 2015), and is still part of indigenous cognitive styles (Hockney, 2006, Severi, 2004, & Severi, 2015). Essentially, Frog and Lukin (2015) are stating that there is the involvement, possibly, of extended mental images, a Cartesian dualism perspective (Stevenson, 1997 & Theiner, 2011), that the material of the mind does survive death of the prehistoric body, with the mental image having a material extension and meaning for us today (Frog & Lukin, 2015 & Stevenson, 1997). Thus mythological narratives, and models, for thinking about the world, can readily have continuity extending back to the Stone Age. “Studying the frame of [image to ideograph] comparison at a global scale, these comparisons present evidence for the history of the spread of knowledge both carried [1] in immigrations and [2] through contact networks (as well as having the potential to yield negative evidence of knowledge displacement or loss)” (Frog & Lukin, 2015, pp. 12-13). Studying visual rhetoric cognitive styles of communication, and mythic discourse examples, we find evidence of previous memory of the deceased surviving as fossil references in everyday discourse, and particularly in the use of images, in communication transactions (Frog, 2015, Frog & Lukin, 2015, & Stevenson, 1997).

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Image saliency receding and shifting from the foreground to the background, has compromised meaning and prominence. "Historical change and stratification" has caused shifts in interpretation, and rearranged rank and order of ideographic based surviving images, as fossil relics in everyday visual and verbal discourse (Severi, 2004). This interpretation, and rank shifting, becomes a serious issue when trying to accurately identify the ideograph (concept), and its actual intended meaning. What is actually represented by the salient image attributed to the concept (ideograph)? In any context along the evolutionary matrix of individual or collective preconscious memory, the meaning of an image and its conceptual relevance shifts, informing and re-informing the present personality, and reshaping the present personality, being examined (Frog & Lukin, 2015, p. 12, Severi, 2004, & Stevenson, 1997). Because of this context based dis-locality, and re-centering of meaning (Narayan, 1997), from prehistoric to modern times, we must always keep in mind that our recent verbal based rhetorical cognitive patterns did not exist at the time of our prehistoric image based rhetorical style (Frog & Lukin, 2015). Like actors or actresses rehearsing for a character role, reacquiring visual competency, as a cognitive style of communication, requires physiological conditioning by extended exposure to the primitive diet, and lifestyles, of the original composers of ancient, or prehistoric, patterns in visual rhetoric narratives (Severi, 2004). Diachronic (across time) and synchronic (across geography) cultural context sensitivity to our present context of interpretation, and limitations, is required in developing our image based vocabulary repertoire competency. Understanding ancient image based visual rhetorical cognitive patterns of visual communication fossils, without relying on words, is a reclaimed awakening through an ancient, biologically based, intuition, or mystical empathy. Our immersion into context is required to explain the original meaning of a surviving image, itself, in its historical context and to preserve its value in our context of today (Bergson, 1935, Frog & Lukin, 2015, Severi, 2004, Stein, 1989, Stein, 2002, & Stevenson, 1997). Predictive theory evolution, concept, hypothesis, units, & integers My statement of a predictive theory of visual rhetoric is self-evident, if you think of how stage and film performers change their obvious behavior and facial expressions when they use physical props, and costumes, to get rid of their present self and into their character role, for public performances, or film. The improvisational improvement upon the character, by the talented and studious performer, using their inner vision, is what makes a live theater, or film narrative, real for the audience; beyond that which the playwright scripted the character for the stage or film. It’s this improvisational element, producing a heightened self-awareness, photographing a Measureable Image (MI) of the performer falling into another personality, or character, that my predictive theory of visual rhetoric addresses. The heightened self-awareness effect is very similar to what we, in photography, call the Kirlian effect, of an increased energy aura around the person (Moon, 2013, Stein, 2009, Stevenson, 2009, & Wolffram, 2009). Kirlian photography documents, in a still time frame, what we naturally see, yet might overlook, in thinking about what we just saw (Bergson, 1910). Naturally allowing the mind to process the quantum energy movement in the physical environment, as documented scientifically through Kirlian photography, requires exposure to fast movements, so that the cognitive style is relaxed when processing movement, especially under poor lighting, like in playing racquetball (Costandi, 2014). Through this contrast of relaxation while witnessing fast movements of light, the fear of "ghosts", or Kirlian sightings, is like seeing a racquetball bouncing off a wall and right at you. One hand movement can pause and reverse the motion of energy, or you could be overwhelmed with anxiety. Thus light energy is seen and perhaps felt (Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). The keen observer naturally operates at the level of long-term evolving values in the face of fast light phenomena, having a different, more effeminate cognitive style (Abdulaeva, Danilova & SILVIA STEIN 25


Papelina, 2004), in the form of exhausting the diachronic and synchronic context (Bem, 1993, Guba & Lincoln, 1985), using their symbol gathering skills and multiple interpretation possibilities (Langer, 1953a, Langer, 1953b, & Langer, 1957), to competently process ghost light information (Freeman, 2007, Frog, 2015, & Frog & Lukin, 2015). In my predictive theory statement, there are two kinds of variables, independent (IV) and dependent (DV) (Bolls & Lang, 2003, & Dubin, 1978). Independent variables (IV) have no zero-point value, and remain present retaining a positive numerical value (1 pair of glasses, 1 dress, 1 bar counter, 1 mirror) (Dubin, 1978). A pair of glasses, dress, bar counter, or mirror in a laboratory setting, remain physically stable (retaining a value of 1), and are not altered during empirical testing of the predictive theory of visual rhetoric. Thus as they remain present, and unaltered, they do not have a negative value nor zero value (they do not disappear in thin air), and are unaffected, yet can affect change (Dubin, 1978). Dependent variables have a negative potential value, as well as a zero point value (Dubin, 1978). For example, a person’s expression can change, or their opinion about an object can change, in value. In this respect, in the laboratory setting, persons are alterable (DV) depending on their exposure to, for example, a pair of glasses (IV). A person can change their attitude, their behavior, and even reproduce themselves. Contrastingly, the person cannot change, in the controlled laboratory, the nature of the glasses nor multiply their number (IV) (Stein, 2009). The combination of the relationship between the person (DV) taking on a pair of glasses (IV), or a dress (IV), establishes the suspended motif (DV), or ghost, with immanent potential (Frog, 2015, p. 39), which in Kirlian photography is an objectively measureable image (MI), and subjectively is experienced reportedly as heightened self-awareness (Stein, 2002, Stein, 2009, & Stevenson, 1997). "The proposition is derivable from at least two other properties", such as two sections, consisting of a unit and an integer (DV + IV), having a superior and subordinate relationship, due to their interaction within the relational unit (Dubin, 1978, p. 62). The relational relationship consisting of a unit, and an integer, is similar to Frog's "motif" (Dubin, 1978, p. 62 & Frog, 2015, p. 39), or ghost. Frog (2015) has categorized the kinds of roles images play, alone, and together. Frog (2015) measures the relationship we infer upon images, in our evolved human cognitive thinking patterns across history and culture. The common trend Frog (2015) has identified, and named, after studying primitive cultures and their myths, is that the independent variable of the image (Bolls & Lang, 2003), such as a pair of glasses, is a noun, since it lacks movement (Frog, 2015). Two or more images together establish action or movement, as in a verb (Frog, 2015). A verb, consisting of two or more images, is called a 'motif' (Frog, 2015). Three motifs, or verbs, establish a recursive pattern, a personality, or narrative (Frog, 2015), since three points, such as the triangle in the spatial geometry of cognitive structures, is the simplest and most stable recursive geometric pattern forming an enclosed, recursive narrative, or a self-contained ideology (Arendt, 1985, Plato, 1992, & Stein, 2002), even under unstable conditions (Burke, 1969). Since self-affirming ideologically based recursive cognitive structures, personalities, narratives, are used to hide even from oneself criminal behavior (Arendt, 1985 & Burke, 1969), I propose the way to break through verbal-based recursive compartmentalization patterns, is through objective studies of the images associated with, and informing, the lies that contribute to self-deception, and prejudice towards reminders of our past lives, as part of self-preservation (Stein, 2002), and through a predictive (Dubin, 1978) theory of visual rhetoric, based on Frog’s (2015) descriptive theory, to correct the images so that the false verbal narratives, or testimony, are no longer possible (Lifton, 2000, Severi, 2005, & Stein, 2002), as part of self-healing while holding accountable the moral agency of the image (Limburg, 1994, Stein, 2002, & Stevenson, 1997). SILVIA STEIN 26


Ian Stevenson, MD, articulated a formula (Stevenson, 1997, p. 85), that early-on in 2008 stimulated my pursuit of establishing a predictive theory for testing in communication studies, treating the issue of reincarnation as a continuing element of every human subject, and not as something that we should forget about through psychiatric or psychological medical interventions that want us to forget. CA + DI + PF = CS is Stevenson’s (1997, p. 85) formula accounting for the emergent presence of mental images (ghosts) in the skin, like a ghost inhabiting a piece of furniture (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090): “[f]or example, they [apparitions] are sometimes reflected in mirrors, sometimes intercept light or cast a shadow, sometimes walk around objects, such as furniture", yet are not reducible to, nor limited by, the material substance of a piece of "furniture" or individual (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). In forensic communication studies written, or spoken, verbal testimony is treated as hear-say, unless accurate details are provided, that have not been made previously available to the subject (Nofsinger, 1991). Thus, in cases of reincarnation testing, the issue of false confessions, a defensive mechanism resulting in a form of self-delusion, is at stake if there is no proof to a claim of reincarnation. Dr. Ian Stevenson's work is important since forms of physical evidence, particularly through photography, was sought (Stevenson, 1997), taking the issue out of the field of managing perceptions, to my field of communication studies in photo-journalism. I treat the issue of documenting reincarnation cases as postmortem reporting of ghosts in the present person, taking the attention off of the current identity, and taking the issue out of the sphere of psychiatry and psychology, and into an empirical and scientific field. I plainly place the study of reincarnation cases into communication studies, as part of an evolutionary continuum in the personality matrix, consisting of a series of ghosts. In this sense the previous lifetime is not a preexisting condition, and instead is part of a continuum of emergent communication phenomena (Stevenson, 1997, p. 85 & p. 2090). Let’s first understand the meaning of Stevenson’s formula, predicting the photographically and physically measureable resurfacing of previous life traits (Stevenson, 1997, p. 85): CA + DI + PF = CS Briefly this formula represents the following units: Concentrated Attention + Duration of Imagery + Hypothetical (synthetic) Physiological Factor = Changes in the Skin The processes of the formula that the units represent are: Absorption (CA), transference (DI), and manifestation (CS) of mental image as a physiological (PF) intrapersonal communication phenomena I interpret Stevenson’s formula statement (Stevenson, 1997, p.85) from the view in communication studies that emergent human communication phenomena can be predictably, and repeatedly, produced, photographically compared, measured, and tested in a controlled setting, establishing a sound theory without violating standard human subject protocols in research (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, & Christyn, 2014).

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The photographs of the human subject (Frank, 1967) made by the Author during a photojournalistic interview, represented here, illustrate Concentrated Attention (absorption) on a pair of eyeglasses, and Duration of Imagery (transference through exposure) with internally visualizing the eyeglasses on the face, and hypothetical Physiological Factor (artificial stimulation of the magnetic field for diachronic and synchronic holographic memory retention), in the form of the weight of the eyeglasses on the face, equal Changes in the Skin (suspended motif), visible through the muscle flexion around the mouth (Stevenson, 1997). From Stevenson’s (1997, p.85) book, Reincarnation and Biology, Volume I: Birthmarks, it is written “[w]here concentrated attention has these aids [or props such as a pair of eyeglasses], the duration of imagery required to produce bodily changes may be brief; where they are missing, as they are in most saintly stigmatists [pictured in the third photograph from 1998 of the Aramaic name for Jesus, “YEsuA”, below], the Duration of Imagery (DI) must be proportionately long for a physical effect to occur.” In physics, as well as in empirical theory building with predictive and replicable values (Dubin, 1978), emergence of previous personality expressions, and somatic memory, is explained as mathematically possible, since items on either side of any equation, the combination of the variable units and their total, always equal one another as a basic rule in mathematical symmetry (Zimmerman, Jones & Robbins, 2010, p. 344). Logically we cannot travel into the past if there is not reincarnation, yet physics tells us we can, thus there is a previous life we still get our data from (Stevenson 1997, & Zimmerman, Jones & Robbins, 2010, p. 344), unless behaviorists adopt the trend of breaking all the rules in human subject protocols in research, insisting on Cognitive Behavioral Training to block-off, producing a Black-Site memory discontinuity (Fields, 2005a & 2005b), the sensation of continuity (as pictured in the sketch of the textbook for “Dummies” below) in the psychophore, or Mind (Christyn, 2014, Stevenson, 1997, & Watt, 2016), which Bergson named intuition (Bergson, 1910 & 1935).

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+ I avoid using humans like insects to ‘prod’, heightening arousal. I take a strictly photojournalistic approach, utilizing innocuous props, treating the entire past and future personality matrix spectrum of the human subject (Christyn, 2014); whereas waterboarding and near-death tactics by behaviorists limit the subject as another case for CBT (Cognitive Behavioral Therapy), which boxes-in and stigmatizes for torture human subjects maintaining their previous life memories, motivations, and behaviors (Christryn, 2014 & Watt, 2016). I oppose re-enacting near death interventions, such as water-boarding and other forms of torture (Christyn, 2014 & Watt, 2016). Forcing persons to re-live harmful memories, through events such as water-boarding or pre-planned or premeditated ‘accidents’, can stimulate predictable results, producing harmful emotional and very aggressive, and justifiably defensive, arousals, and the resurfacing of previous life physical

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wounds,

or stigmata, for the human subject, as photographed in 1998 by Rick Singer Photography, of Spokane, WA, USA, of the Author’s left leg as seen from behind (Stevenson, 1997, p. 85 & Watt, 2016). In contrast to the shock approach, replicating death and near-death experiences such as water-boarding, Stevenson hypothesized (Stevenson, 1997, p. 85), I offer a simpler and gentler formula with greater predictive value, based on the descriptive formula of Frog (2015). Predictive theory statement, null hypothesis, & two case examples The power of the predictive theory of visual rhetoric, predicting and describing a preconscious cognitive communication process, relies on categorizing human subjects as Dependent Variables. Thus, the predictive theory of visual rhetoric predicts that exposure of a mental image of a person, or unit, a Dependent Variable (DV), to a materially visible and physically felt integer, or Independent Variable (IV) (Bolls & Lang, 2003), results in an objective Measureable Image (MI), or apparition, objectively documented through photography, and experienced subjectively as heightened self-awareness - like an aha moment, of the preconscious personality (ghost) in the DV, or human subject (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). Therefore, a simple formula for predictive visual rhetoric theory is: Unit (DV) + integer (IV) = Another unit or motif (MI)

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This statement is an improvement upon Frog’s statement. I have broken it down to a quantitatively testable formula (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Bolls & Lang, 2003, & Dubin, 1978), while sustaining Frog’s descriptive formula (Frog, 2015, p. 39): Relationship between internal & external images = Suspended motif w/ immanent potential measured and documented through photography Deductively, the hypothesis is that a Measureable Image (MI) of another personality, a ghost, an extended mental image (in the state of heightened self-awareness), is photographable, if the person is exposed to a physically visible and tangible material object. Thus the hypothesis is MI if DV + IV Mental based images (MI), such as ideographs, or an iconic person tied to an ideology, such as Jesus (McGee, 1999), are units. Thus Jesus is, for example, a Mental Image (MI) and a unit, among many (ghosts). Mental images, or ideas, such as liberty, are units of thought (Frog, 2015), and are of an emergent nature when a person (DV), a unit dependent on their physical body, through their body, interacts with their mind, or ghost(s), in the material world (IV). Important in identifying, categorizing, and testing variables, is distinguishing between what is an internal, from an external image (Bandura, 1994): 1.) Images inside the mind are thought units with extensive cognitive associations to other thought units. 2.) Externally visible physical images have no association to other images without the mind’s (ghost’s) perception (Bandura, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). The first, the thought units, have both a subjectively experienced nature, and an objectively measureable nature (Bolls & Lang, 2003, Kurzweil, 2000, Stevenson, 1997, Stein, 2002, & Stein, 2009). Understanding the subjective perspective provides a simpler lay-man’s flip-side explanation of the objective analysis of quantum cognitive processes, which otherwise are seemingly remotely understood by the common person as quantum cognitive process of thought units (Chuckman, 2015), or microtubules (Kurzweil, 2000), described as ideographic receptor units (Frog, 2015 & McGee, 1999). The simple flip-side, of the subjective experience, is the reorganization of cerebral microtubules involved in quantum cognitive processes (Chuckman, 2015 & Kurzweil, 2000), as the physical units in ideographic image processing at the preconscious level are re-organized through photographic self and other recognition (Burke, 1969, Kurzweil, 2000, & McGee, 1999). Frog further labels, and distinguishes from other units, a visible human face of the physical body, by labeling a visible human face an integer. A visible human face, integer, is not the same as the inner image that same body has of itself, as a unit, or selves, which are also units (Frog, 2015). External material images are integers (Frog, 2015, pp. 35-39). Integers consist of at least one image unit which is a noun, two or more images represent another kind of unit, of two or more units, called a verb. A verb is called a motif, with immanent potential, either as a single image or the actual physically visible face, which is an integer (Frog, 2015, p. 39). An integer, or two or more images combined, is also a motif, and can elicit a theme (Frog, 2015, p. 35-39). For our ideographic receptor units within us, iconic images of persons are SILVIA STEIN 31


powerful single image integers that in antiquity we used the term god for (Luhrmann, 2016); a person’s external image, an integer, if popular in culture, has iconic attraction, or immanent potential (Frog & Lukin, 2015). God often is the utterance utilized for an apparition of a ghostly nature, a presence sensed or felt, producing an anomalous and measureable brain event through sensory stimulation we subjectively experience as a mystical experience (Luhrmann, 2016). “’I had a physical sense of God’s presence right here. It was such a strong, tangible sense of God’s presence, I did not have words for it. And it was right here. [pointing to a place]’. This sense of localized presence has been called the ‘Third Man’ phenomenon because a sensation of an invisible presence who walks by one’s side has been reported by mountaineers and polar explorers” (Luhrmann, 2016, p. 7). “‘In subsequent events, I have been more left with the sense that I can choose to believe this is from God or I can think this is just from me, and the reality is that it could be either, and I know that’” (Luhrmann, 2016, p. 10). It is possible to change the inner vision one has of their self, thus switch units, by exposing a unit to an integer, or a motif, with which they identify with one of the images in the motif. A motif “incorporates a verb [thus two or more images together forming an action between them] and involves change or situates two or more images in a relationship” (Frog, 2015, p. 39). Thus two or more images together can communicate the possibility of an event, and become part of mythological thinking, that anytime they are together an action is immanent, and “viewed as an imminent motif – i.e. the motif could manifest as reality or experience” (Frog, 2015, p. 39). It is also possible to use this as an empowering strategy (Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990), or to disempower a specific person, as well as to stimulate or inhibit memory (Fields, 2005a & Fields, 2005b). For example, toddlers and young children often have vivid memories, or images, of past lifetimes they speak of as they interact with physically visible reminders of their past lifetime, such as toy airplanes, or cars (Stevenson, 1997). After several years of interacting with these physical reminders, while being discouraged to speak of their mental associations, or past life memories, with these objects, they soon stop speaking of past life memories (Stevenson, 1997). Similarly, re-introducing adults to past life mental associations with visible objects, helps them restore into the continuum of the personality matrix spectrum, a kaleidoscope of past life sensations, and memories (Stein, 2009 & Stevenson, 1997), which can be selfempowering (Ayers & Hopf, 1987 & Baird, 1982). Facilitating mental associations through visualization interventions, or therapies (Ayers & Hopf, 1987), is a form of understanding, and applying, visual rhetoric as a reciprocal dual, or more, multidirectional communication process connector to the past, and future, through which images infer meaning (Severi, 2005). In this case mythological thinking, based on images, is a form of time travel, and geographical travel (Baugh, 1963). The effect of the shift to visual based mythological thinking (Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990), can be studied objectively when the units and integers are present, together, in a laboratory, or natural setting. They are photographically documented, and compared, for measureable changes due to the influence experienced by one (dependent and not permanent) variable, and by the presence of another (independent and materially durable) variable (Dubin, 1978, & Ayers & Hopf, 1987). An effectively stated predictive theory of visual rhetoric can be used to identify and describe all the ideographs, or archetypes, structuring human behavior, and society, and how they all function at the different levels of societies past, present and future. Cataloguing the ideographic orientations of the full spectrum of the human personality matrix, at the individual level, and as a collective, in reference to integration policy alignment and re-alignment (psychophysiological behavioral and propaganda programming and de-programming at the individual, and collective level), can help us negotiate between SILVIA STEIN 32


immediate and immanent personal, and organizational priorities, objectives, and goals (Baird, 1982 & McGee, 1999, p. 434). Accordingly, my stronger predictive theory statement, based on the work of Ayers and Hopf (1987) and Frog (2015), has explanatory power (Dubin, 1978 & Stein, 2009), and prescriptive use in integration propaganda and counter-propaganda (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Dubin, 1978, Pocheptsov, 2008, & Stein, 2009). Besides explanatory and predictive power, my theory had be tested for not being accurate (Dubin, 1978). This is called testing for the null hypothesis (Dubin, 1978). If my predictive theory is MI = DV + IV, then I must also test for the possibility that MI ≠ DV + IV (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, & Dubin, 1978). Thus, if a suspended motif with immanent potential is the result of a relationship between internal & external images (Frog, 2015, p. 39), is the predictive theory of visual rhetoric, stated as a hypothesis, then the null hypothesis is that a suspended motif, with immanent potential, does not result from a relationship between internal & external images (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, & Dubin, 1978). In winning over critics, it is necessary to argue that this stronger predictive theory statement is possible. Critics are responsible for proving that my theory is not possible, thus to win them over I must show that I have tried to disprove my theory statement (Dubin, 1978). To prove that a predictive theory is not, possible, is to prove the null hypothesis (Dubin, 1978). To disprove my predictive theory (MI = DV + IV), and prove the null hypothesis (MI ≠ DV + IV), two documented experiments in a controlled laboratory setting were performed using two human subjects’ present personality (DV) (Stein, 2009 & Stevenson, 1997), an object (Frog, 2015, Stein, 2009, & Stevenson, 1997), myself as a photographer working with another photographer (Stein, 2009, Stevenson, 1997, & Wolffram, 2009), and in both case studies a third laboratory person, sometimes another photographer, as a registered witness (Guba & Lincoln, 1985, Stein, 2009, & Wolffram, 2009). After the two case studies, exit interviews were performed to document if the human subject reported any experience of discomfort, and if the experience was perceived as beneficial for the human subject (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Bolls & Lang, 2003, McCroskey, Beatty, Kearney, & Plax, 1985). In both case studies, no discomfort with the process was reported, and both human subjects indicated a heightened self-awareness, and self-confidence, regarding their presentation of self in public (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Bolls & Lang, 2003, Goffman, 1959, Goffman, 1963, Goffman, 1974, McCroskey, Beatty, Kearney, & Plax, 1985, & Stein, 2009). The most recent case example is “Jenny” (DV), currently a United States of America (USA) citizen with Scottish ethnic heritage categorized as Caucasian, born in the U.S.A.’s pacific north-west. Standard protocols were followed such as the informed consent of the subject, two witnesses were present, and the personality study (Stevenson, 1997) photojournalistic interview (Limburg, 1994) was anticipated, and then followed-up with a routine and archived communication studies de-briefing protocol to measure subjectively perceived, and reported, differences by the subject (McCroskey, Beatty, Kearney, & Plax, 1985). The results of the photojournalistic interview were provided to the subject, “Jenny”, with no reporting by the subject of any discomfort, and the self-reporting of reduction of communication apprehension by the subject (McCroskey, Beatty, Kearney, & Plax 1985). The results seemed reasonable to “Jenny”, and a measured sense of self-empowerment, in regards to public performances and public speaking, was also reported by “Jenny” (Ayers & Hopf, 1987). At the time of the study, “Jenny” was a pre-med university student working as a bartender at a pacific north-west U.S. ski lodge (Stevenson, 1997). Without informing the human subject of what specific facial image I was photographically measuring for (MI), I and a witness attending, Marco Martelli, a professional photographer and artist from the Scandicci section of Florence, Italy, invited SILVIA STEIN 33


“Jenny” for a photo-shoot in a setting specifically constructed to duplicate a bar counter, with bar mirror setting replicating “Jenny’s” work environment at the ski lodge. The laboratory props (IV) were the bar counter, overhead vanity lights, mirror, a stage-style highchair to lean on, a standard line telephone, a lamp that had the height in form of an early twentieth century microphone, and a pineapple (Stevenson, 1997). The fresh pineapple was a dressing room prop singer Billie Holiday displayed on her counter, along with perfume bottles. Anticipating a possible shift, photographically documentable in “Jenny’s” facial presentation of self (Stevenson, 1997). I altered the staged work counter, and mirror, so that it had the feel of a performer’s back stage changing room (IV), with perfume bottles, a pineapple, and a line telephone (IV), instead of alcohol bottles. “Jenny”, of her own impulse, brought a photo-shoot dress, and earrings, which she changed into for the photo-shoot. I did not expect “Jenny’s” decision to wear a dress, since her usual work outfit at the ski lodge was a casual top, pair of jean slacks, and comfortable shoes. Although I suspected I could elicit an impromptu facial expression, that might be a facial birthmark (Stevenson, 1997), of a popular deceased personality, from “Jenny”, once “Jenny”, without my suggestion, brought the style of dress, shoes and earrings that the deceased Billie Holiday (1915-1959) wore on stage, for public apparitions (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090), I, according to Stevenson, M.D.’s (1997) studies, understood that the human subject, and her ghost(s), or psychophore (Stevenson, 1997), had merged and had their own ideographic orientation established, and were in synchronicity, and in a sense took-over the experiment with this impromptu preselection of the dress (Stevenson, 1997), without there ever have been any discussion about Billie Holiday. Although after the photojournalistic interview I fully disclosed to “Jenny” my initial suspicions, and the results of the interview, I initially used a general and vague reference of a photo-shoot to study the personality matrix in psychology, comparing “Jenny’s” expressions to another person’s. I did not mention that the other person was deceased, or that I was testing for a Billie Holiday motif or ghost (Frog, 2015 & Stevenson, 1997). The process felt like Billie Holiday ‘wanted’ to ‘come out’ (Stevenson, 1997). As a university instructor, who taught journalists and reporters, this is a very rewarding moment, when you feel the human subject is naturally in synchronicity with obtaining the same photo-shoot result you sense is possible, yet not yet completed as a story, for the photo-journalist to rhetorically document and report in visual form (Stein, 2009). Working with a human subject I professionally have witnessed, and documented (Stevenson, 1997), their ghost or previous life personality, is the one helping them to discern if and how to collaborate with me, as a photo-journalist, to document and report their journey in this life, as part of helping the human subject obtain a higher self-awareness (Stevenson, 1997), and improve their presentation of self in speech communication (Ayers & Hopf, 1987). Sometimes the human subject will not consent to being photographed, and documented, yet if there is no stigma associated with the experience, even if part of their persona was a victim of an abduction (Stevenson, 1997), they usually consent (Stein, 2004, Stein, 2009, & Stevenson, 1997). Here are a series of emergent Kirlian photographs of a Billie Holliday motif (MI), consisting of “Jenny” (DV), and physical props (IV), converging in a photographic series (MI) subjectively experienced as an empowering heightened self-awareness moment for the human subject. Obviously the predictive theory of visual rhetoric (MI = DV + IV) is upheld in this case study, since the null hypothesis (MI ≠ DV + IV) is disproven (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Dubin, 1978, Frog, 2015, Stein, 2009, & Stevenson, 1997).

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Merging of Jenny and Billie around (Shipton, 2017) an object with ideographic imprint of a form on the body; a dress (Dor, 2000). Photo made by Marco Martelli, professional photographer and artist.

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Ideographic imprint examples (Dor, 2000), the form of a counter to lean on and the security of a mirror. Photo made by Author.

Replication of the stage lighting and photo camera creates an ideographic re-orientation for the photographic subject who in iconic attraction functions as an ideological ideograph or central organizing persona (archetype) in chaos theory (Jung, 1990). Photo made by Author Silvia Stein utilizing a wall projection of Billie Holiday (Shipton, 2017).

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Ideographic imprint, the form of a counter to lean on and the security of a mirror (Dor, 2000). Photo made by Marco Martelli, Italian professional photographer and artist. The second case example is “Tom” (DV), currently a Polish citizen with Polish ethnic heritage categorized as Caucasian, born in Poland. At the time of the study “Tom” had self-taught himself university level German and English literature, information technology (IT) strategies and programming in computing. He had recently finished his tests and graduated from high-school, which he finished late for his age-group (mid-twenties) in Germany, while ahead of his age-group in fluent German and English literacy, and IT (Stein, 2009). “Tom” was working throughout the weeknights at a Heidelberg, Germany, hotel front desk as receptionist, and in the morning, was also the hotel breakfast prep-cook (Stevenson, 1997 & Stein, 2009). On weekends “Tom” was techno music-mixer, and disk jockey, at a popular Mannheim dance hall (Stein, 2009). Without informing the human subject of what specific facial birthmark (Stevenson, 1997) image I was photographically measuring for (MI), I invited “Tom” for a photo-shoot in a setting specifically constructed for psychophysiological testing of the spectrum of the human personality matrix (Stein, 2009). The laboratory was a former KGB constructed soundproof booth, similar to a walk-in refrigerator, offering complete privacy for an interview, restoring for the human subject a safe hide-out setting (Frank, 1967), with a full medical and mental health faculty staff at our service at Tavrichisky (in Russian) or Taurida (in Ukrainian) V.I. Vernadsky National University in Simferopol, Russia. Anticipating a possible shift, photographically documentable in “Tom’s” facial birthmark presentation of self (Stevenson, 1997), I replicated a 1943 hide-out setting to create an emotionally safe atmosphere for the deceased personality to SILVIA STEIN 37


manifest herself (Stein, 2009). The isolation booth also replicated “Tom’s” preference to work alone and in isolation from distractions, such as the night shift at the hotel reception and kitchen prep positions Germany offered him (Stein, 2009). My laboratory props (IV) were a video camera on a tripod replicating a 1940’s style photographer’s booth, since the deceased’s personality’s father was an amateur photographer, a pair of -12 and -13 heavy glasses mounted in a lovely heavy frame by medical ophthalmologist Lyudmila Ivanovna Degurko, of “Bonet Optical”, in Simferopol, Crimea, for myself, a myopic like the deceased’s personality, and a comfortable cushioned leather chair, which would have been a luxury item in a hide-out (Frank, 1967, Stein, 2009, & Stevenson, 1997). I had heard of the Anne Frank case (1967) from my older sister, and my mother, who read about the Anne Frank case (1967) in the overseas edition of “Newsweek” available to U.S. military families in post-World War II Europe. I later read repeatedly the Anne Frank diary (1967), and about the hide-out setting, since I was almost ten years old and had moved from Europe to the deeply prejudiced south of Harbor View, Lorton, Virginia, and later Fort Monroe, Hampton, Virginia in the U.S.A., with my Mediterranean (Italian) skin and a Jewish family name, “Stein”. I relied on this primary source about a hide-out among Saxons, “Anne Frank: the diary of a young girl” (1967), with an introduction by First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt, to understand how to observe and behave in the unfamiliar and prejudiced Anglo-Saxon culture, and among their collaborators, in the American world around me. “Tom”, who has near perfect 20/20 vision, presented himself with a comfortable shirt, jean slacks, and shoes much like he wore at work, except that he had his shirt untucked, like a pair of pajamas (Stein, 2009). Without my suggestion, “Tom” had the appearance, in form of baggy pajamas, the deceased Margot Frank (1926-1945) wore at Bergen-Belsen, Germany concentration camp. I suspected, recognizing a similar facial twitch in an old photograph, I could elicit and document an impromptu facial expression, of a popular deceased personality’s birthmark (Stevenson, 1997), from “Tom”, once “Tom” appeared with his shirt casually untucked, like a pajama, at the research laboratory. For public apparitions (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090), or ghosts, I witnessed that the human subject and the deceased personality were somehow in synchronicity with the experienced psychophysiology laboratory staff and the photojournalistic interview (Stevenson, 1997), without there ever have been any discussion about Margot Frank’s, and “Tom’s”, facial birthmark mannerisms that resembled a Margot Frank motif (Frog, 2015 & Stevenson, 1997). Not wanting to taint the photo-shoot results, I abstractly referred to the study of the personality matrix in psychology as the motive of the interview. Not wanting to suggest a pose or gesture, to “Tom”, I had to test for the null hypothesis (Dubin, 1978), that “Tom” had no similarity to the deceased personality of Margot Frank (Frank, 1967), by leaving open the possibility of other expressions, of self, emerging during the photojournalistic style interview. Thus, essential for testing for the null hypothesis (Dubin, 1978), disqualifying the comparison of “Tom’s” expressions to another person’s, I did not mention the identity of the other person, although I might have stated that they (Anne Frank and Margot Frank) were deceased, years before, while using the internet at the Heidelberg, Germany hotel I utilized while visiting my attorney in Heidelberg. “Tom”, the information technology expert working at the hotel, routinely asked what I was working on with the hotel’s internet service for guests, as I was a paying guest. The process felt like Margot Frank ‘wanted’ to ‘come out’ (Stevenson, 1997). Again, as a university instructor, having taught journalists and reporters, this is a very rewarding moment, when you feel the human subject is naturally in synchronicity with obtaining the results of the photo-journalistic photo-shoot, rhetorically documenting and reporting their testimony in a visual form (Severi, 2005 & Stein, 2009).

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“Tom” signed in Corchiano, Italy, prior to flying to Simferopol, Crimea, a standard human subject research informed consent form, based on my Washington State University psychology and communication faculties’ oversight of my Authoring their WSU approved National Institute of Health research project application in interviewing victims of illegal human trafficking in Ukraine (Stein, 2003). “Tom” was interviewed after the photo-shoot, by faculty and staff to record if there were any discomforts, or stigma, associated with the experience (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Bolls & Lang, 2003, Goffman, 1959, Goffman, 1963, Goffman, 1974, McCroskey, Beatty, Kearney, & Plax, 1985, Stein, 2004, Stein, 2009, & Stevenson, 1997). “Tom” did make some unusual references during, and after, the photo-shoot revealing new, effeminate, images regarding himself were surfacing to his consciousness, and this is normal, since “repressed signifiers make their comeback into the life of the subject in the form, for example, of subversions of the spoken chain such as slips of the tongue” (Dor, 2000, p. 140 & Stevenson, 1997). Yet, “Tom” reported no discomfort to the mental health professionals who interviewed him, and later reported that his self-confidence and self-awareness had been drastically improved as a direct result (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Bolls & Lang, 2003, Goffman, 1959, Goffman, 1963, Goffman, 1974, McCroskey, Beatty, Kearney, & Plax, 1985, & Stein, 2009). This report from the faculty, and my follow-up interviews with “Tom”, revealed that even if part of the persona was a victim of an abduction in another era, the follow-up identification and verification process was within the norms of photojournalism (Limburg, 1994), with the goal of improving the self-awareness of the human subject (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Laczko & Thompson, 2000, Stein, 2003, Stein, 2009, & Stevenson, 1997). Here are a series of emergent Kirlian photographs of a Margot Frank (Frank, 1967) motif (MI) (Frog, 2015), consisting of “Tom” (DV), and physical props which, at a later photo-shoot at a hotel work site in Heidelberg, Germany, with a tight and stiff neck collar (IV), converged in a photographic series (MI) subjectively experienced as an empowering heightened self-awareness moment for the human subject (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, & Dubin, 1978). Obviously the stronger predictive theory (Dubin, 1978) of visual rhetoric statement, MI = DV + IV, is also upheld in this second and older case study, since the null hypothesis, MI ≠ DV + IV, is disproven (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Dubin, 1978, Frog, 2015, Stein, 2009, & Stevenson, 1997).

In center the merging (MI) of Tom (DV) and Margot (DV) (Frank, 1967) around an object (IV) with ideographic imprint of a form on the face; a pair of eyeglasses (IV) (Dor, 2000). Photo and montage and sketch made by the Author.

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Merging of two personality spheres of two different time zones, Tom and Margot, around an object mounted for me by Lyudmila Ivanovna Degurko, MD, with ideographic imprint of a form on the face; a pair of eyeglasses (Dor, 2000) The results disproving the null hypothesis are briefly stated in the next section, after this brief description of the use of props (IV) in the two research cases. The props, as independent variables (IV), assist the convergence of each case subject’s (DV) two personalities surfacing, and merging (MI), at the presence of the prop, the ideographic imprint object. The props, the counter and the eyeglasses frame, are the independent variables (Dubin, 1978), as McGee (1999) and Burke (1969) anticipated in utilizing ideographs in mobilizing an audience of subjects. To explain the convergence of the two personalities (MI) I appeal to Einstein’s theory of strange gravitational forces, including archetypical apparitions (previous incarnations) of current human subjects (Stevenson, 1997), blocking or slowing down the speed of light (Hawking, 2005), so that they, the personalities as apparitions (Stevenson, 1997), can also repress thought to consciousness (Stevenson, 1997). Repression occurs so that what we are not prepared for, as a result of post-mortem trauma, from a previous life, we effectively repress, especially through socialization processes (Stevenson, 1997), or archetypical forces, denying reincarnation (Hillstrom & Strachan, 2000). If a researcher, perhaps a trained journalist such as myself, has identified the apparition photographically measured as part of the human subject’s previous personality (Stevenson, 1997), then the subject’s repressed memory of that previous personality can be facilitated through a qualitative style interview interaction utilizing a stage prop (Stevenson, 1997). To regain these memories, the journalistic interviewer must understand the language structuring the subconscious or preconscious, of the human subject (Dor, 2000), consisting of visual images (Frog, 2015) and their physical feel as ideographic orientation points (McGee, 1999). The preconscious or unconscious memories are activated, possibly, through a physical process involving mirror neurons (Iacoboni, et al, 2005). Upon recognition of external images (Iacoboni, et al, 2005), and their feel to the touch, as part of the ideographic system, the receded past memory, or personality (Stevenson, 1997), never disappears completely in the theory in communication of identity studies (Drzewiecka, 1999). Recognition of the apparition with the subject in the photograph, through a diachronic and synchronic quantum microtubal SILVIA STEIN 40


process (Kurzweil, 2000 & Stevenson, 1997), instantiates the thoughts or memories of the deceased personality to the foreground, as part of the present subject’s conscious thought processes (Levitin, 2007). Henri Bergson theorized that our preconscious mind operates at the level of a film projector, reorganizing moving or removing images, slowing, speeding-up, or reversing images (Bergson, 1910). Bergson maintained that through film studies, with its storyboard format, we can somehow reach a higher level of self-consciousness; an understanding of our own human consciousness and mythological processes (Bergson, 1910, Frog, 2015, & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990). I suspect the memories informing our thought processes can travel at the speed of light, traversing even millennia, around an ideograph of gravitational attraction or value without any interruptive gravitational 'cleavage' obstructing its passage through ‘time-space’, if space expands with the passing of time (Hawking, 2005). Thought instantiation (Levitin, 2007) possibly utilizes five to eight dimensions (Gardiner, et al 2010), involving gravitational forces, moving microtubules, like in the theory of strange gravity, vibrating data, like music (Hawking, 2005 & Levitin, 2007), across time dimensions of parallel universes (space) among past and present lifetimes, converging at different levels of awareness due to differences in cultivation across the diachronic and synchronic spectrum (Luhrmann, 2011, p. 21 & Stevenson, 1997). Thus ideographs, or props, are part of the process of producing diachronic and synchronic consensus with a single memory, or collective memory, outcome in the symbolic convergence model of communication theory, at both the intrapersonal in inter-personal levels (Burke, 1969 & McGee, 1999). In this process, visual or other sensory props serve as thought aids to connect the outer world with the mind’s ideographic orientation in instantiating thought. Thus, my above reference to the theory of strange gravity, in time-space and the merging of two black holes, apparitions or personalities (Stevenson, 1997), into one field in a photograph (Hawking, 2005 & Stevenson, 1997). Similarly vibration recognition between magnetic energy fields, like snapping the fingers or a hand on a piano frame, or on a speaker, triggers the emergent process in consciousness, with the vibration of microtubules, so that the mind ‘interacts’ at the level of vibrations, from another dimension, occupying the brain through the same space (Kurzweil, 2000).

After the isolation booth photo-shoot I switched places with “Tom” as part of empowering his mental image of self and asked “Tom” to photograph the former KGB laboratory setting SILVIA STEIN 41


To the left is “Tom’s” self-portraiture, using my laptop. In center is the photo made by the Author of “Tom’s” transformed and empowered presence in a traditional German tight collar after his experience in Simferopol, Russia. Right is a historical photo of Margot Frank (Frank, 1967). Discussion of results The null hypothesis MI ≠ DV + IV was rigorously tested, and was not proven (Dubin, 1978). My hypothesis statement for the predictive theory of visual rhetoric is upheld, proving to have empirical predictive and explanatory power in my anticipating and describing phenomena for photographic testing and documentation, under the scrutiny of two professional photographers (Dubin, 1978). Thus the hypothesis of predictive visual rhetoric theory, MI = DV + IV, is a strong theory statement with predictive and explanatory power (Dubin, 1978). The two case studies’ results support my predictive theory of visual rhetoric, which aims to explain, anticipate, predict, and verify the potential of an integer, or motif, to maintain or disrupt a dual process index with emergent potentials (memory of the extended mind) from the past to the present, and vice versa. Dual process implies that the present can influence the past in visual communication processes, and possibly audio and other vibrational processes in communication (Lang & Ewoldsen, 2010), thus nothing is fixed nor permanent (Frog, 2015, p. 47), although the ideographic orientation points, or archetypes, remain relatively fixed, like the sun, earth, and the moon (Burke, 1969 & McGee, 1999). The two successful case studies do establish the criteria of a strong predictive pattern in theory building (Dubin, 1978 & Frog, 2015). Defending the predictive theory of visual rhetoric requires further empirical, and replicable, measurements, through photographic and audio documentation, with follow-up surveys and interviews (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Dubin, 1978, McCroskey, Beatty, Kearney, & Plax, 1985, & Stevenson, 1997). Audience approval of a predictive theory, published as public entertainment, can have an immediate impact on the scientific community (Haraldsson, 2005, Hillstrom & Strachan, 2000, Savastio, 2013, & Stein, 2002). Stevenson argues that past life memory survival and apparitions (ghosts) are possible through the survival of previous life(s) memory or memories in the extended mind thesis (Theiner, 2011), which is contained in the individual vehicle called the psychophore; a magnetic based memory matrix visible in Kirlian photography (Stein, 2009 & Stevenson, 1997). Functioning with the psychophore are ideographic points of reference in a matrix of diachronic and synchronic experiences in our history of evolution helping us realign, and reframe, our experiences, within a personal context, providing meaning and direction, to our experiences, as well as to data we are exposed to, or are processing (Frog, 2015 & Stevenson, 1997). The SILVIA STEIN 42


process of ideographic orientation recognition is through the magnetic survivability of memory in the form of what is called the psychophore (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). Human experiences that are spatially oriented, are dynamic, non-linear, multi-dimensional, and communicated through visual imagery, tactile sensations and vibrations, or through other senses not using written or oral languages (Frog, 2015, Frog & Lukin, 2015, Goffman, 1974, & Stevenson, 1997). The theme of these images is later articulated as a narrative, or theory, as the cognitive structure discerns the applications of the theme; revealing imagery based on a storyboard, a roadmap, like a personal diary (Frank, 1967), for this lifetime (Bohm, 1990, Frog & Lukin, 2015, Goffman, 1974, Jung, 2000, & Stevenson, 1997, p. 2062). Stevenson’s psychophore (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090) is the ideographic vehicle, acting as the matrix of human experience, for each person to orient accordingly. Frog refers to this matrix in discussing mythological thinking (Frog & Lukin, 2015), particularly when referring to a visual system of rhetoric for encoding and decoding image sensations (Frog, 2015). "I am not daunted by knowing that the psychophore is, at this stage, a largely imaginary construction intended to satisfy, for the time being, a need to conceive of a vehicle that would convey memories from one terrestrial life to another. The history of science offers many examples of successful concepts that preceded observations directly confirming them. Sometimes the concept leads to the search for such direct evidence. [...] Genes, photons, atoms and viruses were all assumed to exist long before anyone found substantial evidence that they do exist" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2089). "The memories of the previous personality must be conveyed in the interval between death and birth in or on something". Some might refer to this substance of the apparition, ghost, as a piece of "furniture" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090), yet this is not so for it has motivation and it is persistent, driving itself (Bergson, 1935). Stevenson (1997) clarifies this point on page 2090, specifically to the case of apparitions: "some of them have a substantial quality, a something that is present where they are seen to be." By being seen they coexist with us. That is what drives them. Our recognition of them, as images that infer meaning (Severi, 2005), is what in a sense returns them to life, so that the current incarnation has a consciousness raising experience, I describe as heightened self-awareness. The moment of heightened awareness is photographable and its own reward; for both the subject and the apparition that occupies the subject. The unification between the mind’s image and an external image stimulates the human subject's brain; a process referred to as 'enlightenment'. Obviously the individual who embodies the apparition, like a piece of "furniture", wearing Billie Holiday's apparition like a dress, or wearing Margot Frank like a pair of glasses, is empowered with the feeling, here photographed, of their phantasm being recognized by an onlooker's gaze, and motivated at the level of the unconscious recognizing itself in its new body. References Abdulaeva, E., Danilova, E.A., & Papelina, E. (2004). Cognitive aspects of male & female language use. Cognitive Styles of Communication: Theories & applications. Bogdanovich, G., Dikareva, S., & Skrebtsova, T. (Eds.). Simferopol (Russia): Taurida V. I. Vernadsky University Press. Allport, G.W. (1958). The Nature of Prejudice. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor Books.

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Shipton, A. (2017). The Absolute Beginner’s Guide to Jazz. BBC Music. London, UK: BBC. Article available at https://www.bbc.co.uk/music/articles/25e95140-ad29-4b95-996c-1a1ff5d4536d Soffer, M., Rimmerman, A., Blanck, P. & Hill, E. (2010). Media and the Israeli disability rights legislation: progress or mixed and contradictory images? Disability & Society. 25 (6), 687-699. On-line article available at http://bbi.syr.edu/publications/2010/Disability_and_Society-2010.pdf Spalding, B.T. (1996). Life & Teaching of the Masters of the Far East Volumes 1-6. Marina del Rey, CA: de Vorss Publications. Steele, E.J., Lindley, R.A., & Blanden, R.V. (1998). Lamarck's Signature: How retrogenes are changing Darwin's natural selection paradigm. Reading, MASS: Perseus Books. Stein, E. (1989). On the Problem of Empathy, translated by Waltraut Stein, ICS Publications. Stein, S. (2002). Exploring Sexual Feelings through Roman Catholic Images: the lust judgment of gentile religion. Masters of Arts thesis. Pullman, WA: Washington State University. Stein, S. (2003). Media Framing Ukrainian Women´s Health Issues & Stigma. National Institute of Health project submitted by Washington State University, Pullman, WA. Stein, S. (2004). Morning Star: A functionalist investigates claims to authority using the perspective of the stigmatized. International Conference on Cognitive Styles of Communication , conference paper presented at the resort of Partenit, Tavrida University, Simferopol, Russia. Stein, S. (2009). Identifying European Human Resources. Paper submitted to the China Association for Intercultural Communication Studies, Beijing, China, June, 2009. Paper previously presented in varying forms at the 2008 International Association for Intercultural Communication Studies in Louisville, Kentucky, U.S.A. and 2007 World Communication Association (WCA), Brisbane, Australia. Stevenson, I. (1987). Children who Remember Previous Lives. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. Stevenson, I. (1990). Phobias in children who claim to remember previous lives. Journal of Scientific Exploration. 4 (2), pp. 243-254. Stevenson, I. (1997). Reincarnation & Biology: a contribution to the etiology of birthmarks & birth defects. Volume I: birthmarks & Volume II: birth defects & other anomalies. London: Praeger. Stevenson, I. (2003). European Cases of the Reincarnation Type. Jefferson, NC: McFarland. Stober, D. R. & Grant, A. M. (2006). In Evidence Based Coaching Handbook: Putting Best Practices to Work for Your Clients. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Suddeutsche Zeitung (1920’s). Marlene Dietrich with her mother and her husband, Rudolf Sieber, on the Zoo train station (Berlin). Marlene Dietrich is received by her mother and her husband, Rudolf Sieber, on the Zoo train station in Berlin. Berlin, Germany. SILVIA STEIN 51


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II

MODEL EXPLAINING MIND & BODY INTERACTION

Chapter 3 Cartesian dualism supports women & amputees as complete: Ian Stevenson’s concept of the psychophore Silvia Francesca Stein, Author SILVIA STEIN 52


Mridula Sharma, Technical Adviser, Reincarnation Facebook group Administrator, & former acquaintance of Ian Stevenson, MD "I perceive that I now exist and recall that I have previously existed for some time" - Rene' Descartes (1993, p. 76), Meditation on First Philosophy: 45 Abstract I establish how a biochemist and psychiatrist, Ian Stevenson, MD, Chair of Psychiatry and Director of the Department of Perceptual Studies at the University of Virginia, rhetorically maintained his broader, Cartesian (Descartes, 1993) definition of the psychophore through arguing for research on apparitions, and phantom limbs, as essential to verify his definition of the psychophore. His logic is very simple, research is required to prove or disprove the psychophore, thus a proper definition must anticipate the functions, mechanisms, and products of the psychophore as an extended consciousness surviving even without the body (Descartes, 1993 & Stevenson, 1997). Cartesian dualism stipulates that the source of the Mind is separate from the physical body, thus a classical Mind and body split (Descartes, 1993). Stevenson's psychophore functions as a federation of fields, consisting of deceased personalities, among the present individual (Stevenson, 1997), thus indivisible. Arguably the function of the psychophore is similar to the Soul, bridging research goals between scientific fields and theological pursuits of study (John Paul, 2002). I am not writing that the psychophore is the same as the Soul, nor am I writing that the psychophore is different from the Soul, just that they seem to serve the same function. After an individual's death, or death of a limb (amputation), the body's federation of diachronic (across time) morphogenetic and synchronic (across space) morphostatic fields, together called the psychophore, remains intact and visible, as apparitions, and somatically experienced as phantom limb memory (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2083-2093). Think of an amputation, the dead limb leaves the Soul, yet the Soul remains with the living body (Descartes, 1993, p. 102), the same at death, the dead body leaves the Soul (Descartes, 1993). Besides a useful field of study for scientists, this is also an area of interest for theologians (John Paul, 2002). The psychophore seems to function as a unique and identifiable shape shifting form (Stevenson, 1997), which is not similar to the Hindu concept of atman that does not have a form (Dreyfus & Thompson, 2007). Introduction Scientific forensic research and academia, like religious institutions, are plagued by phallocentric or ablebodied narcissism biasing students, research, data gathering, and interpretation of findings (Bem, 1993, & Guba & Lincoln, 2000). Phallocentric able-bodied narcissism is based on the primacy of men as physically fit, and biological male bodily fluids as distributing sources of knowledge. This is often a practice based ideology to justify violence against children, adolescents, handicapped and women, as a biological insemination of knowledge held by men (Stein, 2002). I am in opposition to this point of view, and, I argue, so was Ian Stevenson. Stevenson actually attributed consciousness to a ghost like apparition that we are born with and that dwells in our physical body since before birth. Our ghost actually selects our parents and our form for birth (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2041-2062). Of course if I or Stevenson began discussing the mechanism of the psychophore as a ghost you'd think us crazy; thus Stevenson begins with discussing the alternative phallocentric template model.

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The ghost model emphasizes introspection. Contrastingly, the phallocentric able-bodied rationale suggests that persons become dependent on, and would not otherwise know how to behave, nor know what to do, without a male or able-bodied person instructing them (Stein, 2002). Phallocentric or able-bodied narcissism relegates women and amputees as an inferior incarnation. Stevenson states that the apparition of the psychophore can move or move through a person, like a piece of "furniture" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090), to be adjusted by its higher consciousness. Persons who misread this statement will not understand that our ghost moves us, and instead use this "furniture" reference to mean that persons, women, the handicapped, and children, must be moved or adjusted often through physical abuse, or as without a Soul or consciousness. These persons will argue that "furniture" are unable to even be fully conscious of the abuse, like a dog (Bem, 1993, Gilligan, 1993, & Stein, 2002), Stevenson would argue otherwise; all sentient creatures, and their ghosts, retain memory and feelings (Stevenson, 1997). Ian Stevenson, MD, maintained that an individual's human consciousness survives death, and is felt as phantom limb sensation, seen as an apparition, a quality he describes as belonging to the psychophore. Consciousness is not a bodily fluid nor a known bodily substance (Greyson, 2011, & Stevenson, 1997). By rereading scientific literature, such as Stevenson’s, from a perspective other than phallocentric or ablebodied (Bem, 1993, & Gilligan, 1993), we can develop a combination of qualitative and quantitative methodologies insuring reliable triangulated research. Triangulated research methodologies are designed to provide a check-and-balance against inherent biases, and against data driven results. Data driven results are studies that are done to support an anticipated outcome. The first step to avoid a biased outcome is to test for no outcome, what is called the 'null hypothesis'. An example is, to prove that reincarnation is a possible answer for inherited personality traits, we first try to prove the 'null hypothesis; 'that reincarnation is not a possible answer for inherited personality traits. Besides testing for the 'null hypothesis', triangulated research functions best when literature and personnel from different sciences, including theology, develop an interdisciplinary approach in testing a theory (Guba & Lincoln, 2000). An interdisciplinary approach differs from a multidisciplinary approach. An interdisciplinary approach is arbitrated by one primary faculty, while utilizing expertise and methodologies from other faculties, or areas of study. For example, I am performing a communication study on the issue of reincarnation by studying Stevenson's literature describing the psychophore and his rhetorical style in defending his description (Stevenson, 1997). Reincarnation is traditionally an area of study for psychologists, psychiatrists, and theologians (Wolffram, 2009), yet I am using communication strategies of rhetoric, content analysis, and photography to bridge the concerns of all these differing faculties plus the mass media. Reincarnation studies can be profitable if properly marketed through documentaries presented as news items in the mass media. A multidisciplinary approach is not interested in generating consensus among very different fields of research. I am interested in instructing a market with a forensic mass media self-help attitude so that persons can empower themselves, pulling themselves up by their own bootstraps (Villanueva, 1993). Unified consciousness as a federation of fields In the face of systemic sexism, able-bodied narcissists, and publication editors, how does Ian Stevenson, MD, maintain that the function of the diachronically (across time) and synchronically (across space) enduring psychophore, and disembodied consciousness, survive? Negating bodily fluids or functions being the source of consciousness means that the sperm or egg do not contain the Soul at fertilization. How can consciousness transfer without the transfer of bodily fluids?

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Stevenson argues for a unified consciousness existing separately yet functioning with the biological human body. This memory transfer from the deceased does not end at the beginning of a new human life (Greyson, 2011, & Stevenson, 1997). The psychophore, personality and memory, remains indivisible in regards to a new female or male incarnation: "a body such as I [Stevenson] conceive the psychophore to be" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2089), that after death or amputation, the psychophore's "body" is still intact and whole as a federation of diachronic morphogenic and synchronic morphostatic fields of the psychophore, which are visible as apparitions, and somatically experienced as phantom limb memory (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2083-2093). Thus in my research I essentially operationalize Stevenson's definition of the psychophore with the definition of Soul, and mind as consciousness, interchangeably. This does not balance with Hindu concepts of the Soul, in that Stevenson's psychophore has a visible form, a body, whereas the Soul in Hinduism does not. Stevenson does seem to borrow some reincarnation concepts from Hinduism, though he then changes these concepts to fit his description of the psychophore, as he sees it, with a definite body and form, like a ghost, an apparition. Stevenson's psychophore has extension of its mental images, a form of consciousness. This essay is very complex, building step by step upon complex terms like diachronic, synchronic, morphogenetic, and morphostatic to explain what a psychophore is. It will take several re-readings of my essay to understand what I have synthesized from Stevenson's two volume book on the cases that establish the existence of the psychophore, as the mechanistic process in reincarnation processes. Its much easier and cheaper to read and re-read my essay than the 2268 pages of Stevenson's two volume book. In this essay I cite specifically the instances why we scholars need to broaden the traditional operational definition of psychophore by understanding Stevenson's explanation of the psychophore properly, and patiently (Stevenson, 1997). Stevenson was an astute rhetoritician in dealing with critics, as evidenced in this rhetorical analysis of his discussion of the recursive function of the psychophore. A recursive function in reincarnation means that memories remain through a field federation, yet the human life is reset to its birthing process. Souls, like the psychophore, are unique, and Stevenson's work is applicable to theological study as well. This is a premise in critical exegesis (analysis of religious scripture) that I think should be scientifically provable, through research of the psychophore, to balance with the Roman Catholic Papal Encyclical "Fides et ratio" (John Paul, 2002), among other theological statements. What we know through intuition, or Faith (John Paul, 2002), should be scientifically verifiable, researched and tested. Faith and reason are two differently explained views to descrbing the same phenomena (John Paul. 2002). Oddly enough the 1998 Papal letter regarding spiritual matters (John Paul, 2002) and Stevenson's masterpiece on reincarnation and biology (Stevenson, 1997) were both released within the same period. At this time women and handicapped had made great advancements fighting for respect and their compensation rights in both religious institutions and academia. This era was soon followed by the post-Princess Diana 1997 proMuslim and pro-Christian fundamentalist repressive femminicidal and phallocentric backlash of the Bush era administration in research funding that favored the premise that knowledge originates from men, to women and handicapped, through a water-boarding style fluid transfer, 'communion'. Male based religious and political ideologies emphasized the male's perspective in theory and research, heavily biasing the interpretation of definitions, research paradigms, and ensuing results (Bem, 1993, & Gilligan, 1993). This is particularly an issue when we women and amputees are doing the work yet not recognized nor rewarded for our achievements. Male bias will even go so far as claim that the presence of a male's odor or bodily fluid is the "template", a vessel for 'his' knowledge and memory to be inseminated (Matlock, 2013, p. 254) in the woman; thus women and handicapped do not deserve the recognition for their work, since the knowledge originated fluidly from a man or an able-bodied person. Stevenson disagreed with this view, yet SILVIA STEIN 55


he had to write under the pressure of pleasing the able-bodied and phallocentric prejudices of his corporate and institutional funders. Taking Stevenson's words out of context, specifically a ten-page context detailing the functions of the psychophore, to favor a "template" sound-bite (Matlock, 2013, p. 254), is wrong. Equating the psychophore to a mere sperm, sweat, or some other fluid "template" (Mattock, 2013), is wrong. Using Stevenson's words outside of their proper context is wrong, indicating either a lazy or malicious reading of Stevenson's work. The psychophore is much more than just a "vehicle for memories" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2083), as we now read reviewing all the way from page 2083 through page 2093 Stevenson's 1997 publication, Reincarnation & Biology: a contribution to the etiology of birthmarks & birth defects. Volume II: birth defects & other anomalies. Identifying possible inherent bias We can avoid inherent bias in reincarnation research, data gathering, and interpretation of results by studying carefully our definitions in reincarnation studies, such as the term psychophore. A thorough understanding of the term psychophore, as Stevenson intended, requires understanding Stevenson's rhetorical pattern and motive behind his evasive yet transformative rhetoric. Stevenson needed to get money for research, yet he did not want the federal or private funders' prejudice to be an obstacle. Stevenson had to circumvent skeptics of reincarnation, get their money, and use this money to get published and inform our research designs and methodologies with the accurate information. Stevenson believed that our past ghosts can speak through us, and testing includes variables such as physical indicators and nonverbal communication (Stevenson, 1997). Communication study of verbal and non-verbal indicators is useful in reference to apparitions and phantom limbs. Communication study encompasses photography as an objective instrument for measurements of light, particularly documentation of apparitions, and phantom limbs. By taking a communication study approach,, combining rhetorical and literature content analysis, and photography. I try to propose an alternative to inherent phallocentric cultural bias in reading Stevenson’s discussion of the psychophore by emphasizing his use of photography as a way to test for reincarnation cases and to document apparitions (Bem, 1992, & Gilligan, 1993). Preventing result driven data interpretation based on sexist expectations requires anticipating the expected result, and marginalizing it. I begin by identifying the inherent bias, which is the pro-phallocentric result our culture usually desires. A phallocentric, or femminicidal culture, protects males and others that abuse and perform violence against handicapped, children and women. Once the bias, phallocentrism, or ablebodiedness is identified, it is possible to make certain the literature informing research methodology, data collection techniques, and interpretation of data is designed to weed-out inherent bias that has plagued institutions. I begin by reviewing the writing on the psychophore by Ian Stevenson (1997, pp. 2083-2093) in Volume II of his two volume book set, Reincarnation & Biology: a contribution to the etiology of birthmarks & birth defects. Volume I: birthmarks & Volume II: birth defects & other anomalies. Stevenson's writings are read for social, scientific, and forensic research. Rhetorical analysis of Stevenson’s transformative strategy SILVIA STEIN 56


Stevenson rhetorically entertained many dissenting notions regarding the indivisibility of the psychophore, while affirming the possibility of its unified form (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074). This equates the psychophore to the function of the Soul. Most scientists do not wish to read discussions about the Soul, ghosts or spirits, and Stevenson was aware that he could be ridiculed if he did not appease critics with a very scientistic bait and hook description of the psychophore (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2089). Thus Stevenson first establishes the necessity for the psychophore by arguing: if there is a transmission of previous life memory, there must be a vehicle that functions for this purpose. After obtaining the reader's attention, based on the appeal to necessity, Stevenson reels in the reader to more difficult concepts, such as the psychophore not just as a template, but a federation of a diachronic morphogenetic field and a synchronic morphostatic field, that aids in explaining the retention of phantom sensations of limbs in amputees, congenital amputees, sexual arousal in homosexuals, and the transmission of vital information by apparitions, a personality, whose field is inhabited by a living human being, an individual, acting as a host for an apparition (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2083-2093). Of course if Stevenson stated right away that he believed in ghosts or a "a spiritual self or person" (Dreyfus & Thompson, 2007, p. 91), and that he conceived of the psychophore as a multidirectional intrapersonal communication exchange among our past ghosts, that the individual human body occupies, most critics would not read his books nor articles. Stevenson actually believed that the physical body leaves the soul or ghost, not vice-versa: "at death our bodies leave us, while we continue to exist in our mental space" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074). Establishing necessity Stevenson begins with a profound statement of necessity. "Conceptions for mental space have to include a capacity for interaction between a mind (in mental or phenomenal space) and a brain (or parts of a body) in our familiar physical space" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2073). This statement sets the stage to describe what the functions, and parts, of the psychophore are providing a realm of multidirectional pathways for information exchange, and suppression, between discarnate personalities, and the individual terrestrial life, that occupies their mental space (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2073 & 2074). The mind body gap provides for a temporary barrier so that information from our past is suppressed and we have a safety zone. Otherwise, unexplainably, previous lifetime memories would surface. A repressive mechanism, regulated by the psychophore, must also be at work to supress memories that could otherwise harm the individual's progress, under certain cultural conditions, and needs to be further researched to be properly explained. Stevenson establishes the need for an explanation of the continuity and suppression of memory, and later hints at the indestructible and self-organizing nature of the memory's vehicle. Explaining the continuity and suppression of memory from a previous life helps us understand how the past, and survival of its memory, informs, without overwhelming, our lives, and persists between and through lives (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2083). The memory's vehicle is therefore indestructible, it has the direction of survival; thus it has consciousness of its future lives and direction (Greyson, 2011, & Stevenson, 1997). This model of reincarnation is recursive, meaning that previous memories of personalities remain, yet the human life is reset to its individual birthing process. Stevenson's cases, particularly examining twins, established that consciousness of memory persists in the recursive process without the physical body of the deceased (Greyson, 2011, & Stevenson, 1997). More documentation is needed, in the form of photography, proving Stevenson's full vision of the psychophore, in contrast to the narrow definition scholars such as James Matlock, PhD, (2013) use describing it as a mere "template". "The psychophore would act as a 'template' for some features of the new physical body, but it would transmit less than the totality of a person's personality" (Matlock, 2013, SILVIA STEIN 57


p.254). This conservative definition retains open the possibility of a broader application of the term "psychophore" in research, which I argue for, and Stevenson continued to pursue (Greyson, 2011, & Stevenson, 1997). Matlock did not fully understand the difference that Stevenson articulated between "person" and "individual". Matlock uses the two terms interchangeably whereas Stevenson (1997, pp. 2073-2074) identified the current living subject as an "individual", and not a person; the word "person" is used by Stevenson in the Hindu Samskhya concept of "a spiritual self (atman) or person (purusa)" (Dreyfus & Thompson, 2007, p. 91) that survives death. Although a useful introductory concept, Matlock's template example does not explain repression of memories, nor does Matlock account how other elements of the psychophore, such as apparitions, phantom limb sensations, and congenital amputeeism are possible. Where Matlock feeds us a sound-byte, Stevenson strategically addresses our questions with a broader definition of psychophore (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2089-2093). Baiting the readers: Matlock, Hammerman & Lenard Between pages 2083 and 2090, Ian Stevenson, MD, rhetorically distracts the reader with many conjectures to transform a simple understanding of the psychophore, like Matlock's, to a fuller understanding, while tiring out lazy readers. A bait and hook transformative technique, in rhetoric, tires out lazy readers while reeling in, for a fuller understanding, discerning readers (Burke, 1969). To obtain this effect, Stevenson, subtly, plays on the phallocentric bias of some readers (Bem, 1993, & Burke, 1969). Psychophore is at least serving as an "intermediate vehicle" (Stevenson, 1997, 2083), begins Stevenson, yet it is also described as having 'extension', like a telephone, throughout lives (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2087). Why is Stevenson seemingly making a very conservative statement, when throughout the discussion of the psychophore, he maintains that it persists throughout the lifetime? I suspect this is a rhetorical strategy to attract the attention of critics who think of the psychophore like a memory capsule, maybe of bodily fluid, a "vehicle for memories" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2083), a "template" (Matlock, 2013, p. 254), and do not think of the psychophore as a structure, a scaffolding able to conduct electrical signals, and as persisting throughout a lifetime, having extension into the next (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2094). Stevenson's rhetorical style invites the male chauvinist, perhaps a phallus worshiper, to think that Stevenson agrees with their worldview. Having hooked the reader, Stevenson brings the patient reader to a fuller understanding of the function of the psychophore. Stevenson utilizes the human capacity to interpret a word differently, to bring the person in as part of a broader readership, while educating the audience, by refining his meaning. The psychophore's meaning is thus extended from just a "vehicle for memories", ending at birth, to a broader meaning that endures throughout the lifetime, and the next. In a sense, Stevenson seems to treat the individual reader as having multiple capacities of interpretation, as he helps each inner person, ghost, of the individual reader come to a higher level of learning, bringing about consensus on a broader operational definition of the psychophore (Dreyfus & Thompson, 2007, p. 91). Those that cannot keep up with Stevenson's bait and hook technique slowly reeling them in to a broader understanding can resort to jumping to an incomplete definition, such as what Matlock offers (2013), or others offer. For example the 2000 edition of "The Complete Idiot's Guide to Reincarnation" (Hammerman SILVIA STEIN 58


& Lenard, 2000) provides a simplistic operational definition: "the psychophore as the vehicle for carrying memories from one lifetime to the next" (Hammerman & Lenard, 2000, p. 221). At this point Hammerman and Lenard (2000) have broadened the function of the psychophore as separate from the living body, yet by borrowing Matlock's idea of the psychophore, as merely a "template" (Matlock, 2013), they have not accounted for how the memories remains separate, if not still in the psychophore which carries memory (Hammerman & Lenard, 2000). Again, if the psychophore carries memory, and memories are survivable separate from the body, then the psychophore is not just a "template", but a vehicle for memory survival separate from the body (Greyson, 2011, & Stevenson, 1997). Hammerman and Lenard (2000) seem to agree with Greyson (2011), and Stevenson (1997), in developing the definition of the psychophore beyond that of a mere "template", by listing what "totality of a person's personality" the psychophore does contain, that Matlock omits (Matlock, 2013): "carrying the memories - including physical ones - from a previous lifetime." "This vehicle carries physical, cognitive, and behavioral memories" (Hammerman & Lenard, 2000, p.221), thus the total foundations of the individual's personality prior to birth. The psychophore's usefulness does not end with the birth of a baby, according to Hammerman and Lenard (2000). Otherwise the psychophore would be functioning like a chicken laying eggs, a mere "template" (Matlock, 2013, p. 254), or a woman from whom eggs are harvested, then the chicken or woman, the template, is jettisoned away. Hammerman and Lenard (2000) surpass Matlock's template evaluation of the psychophore (2013), yet do not account for the form that survives outside of the body, where Stevenson provides a description of it in the form of apparitions and phantom sensations (Stevenson, 1997). Hammerman and Lenard (2000) are cautious, as Stevenson (1997), at leaving the possibility open for a broader definition of the psychophore, as enduring throughout and beyond several lifetimes, as consciousness (Greyson, 2011, & Stevenson, 1997). Although Hammerman and Lenard do not address the Lamarckian RNA evolution of behavior, Stevenson does (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2076). Hammerman and Lenard are restricting themselves to a Darwinian model that does not account for behavioral evolution in reincarnation, whereas Stevenson's Lamarckian recursive model does account for behavioral evolution in reincarnation processes (Hammerman & Lenard, 2000, & Stevenson, 1997). Hammerman and Lenard (2000, p.221) admit Stevenson's discussion on the psychophore seems "fairly limited regarding the mechanism of death and reincarnation because he tries to stay close as he can to a Western scientific model." Yet they do not imply that this was limiting Stevenson's concept of the psychophore. Stevenson perhaps did not censor himself, he, I argue, rhetorically spread his understanding of the mechanism of the psychophore across many pages, through his transformative rhetorical style (Burke, 1969). "According to his theory, the psychophore survives death and becomes part of the next life, but there is no further discussion of the mechanisms involved or any hint of the spiritual dimension" (Hammerman & Lenard, 2000), unless we tend to Stevenson's discussion on apparitions, phatasms, and phantom limb as part of the operations of the psychophore (Stevenson, 1997, p.2083-2093). Matlock does leave open the possibility that the psycophore might be more than just a "template", though not to the extent Hammerman and Lenard do. The psychophore might encompass the deceased personality, and it is the survival of the personality's consciousness that pilots the psychophore: "Stevenson’s psychophore proposal also harmonizes with the model of the reincarnation process [...] that reincarnation be thought of in psychological rather than mechanical terms, with the dying and deceased given some (perhaps largely unconscious) control over the process. If the psychophore has a mind the SILVIA STEIN 59


control would reflect its operation" (Matlock, 2013, p. 254). We cannot completely dismiss James Matlock's statements, they do hold some, yet not all, elements of Stevenson's lengthy description of the psychophore (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2083-2093). Perhaps Matlock has censored himself in describing the psychophore to optimize his research for the Western scientific model. Understanding complexity of the psychophore or sidelined by the peddler's bait & switch Stevenson has brought the reader to a higher level of understanding, yet now the reader is aware that others around them are not capable of understanding what they now perceive, or do not want to understand because of their religious or other indoctrination against reincarnation. This is the limitation of the Western scientific model. The rhetorical strategy of readers like Matlock, Hammerman and Lenard is to only keep their statements very simple, with reference to a 'template' or an intermediary vehicle for memories between lives (Hammerman & Lenard, 2000, & Matlock, 2013). This serves two purposes, first to marginalize amateurs or adherents to some questionable Western values, while secondly, providing enough for serious scholars to continue reading Stevenson on their own. The first purpose marginalizing amateurs and ideological sects, the audience, with an incomplete understanding that hungers for more knowledge, will pursue the accurate reader who withholds information and switches the hooked audience to another pursuit. In this case the reader with the knowledge is the predator preying upon the student followers. This bait and switch is useful for individuals with greater knowledge to utilize the dependent audience to their agenda being advanced at the moment, perhaps money, selling religious salvation, co-dependency workshops and courses, as well as competion for slave labor as unpaid or unrecognized assistants in research and in researching articles. The predator, as 'teacher', develops their audience into a sect, a cult, idolizing the 'teacher'; a rhetorical bait and switch hooker selling, like a prostitute, distractions enslaving the clientele. This bait and switch abuse does not benefit the pursuer of accurate and full knowledge. The second purpose, advancing serious scholars, the effect is like the allegory of the cave, in "The Republic" (Plato, 1992), where the seeker of the entire definition of psychophore will challenge the bait and switch charade. The seeker of true knowledge will go past the bait and switch peddler and read, and reread, Stevenson (1997), themselves. Psychophore as a conscious mind interacting with the body Stevenson (1997, pp. 2086-2088) introduces the morphogenetic field theory, from early twentieth century biology, to explain how human cells know to grow into forming a nose, limbs, and previous lifetime scar tissues that evolve as birth marks. Stevenson adopts the notion of the psychophore as morphogenetic fields, that "seem to require some feature not included in our present concept of matter", consisting of a magnetic, or electrically conducting, thin one or two dimensional substance (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090), such as graphene, and psychic forces that pilot the psychophore and render it conscious (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2086). This morphogenetic field function of the psychophore would behave, in some ways, like Matlock articulated, with a "psychological rather than mechanical terms, with the dying and deceased given some (perhaps largely unconscious) control over the process. If the psychophore has a mind the control would reflect its operation" (Matlock, 2013, p. 254).

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Stevenson's morphogenetic field theory & extension of mental images In biology a morphogenetic field can be considered like a mirror or shadow of the original corporeal body of the deceased, from whom its physical counterpart separates, such as in an out of body experience (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074). Stevenson's concept is not that the body is abbandoned by the conscious entity, it's the other way around, the body abandons or liberates the conscious entity. The morphogenetic field maintains a memory like a film negative, a mental image that has diachronic extension across time (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2073), of the contours of the original body that died, permitting a kind of mold for the cells growing into that part of the morphogenetic hollowness, of the mold, a mental image, left by the body. The morphogenetic field acts as a magnetic attractor pulling the cell formation into the sheaths of the field or mold walls so that the new material for the human body grows according to the sheath of the morphogenetic field, or form. Other particularities are negotiated through genetic DNA inheritance, and the particular changes that evolve due to cultural and social forces (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2076). A visual example is pouring clay into a mold so that the clay hardens into the form, with some peculiarities, so that the product is not exactly the same in every incarnation. When particular forces, such as to produce wounds or trauma, impact the vase, the body, this effect is similarly mirrored by the morphogenetic field, or mold, which might be able to resist being affected. Thus, if a handle is broken off of the clay vase, like an arm is amputated from the human, the psychic mold of the morphogenetic field, or psychophore, still retains the form of the handle or arm. The mold retains this vacuum around the amputee so that the amputee feels that their arm is still there; this is called 'phantom limb syndrome'. If the subject does not retrain their thinking about the arm as gone, or a phallus, and instead maintains an attitude that the arm, or other limb, at least in phantom form, is still there, their psychic attitude will be that of a two armed person, or as a person with a phallus; like a the spirit world completing the individual. While everyone else just sees an arm amputee or a woman, the amputee or woman psychically sees their self as whole and intact. Thus Stevenson's statement, that the physical body, even if just an amputated limb, leaves the Soul, and not vice-versa. A positive application of Stevenson's argument, in regards to extension of mental images and effect, is the psychic retention of the phantom limb sensation. The holistic self-image as able, and not that of an amputee or otherwise lacking, might strengthen the individual's spiritual self-image. Perhaps the person reincarnates with two arms, rather than as a congenital amputee. Their mental image extension of self is intact and so it should also be into the next lifetime. In this sense, the "mental images have extension" through the morphogenetic field, or mold, of the psychophore, and as part of an inner psychic visualization process maintaining the concept of self, intact (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, & Stevenson, 1997, p. 2083). Another application of Stevenson's mental image extension argument is the formation of scars similar to injuries suffered in a previous lifetime, the formation of an anomaly after birth as a result of trauma, rather than a congenital birth defect. The prior occurs when the mental image has extension, from a previous lifetime of a deceased body into this lifetime, due to a severe emotional trauma, so that the mind imprint is emotionally reawakened under similar physical conditions, from which a re-occurring scar emerges (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2076). The body then occupies the mind's image, due to the associated emotional stress (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074). The mind imprint, such as in the case of the scarring "YEsuA" that healed naturally on my left thigh in 1993, after a drunk automobile driver hit me on my bicycle, is called a diathanatic mark produced by incurring during the healing process a similar emotional trauma to a previous life (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2078). The same etched name in the same location is the same as was etched SILVIA STEIN 61


into the left thigh of a historically crucified person, Yesua, among many, during Roman occupation of the Mediterranean region (World Bible Publishing, 2011, Revelations, 19:16). In total there are three kinds of diathanatic inheritances according to Stevenson, behaviors, mental images, and physical marks, and it's possible for all three to converge in a body (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2077-2078).

Application of morphogenetic field theory to perceived homosexual behavior: the case for the invisible man or woman Stevenson's description of the extension of mental image helps us understand how an individual with an amputation perceives themselves intact, with the mental image of a phantom limb. If we apply the same logical analysis to homosexuals, then we can reason how a man's mental image of self has extension into the next lifetime even if born a woman. Likewise, if a woman is reborn a man. Stevenson did not directly address this issue, although the phantom limb and form model, I suggest, is applicable to cases where the deceased is one biological sex, and reincarnates biologically as the opposite sex. If the basic behavior and attractions remain consistent, then the performance with a phantom limb prosthetic will also remain the same.

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Their mental image of their spiritual body, or morphogenetic field and form, a psychophore, still maintains the male form of a phallus, or female form of breasts and vagina, yet the DNA genetic inheritance is that of the opposite biological sex. Thus the deceased man reincarnates as a phenomena of a woman, or viceversa, who when wearing a prosthetic dildo or false breasts, or such, much like an amputee wearing a prosthetic arm, moves and acts as able with the phantom limb. In this manner what appears to be homosexual or handicapped behavior between two women, or two men, is merely heterosexual behavior between an invisible man and a woman, two apparitions, or an invisible woman and a man, via a morphogenetic field, consisting of a phantom limb realized through a prosthetic. Thus previous life sexual orientation behavior traits persist, through a morphogenetic field, in spite of the DNA nature of the new biological body of the opposite sex. It's as if "cells at the edges of these anatomical absences 'knew' to duplicate themselves in ways that would fill up the empty space and make the defective part resume its normal form. These phenomena suggest to me that morphogenetic fields have a nonmaterial component and also that they persist throughout life (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2087)." In this analogy of self-preservation, and maintenance of the previous personality, and memory in the new body, it is logical for the morphogenetic field to include behaviors affirming themselves in a new body of the opposite biological sex. According to this logic, the term 'homosexual' does not account for behaviors between individuals of the same biological sex, yet of opposite morphogenetic fields, from which they inherit their sexual orientation and gender identity, or identities. SILVIA STEIN 63


Stevenson (1997, p. 2087) has subtly introduced a logical argument that we can further apply to opposite sex behaviors in individuals identified by their biological sex. Stevenson accomplishes this elevation of the reader's conscious awareness by introducing the reader, initially hooked by his rhetoric of the psychophore as a "vehicle for conveying memories" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2083), by discussing the issue of the morphogenetic field. With the reader understanding the concept of the morphogenetic field, Stevenson then brings the reader to an even higher awareness of its function by discussing its application to behaviors regarding phantom limbs such as arms, legs, or a penis and absences, like a vagina (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2086-2087). This discussion on the presence of phantom limb behaviors can be applied to all kinds of "limbs", particularly the behaviors associated with absent limbs. This life transcendent relation between visible and not visible mobility behavior patterns, and anatomical patterns, is re-enforced rhetorically with Stevenson's statement: "I [Ian Stevenson] conceive of the psychophore as itself having fields that act on the material morphogenetic fields of the developing organism and as maintaining nonmaterial morphogenetic fields throughout a individual's life and afterward" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2087). The morphogenetic field's primary purpose is to provide for the formation of the human physiology, limbs and organs. Upon completion of the organs and limbs, another field, which is part of the psychophore's federation of fields come into play. "The field that succeeds the morphogenetic one, after the organs have been formed, should properly be called morphostatic. It does not generate structure, but maintains or replaces it" (Stevenson, 1997, p.2087). This latter morphostatic field might have a role in the surfacing of scar patterns due to serious emotional trauma related to a previous lifetime injury. Rhetorically, at this point, Stevenson is preparing the reader for the next discussion on transcendent nature of the survivability of the psychophore, and body memory, through the interplay of a "federation of fields" (Stevenson, 1997, pp.2086-2087), implying in his statement, the psychophore's and memory's mechanism of survivability throughout the lifetime and into the next. Stevenson has thus succeeded in bringing the reader along with the bait of presenting the psychophore as a "vehicle", which the reader may out of ignorance interpret as disposable. Hooked with the notion of thinking of the psychophore, and thus humans or certain humans, such as minority group members, amputees and handicapped, or women, disposable, the reader who remains with Stevenson's argument then learns of the possibility that the psychophore is not merely disposable, and that it is very adaptable, conscious, and persists through the management of a federation of fields. In other words you just cannot kill 'it' or cut 'it' off. The phantom remains. In this manner Stevenson is setting up a scientific discussion of the psychophore that is correlational with religious discussions of the Soul, that must balance with one another, to bridge the understanding and verification of the same phenomena researched by both scientists and theologians (John Paul, 2002). Birth defects as field effects Introducing the subject of birth defects, and psychophore role, Stevenson uses the simple word "template" to then broaden our understanding that the psychophore is not just a template. "In the cases of subjects with birth defects, or unusual physiques related to previous lives, the psychophore would [...] then act as a kind of template affecting the form of the developing embryo or fetus" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2084). After the initial embryonic or fetal stage and the template function, the next function of the psychophore is as a morphogenetic field. The morphogenetic field guides the growth through a system of attracting cell growth according to the corresponding form in the federation of fields. This is where Stevenson's psychophore diverges with the Hindu concept of Soul or with sperm as lifegiving. The Hindu concept of Soul does not have a particular shape, thus it cannot act as a template for SILVIA STEIN 64


shape (Dreyfuss & Thompson, 2007). Similarly, the genetic content of either the sperm or egg does not account for the transference of personality traits of the reincarnated that are not at all genetically related to the biological parents. The best argument to affirm that inheritance is transferred from the parents, and that the sperm or egg is the source of the Soul, and to deny deny reincarnation, is that twins from one sperm and one egg, monozygotic twins, are genetically identical. A single fertilized egg, fertilized by one sperm, splits into two identical fetuses. Stevenson, studying identical monozygotic twins, and their different personalities, and birthmark differences, "found no evidence that these differences derived from parental influence. They may have derived, instead, from the different previous lives, that the twins remembered" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2060). The psychophore does not end at the beginning of a new life; its federation of fields has a unified substance quality that persists diachronically, across time, and synchronically, across space (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). It is a kind of corporeal body, thus indivisible. After the morphogenetic attraction field is completed with the full growth of the human organs, and limbs, the organism is then sustained through the third step, which is the morphostatic field, which explains the persistence of memory and phantom limb sensations in amputees (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2086-2087). In this sense a birth defect is identified as a "field effect". A "field effect" is the result of a wound in a previous lifetime which has an effect upon the morphogenetic (growth control) field of the psychophore, containing Memory for the future human body (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 2087-2088). This field effect might also hinder personality traits and their development (Stevenson, 1990). The best visual example is a dent or bump in a mold that is used to form clay vases. If the mold is damaged, then so is the ensuing clay vase formed according to the damage, a field effect, of the mold. Two sources of independent evidence sustaining survivability of the psychophore after death of the body or death of a limb Most of Stevenson's research, informing his theory on the nature and function of the psychophore, is grounded in decades of interviews with children who remember their past lives in detail, and adults who continue since childhood the memory of their past lives (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2089). Important is that the adults avoid socialization processes, such as Catholicism and other personality cults, which deny reincarnation (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2044) or stress heterosexual conformity. Besides childhood and adult testimonies and rigorous testing methodologies, Stevenson affirms that he has additional empirical evidence from the study of apparitions and amputee cases to support "a body such as I conceive the psychophore to be" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2089). Apparitions as evidence of a deceased body: their informative function & nature Stevenson operationally defines an appartion, in regards to the psychophore, as the body he "conceives the psychophore to be" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2089). Like a refined rhetoritician Stevenson subtly hints to the haunting image of an apparition, that he perceives. In other words he's seeing ghosts. Then he further explains that the apparition firmly occupies visually the space of a real material object, or individual. An apparition is of "a person not physically present to the percipient", yet visible. The apparition cannot, or does not, "furnish any evidence that the person perceived is embodied" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2089), while hinting that perhaps the apparition, a personality, is around or passing through another individual body. Later he affirms this on page 2090. The apparition of a deceased person seems to function visually SILVIA STEIN 65


informing the observer of new, or relevant, information by making a telepathic connection as a disembodied consciousness (Greyson, 2011 & Stevenson, 1997), movement, or gesture (Dreyfus & Thompson, 2007, p. 91). On page 2090 Stevenson writes that the body of the psychophore, the apparition that is seen, like a personality (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074), has the quality of being of some substance. The psychophore's one or two dimensional nature, with no measureable depth in our dimension of existence, appears like an image, or shadow, reflected on a surface by manipulating light and mirrors. "Some other features of apparitions suggest that some of them have a substantial quality [...] they are sometimes reflected in mirrors, sometimes intercept light or cast a shadow, sometimes walk around objects, such as furniture that happens to be in their way, and sometimes can themselves be walked around" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). As if it's not enough that the substantial body, made of some substance thus substantial, as Stevenson conceives the psychophore to be, moves on its own, the body of the psychophore also speaks to the perceiver and recognizes that real living humans perceive it. The body of the psychophore controls its own movements, aware that it may occupy another's living body, feeling that the living body, the individual, occupies the apparition's sphere of personality influence (Dreyfus & Thompson, 2007, p. 91): "the appearing person may feel himself or herself to be somehow embodied at the place where he or she is seen" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2091). The physical human body that occupies the sphere of the psychophore's apparitional nature is the vehicle for the psychophore's memory and display of consciousness. In this system of logic, the human is the television set, and the psychophore's appartion is the source of consciousness, transmitting through the human what information the perceiver, or "reader" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2062), needs, as if the human before us is a mere tool for the consciousness that survives from a previous lifetime (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2091). From this perspective we can maintain an attitude that our present state of consciousness survives to inform, and guide, the direction and priorities for our future lives to accomplish, using our future body to communicate with others, perhaps familiars, even without it being aware of our consciousness. It is this sensitivity to the present conscious mind before him, unbeknownst to the apparition occupied human body before him, that Stevenson seems to want us to become sensitive to, to "read", in his carefully, and rhetorically, reeling us into his broader application of the function of the psychophore (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2062). We have to believe in ghosts, and that a ghost occupies the human body before us, and that the body leaves the ghost, not vice-versa (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074). Most people do not believe in ghosts, or so they claim. To fully appreciate Stevenson's broadest description of the psychophore we must share in his apparition belief system, read, and photography helps us verify what we read. For someone who does not believe in a ghost, apparition, being consciousness in the human body, it's much easier for Stevenson to just describe the psychophore as a template, a vehicle for memories, while using photography to establish otherwise. Stevenson avoided, in his writing, anyone ridiculing his belief system, perhaps, because he could "read" through them (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2062). "I am not daunted by knowing that the psychophore is, at this stage, a largely imaginary construction intended to satisfy for the time being a need to conceive of a vehicle that would convey memories from one terrestrial life to another. The history of science offers many examples of successful concepts that preceded observations directly SILVIA STEIN 66


confirming them. Sometimes the concept lead to the search for such direct evidence. [...] Genes, photons, atoms and viruses were all assumed to exist long before anyone found substantial evidence that they do exist" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2089). "The memories of the previous personality must be conveyed in the interval between death and birth in or on something" as if the ghost views human bodies as a something. Some might refer to this substance of the apparition, ghost, as a piece of "furniture" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090) yet this is not so. Stevenson (1997) clarifies this point on page 2090 specifically to the case of apparitions: "some of them have a substantial quality, a something that is present where they are seen to be." By being seen they co-exist with us. Our recognition of them is what in a sense returns them to life, so that the current incarnation has a consciousness raising experience which is its own reward, for both the subject and the apparition that occupies the subject, unifying the mind even further with the subject's brain; a process referred to as 'enlightment'. Perhaps the individual who embodies the apparition, like a piece of "furniture", wearing Billie Holiday's apparition like a dress, is rewarded with the feeling here photographed of their phantasm being captured by a onlooker's gaze, and recognized (see photograph below). "For example, they [apparitions] are sometimes reflected in mirrors,

sometimes intercept light or cast a shadow, sometimes walk around objects, such as furniture", yet are not reducible to, nor limited by, the material substance of a piece of "furniture" or individual (Dreyfus & Thompson, 2007, p. 91, & Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). If the apparition, or personality, is conscious, as Stevenson hints, then as an extension of a conscious mind, perhaps deep in the subconscious, it is part of SILVIA STEIN 67


the conscious individual before us, and the subconscious motivation of the conscious individual, or "furniture", it seems to protect, like an armor or a scaffolding. The substance may be one or two dimensional, thus an atom or less thick and able to conduct electricity much like the thinnest material used, carbon graphene, to restore neural signals for spinal injuries, like a scaffolding around its construction (Colapinto, 2014, p. 56, & Stevenson, 1997, p. 2094). Death of limbs & amputees Individuals born with a missing extremity, or absence, such as an arm or leg, are described as congenital amputees. Stevenson studied cases of congenital amputees that were suspected of having lost their limb in a previous lifetime. Some of these cases had the sensation of the limb or absence being fully intact and attached, thus they were born with and have a phantom limb, or absence. Stevenson hints that the congenital amputee with phantom limb or absence sensations offers some, yet not strong, "evidence of an intermediate corporeal vehicle, such as I conceive the psychophore to be" (Descartes, 1993, p. 102 & Stevenson, 1997, p. 2092). In contrast to many postnatal amputees who "experienced their phantoms in some abnormal position", congenital amputees have the experience of their phantom limb or absence as extended in a normal position (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2092). The improved sensation of normalcy by congenital amputees, in contrast to persons suffering an amputation (postnatal) in this lifetime, might indicate a period of morphogenetic readjustment and repair of the morphostatic field of the psychophore's federation of fields, in contrast to the disturbed status and sensation of postnatal amputees. Further study, and especially photography, of the phantom limb nature of congenital and postnatal amputees, or persons born male without their vaginal absences, could provide useful documentation supporting the phantom sensation claims of amputees, and homosexual men with the phantom vagina, and how the phantom limb sensation supports Stevenson's theory of the psychophore. Stevenson refers to children who made reference to having a kind of phantom memory of a taller adult body from a previous lifetime. "They seemed to have, as it were, phantom adult bodies…" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2093). Stevenson describes children moving and acting physically with the diathanatic skill memory, of a full grown adult, which is a behavioral issue that may be easily documented photographically to support his argument for the existence of the psychophore. An unexplained, yet visibly measureable improvisational ability, is labeled diathanatic intelligence and skill that "pass across the barrier of death" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074). Stevenson closes the discussion of the psychophore with reference to future studies focusing on the issue of phantom limb memory in amputees. "Future investigators might learn something of value by putting questions about phantom limbs to such subjects…" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2092). From my re-reading of Stevenson's discussion of the role of apparitions and phantom limbs, if the phantom limb sensation persists after amputation, it should be photographable. Proper lighting and priming conditions are required, as in the halo effect of my left phantom arm in the photograph of me, below, facilitated through the conductancy nature of graphene, or carbon based material. Apparitions are also photographable, as the previous photograph I staged to elicit and photograph Billie Holiday, above, whose psychophore is occupied by the body of her reincarnation. Pursuing more study and photography of apparitions, and phantom limb fields, is of necessity in establishing fully Stevenson's concept of the psychophore, proving that a recursion reincarnation process is involved regarding the psychophore (Stevenson, 1997). SILVIA STEIN 68


Discussion of photographic results & future directions Apparitions of a personality, that we perceive as brief, persist across space and time, have a persistent nature, and are studied as part of the human personality matrix (Dreyfus & Thompson, 2007, p. 91, & Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074). Photography, as in the photos above of Billie Holiday's apparition and my left amputated limb in the next bicycle photograph, is an effective means to quickly capture in fractions of a second what the naked eye perceives (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2092). Establishing, photographically, the reality of diachronic (across time) and synchronic (across space) field federation of the psychophore’s unity is essential. This is achieved through further study of phantom limb sensations as a persistent diachronic and synchronic memory, and, again, documenting it with photography. If the phantom limb sensation persists after amputation, it should be photographable under proper lighting and priming conditions just like an apparition, proving that a recursion process is involved regarding the psychophore and reincarnation. Somatic memory, or phantom limb sensation, is subjective until it is measurably visible and objectively documented as in the photograph below (Descartes, 1993, p. 102). The morphogenetic field can be stimulated through participation in activities encompassing the dead limb, as in the photograph below, where the apparition of the dead limb appears like a fine phantom substance.

My mother, Gigliola Maria Addini, made this photograph of me, the author, on my carbon fibre bicycle. A mother's view is important, she remembers and sees me as I was, and photographs me as she and I feel that I still am, whole, even with a dead arm in the spirit world. The bicycle I pedal is a carbon compound, which has some natural electrical conduction extension properties (Colapinto, 2014), like the human psychophore, whereas aluminum has less conduction potential. The aluminum rod supporting my left shoulder replaces the left arm sensation around which the dead phantom limb seems to extend itself as somatic memory between my amputation and the carbon fibre bicycle handle bar.

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A skeptic could just state that the blurred effect is from movement or from the camera being out of focus, although what is more out of focus (the Kirlian aura effect from electrical conduction) is that which contains more carbon such as the carbon fiber bicycle frame, the carbon fiber shoe soles, and the human skin whereas, the front wheel aluminum bicycle spokes that are actually in motion are photographed with great detail as if still, while the front wheel rim that is made of carbon fiber is itself projecting a Kirlian aura of energy effect extension (Colapinto, 2014). A Kirlian effect is also produced of the energy point of the extended left arm form in contrast to the aluminum prosthetic device. Thus the flesh at the point of amputation and the carbon fiber handlebar material have a combined Kirlian aura effect between which the electrical signal of the phantom limb, a mental image extension, is visibly extended (Stevenson, 1997). Through photography and other studies, Ian Stevenson, MD established it's possible to understand the psychophore. Stevenson's transformative rhetorical strategy sets the stage for us to understand the recursive nature of the psychophore, where memories and phantoms remain yet the human life is reset to its birthing process. Photography is required, to document the one or two dimensional scaffoliding of the apparition, proving the recursive nature of the psychophore. There is reason to apply this broader definition of psychophore, and operationalize it, to research phenomena labelled medically, as well as in criminal justice forensic sciences, as the stigmas (Goffman, 1963, & Lifton, 2000) which cults of personality usually worship (John Paul, 2002, & Stein, 2002). Studying forensically post-mortem reincarnation cases can indicate the solution of criminal deeds (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 1940-1970). Studying post-humously these cases as forensic cases in resolving unresolved crimes it is possible to establish the recursive nature, photographically, of the psychophore, comparing the photograph of the deceased to the present reincarnation, while piecing together what actually transpired, to hold reincarnated criminals responsible and accountable. Effectively applying the recursive model of the psychophore can improve and promote self-visualization for health wellbeing strategies for victims of criminals, amputees, congenital amputees, and victims of stroke, as I demonstrated in the article. Informing cultures of the function of the disembodied consciousness, psychophore, prevents attribution of negative stigma (Greyson, 2011, & Stevenson, 1997). Thus even further research applications of the operationalization of the term psychophore include genocide studies, the role of German language and imagery, and the activation of stigmatizing and genocidal predispositions (Goffman, 1963, Goldhagen, 1996, & Lifton, 2000) dormant in the disembodied consciousness of the human subject (Greyson, 2011, & Stevenson, 1988). In researching these and other issues we can then see how Stevenson's writings (1997) are informed by a Cartesian view of dualism; an intrinsic separation between the sources of mental and bodily functions (Descartes, 1993). Rene' Descartes, in the 17th century, stated that the body occupies the Soul, which informs the body (Descartes, 1963). The extended consciousness, with its personality evolution and memory, "is of a nature wholly independent of the body, and that consequequently it is not liable to die with the latter; and finally, because no other causes are observed capable of destroying it, we are naturally led thence to judge that it is immortal" (Descartes, 1963, p. 18). Even in regards to amputees, Stevenson, as I noted in the discussion of phantom limbs, and Descartes share a vision of their psychophore or Soul remaining intact, a shared vision that might indicate a shared past life, perhaps even suggesting that Ian Stevenson was the reincarnation of Rene' Descartes. Both pursued the same questioning of the Mind as an extended consciousness separate from and surviving the body (Stevenson, 1997). Meditations on First Philosophy: 86 "Although the entire mind seems to be united to the entire body, nevertheless, were a foot or an arm or any other bodily part to be amputated, I know that nothing has been taken away from the mind on that account. SILVIA STEIN 70


[...] This consideration alone would suffice to teach me that the mind is wholly diverse from the body, had I not yet known it well enough in any other way" (Descartes, 1993, p.102). References Ayers, J. & Hopf, T. (1987). Visualization, systematic desensitization & rational emotive therapy: a comparative evaluation. Communication Education. Published by the National Communication Association. 36:3, 236-240. Bem, S. L. (1993). The Lenses of Gender: transforming the debate on sexual inequality. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Burke, K. (1969). A Rhetoric of Motives. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Colapinto, J. (2014). Material question: graphene's potential is huge, its use uncertain. The New Yorker. December 22 & 29, 2014, 50-63. Descartes, R. (1993). Discourse on Method & Meditations on First Philosophy. Cress, D. A. (Translator). Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing. Descartes, R. (1963). Discourse on Methods. Levitas, G.B. (Ed.). The World of Psychology. Volume 2: identity & motivation. NYC: George Braziller. Dreyfus, G. & Thompson, E. (2007). Asian perspectives: Indian theories of mind. Zelazo, P.D., Moscovitch, M., & Thompson, E. (Eds.). The Cambridge Handbook of Consciousness. Cambridge University Press. Gilligan, C. (1993). In a Different Voice: psychological theory & women's development. Harvard University Press. Greyson, B. (2011). Does Consciousness need a Brain? - Evidence for Reincarnation. Dr. Bruce Greyson reports of cases that suggest that consciousness does not need a physical brain and in fact not even a physical body. Presented at the "Cosmology and Consciousness Conference" hosted by Upper TCV, Dharamsala, in 2011 This video is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yosn_GHYiR4&app=desktop and from http://www.scienceformonks.org Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: notes on the management of spoiled identity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PrenticeHall. Goldhagen, D. (1996). Hitler’s Willing Executioners: everyday Germans & their role in the Holocaust. NYC: Knopf.

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Guba, E.G. & Lincoln, Y.S. (2000). Competing paradigms in qualitative research. Denzin, N.K. & Lincoln, Y.S. (Eds.). Handbook of Qualitative Research (105-117). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Hammerman, D. & Lenard, L. (2000). The Complete Idiot's Guide to Reincarnation. Indianapolis, IN: Alpha Books. Iacoboni, M., Molnar-Szakacs, I., Gallese, V., Buccino, G., Mazziotta, J.C., & Rizzolatti, G. (2005). Grasping the intentions of others with one’s own mirror neuron system. Public Library of Science Biology, 3 (3), 529–535, March 2005. John Paul II (2002). Lettera Enciclica Fides et ratio, 14 settembre 1998. Tanzenella-Nitti, G. & Strumia, A. (Eds.), Dizionario Interdisciplinare di Scienza e Fede. Rome, Italy: Urbaniana University Press. Volume II, pp. 2223-2240. Lifton, J. (2000). The Nazi Doctors: medical killing and the psychology of genocide. NYC: Basic Books. Matlock, J. (2013). Past Life Memory Case Studies. Chapter is available on-line at https://rhine.academia.edu/JamesGJimMatlock Plato (1992). Republic. Grube, G.M.A. (translator). Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing. Rothchild, B. (2000). The Body Remembers: the psychology of trauma and trauma treatment. NYC: Norton. Stein, S. (2002). Exploring Sexual Feelings through Roman Catholic Images: the lust judgment of gentile religion. Masters of Arts thesis. Pullman, WA: Washington State University. Stein, S. (2003). Media Framing Ukrainian Women´s Health Issues & Stigma. National Institute of Health project submitted by Washington State University, Pullman, WA. Stein, S. (2004). Morning Star: A Functionalist Investigates Claims to Authority Using the Perspective of the Stigmatized. International Conference on Cognitive Styles in Communication, conference paper, Tavrida University, Simferopol (Autonomous Republic of Crimea), Ukraine. Stevenson, I. (1987). Children who Remember Previous Lives. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. Stevenson, I. (1990). Phobias in children who claim to remember previous lives. Journal of Scientific Exploration. 4 (2), pp. 243-254. Stevenson, I. (1997). Reincarnation & Biology: a contribution to the etiology of birthmarks & birth defects. Volume I: birthmarks & Volume II: birth defects & other anomalies. London: Praeger.

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Villanueva, V. (1993). Bootstraps: from an American academic of color. National Council of Teachers of English. Wolffram, H. (2009). The Stepchildren of Science: psychical research & parapsychology in Germany, c. 1870-1939. Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi. World Bible Publishing (2011). The New American Bible. Catholic World Press/World Bible Publishers. Zahavi, A. & Zahavi, A. (1997). The Handicap Principle: a missing piece of Darwin`s puzzle. Oxford University Press. Zelazo, P.D., Moscovitch, M., & Thompson, E. (Eds.) (2007). The Cambridge Handbook of Consciousness. Cambridge University Press.

III

A STRATEGY TO TURN THE TABLES ON PERPETRATORS

Chapter 4 VICTIM HATED, VICTIM WANTED, AGAIN - Face as a floating signifier and a suspended motif in identifying the attraction power of a generational trafficking iconic murder victim: the face of Emmet Till (1941-1955) and Meredith Kercher (1985-2007)

Emmet Till (Tribune News Services, 2017), and Meredith Kercher (Fisk, 2014), with the facial profiling alignment edit stressing phenotype similarities, by the Author, Silvia Stein (Heim, 2016 & Stevenson, 1997). What do Emmet Till (1941-1955) and Meredith Kercher (1985-2007) share, in common (Heim, 2016)?

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Emmet Till, African-American from Chicago, Illinois, USA, and Meredith Kercher of Indian descent in England, were above average intelligence, and perceived as not white, thus treated as not white (Heim, 2016). Emmet Till (1941-1955) was accused, as a form of convenient racism, of various crimes, from approaching a white woman, as Meredith Kercher was accused of approaching a white woman, Amanda Knox, to stealing; both leaving behind unresolvable contradictions, if we unbiasedly examine the evidence that has remained, that might have been tampered with, and that is missing in their status as generational victims of murder (Tribune News Services, 2017 & Heim, 2016). Emmet Till and Meredith Kercher were murdered, yet two of the murder suspects in both cases were white, heavily publicized in the American media (Heim, 2016), and cleared suspiciously of all charges by the white majority criminal courts (Heim, 2016 & Tribune News Services, 2017). In both murder cases the two murder victims were accused, as non-whites, of some misbehavior regarding sexual morals regarding whites, and the ‘priestly’ whites involved targets of their alleged attention, thus above the law (Martin, Krizek, Nakayama, & Bradford, 1999). Just what constituted the sexual misconduct in both cases has never been cleared thus leaving us with a trail of questions about the accusations of one looking at the face of a white woman, and of one ignoring the face of a white woman (Heim, 2016, Martin, Krizek, Nakayama, & Bradford, 1999, & Tribune News Services, 2017). Is it wrong to look at a white woman’s face or is it wrong to ignore a white woman’s face? In both cases the non-whites were wrong and the whites in both cases cleared of any guilt! Also, in both cases, the whites actually were drawn to the face of the non-whites, yet denied it (Allport, 1958, Heim, 2016, & Tribune News Services, 2017).

The two white murder suspects in both the 1955 Emmet Till murder (Tribune News Services, 2017), top row, and the 2007 Meredith Kercher murder (Becciu, 2015), bottom row, with facial profiling alignment editing stressing phenotype similarities by Author (Heim, 2016 & Stevenson, 1997). Emmet Till in the USA, and Meredith Kercher in Italy stood up to whites in affirming themselves in a white majority culture (Tribune News Services, 2017 & Heim, 2016). Both Emmet Till and Meredith Kercher befriended a white woman and white men are of course envious (Tribune News Services, 2017, Becciu, 2015, & Heim, 2016).

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Both Emmet Till (Tribune News Services, 2017) and Meredith Kercher on the right (Kercher family photograph from Kercher, 2012 with editing by the Author, Silvia Stein) had almost identical faces if we study faces as a ‘birthmark’ (Stevenson, 1997).

Both Emmet Till (Tribune News Services, 2017) and Meredith Kercher (Fisk, 2014 & Raper, 2013) had similar physical profiles as verified in photographic measures (Stevenson, 1997).

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The photographs used are attributed as personal family photographs of Emmet Till (Tribune News Services, 2017) and Meredith Kercher (Fisk, 2014, Kercher, 2012, & Raper, 2013). The juxta-positioning of the photographs to test for phenotype correlations is the work of the Author (Stevenson, 1997). I believe phenomena if I see it, and can empirically use photography to test, measure, compare and document the correlational relationship between two phenomena through photographs, and through interviews, while always trying to dismiss any possibility of a suspected Case of Reincarnation Type (CORT) (Stevenson, 1997). Assuming, without rigorous testing, that any living person is a reincarnation of a deceased person, can cause psychological and emotional harm in cases of wrongly assigned identity. Yet an accurate identification can save years of useless psychotherapy, codependency on religious cults, failed relationships and other addictions, restoring one’s original motivational drives (Stevenson, 1997). If we can recognize reincarnations, psychiatrist Ian Stevenson, MD (1997) proposed that both we and the reincarnated subject have access to previous life memories, in a memory vehicle, called the psychophore (Stevenson, 1997). This implies that at a subconscious level we are attracted to some persons experiencing deja-vu, as reincarnations, if they are part of public memory, such as iconic persons from media coverage of news events, historic figures (Stein, 2002), and film. Whether good or bad behaviors result from the attraction with the reincarnation does not matter what matters is that some kind of attraction permitted the inter-action, and the most important element is to determine which is the attractor, you, or the reincarnated image you are interacting with. The primary attractor is the prime mover, and as an attractor must protect itself from unwanted attention. The next logical step, I suggest, is that some persons are attracted to repeating similar crimes against attractors, scapegoating the attractor rather than controlling their own drive towards the attractor (Limburg, 1994). Crimes and cover-ups occur against the same reincarnations, attractors, since, as Stevenson (1997) wrote, previous life scars and traumatic experiences unexplainably resurface with a recursive cycle in interactions inferring that time has a recursive nature (Augustine, 1945 & Stevenson, 1997), perhaps explaining the proposition of parallel universes (Hawking, 2005). Based on the recursive nature of reincarnation, inter-actions, and ensuing violence, can facial recognition, such as falsely accused fugitive postings of an Italian born citizen with up to 90% physical not mental disability due to spinal damage legally in Italy, a victim of anti-Semitic and homophobic handicapist U.S. campus mob aggression, motivate murder (Lifton, 2000 & Tafjel, 1982), indicating a generational trafficking victim as an iconic CORT (Case of Reincarnation Type) face attracting violence (Stevenson, 1997)? This chapter is about another face, another face floating from generation to generation, a floating signifier of another VICTIM HATED VICTIM WANTED by whites (Heim, 2016 & Martin, Krizek, Nakayama, & Bradford, 1999), able-bodied (Swain, et al, 1998), and the patriarchy (Stein, 2002). The story of Meredith Kercher coincides with my presence in Italy. In 2005 I was offered a student visa valid through 2014 after I was repeatedly targeted in Washington state, by local university students and faculty for bullying. I was repeatedly denied accommodation, denied social security for my disability while attending university, and repeatedly reproached on a Washington State University and on a Catholic campus for allegedly “faking” my up to 90% physical disability. The disability rating is a result of an insurance salesman intentionally hit me with his car while I was returning from my lesbian partner’s house. I suffered trauma between C-5 and C-8 of the spinal column, a flail left arm that after attempts to revive it was amputated, two broken legs, a cracked rib, a fractured left scapula, neck trauma that limits my head from turning left, left leg muscle and nerve tissue damage, and two black eyes that were miraculously not further damaged because I was wearing eye-shields and a helmet while triathlon training on my Peugeot racing bicycle. Witnesses testified in court that the insurance salesman driving was overheard planning SILVIA STEIN 76


the hit and run with off-duty police at a tavern thirty minutes before I was assaulted. Furthermore in Washington state I was harassed for being an older university student after taking years away university to work as a civilian contracted to the Department of Defense overseas, returning with a broader world view than most US students, and especially faculty, to finish my double-major in Italian Studies and Political Science, my Masters in Communication Studies and Rhetoric, and then my interdisciplinary PhD in Psychophysiology and Strategic Communication. Because morally upright I was selected to assist two Emeritus Professors at Washington State University, in teaching Media Ethics and Law, and Speech focusing on issues of communication apprehension. Nonetheless, even with the two Professors’ protection and advocacy of my stance against harassment and mobbing of Italians and Jews on campus, homosexuals on campus, older students and veterans on campus, and the handicapped on campus (Stein, 2002), the bullying specifically targeting me raged on as if fueled by some religious hatred of me. The photographic collage below is of Italian student Valeria Solesin, Jewish, murdered in Paris, France by Islamic State in 2015, who shared very similar facial features, if we see the face as a fingerprint (Stevenson, 1997), with Emanuela Orlandi, a 1983 murder victim of a secret Italian Catholic group that targeted her for blood draining and consumption and sex rituals (Stein, 2002) similar to the atrocious murder of Meredith Kercher (Heim, 2016). The murders targeted women with similar Mediterranean features, and high level of intelligence fitting a pattern of the Catholic feminicide murder ritual pattern focused on consuming the intelligence of young women through a form of crucifixal cannibalism to empower the all-male priesthood and its Roman Catholic Associates, such as former US Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) Director James Comey (Furton, & Curan,2005, & Stein, 2002), as well as illegal organ trafficking (Laczko, 2000). I had written my thesis in part based on Orlandi’s case focusing on a woman who resisted forced Catholic practices in public classrooms in Italy (Stein, 2002) like Margot Frank, German Jewish, on the far right with eyeglasses, resisted the Nazis (Frank, 1967). As part of the eastern Washington Catholic based retaliatory religious hatred targeting me after I filed through my Air Force attorney, Major (retired) Edgar Jones, eight Equal Employment Opportunity Americans’ with Disabilities Act cases against my employer the United States Department of Defense’s Army and Air Force Exchange Service (see photograph below), was that I not only had written my thesis on this ritual phenomena that leads to feminicide (Stein, 2002), I had also declared that for my PhD I would document the Vatican’s role in generational trafficking of homosexuals, Jews, Slavic women and feminicide, which preceded my then criminal status by anti-Semitic and homophobic persons associated with operations in Washington state. Thus in all likelihood the two white Catholic accused murderers (Heim, 2016) were trying to torture and capture me, and not Meredith Kercher (Heim, 2016), and possibly involved was a telephone, stolen from me at an internet point either in late August or September 2007, with my mobile number. I was quite protected in Italy by Italians opposing ritual Catholic practices against women, and my US issued “WANTED” posting by Washington state’s federal marshals guaranteed my protection from any bounty hunters associated with the feds. Being a “VICTIM HATED VICTIM WANTED”, like Margot Frank (Frank, 1967) if she had escaped to Italy (Zuccotti, 1996), made me a highly protected person across Europe, actually, since the US is notorious for anti-Semitism, homophobia, handicapism and silencing victims of abuse and minority group members (Ackerman & Jahoda, 1950, Allport, 1958, Glock & Stark, 1963, & Stein, 2002). I was in Europe to perform my PhD dissertation and to collect my German insurance cash settlement after a Catholic homophobe committed a hit and run against me in 1993, I had no debts, having paid off all my student loans, and funded my own NIH project I had written for my dissertation. My poster was easily accessible on the internet throughout Italy (La Stampa, 2007 & Zuccotti, 1996), and one of the accused white murderers, Amanda Knox, probably disoriented just having arrived and immersing herself into the sexual training experimentation typical of Italian ‘student culture’, had been dating an internet point employee prior to meeting Raffaele Sollecito (Heim, 2016 & La Stampa, 2007), is from Washington state, a SILVIA STEIN 77


Catholic, and most probably thought she would receive a reward instead of being arrested by the Italian authorities (Heim, 2016).

Eight ADA (Americans with Disabilities Act) legal cases were filed in my behalf, through my Air Force attorney, Major (retired) Edgar Jones, against the United States Department of Defense’s Army and Air Force Exchange Service (1993-1996).

Photographed above for similar facial phenotypes: Valeria Solesin (La Stampa, 2015); Emanuela Orlandi (Kingston, 2017); Meredith Kercher (Raper, 2013); Author, Silvia Stein (US Marshals Wanted internet announcement, 2007); Margot Frank (Frank, 1967). SILVIA STEIN 78


“Why do people always change … when memories always stay the same … in my head I’ll try to reason … I’ll be on my way…” (Leontiou, 2004 with photographs from Raper, 2013 & Tribune News Services, 2017)

Can an apparition motivate prejudiced aggression against non-whites (Stevenson, 1997)? According to Stevenson our ghost inhabits their new body like a piece of furniture and can be digitally measured in photography as an apparition (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090): “[f]or example, they [apparitions] are sometimes reflected in mirrors, sometimes intercept light or cast a shadow, sometimes walk around objects, such as furniture", yet are not edible, not reducible to, nor limited by, the material substance of a piece of "furniture", bottle, or individual (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). Stevenson’s research re-enforces the position of protecting persons of iconic (Limburg, 1994) or historical value (Stein, 2002) from Catholic and other cannibalistic or blood fetishes (Furton, & Curan, 2005, & Stein, 2002) and illegal organ trafficking (Furton, & Curan, 2005, Laczko, 2000 & Stein, 2002); historically the evidence is admissible in court (Wolffram, 2009). Visual proof is very convincing, and is only possible the past 100 years whereas the courts of justice have evolved the past 2400 years without photographic evidence to debunk false testimony (Plato, 1992, Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). Only with the Nuremberg trials of Nazi war criminals did photography and film become an internationally recognized forensic tool in the courts (Lifton, 2000). Thus, the argument is not the validity of photographic evidence. It is discrediting the arguments of those who cannot present a convincing argument against photographic interaction measures (Dubin, 1978).

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Suspected case of reincarnation at right, with photograph made by Italian photographer Marco Martelli, untouched by the Author, Silvia Stein, contrasted for facial and hand gesture similarities with Billie Holiday (1915-1959) at the left (Shipton, 2017). Lengthy articles and verbal testimony do not have the immediate effect in court as photographic measures, and videos, of human interactions (Stevenson, 1997). A seemingly subjective feeling, a somatic memory, a deja-vu sensation is objectively measureable through visual measures of reincarnation in interaction studies (Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). Looking at the measures documented through photography it is evident the physical human body occupies the sphere of the ghost's apparitional nature. As Stevenson (1997) has written, at death the body leaves the ghost, not vice-versa, so that the ghost is ready for its next life fully prepared. The apparitional sphere is the vehicle, the psychophore, for memory and display of consciousness thought to be of a magnetic nature (Stevenson, 1997). In this system of logic, the human is the television set, and the psychophore's apparition is the source of consciousness, transmitting through the human what information the perceiver, or "reader" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2062), needs, as if the human before us is a mere tool for the consciousness that survives from a previous lifetime to organize the next lifetime (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2091). Perhaps by attracting negative attention it makes evident in this age of photographic interaction measures, the prejudice against it to then fight back by having its murder properly reported. Currently accountability is not possible with the three branch form of government globally (executive, judicial, and legislative).The flawed, and prejudiced, judicial system in the courts is pitted against forensic evidence, by routinely advancing perjury as testimony. A fourth arm of governance is required to forensically test all communications, particularly under the judicial branch, testing for perjury, and tainted or omitted hard evidence such as blood traces (Furton & Curan, 2005 & Heim, 2016), recorded audio even if illegally obtained, GPS positions and satellitary thermo-imaging of persons within buildings, and other forms of visual measures. Thus the mass media audiences with critical listening and reading skills, and able to reason logically through visual presentations of interaction studies, become the fourth arm of governance holding the actual culprits responsible (Heim, 2016 & Stein, 2002) Thus the title “VICTIM HATED VICTIM WANTED” to empower good persons repeatedly attracting hatred or physical violence to fight back, emphasizing that the face is the arch attractor, the organizing principle, in interaction studies and in courts of justice. Critical occultist approach versus a psychologist’s approach in CORT SILVIA STEIN 80


Psychologists categorize their clients in Cases of the Reincarnation Type (CORT), patronizingly, as "children" of a deceased person (Stevenson, 1997). As a communication scientist I find this the key problem between "doctors" and their "kids". I propose a paradigm shift is required turning the tables on these patronizing psychologists, I call vigilantes. My past lives and your past lives are our "kids" and we, the fulfillment of many generations of reincarnations, are their parents. No one who died 50 years ago is my parent because I am more evolved and emotionally mature, and have the technological hindsight they do not. What they do have is a chance to recognize, reveal or verify what actually happened in the past that history and law books omitted. For instance General George S. Patton was anti-Semitic and a womanizer; Hillary Clinton as his parent is much more evolved and has a better perspective, now, on dealing with these issues, though she would never admit she carries the guilt nor drives of Patton, at least not as a Presidential candidate. You and I are the parents of our past lives. Thus not only does a critical occultist, in contrast to psychologists, try to see, and empower clients as the parent, and their CORT as the child, the critical occultist tests claims in the study of the paranormal, and is able to present the analysis in court (Wolffram, 2009). Such is a different approach to determine cause and motivation. Critical occultists are used to also expose criminal use of CORT studies for reasons of fraud, profit, and other forms of trickery, particularly applicable in cases whence someone's file/data (CORT) is withheld while utilizing such file/data to set them up (Wolffram, 2009). There are criminal laws to address malicious practices regarding CORTs. In Canada and in California the laws protect the historical memory of deceased performers, and are used to gain royalties and interests if the iconic performer is defamed posthumously (Stein, 2002). In the state where I have residency, Washington, where one of the suspects in the Kercher murder is from, there is a criminal code to punish defamation of deceased historical American figures. This law is to effectively protect the memory of the deceased. In 1916 in State vs. Haffer, 94 Wn. 136, 162 P. 45 the court found a Washington state publisher guilty of the criminal charge of defaming the historical memory of George Washington (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002). None of George Washington’s descendants were plaintiffs, merely the public’s knowledge of George Washington’s place in history sufficed: “[l]ibeling memory of deceased applies to injury to deceased's relatives, memory of deceased existing in living persons [reincarnation], and memory resting in history. State v. Haffer, 94Wn. 136, 162 P. 45 (1916)” (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002). A critical occultist is thus versed in these posthumous laws protecting CORTs (Stein, 2002), and an expert witness skeptical of practices promoted by psychologists in regards to the paranormal (Wolffram, 20009). Critical occultists typically have a background in law, as well as psychiatry or a similar medical background, and a background in forensic sciences; such as photography, inter-action analysis, conversation analysis, motivation identification, and personality profiling (Wolffram, 2009). They have been used in Germany to disqualify card readers, fortune tellers, psychologists, and faulty research on the paranormal (Wolffram, 2009). Similarly I have a background in psychophysiology, taught media law and techniques in photojournalism of the paranormal. Studying the techniques of the critical occultist is useful to know how to disqualify, or at least critique a reincarnation claim, particularly in media reporting (Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). As a communication scientist I need to understand audience perceptions. A person I test is an audience to their past life, which according to law, particularly in regards to historical memory, must be respected and viewed in contrast to their previous and present evolution (Stein, 2002 & Stevenson, 1997).

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Thus when I review the reports of the Kercher murder, I am beginning with the question who was attracted to whom. If I can determine the arch-attractor, and perhaps identify their CORT, I have identified the motivation, the motivator, drawing the assailant or murderer to the victim. In the Kercher case this is simple, Meredith Kercher was since 2005 a European music video icon after her popular modelling role in Kristian Leontiou’s music video “Some Say” (Leontiou, 2004). Secondly, I doubt Meredith Kercher was attracted to a metal knife blade, someone’s hand was attracted to Kercher’s lovely and iconic throat, almost as if utilizing the music video like a target practice sheet to mentally rehearse (Ayers & Hopf, 1987) the assault (Leontiou, 2004), which would require access to music videos on the internet and access to a kitchen with an appropriate knife, neither of which the Ivory Coast non-white man convicted for the murder had access to; he was routinely homeless at the time (Heim, 2016). At the time of the murder, 2007, there was very little wireless coverage in Italy. Such cultivation of a fixatedly obsessed bloody and sexual attraction towards Kercher(Bandura, 1994, Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1994, & Stein, 2002) required simultaneously a home computer, to avoid embedded laptop cameras, for repeated internet access and a kitchen with a knife, both of which one of the white murder suspects had (Heim, 2016). Such a motion focusing on the neck, for target practice, would require privacy such as in a home setting, perhaps involving sequestered audio-visual commercial or medical training material for sexual rape fantasies (Bandura, 1994, Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1994, & Stein, 2002), and would have been reported if it were practiced in an internet point by a homeless non-white suspect, which was never reported of the non-white suspect (Heim, 2016).

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Photos of Meredith Kercher from True Justice for Meredith Kercher web site (Raper, 2013) juxtapositioned with the legal student visa of the Author Silvia Stein issued through the Italian embassy in Vienna, Austria in 2005, renewed and valid through 2014 on file at the questura of Tor Vergata, Rome, Italy and the Gregorian Pontifical University in Rome, Italy, in 2007 at the time of the murder of Meredith Kercher also legally in Italy on a student visa, who resembled the facial profile of the Author, Silvia Stein. Contrastingly, one of the accused of murder, Amanda Knox, was in violation of her student visa working at a bar in Perugia, Italy (Heim, 2016). Humans are more vulnerable to acting-out in physical violence after repeated exposure to visual media, than to radio or reading material such as books (Bandura, 1994, Bolls & Lang, 2003, & Iacoboni, et al, 2005). Repeated exposure to films, videos and photographs, and chemical re-enforcement for disinhibiting aggressive behavior through consumption of alcohol and rape-drinks (Heim, 2016), or aphrodisiacs, assists reluctant persons to proceed with fulfilling their mentally rehearsed visual based fantasies, so that reality and fantasy are indistinguishable to the perpetrator of physical violence and murder (Bandura, 1994, Bolls & Lang, 2003, Heim, 2016 & Iacoboni, et al, 2005). The greater the visual cultivation, and chemical reenforcement of the fantasy, stimulated by merely seeing the face of the intended victim, the more likely the perpetrator acts without assessing the material implications of their fantasy against a human face, and thus deny, or lie, that they committed the atrocity against a human being (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1994, & Lifton, 2000). In the head of the murderer, or perpetrator, the human victim was not human, it was dehumanized, through visually rehearsed fantasies accompanied by dehumanizing rhetoric (Burke, 1969), to being merely a WHOP (an ethnic Italian illegally WitHOut Passport) (Watson, 2007), a ho-tell or room rental (prostitute), a fugitive, a silly cone to be ‘removed’ by road construction workers, a non-white, subhuman, a “toilet”, a gimp (drunk with a limp), an indigent on student loans, a bag, a pussy, a dog in heat, a ‘car’ to start by inserting a key or toe to tow away, a pot hole (“buca” in Italian), an empty sterilized bar bottle to refill and return, an egg carton of (human ovarian) eggs removed for bar bait sex stimulating drinks and the illegal ovarian egg black market, an airplane with ovarian eggs as passengers to be forcibly SILVIA STEIN 83


removed (code for forcible sterilization of a woman), a telephone or ‘radio’ or television or pc you can turn on or turn off like a ‘car’ (Heim, 2016, Laczko, 2000 & Lifton, 2000). Thus the face becomes the motive itself, a floating signifier in identifying the attraction power of the intended (dehumanized) victim of fantasy (Heim, 2016 & Lifton, 2000). The face is the motive particularly if the murderer associated Meredith Kercher with the photographs available. through Italian authorities (Watson, 2007) of me in both my visa registered from 2005-2014, any surgical training videos or illegally sequestered surgical material used for rape drinks under the counter at bars (Heim, 2016), such as from nearby Civita Castellana from an ovarian cyst medical surgery in July 2007 to be used by ‘scent dogs’ (deputized or not deputized vigilantes and bounty hunters). The face is the motive if the murderer associated Meredith Kercher with the US Marshal’s of Washington state fugitive poster of me globally publicized on the internet since 2003-2009 (Bandura, 1994, Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1994, & Laczko, 2000). Both the face, as an arch-attractor, and monetary compensation would have been the dual motivations behind the egged-on under the counter bar drink (Heim, 2016) mistaken identity murder. The cultivated and chemically re-enforced fantasy for the murderer capturing a fugitive also explains the gross brutality of the murder of Meredith Kercher (Bandura, 1994, Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1994, Laczko, 2000 & Stein, 2002), under the illusion of sodomizing a VICTIM HATED VICTIM WANTED; a 90% physically disabled Semitic Italian born and educated (Watson, 2007) lesbian as part of a white male fantasy during the 2003-2009 George Bush administration (Martin, Krizek, Nakayama, & Bradford,1999 & Stein, 1999). This would explain Rudy Guede, the Ivory Coast non-white, not having a condom, abandoned the sex ‘game’ early on (Heim, 2016), after seeing for himself that Meredith Kercher, of Indian and British ethnicity, did not match the physical description of the face of the Italian born (Watson, 2007) woman in the Washington state US Marshal’s WANTED poster who had just been forcibly sterilized by a malpractice of a complete hysterectomy for one benign ovarian cyst (IOM, 2000). Meredith Kercher had two legs, two arms, and had her period (Heim, 2015); the face of the WANTED fugitive was handicapped, missing a left arm and her ovaries. Obviously Rudy Guede could read (Heim, 2016). In the US Marshal’s WANTED poster I am identified as a left arm amputee, and had just undergone a radical hysterectomy at a nearby hospital in Civita Castellana. The odd position Meredith Kercher was in, face down, with both her arms folded back like a ‘chicken’, indicate the murderer might have tested for a prosthetic arm to break-off as if testing for an arm amputee (Guadagno, 2013 & Heim, 2016). This illegal under the counter bar sex drink, an aphrodisiac typically concocted from illegally sequestered ovarian eggs, also explain what was meant metaphorically that Rudy Guede left faces floating or “faeces in the toilet”, with metaphoric reference to excreting his human tissue illegal bar drink from someone’s face as a sexual attack signifier; which would explain the initial accusations by Amanda Knox not against Rudy Guede but against the bartender, Patrick Lumumba and his ‘bar’ justice in illegal human trafficking and sex slave trafficking, a common practice in Italy (Heim, 2016, Laczko, 2000 & Watson, 2007). Bartenders are commonly used in illegal human trafficking, prostitution and sex slavery as local underground law enforcement and racketeering in Italy (Watson, 2007), and other European nations, involved in illegal human trafficking of innocent lambs used for “kebab” (Heim, 2016), with protection from local official law enforcement and border guards (Laczko, 2000). Besides these obvious motivators, the iconic facial attraction of Meredith Kercher in a music video and the reward for capturing a HATED WANTED person, in Italy (Watson, 2007), occult Catholic blood rituals are also an egging-on motivator for violent sexual gratification in the murder by Catholics of young women with Mediterranean features (Stein, 2002). SILVIA STEIN 84


Next, why was Meredith Kercher selected for her role in the music video “Some Say” (Leontiou, 2004), what was so photogenic about her face (Stevenson, 1997)? Firstly, the selection of Meredith Kercher, with her seemingly Mediterranean and non-white features, even if ethnically she was Indian and British, might have countered the George Bush era war on terror that was in large part a racist act against persons perceived as non-white and thus needing to be punished or saved as whites, as priestly (Martin, Krizek, Nakayama, & Bradford, 1999). Secondly, Meredith Kercher projected herself almost like a silent movie star, someone who could capture the audience’s attention with her sexually ambiguous gaze. In the music video “Some Say” Meredith Kercher has a rather neutral, sexless, role of simply witnessing the events around her, without provoking, like a ghost. Perhaps this aloofness, her being above it all, is what frustrated her murderer, who could not ‘have her’ after she was somewhat intimate with Rudy Guede (Heim, 2016). As Rudy Guede in Germany, immediately after the murder stated with a contact in Italy that the accused woman, Amanda Knox, had nothing to do with the murder, leaving only the lusty white male Italian Catholic at fault (Watson, 2007), particularly if an under the counter drink was involved (Heim, 2016) such as an ovarian egg based aphrodisiac to improve a man’s sexual libido at the expense of sterilizing and raping women (Laczko, 2000). Such an intimate alliance between Meredith Kercher and a non-white (Heim, 2016) would be enough to ‘drive’ a white man crazy after he had rehearsed his sexual assault and knifing fantasies in front of his computer monitor, staring with his “lust judgment” his occult facial fetish he was, perhaps, another “priestly” white male of the “gentile religion” wanting another victim (Martin, Krizek, Nakayama, & Bradford, 1999, Heim, 2016 & Stein, 2002). Another explanation for Meredith Kercher’s ghostly iconic attraction, her selection to appear in the music video “Some Say” (Leontiou, 2004), could be her own recognition of herself reflected in the face of Kristian Leontiou, the singer. Her, and maybe others’, subconscious recognition of another Emmet Till projected by Kristian Leontiou perhaps reawakened self-recognition in Meredith Kercher (Stevenson, 1997), helping her win her cameo appearance in the music video. The brutality of both Meredith Kercher’s and Emmet Till’s murders, and society’s clearing of the alleged white murderers shared many common elements as if one were the reflection of the other in attracting a cycle of physical violence (Heim, 2016, Stevenson, 1997 & Tribune News Services, 2017). Could a talent scout have recognized historical iconic similarities to select Meredith Kercher for her debut in a music video? Both faces are eerily photogenic and iconic in cultural history. From a photojournalistic (Limburg, 1994) and parapsychology (Wolffram, 2009) perspective, based on inter-action analysis of the reported facts, I am of the opinion that both had correlational if not identical events occur by merely, confidently, entering publicly into a white majority context; and with success attracting the media attention and fatal envy of whites both in 2007 as in 1955 (Heim, 2016 & Tribune News Services, 2017).

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In this context, of parallel universes and parallel existence, it could be stated that Meredith Kercher's iconic inheritance (Raper, 2013) from Emmet Till (Tribune News Services, 2017), her child, was a contributing factor in the murder of Meredith Kercher; the reincarnation of Emmett Till, providing a ghostly testimony through a repeated role, a floating facial signifier of race, as a victim and as a cultural artifact (Heim, 2016), for history to deal with (Stevenson, 1997). Floating signifier is a synchronic term across geography used stressing the similarity shared among victims of racism, usually sharing the same skin color or external attributes called phenotypes (Heim, 2016). The more appropriate diachronic term, across time and generations, for the case of Meredith Kercher is not “floating signifier”, it is that of a suspended motif; considering that in the post-mortem evaluation of the broad spectrum of the human personality matrix surviving death and reincarnating, Meredith Kercher was the continuation of Emmet Till, and not just a similar face (Frog, 2015, p. 39). In relation to the U.S. Marshal’s WANTED poster of me she shared synchronic facial similarities which would be categorized a “floating signifier” (Heim, 2016), though to identify the one-to-one diachronic correlation to Emmet Till, and her a personality continuation of Emmet Till (Stevenson, 1997), would mean that the ghostly apparition of Emmet Till is an emergent phenomena of Meredith Kercher that is photographically documented under particular material conditions (Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). Thus the presence of Meredith Kercher, under particular physical settings and lighting, combined, produced the emergent qualities of Emmet Till, and no one else could have this quality, thus this is the difference between the diachronic term “suspended motif” (Frog, 2015, p. 39) in comparison to the synchronic term “floating signifier” that is a quality many persons can share at the same time (Heim, 2016). Of course both the unique diachronic ghostly face as a suspended motif and the synchronic facial features as a common floating signifier are now documentable and measureable through photography, bringing us to a new era in synchronic and diachronic forensic documentation to photographically argue in court that the face itself is the motive across space-time attracting a perpetrator to repeatedly commit a generational crime, such as murder (Heim, 2016, Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). As Heim wrote it is as if a “ghost” were present, in the “story” of the murder of Meredith Kercher, Meredith’s own ghost, Emmet, perhaps reflected to her in the features of Rudy Guede, from the Ivory Coast (Heim, 2016, p. 204), which could explain her initial fascination with him, and curiosity (Heim, 2016). Being non-white Rudy Guede, like Emmet Till, was the convenient scapegoat in a white majority court system (Heim, 2016).

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Communication Studies, and photojournalism, aiding the critical occultists against the perjury of psychologists and witnesses Critics of occultists utilize the legal court as a clearing house to steal legitimate research, findings, and critical occultist’s methodologies while disqualifying the credentials and person practicing the science (Wolffram, 2009). Ian Stevenson, MD, former Chair of Psychiatry at the University of Virginia, tried to bring the forensic photographic approaches used earlier by critical occultists (Wolffram, 2009) into the field of science and medicine (Stevenson, 1997), yet my position is that forensic photography in Cases of Reincarnation Type (CORT), like the testimony of scientists and physicians, belongs in the legal courts as empirical evidence in Communication Studies, and specifically photojournalism, to disqualify perjurous testimony from psychologists and witnesses. As written earlier, the flawed, and prejudiced, judicial system in the courts is pitted against forensic evidence, by routinely advancing perjury as testimony. A fourth arm of governance is required to forensically test all communications, particularly under the judicial branch, testing for perjury, and tainted or omitted hard evidence such as blood traces (Furton & Curan, 2005 & Heim, 2016), recorded audio even if illegally obtained, GPS positions, handheld and satellitary thermo-imaging (cartoons) of persons within buildings, and other forms of visual measures (Guadagno, 2013).

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The Italian newspaper La Nazione (Guadagno, 2013) published immediately after the murder the street photo-journalistic image of Raffaele Sollecito, clearly wearing the orange scarf earlier recorded, obviously, at the scene of the murder in front of a standing closet, perhaps to hold the Wanted fugitive in the closet space for extradition (Guadagno, 2013 with editing by Author). Filmed below the street access to the apartment is the digital imaging reconstruction frame, above, of the apartment room rental of Meredith Kercher’s “cartoon” before the closet, perhaps to be used as a holding space to box her in (Guadagno, 2013 with editing by Author). The thermal imaging camera is typically used in measuring activities in architectural structures, and in this case the angle is most probably from a street view handheld camera just above the housing structure. Until 50 years ago if a woman could swim she was stigmatized a witch. In some Muslim countries a woman who drives a car is a witch. In Italy and America today I who simply photograph a CORT case am persecuted like a 'witch'. There is a real income in knocking down study of the paranormal while asking paranormal scholars to divulge their data and methods (Wolffram, 2009). People, particularly in jurisprudence and psychology, actually study reincarnation cases to then know how to disqualify claims and send the 'patient' to a shrink or a minister, and it's a real fraudulent market based on medical quackery and religious charlatans in exorcism (Stevenson, 1997).These hit-men are called "parapsychology critics" (Wolffram, 2009). The way around these vigilantes is to study scientifically reincarnation phenomena as an issue in communication, and I suggest as evening news stories under photojournalism! If everyone in a nation sees the video story of a reincarnation, like the videotaped Rodney King beating proved that racism exists among the police, then our public audience opinion shall outweigh these fraudulent psychologists and priests, or vigilantes. The book on the parapsychology critics and their opponents in the Weimar era German courts, "The Stepchildren of Science: psychical research & parapsychology in Germany, c. 1870-1939", is by a Professor at the University of Canterbury, New Zealand, H. Wolffram (2009), and documents the role of the critical occultist in court testimony. The court documents on the specific cases are not utilizing the current German case codification system. Yet these cases provide a historical precedent on the function of German courthouses as clearing houses, fraudulently gathering information on paranormal research that could not be otherwise acquired without violating the defendants' privacy, their personal and intellectual property rights. These cases in the German courts were the clearinghouse which the Nazi government later utilized for their exercises, or mass murders requiring photography and specific death details and ritual positioning of corpses, in documenting victims for reincarnation catalogues and for future labor enslavement and other occult purposes involved in the rituals of the Holocaust (Griebel, Coburger, & Scheel, 1992). Reincarnation studies, when abused, are practices of the occult in controlling human beings and their future incarnations. According to Wolffram (2009), the courts act like a data and methodology clearinghouse actually collecting information on reincarnation studies by trumping up false charges against reincarnation researchers, while trying to debunk the researchers. The legal systems administrators, as during the Nazi era, use the information abusively as part of the Nazi occult practices among the Nazi elite, like Catholic priests. This is how the Nazi party acquired such knowledge of the occult, by persecuting research of the paranormal and abusing the data on reincarnation studies. The court house was and is operationally a clearinghouse. Our own US and Italian governments took over the Nazi files in 1946, and I propose they, partnered with Roman Catholicism, practice the same abuse of the current justice system; practicing psychology to gather data then marginalizing the researcher and the critical occultist (Wolffram, 2009), yet as photojournalists SILVIA STEIN 88


and Communication Scientists we can reverse and capitalize on this trend. It’s the least I, we, can do to avenge the ghostly testimony of a floating facial signifier of race, a suspended motif, a VICTIM HATED that became a VICTIM WANTED (Frog, 2015 & Heim, 2016), AGAIN (Stevenson, 1997). You see, Meredith Kercher died instead of me, though for me she lives on.

Emmet Till on the left, one of the last photographs before burial (Tribune News Services, 2017), Meredith Kercher in center (Raper, 2013) and on the right Silvia Francesca Stein, Author, who was legally in Italy, born in Italy of an Italian citizen (Watson, 2007), on a student visa living near the site of the murder of Meredith Kercher in the autumn of 2007. Meredith Kercher and I, the Author, shared some facial resemblance, including, reportedly, perhaps, the same stolen cellular telephone. Late July and early August of 2007 I presented a research paper at a World Communication Association conference in Brisbane, Australia. Returning to Italy from Australia I carried often with me my Nokia telephone with my photographs of myself healing after local Civita Castellana road contractors in June 2007 had left open a road worksite where I, unknowing of the open worksite in the middle of the road, fell into while riding my mountain bike. My Nokia was stolen either later that August or in September, with the rather gruesome photographs of my disfigured bodily wounds, from a Via Portavecchia, Fabrica di Roma (Viterbo) internet point at the corner, where I accessed the internet while documenting my investigation of illegal human trafficking in Continental Europe, as part of completing my doctoral dissertation research initiated in 2003b. Later, prior to the murder, I asked the internet point owner, a young slender Italian male, with a youthful ‘Jesus’ style beard and long dark wavy hair, in his twenties, if my mobile telephone had been turned-in to his office, he gestured no with his head, and later asked if I was interested in “una ragazza Inglese”, “an English girl”, in Italian, to which I said, with disgust, “no!” His comment felt like he was trying to involve me in some kind of solicitation. Two years later, in the summer of 2009, I realized that the lost telephone was nowhere with my belongings in Italy, and probably had been stolen at the internet point. I hadn’t misplaced the telephone, it was stolen, from the internet point, where I had set it down in 2007, and perhaps I had been the intended victim if the US Marshals were tracing my telephone. The summer of 2009 I had all my belongings gone through, and packed, from my Viterbo registered contracted full apartment rental, that was above ground, with three SILVIA STEIN 89


balconies (a kitchen, guest room, and a long master bedroom-living-room balcony), with a ground floor garage, at the furthest northwest corner of Via Vincenzo Cardarelli, Corchiano, with a full side and backyard lot and gated entrance. Only later, in the winter of 2009 was I certain my telephone was traced for location coordinates, and probably turned on, allowing authorities to illegally listen to the murder, if it was involved in the murder. My former friend and informant, and former landlord in Rome, Fede Rico (his Facebook handle name), a magistrate assistant at the Rome Cassation Court, confirmed that Knox was present and guilty of the murder charges, responding to my question about Knox’s guilt with “ho paura di si”, where Meredith Kercher would have resembled the face on the WANTED poster. “SI”, is also a slanderous term, Stato Islamico (Islamic State) for the mafia group in Italy, allied with Bush era Crimean Muslim Tatar pods, a selfpromoted and soliciting Italian internet web page designer and music drummer living near Perugia, Kim Tortorici of Corchiano, referred to in speaking about my psychophysiology and communication studies research as promoting occult death cults like ‘SI’, Islamic State, which is a blatant lie. I twice legally contracted Kim Tortorici, who introduced himself to me as a web designer, for two small web-page design projects between 2007 and 2008. The first project promoted the business, Villa Iris Agriturismo and Bed and Breakfast in Corchiano, belonging to two former acquaintances, Renata Fraschetti an Alitalia Head Stewardess, daughter of a fascist era road contractor, and her 1960’s New York City and CIA trained Romanian house-maid baiting Austrian-Italian husband, Ettore Grion, a civilian pilot university drop-out not able to pass past lieutenant in the Italian Air Force, failing in improvisational tactics without instruments. Ettore Grion was the former vice director of Alitalia involved in Muammar Gaddafi era airline activities in Libya and named in a European criminal case involving a faulty Alitalia pilot manual that was involved in an Alitalia airplane piloting failure killing thirty-seven persons (Cavallanti, 1989). The owners of Villa Iris had hosted me in the family section of the Bed and Breakfast so that I was not charged the standard B & B fees. In exchange for a two month sojourn, until I contracted my two bedroom Corchiano apartment rental on Via Vincenzo Caldarelli for my visiting Mother, a dual Italian and US citizen, and I, I purchased for them various household goods, including a dishwasher, thick T-bone Fiorentina steaks, and the contracted Villa Iris web site project Kim Tortorici developed. The second web page project I hired Kim Tortorici to develop, promoted an academic Black Sea conference site in Partenit, Crimea for the World Communication Association. I personally paid for both the Villa Iris owners, and Kim Tortorici, from my circa million dollars in cash lawsuit settlement from Germany, through personal withdrawals and a certified bank transfer at Banco di Brescia in Corchiano, to Kim Tortorici, who lived an easy drive away from Perugia. Kim Tortorici often pretended to act in front of others as if he was stalking me and my internet activities, rather than admit I had contracted him for two web based projects for which he had access to my e-mail account on Yahoo.com since 2007 through 2009. Kim Tortorici was likely involved in the illegal and eventually fatal, for Meredith Kercher, audio and internet surveillance used by the mafia in Italy that might have directed Raffaele Sollecito to ‘stand-in’ for Kim Tortorici. Almost all Catholic men in Italy seem to operate under the mafia if they avoided military service, so I did not see Tortorici’s behavior unusual considering the unspoken criminal element throughout Italian institutions. Knox, being from Washington state, probably assumed there was a postal reward for her bounty hunting, and that they were afraid of “Si” (“paura di Si”); a vulgar Italian diminuitive, “Si”, of my Italian name, Silvia, as ‘Fede Rico’ verbally stated on my house telephone landline in the late autumn of 2009. The Rome Cassation Court magistrate assistant, ‘Fede Rico’, formerly a friend and an imformant involving my research into ties between Catholic involvement in illegal human trafficking, femminicide and the mafia (Stein 2002, Stein, 2003a, Stein, 2003b, & Stein, 2004), knew of the WANTED poster, and the illegal US Marshals’ activities regarding my legal student status in Italy. Prior to joining the Italian navy and then working in the Italian legal system, as a teen, he worked as a pimp for US navy in Naples, housing SILVIA STEIN 90


prostitutes. In Italy it is a common practice that an informant on the mafia inside government institutions, like the federal Cassation Court, works for money to supplement the substandard federal employee salary, retirement, and generationaly held family resentment towards its federal corrupt employer. Thus I saw the friendship as a means to understanding the system from a mafia insider, planted inside the Supreme Court of Italy, the Cassation Court in Rome (IOM, 2000). I suspect ‘Fede Rico’ also found satisfaction on snitching on the ‘system’. Since 2014, the Rome Cassation Court employee, who had retired, and his wife who was still employed at the Cassation Court, confirmed in conversation my suspicion since autumn 2009 that they both knew my actual whereabouts, tracking my replacement mobile telephone and telephone number usage in Germany, and in Holland, as we maintained telephone contact while I was abroad, the days involved in the murder of Meredith Kercher. Thus in deflecting attention from my actual mobile telephone coordinates Meredith Kercher was murdered, although in doing so the Cassation Court employees might have saved my life, exposing what the US Marshals were going to have done against me, beginning with lies about me and my likes and dislikes and my behavior, from my biological brother and father. As Catholics my biological brother and my biological father have tried repeatedly to deny my virginity, my position against rape, my position against prostitution, my position against illegal human and organ trafficking, and my position against their belief in scaring lesbians straight through threats of rape and sodomy (Stein, 2002, Stein, 2003a, Stein, 2003b, & Stein, 2004). Inserting a key like inserting a maxi tampon does not 'turn-on' a human being, except the observer having a fetish. I have not renewed our friendship, although it is common that government informants are only useful while they feel they are benefitting themselves in any friendship; I am uncertain how to process the situation since these two married Cassation Court employees, ‘Fede Rico’ and his wife, violated, consciously, the caste system and could have prevented the murder of Meredith Kercher, whose papers were in order like mine. I was legally on a student visa to complete my PhD initiated research. I had not worked in Europe since I personally, and my mother an Italian citizen, funded all of my research expenses. I suspect the Cassation Court’s boisterous assistant’s intention was showmanship in teaching the Americans, and English, a lesson; that they do not know what they are doing in Italy to begin with, and to obtain also Meredith Kercher’s ovarian eggs in an Italian state autopsy to use for further illegal human and organ trafficking of human hormones for sexual performance and athletic enhancer stimulants, and for illegal hybrid breeding using Meredith Kercher’s DNA (IOM, 2000). ‘Fede Rico’ had also previously and repeatedly lied about me to other female tenants in the apartment who confided in me, so I know his pathological motivation as a government informant, and perhaps the motivation of others behind the murder of Meredith Kercher: extortion, beginning with the disappearance of Meredith Kercher’s cash from her bedroom so she could not have enough money to get away from her murderers (Heim, 2016). Also, if the Italian room-mates knew Meredith Kercher was a karate martial arts practitioner, they might have set-her up to pummel Amanda Knox, the American room-mate (unmasking), which would explain that after Meredith Kercher was possibly set-up to ‘integrate’, or to ‘go native’, with Rudy Guede compromising her objectivity as a student performing research in Italy (Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1989, 2000 & Heim, 2016). Loosing her clarity of mind, after she was with Rudy of Guede, an assailant thinking he was dealing with an ‘unmasked’ Wanted fugitive (Fox, 2017), would sneak-up on Meredith Kercher from behind, so she would relax with him behind thinking him Rudy Guede, a tall wall behind her, while Rudy Guede was in the shower, not knowing what would follow (Heim, 2007). Telephoning her mother daily the tension in the apartment must have been exhausting (Heim, 2016), and obviously the landlord was not properly dealing with the difficulties on the premises; at wit’s end Meredith Kercher’s mistake was to give her suspected white and Roman Catholic assailants more reason to stigmatize her triggering the religious superstition fueled mob aggression of Knox and Sollecito (Ackerman & Jahoda, 1950, Glock & Stark, 1963, Heim, SILVIA STEIN 91


2016, Stein, 2002, Stein, 2004 & Tafjel, 1982). Wanted posters were typically distributed through post offices and e-mail internet points, with reference to the fugitive as being a ‘box for a letter’ (code for rape), which would explain why the Perugia postal police were the first to report on-site for a failed extradition of a ‘box’, to clean-up their mess. The Rome Cassation Court assistant also worked with prosecutors, and organizing Carabinieri and police motorcade protection for the former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, and was responsible for sending-out the Carabinieri (military police) throughout Italy. Thus, based on the false, or wrong, identification of the ‘box’ (Meredith Kercher), civilian police nor Carabinieri (Italian military police) would be involved for a postal mistake. Most foreigners, particularly tourists and short-term residents are not aware of the Italian caste system, similar to India’s. My matrilineal Italian grandfather was a Knighted Chief Marshal Major (Command Sergeant Major) of the Carabinieri, equivalent to a senior non-commissioned officer, who during World War I at the Austrian front of Vittorio Veneto, the decisive defeat of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, was one of many Carabinieri involved in maintaining high morale with the threat of death, open supply lines, providing oxen and mules if horses could not suffice to pull cannons through the mountain paths, and participate in firing squads executing any deserters or spies (officers and enlisted) at the front against Austria. Due to this morale building tactic, weeding-out it’s own weaknesses, Italy won the war against Austrians at the mountainous and harsh front. Then during World War II he was responsible to assist some families, Jewish, with their papers as they escaped Italy for Latin America. Thus while in Italy I have always understood I was part of the upper caste system in the moral structure of justice. Essentially the following basic ethnographic grid is a schematic presentation of how justice is structured in Italy. Martial Law occurs with the complete legal system failure under a civilian government, requiring Carabinieri (Military Police) and Guardia di Finanza (Military Accounts and Capital Investment Auditors) to act as the executors of law over-riding civilians and their decisions. Under the civilian legal system the communication of threats, including leaving dead animals (dogs, cats, pigeons, mice, etc.) at the front door, is interpreted as a protest under an unequal caste system, and as long as there is no actual physical violence to the person, it is interpreted as a normal occurrence. Preferably there is also no physical violence towards private property (bullet holes in car windows or carriages, broken off car mirrors, broken plates or crystal glasses, etc.) or public property (destroyed public office computer monitors, burnt down offices or warehouses, garbage in the street or sabotage of warning signs and barriers at railroad crossings, etc.). Carabinieri are usually called-in if violent physical harm occurs to a person with their papers in-order under the civilian legal system. If the Carabinieri are not called-in there is no real danger. Civilian police are usually called-in if there is no danger of physical harm to the person in the civilian legal system. The mother or father, a family relative, or employee is called-in to escort or remove unwanted guests or intruders under the civilian legal system. Garbage details, parking attendants, shop or warehouse workers are used to relocate, or protect, sex workers under the civilian legal system. Postal police, railroad, and internet administrators are utilized to guide persons whose papers are not inorder. An example is Amanda Knox on a student visa though no work visa illegally working at a bar in SILVIA STEIN 92


Perugia; the bar owner, Italian room-mates, or Italian boyfriend would have been held responsible for not having given Amanda Knox proper guidance and directions in regards to a possible criminal activity in her shared apartment. Italians are held at a higher level of moral accountability when dealing with foreigners. This is to prevent employers and Italians from taking advantage of foreigners, particularly foreign students legally studying in Italy. The violation of the student visa, working illegally, is usually overlooked if the student is involved in research or studying, since the expenses for foreign students are systematically higher than for Italian students attending university or performing research in Italy. Administrators of hotels, bed and breakfast, and short-term room and apartment rentals are held responsible for protecting the interests of students, visitors, tourists, academics, and business persons who are not familiar with Italy’s caste system. I had stood up to various traffickers and often parish related Catholic mafia, and of course was not appreciated for being, at times, the only morally upright person among systemic corruption in Italy especially, involving Catholic parishes (IOM, 2000 & Watson, 2007). Perhaps my being morally upright is what won, without my being informed, my protection from the courts in Italy and Europe while investigating corruption and illegal human trafficking. I did not realize that the Americans could involve themselves in illegal extraditions and call murder water-boarding, and that I was on the list as a photojournalist, a university instructor, and a doctoral student, like Italian journalist Giuliana Sgrena (Goodman, 2006). It could have been me, instead they “got the wrong toilet”, as was reported later to me, if someone tracked my stolen telephone coordinates or simply associated Meredith Kercher with the Wanted poster.

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Plato (1992). Republic. Grube, G.M.A. (translator). Indianapolis, IN: Hackett Publishing. Raper, J. (2013). True Justice for Meredith Kercher: Front Page. NYC: True Justice. Article available at http://www.truejustice.org/ee/index.php?/tjmk/comments/the_meredith_case_wiki_a_highly_objective_sum mation_of_the_case_from_o/ Shipton, A. (2017). The Absolute Beginner’s Guide to Jazz. BBC Music. London, UK: BBC. Article available at https://www.bbc.co.uk/music/articles/25e95140-ad29-4b95-996c-1a1ff5d4536d Stein, S. (2002). Exploring Sexual Feelings through Roman Catholic Images: the lust judgment of gentile religion. Masters of Arts thesis. Pullman, WA: Washington State University. Stein, S. (2003a). Media Framing Ukrainian Women´s Health Issues & Stigma. National Institute of Health project submitted by Washington State University, Pullman, WA. Stein, S. (2003b). Vatican City's Revelations & Cultural Rape of the Mother Pisti Sophia Vision: A multicultural model analyzing emerging trends in US media rooted in Vatican City's interpretations and her revelations. Proposal for Interdisciplinary PhD degree in Psychophysiology and Strategic Communication. Pullman, WA: Washington State University. Stein, S. (2004). Morning Star: A Functionalist Investigates Claims to Authority Using the Perspective of the Stigmatized. International Conference on Cognitive Styles in Communication, conference paper, Tavrida University, Simferopol (Autonomous Republic of Crimea), Ukraine. Stevenson, I. (1997). Reincarnation & Biology: a contribution to the etiology of birthmarks & birth defects. Volume I: birthmarks & Volume II: birth defects & other anomalies. London: Praeger. Swain, J., Finkelstein, V., French, S., & Oliver, M. (1998). Disabling Barriers – Enabling Environments. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Tafjel, H (1982). Social Identity & Intergroup Relations. Cambridge University Press. Tribune News Services (2017). Emmett Till accuser admits to giving false testimony at murder trial: book. Chicago Tribune. January 28, 2017. Article available at http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/ct-emmett-till-accuser-false-testimony-20170128story.html Washington State Law (2002). ANNOTATED REVISED CODE OF WASHINGTON Matthew Bender & Company, Inc. LexisNexis Group cited for approved Master’s of Arts in Rhetoric & Communication Studies awarded to Silvia Stein in 2002 by Washington State University’s Edward R. Murrow College of Communication utilizing the following Griffin Libraries Computer Laboratory registered search string: http://web.lexisnexis.com/universe/document?_m=dffae12a1dd916b96281255e360db8ed&_docnum=2&wc hp=dGLSlS-lSlzV&_md5=6a991b82c8d00c4e128f7d13b825d09f Watson, B. (2007). Sacco & Vanzetti: the men, the murders, & the judgment of mankind. NYC: Vkiking Press. SILVIA STEIN 96


Wolffram, H. (2009). The Stepchildren of Science: Psychical Research & Parapsychology in Germany, c. 1870 - 1939. Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi. Zuccotti, S. (1996). The Italians & the Holocaust: Persecution, Rescue, & Survival. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press.

Chapter 5 Can unmasking produce profitable Justice after torture or death: case study in photojournalism revealing the Lamarckian manipulation of evolution of a Holocaust victim of trafficking’s consciousness, an intellectual property right, & application of predictive visual rhetoric theory to improve waterboarding Ian Stevenson, MD, asked, how can "mental images have extension?" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2083) This article is dedicated to Val Limburg, PhD & his buddy Joe Ayres, PhD* Abstract This case study attempts to profitably and marketably answer Ian Stevenson, MD's question, how can "mental images have extension" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2083), by furthering the application of frame analysis in the fields of communication identity studies and reincarnation studies (Andsager, 2000, 2001, Drzewiecka, 1999, Goffman, 1963, Goffman, 1959, Stein, 2004, Stevenson, 1997, & Zick, et al, 2008). The Lamarckian behavioral evolution matrix of prejudice, a discriminating selection between two or more signals (Lang, 2009), is investigated as conscious repression of previous life memories of the self (Stevenson, 1997). Through retro-active analysis of three lifetimes, the Author and research director, Silvia Stein, tests for the null hypothesis, photo documents (frames), and identifies consistent Lamarckian evolutionary transition patterns indicating a mirror imaging, including audio mirroring, process in self-visualization and self-realization processes (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Iacoboni, et al, 2005, Steele, et al, 1998 & Stevenson, 1997), pitting one's prejudices (Allport, 1958, Glock & Stark, 1963, & Zick, et al, 2008), against a new signal (Lang, 2009): their new concept of self. The result, according to Carl Jung (1990), is that a subject's schizophrenic episode might be an essential step in individuation, based on a rupture of their plausibility structure of personality (Stevenson, 1997, Zelazo, et al, 2007, & Zick, et al, 2008), followed by a quantum decoherence, otherwise known in communication studies as cognitive dissonance (O'Keefe, 2009), and then a higher consciousness, which is known as quantum decohesion. This process, in communication studies, seems to verify Jung's assertion that schizophrenic symptoms are part of the individuation process (Jung, 1990), Lang's (2009) motivated limited capacity model, and the Roger Penrose conjecture (Kurzweil, 2000). Keywords: Consciousness; Copenhagen quantum approach; collective memory; delinquency; diathanatic; elan vital; ethics; evolution; fantasy theme; frame analysis; gender; identity; image extension; image management; intercultural communication; intrapersonal; key; Lamarck; media ethics; mentoring; multitasking; paranormal; Penrose conjecture; photography; prejudice; psychiatry; psychology; psychophore; quantum decoherence; quantum decohesion; quantum event; reincarnation; religion; rolemodel. SILVIA STEIN 97


Introduction Do you know your employee’s evolutionary history? Are they worth the upkeep? An unpredictable employee that seems delinquent might just have a profitable combination of diathanatic intuition tapping into a marketable collective memory (Loshitzky, 1997). Some persons have an unexplained yet visibly measureable improvisational ability no one has yet explained. Improvisational abilities are desirable in performers and often attributed as a leadership quality in out-maneuvering challengers (Rath & Conchie, 2008, Reivich & Shatte, 2002, & Sennewald, 2003). Improvisation is not a method, since it is not pre-planned, it is an ability attributed to intuition, and an ability some humans have, and not machines nor computers (Bergson, 1935 & Kurzweil, 2000). Psychiatrist Ian Stevenson, MD attributed improvisational abilities to previous life skills and memories, labelled diathanatic intelligence, that "pass across the barriers of death" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2073-2077). I bring quantum consciousness (Kurzweil, 2000) and diathanatic evaluations into the work-place, and into forensic issues of post-mortem identification and motivation studies, with pragmatic applications in producing profitable documentaries, as in this case study of "Tom": the confirmed double reincarnation case study of Grand Duchess Olga Romanova and Margot Frank. This case study supports Ian Stevenson, MD’s medical case use of photographic frame analysis as the preferred methodology in testing, empirically measuring, and documenting Cases of the Reincarnation Type (CORT) (Andsager 2000, 2001, & Stevenson, 1997, 2003). Tom, born in early 1980’s Poland and now a European Union citizen, is the university tested and verified reincarnation (psychophore) of both Russian Imperial Grand Duchess Olga Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov of German-Russian ancestry (18951918), and of German-Jewish Nazi victim Margot Frank (1926-1945). Presenting Tom's case for testing, and filming, of a rare double reincarnation firmly establishes, through frame analysis, the generationally tested mind-body connection Ian Stevenson, MD was trying to prove (Stevenson, 1997). An operational definition of mind, for this case study, is the intellectual property, collection of memories, and ambitions which provide meaning to one's life in the past, present, and future (Stevenson, 1997). Continuity of culture, history, and morality depends upon the survivability of the mind to guide them (Bergson, 1935, Steele, et al, 1998, & Stevenson, 1997), which in part is made of our images and how we see based on our protected intellectual inheritance (Costandi, 2014). In this operational definition, combining my readings on Bergson (1935, 1911a, 1911b, & 1910), Stevenson (2003 & 1997), and Lamarck (Cook & Bestman, 2000 & Steele, et al, 1998) the individual mind is part of the collective continuum guiding biological development of species (Jung, 1990), be they human or not, operating at the local and global levels, negotiating meaning and setting new emergent standards (Cook & Bestman, 2000, Kurzweil, 2000, & Steele, et al, 1998) protecting ancient standards (Metzner, 1994), which are all an intricate part of our evolution as species. In 2009 I was invited to present my findings on this case study, as “Identifying European Human Resources”, to Beijing, China at the 8th China Association for Intercultural Communication Studies conference. In the study I establish four objectives in my CORT study of the double-reincarnation in the case study of Tom. First, I demonstrate that Stevenson's application of frame analysis is a reliable empirical and replicable methodology to disprove the null hypothesis; null hypothesis is operationalized as the denial of the survival of the mind and reincarnation (Stevenson, 1997). Secondly, I defeat the null hypothesis that SILVIA STEIN 98


quantum consciousness (Kurzweil, 2000 & Zelazo, et al, 2007), and reincarnation, are not possible (Dubin, 1978). Third, in my paper I contribute new knowledge to the study of consciousness (Kurzweil, 2000 & Zelazo, et al, 2007), affirming Roger Penrose's unproven assertion (Kurzweil, 2000) that the human mind functions at the quantum level anticipating and solving problems with no reference point to this lifetime (Kurzweil, 2000), yet to the many worlds theory of quantum decohesion (Kurzweil, 2000, Stevenson, 1997, & Zelazo, et al, 2007). Fourth, my paper supports Penrose's conjecture that only functioning at the quantum level produces consciousness (Kurzweil, 2000 & Zelazo, et al, 2007), at the level that such a brain is better than a computer and worth prolonging at the expense of others (Kurzweil, 2000). Consistent evolutionary transition patterns, in this Case of Reincarnation Type (CORT) study, indicate a mirror imaging, or acoustical, process in self-visualization and self-realization processes (Ayers & Hopf, 1987), which Stevenson simply described as "mental images have extension" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2083). In mirror imaging Iacoboni researches the extension of mental images in the role of mirror neurons (Iacoboni, et al, 2005), where imitation is internalized, and perhaps is involved in the process of quantum decoherence, preceding a higher consciousness, when without observing or hearing everything at once we understand immediately the entire spectrum previously imitated, rehearsed, or directly experienced in small units, as stipulated by the Roger Penrose conjecture (Kurzweil, 2000). Decoherence is actually an event in the Copenhagen interpretation in which two states collapse into one (Chuckman, 2014). This collapse, called cognitive dissonance (Chuckman, 2014, Lang, 2009 & O'Keefe, 2009), due to information overload requiring cognitive re-associations for improved information processing, or emergent consciousness, occurs by a series of millions of bifurcations at the level of quantum wave (Chuckman, 2014) conducting microtubules within brain cells, causing a multitude of possible states blending or emerging into one; a new state of consciousness without any clear reference to this lifetime (Kurzweil, 2000 & Zelazo, et al, 2007). What interests me is the competition among previous lifetimes of the current subject and of other subjects, and the cancelling out of oppositional goals, or states of mind (Butterworth, 2014), resulting in an emergent process producing a new approach to solving a problem in this lifetime. Some persons do not get past the quantum decoherence state of information overload caused by seemingly contradictory held beliefs, called cognitive dissonance (O'Keefe, 2009), and literally go insane (Jung, 1990). They might run to religious cults, chemical dependency, or bury themselves in mass media entertainment indulgence of gambling, game shows, soap operas, porno, or football for safety (Glock & Stark, 1963, Hillstrom & Strachan, 2000, Marx, 1850, & Rubin, 1994), while others with a stronger personal motivation are not limited by this contradictory phase, which could be incapacitating (Lang, 2009), yet due to their diathanatic skills, and knowledge (Stevenson, 1997), instead flourish (Jung, 1990). With diathanatic intelligence, and skills, through higher consciousness levels that follow rupture of the plausibility structure, and quantum decoherence, I anticipate administrators and employers shall be able to streamline expenses, reducing, through networking, the surplus career fields in a community, maximizing the use of diathanatically aware and networked multi-taskers. I suggest (Kurzweil, 2000) biologists, neurologists and photo-documentary journalists shall replace the need for psychiatrists, psychologists and priests in behavioral therapy, exorcisms and other archaic rituals uselessly prolonging current professions based on denying reincarnation (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Goffman, 1963, Iacoboni, et al, 2005, Marx, 1850, Stein, 2002, 2003, & 2004, & Stevenson, 1997) while wasting our time aiming for us to idolize them thus

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mimic them and their behaviors (Crollius, 2005 & Iacoboni, et al, 2005), and mirroring them reincarnate like them (Iacoboni, et al, 2005). Through photography and other studies Ian Stevenson, MD established it is possible to understand the Indian Hindu philosophy concept of the Atman phenomenon; which he described as a magnetic field that simultaneously can be in two places at the same time (Stevenson, 1997). Atman, our greater Self in Jungian terms, is not contained in a single space-time dimension (Jung, 1990) and, as Stevenson proposed with his definition of psychophore, it is "soul bearing" (Stevenson, 1987), although in Hindu concepts it has no form. The more scientifically clinical and medical term psychophore, instead, according to Stevenson, has a form that is scientifically provable and lasts throughout and between the lifetimes (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2087): it "persists throughout life". Stevenson, in discussing the psychophore as a memory containing vehicle with a unique form in contrast to other psychophores of other individuals, essentially did not argue for reincarnation as a soul-split issue, and instead as a unitary issue; an evolutionary Lamarkian continuum of the previous lifetimes (Stevenson, 1997). If I see a film about Mozart and I imitate Mozart, I am not part of Mozart, nor his soul, psychophore. If other persons imitate a previous identity this does not prove a splitsoul phenomena, only mirror-imitation (Iacoboni, et al, 2005). There are many imitators, yet only one soul they imitate. I can claim to have been Beethoven who improved improvisationally on Mozart's approach to composing, though I would never claim to be part of Mozart, much less his soul. Stevenson labelled “psychophore” this memory time capsule and self-directional entity that does not just exist between lifetimes (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074). I essentially operationalize Stevenson's definition of the psychophore with the definition of soul (Stevenson, 1997). In this field we do not use the term soul, so as not to overlap, conflict, nor compete with religious cults and their approaches to exorcisms and reincarnation, none of which I agree with, since I see religion as a field for those who cannot work at the level of a material reality that science can explain (Marx, 1850). From a scientific perspective I, as a photojournalistic or medical researcher, am reporting with the intention of helping you with self-esteem (Sweeney, 1992), from a religious perspective I'm a threat to the very livelihood of priests that wish for us to emulate them (Crollius, 2005 & Stein, 2002), particularly the Vatican (Crollius, 2005 & Stein, 2002). Religion and democracy are our enemies. If we have reincarnation studies as a forensic science we are automatically skeptics because priests can only have power if they deny reincarnation, while utilizing our reincarnated pasts as their weapon over us (Babolin, 2000 & Marx, 1850). Democracy is also a threat to the materialist empirically studying reincarnation; if not everyone had the same past lives then we are not all equally evolved, making equality, the goal of democracy, a sham (Marx, 1850). Furthermore, democracy and religion are flawed concepts if in reincarnation studies, and Communication Studies, we can prove that through repeated exposure to a person’s image over generations in reincarnation processes, we have visually oriented entire populations towards very few arch attractors, or gods, with strong iconic appeal, whom we routinely orient towards or are repelled by. Visual orientation cognitive cultivation processes explain why some persons are called God incarnate, a Hollywood star who does not want to be abused, a handicapped person trying to defend herself, or another political candidate, as I discuss in the last chapter. In levelling the world for democracy, called the Wilsonian policy after President Woodrow Wilson (19131921), during World War I (1913-1918), continental European Houses of Nobility like the Romanovs of Russia were abolished and murdered. Soon afterwards continental European Jewish families, even with military service experience, like the Franks, were exterminated as a result of the Wilsonian purge policy to level the playing field to make the world 'safe for democracy' (Frank, 1967).

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Reincarnation studies, through forensic Communication Studies, compromises the American policy of destroying elitist or more evolved, persons. Thus my helping persons like Olga Romanov, Margot Frank, or Anne Frank (Frank, 1967) to resurrect themselves to find meaning in their ethnic inheritances, and support in their extensive family networks (Stevenson, 1997) is not only a threat to America and its emphasis on individualism, it is a threat to democracy, and every religion that denies the rights of women and reincarnation – reincarnation recognizes different levels of evolution, or caste systems, and is a direct threat to the priesthood itself (Stein, 2002), exorcists, psychologists and psychiatrists that make their livelihood by separating families while stigmatizing our earliest memories of ourselves (Goffman, 1963, Metzner, 1994, Stein, 2002, 2004, & Stevenson, 1997). My investigation leaves open a field of further study guided by the question of the motivation behind murder, as evidenced in the previous chapter, “VICTIM HATED, VICTIM WANTED, AGAIN”. Investigations on the Nazi occult practices hint that Jews and handicapped of the 1930's and 1940's weresuspected, in Germany and Austria, of being the subhuman reincarnation of the Romanovs and others whose bodies were disfigured and further mutilated with sulfuric acid (Johns, 2008) so they would return with birthmarks of darker skin pigmentation, hair color, and in a marginal subculture (Goldhagen, 1996, Lifton, 2000, Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). Russia today, with the end of communism, has taken steps, at the urging of European interests, to defame those involved in the murder and desecration of the Romanovs. "The [Romanov] dynasty’s lawyer German Lukyanov told the Interfax news agency that the renaming [of the Moscow district and metro station] should have happened a long time ago.' It is simply necessary to clear the Moscow city map of the name of someone who took part in repression and who organized the Tsar’s family killing.' He added that Voikov’s name was found under the order to issue 80 kilos of sulfuric acid used to dissolve the bodies of the last Russian Emperor, his wife and children and also some of their servants"(Russia Today, 2015). My initial investigations, as Stevenson's, seem to indicate that wounds and mutilations of the body, particularly in cases of murder or brutal war deaths, can be an expression by the assailant to darken or lower the social status of the victim. For example, Stevenson established that white English military heroically dying in battle, of burns in airplane crashes or violent bullet wounds, often reincarnated and born in India, Indonesia, Malaysia, and elsewhere though in a usually caring and respectable family, and caste system (Stevenson, 1997). Often the reincarnation cases reported preferring to remain within their caring family caste systems in India and elsewhere, than socializing or much less re-integrating with reminders of their past lives in England as whites (Stevenson, 1997). Thus, clearly their prejudices against the white English were against reminders of their previous, and often unhappy, lives (Stevenson, 1997). In this paradigm, the targeting Jews and handicapped, after the overthrow of the Russian Monarchy and families like the Romanovs, was simply a Wilsonian next generation follow-up approach to further desecrate persons to 'level the playing field for democracy', by generationally stigmatizing (Stein, 2004), mutilating (Johns, 2008 & Stevenson, 1997), bullying, mobbing, and exterminating Houses of Nobility, Jews, and the handicapped, knocking down with each generation the victims of murders from previous generations (Goldhagen, 1996 & Lifton, 2000). The details of the abuse and murders of the families of the first purge, the Romanovs, were hidden with misinformation purposefully covering-up or white washing the acts of inhumanity against individuals in these groups, particularly the women, while systematically repeating on the next generation the violences (Stein, 2002, 2003 & Styevenson, 1997).

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When one is a victim of violence, it would seem healthy to dislike the assailants, abusers, and any reminders associated with one’s murder from the previous lifetime. In this sense prejudice is a healthy survival mechanism in Lamarckian evolution of the self (Steele, et al, 1998 & Stein, 1998). In reincarnation studies, prejudice is useful. Prejudice is defined as a discriminating selection between two or more signals which is a satisfaction of at least one of two basic needs, appetite and survival (Lang, 2009). These two basic needs vary throughout a person's lifetime, and their psychophore behavioral evolution (Lang, 2009, Steele, et al, 1998 & Stevenson, 1997). Expressions of prejudice are a form of healthy denial, providing a clue to a person's past that is being suppressed (Stevenson, 1997), due to basic appetite and survival requirements of suppressing unwanted past life memories (Lang, 2009). Current European studies of prejudice, and discrimination, define prejudice as having two forms, one blatant, the second subtle (Zick, et al, 2008). The blatant version of prejudice perceives the target as a threat (Zick,et al, 2008): taking jobs away from one's own ethnic group; ruining the value of a community's housing resale value. The subtle version of prejudice has a rejection or refusal of recognition of attraction to the other; "the denial of sympathy and admiration for the outgroup" (Zick, et al, 2008, p. 241). Thus the first, blatant, component for prejudice tests for "the expression of negative emotions", whereas the second, subtle, component tests for the Freudian concept of denying affection for what one fears is socially unacceptable; "the denial of positive emotions" (Zick, et al, 2008, p. 241). Allowing persons to exhibit their prejudice, it’s possible to expose their anxieties, and perhaps identify symptoms of their past life so that it is understood how they now have a pattern of prejudice as a survival mechanism. In this sense prejudice is a symptom of healthy repression of the past life of which persons have been socialized to deny (Stevenson, 1997). Previous life memories are a common trait expressed by children, yet in adolescence western social norms, particularly religious, have taught them not to refer to their previous life memories (Stevenson, 1997). Reference to previous life memories is stigmatized as illusionary and irrelevant (Stein, 2004 & Stevenson, 1997). Channeling pre-conscious memory, through role-play and photographic journalism, is useful: 1. role-play safely allows prejudice to surface, to identify prejudice targeting women, homosexuals, Semitic features, and the handicapped that reincarnated Russian or Holocaust victims (some now Polish), and perpetrators practice; 2. role-play presents an option for persons to choose to change their Lamarckian behavioral evolution, or not (Cook & Bestman, 2000). Prejudice and denial, or repression of previous life memories, are safety mechanisms (Allport, 1958). Some memories are too traumatic for persons today to be reminded of when seeing another person that now looks or acts as they did in a past lifetime, as I demonstrate in discussing in this chapter the case of ‘Tom’. Thus it is useful to study and understand prejudice, while not eliminating prejudice unless it is a conscious and fully informed choice of the person (Allport, 1958). If fully informed of their past life or lives, I suspect most are happy to retain their prejudices. Prejudice is part of, I propose, our Lamarckian behavioral evolution for self-preservation (Allport, 1958, Lang, 2009, Steele, et al, 1998, & Stevenson, 1997). Medical Study of Reincarnation In 1957 Canadian citizen Ian Stevenson, a Medical Doctor of psychiatric medicine, was the youngest professor on staff to Chair the Department of Psychiatry at the University of Virginia. By 2007 Stevenson SILVIA STEIN 102


had accumulated over 40 years of experience documenting 3,000 plus cases of reincarnation. Internationally Professor Ian Stevenson, MD is respected as establishing the most rigorous up to date testimonials, photographic evidence, and in-depth interviews furthering scientific and medical studies of the psychophore, the generational memory vehicle in reincarnation (Shroder, 2007 & Stevenson, 1997, 2003). Stevenson wrote and carefully documented his methodology, articulating a descriptive theory of reincarnation (Stevenson, 1997, p. 85) adopting oral accounts of traditional techniques of indigenous and northern European civilizations, verifying the validity of their 'do it yourself' attitude towards psychology, self-individuation, and reincarnation (Metzner, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). CA + DI + PF = CS is Stevenson’s (1997, p. 85) formula accounting for the emergent presence of mental images (ghosts) in the skin, like a ghost inhabiting a piece of furniture (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). Briefly this formula represents the following units: Concentrated Attention + Duration of Imagery + Hypothetical (synthetic) Physiological Factor = Changes in the Skin I have taken Stevenson’s work, combined with Frog’s (2015), further into the empirical field of Communication Studies by articulating a predictive theory based on testing, with fully informed consent and by paying any expenses for the subject, cases of reincarnation such as this of ‘Tom’, as stated in an earlier chapter: My simple formula for predictive visual rhetoric theory is: Unit (DV) + integer (IV) = Another unit or motif (MI) This statement is an improvement upon Stevenson’s statement (Stevenson, 1997, p. 85). I have provided a quantitatively testable formula (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Bolls & Lang, 2003, & Dubin, 1978), while sustaining Frog’s descriptive formulas (Frog, 2015, p. 39): Relationship between internal & external images = Suspended motif w/ immanent potential measured and documented through photography Deductively, the hypothesis is that a Measureable Image (MI) of another personality, a ghost, an extended mental image (in the state of heightened self-awareness), is photographable, if the person is exposed to a physically visible and tangible material object. Thus my hypothesis with predictive value for measureable results is MI if DV + IV. I maintain that my theory can take forensic Communication Studies further than Stevenson, who established the Division of Personality Studies and Perceptual Studies (D.O.P.S.) at the University of Virginia (Shroder, 2007) through the support of Chester Carlson, a pioneer of optics, photography, holographic imaging, and inventor of the Xerox machine, the James S. McDonnell Foundation, Bernstein & Brothers Health Foundation, Nagamasa Azuma Fund, and the Parapsychology Foundation (Stevenson, 1997). Psychophore

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Stevenson labeled the entity that survives human death the psychophore. As a memory vessel, in the Aristotelian notion of the forms (Adler, 1995), the psychophore maintains memory, impressions, and ambitions, further developing previous life qualities and skills (Gaarder, 1991 & Stevenson, 1997, p. 2075), with "distinctive postures" and birthmarks or re-occurring marks due to similar previous life situations (Rothschild, 2000, Stevenson, 1997, p. 1882, & Bergson, 1911b). Memory seems to be particularly holographic in form (Pribram, 2007), which could explain why visual appeals to eliciting visual consciousness, through writing (Villanueva, 1993) and media strategies, is so effective (Beijnon, 2016). Emotional memories, like holographic visual imprints, are based on physically patterned reactions to evolving narratives (Goffman, 1959 & McGee, 1999), or scripts to similar situations (Rothschild, 2000, Searle, 1984, & Stevenson, 1997, p. 2077). The evolution of the visualization of the narrative, from lifetime to lifetime, is in itself the motivation for the present lifetime (McGee, 1999). Stevenson (1997, p. 2090) specifically writes that the psychophore feels itself visually conscious when it is 'seen' as part of the person it occupies: "some of them have a substantial quality, a something that is present where they are seen to be." By being seen they co-exist with us. Our recognition of them is what in a sense returns them to life, so that the current incarnation has a visual consciousness raising experience which is its own reward, for both the subject and the apparition that occupies the subject, unifying the mind even further with the subject's brain when it sees itself in a reflection, or is seen (Beijnon, 2016 & Stevenson, 1997). A biological based explanation of this cognitive process is explained by Karl Pribram as holonomic brain theory, which through visualization processes (Ayers & Hopf, 1987), or mental image extension through the psychophore (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2083), produces emergent solutions from previously dialectical, oppositional, narratives or perspectives (Freeman, 2007 & Pribram, 2007), resulting in a higher consciousness, as proposed by Penrose in the decoherence from decohesion conjecture (Kurzweil, 2000). Decoherence to a higher consciousness, from decohesion, is obtained through cognitive dissonance (Harris, 2009, Lang, 2009, & O'Keefe, 2009) followed by cognitive re-alignment (Goffman, 1974), assuming that there are two complementary cognitive processes operating simultaneously, materialist and cognitivist, which pragmatically are seen functioning at their best when combining both approaches (Freeman, 2007). The first, decohesion, is data-driven thus quantitative in nature with short term value orientation and objectives and operates in a seemingly dialectical context, thus it is materialist in the form of data processing (Guba & Lincoln, 1985) objectifying what it sees, and can lead to data overload (Lang, 2009). The second, decoherence, is holistic and qualitative in nature (Guba & Lincoln, 1985) requiring sight specific seeing of movement, and seeing subjects as transitioning action (Costandi, 2014). The tendency in decoherence is to restore a sense of order from the chaos of data overload. Naturally allowing the mind to process the quantum energy movement in the physical environment, as documented scientifically through Kirlian photography, requires repeated rehearsal through exposure to fast movements so that the cognitive style is relaxed when processing fast light movement, especially under poor lighting, in a seemingly still subject (Costandi, 2014). I compare this to standing still in a room where two persons are playing racquetball; if you understand the pattern of movement of the players and the ball you can stand inside the court, observe, and not get hurt. In this context the fear of "ghosts", or Kirlian sightings, is like seeing a racquetball bouncing off a wall and right at you. One hand movement can pause and reverse the motion of energy, or you could be overwhelmed with anxiety like a deer about to be hit by a car, stunned by the headlights. Thus light energy is seen (Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009) and the keen observer naturally operates at the level of long-term evolving values, having a different more effeminate cognitive style (Abdulaeva, Danilova, & Papelina, 2004) in the form of exhausting the diachronic and synchronic context SILVIA STEIN 104


(Bem, 1993, Guba & Lincoln, 1985), and symbol gathering (Frog, 2015, Langer, 1957, 1953a, & 1953b), in processing information (Freeman, 2007). The two cognitive processes are like having two oppositional composers combining efforts conducting their musical pieces (Langer, 1957, 1953a, & 1953b). The short term materialist objective processing system is analogous to a Mozart quartet string concerto composed and directed to win the favor of the elite with money to construct and purchase a larger concert hall; while the long-term holistic cognitivist approach value system addresses the societal needs of those without power or money, such as Ludwig von Beethoven composing and performing "Ode an die Freude" in the expanded concert hall with extra seating, thus lower prices for bulk ticket sales, to mobilize European unity from Scotland to Russia inspiring generations of socialist revolutions among economically disenchanted performance attendees. Stevenson (1997) proposes a similar theory in the explanation of the memory and direction of evolutionary visualizations, or "mental images have[ing] extension" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2083) of the "psychophore" which remains flexible in spite of genetics and cultural environments. The fully conscious human mind actually functions simultaneously for both short-term and long-term gains, with an element of unpredictability, alternating which is prioritized, and sometimes prioritizing both (Kurzweil, 2000). The threat to what it is to be a fully conscious human mind is that our tools, inventions, can store information and retrieve it more effectively than we can with our brains (Kurzweil, 2000). As long as we know that human-like computers are just tools we are safe (Kurzweil, 2000). Canadian citizen Ian Stevenson, MD, anticipated that human minds could devise a way past human like "spiritual machines"; cyborgs (Kurzweil, 2000 & Stevenson, 1997). I assume Stevenson was investigating survival of the mind into a new body whether by brain death (reincarnation), or brain transplantation, into a new body, without mechanical or computerized means to extend the life of the mind. Stevenson did not separate the human mind (soul) from that which makes humans uniquely superior to machines. What makes us human is our ancient past and future that draws towards it the past (Bergson, 1935, 1911a, 1911b, & 1910), which Stevenson, MD convincingly equates with mind and the possibility of minds to interact without machines, telepathically (Stevenson 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). It is with the determination of the mind, or courage, that humans excel beyond mere machines (Kurzweil, 2000, p. 19). A machine, or cyborg, will not risk self-destruction, it's not logical to do so. A human being, with only an intuition that her or his invention shall succeed even if it is against the odds and logic, shall risk their life to test and prove its functionality, to prove his or her fitness in survivability and not only survive, flourish, whereas others perish into extinction (Dennett, 1996, & Zahavi & Zahavi, 1997). In a sense our tools are an extension of ourselves extending our territorial influence, yet we must retain control over them, not vice versa, or cut them fully-off. Ian Stevenson, MD, maintains that the process of the psychophore, is as if "cells at the edges of these anatomical absences ‘knew’ to duplicate and [autonomously] extend themselves, in [unimaginable] ways that would fill up the empty spaces" after death, into a new human body (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2067). This is feasible utilizing the phenomenon of light as an anatomical absence, which is documented in Kirlian photography, as light has the potential to become matter (Sample, 2014). Essentially our Soul, or psychophore, is light, and it materializes according to the light, or image, of itself.

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The research on reincarnation performed by Ian Stevenson, MD, and colleagues is on federal land, University of Virginia in Charlottesville, VA, USA a state university subsidized by federal grants and loans. Federal and corporate funds ensure the federal agencies, and not the public, have access to the research, with the usual imposition of religious ideologies in interpreting the data. This is a problem since publicly Roman Catholicism, and other religious cults, deny and persecute researchers and research on the subject of reincarnation, while using it for their own purposes (Hillstrom & Strachan, 2000). Federal subsidies allow the research to continue for post-mortem FBI and CIA psychophore evolution studies of you, without you knowing it (Stevenson, 1997), and thus without your informed consent, while the religious cults monetarily prosper. Simultaneously those under the religious cults criminalize empiricists, such as myself, scientifically approaching the subject as an issue in Communication Studies and photojournalism in inter-action studies; purposefully mislabeling me and others "stalkers", autistic, pests, bugs etc. (Hillstrom & Strachan, 2000). All this so a few "priests" and their federal agents aim to hold the monopoly on our lives globally without our knowing it, and if we resist they steal our data, trying to devaluate our worth to society while preparing to get us killed, as made evident in the previous chapter (Heim, 2016 & Wolffram, 2009). Why? Just because their academic whiteness, their passing for white, consecrated by the ivory towers of Babel often without proving their citizenship loyalty through tested military service, they instead become loyal to a foreign religious cult and state, much like the Pope and the Vatican, teaches us that their institutional "whiteness" is associated with being "priestly" (Heim, 2016 & Martin, Krizek, Nakayama, & Bradford 1999). This rhetoric of colonial Anglo-American and Vatican "whiteness" is what the Anglo-Saxon and the Vatican religious cults advance; a form of hatred against empirical scientists, typical of the feminicidal bidding committed during the Clinton-Bush-Obama eras for the support of the British, against Eastern European, Russian and Asian scientific findings in reincarnation studies. The British allied with the Clinton-Bush-Obama administrations advanced their big-brother paternalistic fetishes through western Christian fundamentalism and man-dates as health coverage like Rudy Guede offering to protect Meredith Kercher in the previous chapter (Heim, 2016 & Stein, 2002), and is what we in research question and often de-bunk as an obstacle to objectively accurate interpretation of data, particularly in forensic studies where a crime has been committed, covered-up with religious whiteness fervor, as in the previous chapter, and becomes a pathological personality defect generationally as it is recommitted (Heim, 2016, Martin, Krizek, Nakayama, & Bradford, 1999, Sennewald, 2003, Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). Bottom line, in 1776 the United States declared its deadly revolution against western Europe and the USA was established, and Eastern Europe, Russia and Asia had their twentieth century deadly revolutions to be free of paternalistic western European colonialism and its religious cult ideologies that taint the independent scientific mind in collecting the facts, discerning the loyalties, prioritizing the values, and determining the issues that frame what is important, what is moral, and what is wrong generationally (Limburg, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). The Clinton-Bush-Obama eras compromised the U.S.’s founding value, the freedom and intellectual property protection of an independent, objective and scientific thought, or an image, as a signifier (Heim, 2016 & Limburg, 1994). Photography In developing the medical description of the psychophore, Stevenson proved its material existence through photography, by meticulously analyzing over three-thousand medically documented cases of reincarnation for concrete physical and behavioral correlations in photographs and audio-video footage of the deceased SILVIA STEIN 106


(Stevenson, 1997). I apply to the field of Communication Studies Stevenson’s method of frame analysis in photography, emphasizing its usefulness for documenting and bridging perceived cultural and gender differences, as well as its usefulness in murder cases, motivational studies, medical cases of reincarnation, photo-journalism, film, and quantum psychology. Qualitative tools such as photo cameras, audio-video cameras, telescopes, and super-colliders provide for visual evidence and an interdisciplinary approach towards the study of biological and non-biological micro and macro levels of behavior that have yet to be quantifiably explained in Communication Studies. The tools measuring quantum phenomena, even if in the early stages of development, have not been fully used to explain human quantum phenomena such as the psychophore and reincarnation. An objective mind with the confidence of its orientation is required to immerse oneself directly into the context of Cases of Reincarnation Type (CORT) interactions and to maintain control, to then re-evaluate the situation with notes, witnesses, and audio-visual recordings much like a good photo-journalist with historical material (Limburg, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). I identify, photograph and test for alternate identities always hoping to disprove their existence (Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). This requires a willingness to confront even threatening hidden pasts in a non-judgmental manner so that the person before you does not become defensive (Deng, 1990, Spalding, 1996 & Wolffram, 2009). Often the current personality will do everything possible to deny their pre-conscious past. Thus bringing this to their consciousness is dangerous unless you photograph them so as not to inform them of who specifically you are trying to verify the identity of, until afterwards you fully inform them with indisputable evidence, in such a manner as to obtain informed consent. Photography helps the researcher objectively evaluate the situation they have just immersed themselves in. If you pre-inform them, those prone to suggestions or hyper-defensiveness about their repressed sub-conscious motives might have a nervous breakdown, as if possessed, losing their orientation and sense of control like cattle to the slaughter house (Sennewald, 2003, Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). I tend to avoid any persons that remind me of my own past lives as 'inferior' to me, in Lamarckian behavior evolutionary terms (Cook & Bestman, 2000). This is my naturally evolved prejudice and reflects my conviction of obtaining a higher evolutionary state than my predecessors. Lamarckian molecular biology stresses the genetic patterning of behavior change (RNA) and inheritance (DNA) and I propose a similar Lamarckian behavioral change patterning and inheritance occurs through our magnetic patterning field which Stevenson named the psychophore (Stevenson, 1997). Logically, the holographic imprint, upon RNA molecules, then imprints upon proteins, and has a parallel pattern of imprinting upon our magnetic field, psychophore, thus guaranteeing behavioral inheritance both genetically and through resurfacing of the psychophore, in another context often unrelated to the previous lifetime. This Lamarckian approach on the dual evolution of species, both genetic and of the psychophore, has more explanatory and predictive potential, than the Darwinian emphasis on human phenomena as merely a material evolution lacking a direction or orientation. Maintaining orientation, and eliminating distractions, is the key of the will to power (Nietzsche, 2006), as stated in the previous chapter on Meredith Kercher’s mistake, losing her orientation, giving her assailants more reasons to stigmatize her, triggering their mob aggression in the survival of the fittest (Tafjel, 1982). Lamarck's work proposes that the latent potential for change is triggered by the cultural situation. To survive it is important to preserve and maintain unique, exclusive, cultures and their living history, thus predicting the potential to survive while others perish, disqualifying themselves through their mob activities, as a result of a kind of foresight that is not directly observable, as Penrose proposes in his theory of quantum decoherence preceding consciousness (Kurzweil, 2000 & Steele, et al, 1998). Through SILVIA STEIN 107


photo-journalistic documentation of inter-actions it is possible to document and predict the process we otherwise subjectively experience (Stevenson, 1997). Whereas some American and European schools of thought want to hybridize and force change in human relations, as we see in the communist and Nazi totalitarian (Arendt, 1998) mob activation of prejudice (Allport, 1958, Goldhagen, 1996, Lifton, 2000, & Tafjel, 1982) evolutionary result of Tom, this can have counter-cultural and dangerous results, generationally, in the priming, eliciting, and production of prejudice (Lang, 2009) against our previous cultural inheritances and identities, be they as women (Stein, 2002), Jewish (Stein, 2002), or Russian (Cook & Bestman, 2000) in the context of the personality and intellectual property protection of thought inheritance of Tom, in this case study (Limburg, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). In this context Darwin's evolutionary theory is not adequate in comparison to Lamarck in explaining both genetic and psychophore behavioral evolution generationally and across biologically unrelated family groups (Kurzweil, 2000 & Steele, et al, 1998). Soviet era researchers stressed the evolutionary generational behavioral approach of Lamarck at Tavrida National University where I contracted a psychophysiology laboratory for research purposes, as opposed to the US and western European Darwinian, strictly material human evolution model sabotaged by western religious cults and their associated ideologies, that does not account for the survivability of mind (Cook & Bestman, 2000, Steele, et al, 1998, & Stevenson, 1997). Darwinian approaches limit consciousness as a merely physiological biproduct of a brain (Kurzweil, 2000). Applying the Lamarckian model to both biological and psychophore behavioral evolution, we have a scientific and predictive explanation of behavioral evolution (Bergson, 1935, Kurzweil, 2000, & Stevenson, 1997) which is visible by how we cultivate our sight perception (Costandi, 2014 & Frog, 2015), documented through photography (Stevenson, 1997). The former soviet Committee for State Security, KGB, psychophysiology laboratory psychophysiology team at Tavrida National University (TNU), Simferopol, Ukraine (2004 - 2010) welcomed my research. I had prepared myself since high-school in studying comparative politics in Florence, Italy, and in university majoring in political systems of communist nations, then pursuing through media and Communication Studies the nuances in ideological programming and deprogramming entire national systems (Burke, 1969, Marx, 1850 & Stein, 2002). The TNU psychophysiology laboratory was focused on the generational evolution of nation states and the matrix of the human personality spectrum, which western European and US scientists avoided, except for Ian Stevenson, MD (1997) as a cultural and human subject psychiatrist developing visual documentation and interaction strategies. Thus I utilized my academic training, the TNU faculty’s expertise, and Ian Stevenson’s (1997) methodology and descriptive formula to achieve what in the west we are persecuted for (Kurzweil, 2000, Stein, 2002, Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). I funded and formally tested the validity of the Stevenson’s (1997) photographic frame and movement analysis approach (Andsager, 2001 & 2000) in a TNU soundproof isolation laboratory booth built by the former KGB in Crimea during the end of the soviet era to observe and document three of over twenty suspected cases of reincarnation I had been able to identify, yet not convincingly test for the null hypothesis (Dubin, 1978, Glock & Stark, 1963, & Stevenson, 1997). Recent repatriation to Russia of these formerly Moscow authorized and funded KGB structures might be at the root of Russia's recent interest to realign the Crimea, properties and its scientists, under Moscow's Kremlin as an internal security matter.

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Of the various measures taken, including Kirlian photography developed through soviet studies used to measure human aura and gas emissions, skin conductance, and in-depth interviews, frame analysis was the single most useful methodology to initially identify, and verify, cases of reincarnation type (CORT) (Stevenson, 1997). My findings in this study of Tom support the Ian Stevenson, MD, medical case use of photographic frame analysis as the preferred methodology (Andsager 2000 & 2001, & Stevenson, 1997 & 2003). In this chapter I illustrate the usefulness of frame analysis by discussing, Tom, my most fascinating case study so far. It is fascinating for three reasons: 1. the historical importance of the two deceased women (Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna Romanov who vacationed in Yalta, Crimea, Russia and Margot Frank born in Germany and relocated to Holland); 2. the CORT case is a rare case of double-reincarnation (Olga to Margot, Margot to Tom); 3. my photo-journalistic intervention brought to Tom's consciousness his past lives in Crimea and Germany, helping him to self-diagnose his orientation and confront his fears and improve his confidence without any need for mental health or religious cults, fully addressing any issue of fully informed consent and payment for actual photo-journalistic research project expenses (Goffman, 1959 & 1963, Hammerman & Lenard, 2000, & Stein, 2002 & 2003). TNU psychophysiology laboratory scientists and their director, Professor Vladimir Pavlenko, were enthusiastic about triangulating my findings with their findings about Tom (Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1989, & 2000). The team had developed cutting-edge strategies after scholarships and project subsidies from United Nations, European Union, US State Department and NATO. None of our combined investigative findings disputed that Tom was the reincarnation of Margot Frank, a Holocaust victim, and Russia’s Imperial Grand Duchess Olga Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov. We could not prove the null hypothesis and were left with only affirming the reincarnation of the two, Margot and Olga (Dubin, 1978, Glock & Stark, 1963, & Stevenson, 1997). That Tom was not the reincarnation of Margot Frank was my null hypothesis to prove (Dubin, 1978, Glock & Stark, 1963 & Stevenson, 1997). The null hypothesis fell apart when I improvisationally handed Tom, with near perfect vision, a pair of thick lens eye-glasses for myopia which anyone not needing corrective lenses would feel extreme discomfort with (Dubin, 1978 & Stevenson, 1997).

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Above, Tom from Poland, working in Germany, visiting Crimea for participation in the photo-journalistic interview, in center geographically disoriented (Jung, 1990) without glasses, at left, Tom merging with form modelling my glasses and Margot, at far right, emerging through photographically measured facial response affirming that Concentrated Attention + Duration of Imagery + Hypothetical (synthetic) Physiological Factor = Changes in the Skin (Stevenson, 1997, p. 85). More specifically, as a predictive theory statement, a Measureable Image (MI) of another personality, a ghost, an extended mental image (in the state of heightened self-awareness), is photographable, if the person is exposed to a physically visible and tangible material object. Thus my predictive theory statement is upheld, with the null hypothesis not upheld (Dubin, 1978). The predictive value of my statement in a formula: MI if DV + IV upheld (Frog, 2015).

Olga's identity (center Romanov family photograph) was verified when I photographed, above left and right, Tom wearing a tight shirt collar or high leather jacket collar of German Nobility for formal or public SILVIA STEIN 110


appearances; again the null hypothesis could not be sustained (Dubin, 1978 & Stevenson, 1997). Olga's mother was of German and British Houses of Nobility and tight shirt collars were, and still are, traditional of the elite for formal or public appearances. The Tavrichisky (in Russian) or Taurida (in Ukrainian) V.I. Vernadsky National University's psychophysiology laboratory director's concern that strict application of the American Psychological Association standards does not allow for subjective qualitative articles on the subject of reincarnation. My reply is that American psychologists do not use empirical measures and they are flawed by their subjectivity to begin with. Authentic untouched photographs, as in ethical photojournalism, biology and psychiatric medical studies, are precise measures and are not subjective measures, and psychologists are not actually trained in photographic measures (Limburg, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). Like mathematics, photographs such as above, are precise measures, and reincarnation is a photographic subject of fifth dimensional space uniting all known dimensions through a psychophore; a central magnetic force which particles photographically are evidenced orbiting, known in philosophy as Aristotle’s prime mover (Wesson, 2006 & Gaarder, 1991). Five and seven dimensional space occur frequently and are legitimate mathematical, observable, and photographable astronomical constructs of which psychologists are not experts in based on their ill preparation (Wesson, 2006 & Zelazo, Moscovitch, & Thompson, 2007. Copenhagen Quantum Approach in Psychiatry Fifth dimension phenomena, where two or more space-time orbits cross, interrupting the other, such as in reincarnation cases, are easily photographed yet, until Ian Stevenson (1997), not easily explained. The Copenhagen quantum approach for cases of reincarnation, particularly as interpreted by Neils Bohr, maintains that what is visible is real, documentable through static or multiple frame photography, measureable, and comparable (Stapp, 2007). The exclusion to this premise (Dubin, 1978) is if one alters a photograph or utilizes special effects in documenting and presenting an image. Accordingly photography is a viable tool for preserving, and with careful editing that does not corruptively alter, compare observable phenomena (Stevenson, 1997). Medical reincarnation cases are identified and tested based on medical records and photographs containing a psychophore (form) frozen in time; a surviving historical artifact with quantum potential once made iconic (stored in collective memory). After understanding what to look for, as presented in the case of Tom, the psychophore is recognizable. Recognizing the psychophore (a quantum bridge to one's past) becomes a key to the past eliminating the need for psychologists, psychiatrists, exorcists and priests (Crollius, 2005), making self-individuation a doit-yourself dummies-style exercise in photography (Hammerman & Lenard, 2000 & Stevenson, 1997 & 2003). Frame analysis is the medical method of choice the past sixty years for effective identification and presentation of reincarnation cases (Stevenson, 1997). Among cases suggestive of reincarnation, Stevenson omitted publishing sightings of victims, and their perpetrators, of early extreme Islamic false paternalism based on extortion, violence, sodomy and rape, which was the occult practice of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia under Lenin, Stalin, and Hitler against the victims, and perhaps the crime of American military against indigenous women during World War II, Korean War, Vietnam war, Cambodian war and the wars in Iraq. I suspect the omission is to systematically conceal the evolution of these populations and to prevent sympathy with the plight of indigenous populations:

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North Korea, Chairman Mao Tse Dong (1893-1976), (now Kim Jong-Un) lead indigenous China against fascist colonial American, Russian, Japanese and British imperial rule, pictured below with a traditional Tao measure to juxtaposition the correlational facial expression symmetry pattern (Babolin, 2000, Stein, 2003 & Stevenson, 1997), is now Kim Jong-Un;

Author edited photographs of Kim Jong Un (Immelman, Chen, Kim & Skudlarek, 2013) & Mao Zedong (Family photograph from 1913). New York City, military firing squad executed indigenous German, August Dickmann (1910-1939), (now Donald J. Trump) a Jehovah Witness anti-Nazi victim who refused to serve in the German military ‘under’ Adolf Hitler, pictured below with the iconic use of the cross, or Tao, to measure the correlational facial expression symmetry pattern (Babolin, 2000), with a handkerchief folded like an upside down triangle who at least, unlike Horst Wessel, had a public execution;

Russia, Sophie Scholl (1921-1943) (now L. Batanina, PhD), an indigenous German who openly distributed an anti-fascist student press newspaper from Munich, Germany and refused to submit to fascist solicitations by the ‘hanging judge’ Roland Freisler (now Massimo ‘Max’ G.) pictured

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below from family photographs at Machu Picchu;

Stevenson labeled thoughts determining physical reincarnation, as "imaged memories" (Stevenson, 1997) which supports the notion of the mind operating in holographic and acoustically imprinted processes (Langer, 1957, 1953a, 1953b, Pribram, 2007, & Searle, 1984). Imaged memories are "images in one person's mind [that] may produce corresponding localized changes in another person's physical body" from one lifetime to another (Stevenson, 1997, p. 28). In Communication Studies we call this "visualization" (Ayers & Hopf, 1987), which at a large scale of collective usage materializes as a collective vision, or "ideograph", through mass consensus, such as of bible narratives or of ideological propaganda, such as the Nazi swastika (Burke,1969 & McGee, 1999). Another Communication Studies term for the ideograph process is a "fantasy theme", or "symbolic convergence", which utilizes both narratives about the Bible or a party ideology, and the ideograph or symbol of the Bible or ideology (McGee, 1999). Simply stated, a dead person's "imaged memory" from two thousand years ago has a real physical imprint on the psychophore's body today if it is the same life that lived two thousand years ago, and if the narrative or ideograph (symbol) are not used in the same way, or are altered, there is a schizophrenic disconnect inherently based on the internal and systemic contradictions since two thousand years ago when world human population was less than half a billion (McGee, 1999, Rizzolatti & Sinigaglia, 2010, p. 267, Stein, 2002 & Stevenson, 1997). Today’s religious cults, western medicine, psychology, and the use of exorcism as well as denying reincarnation, practices that developed in accordance with western religious cult ideologies, are useless and are solely based on the distortions that accompanied the rise in the world’s population from barely half a billion, two thousand years ago, to seven billion persons today (Stein, 2002). The amplification of population has exponentially reproduced the abuse of narratives and ideographs, or symbols, so that there is almost no consistency to historical facts, unless those few who lived two thousand years ago gain a position of authority in interpreting for themselves the facts the west has tried to bury (Stein, 2002, Stevenson, 1997, & Hammerman & Lenard, 2000). "These findings indicate that mirror neurons [from 2000 years ago] may [have] encode[d] the goal of the motor acts of another individual [seen or testified about] in an observer-centered spatial framework, thus providing the observer with crucial information for organizing their own future behavior [in a future lifetime] in cooperation or competition with the observed individuals" (Rizzolatti & Sinigaglia, 2010, p. 267 & Stevenson, 1997) with mirror neurons as part of the Lamarckian behavioral matrix evolution process (Cook & Bestman, 2000, & Steele, et al, 1998).

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Three useful observations from Stevenson on correlational relationship between mind and materialization (Stevenson, 1997 & 2003) are: 1. Stevenson's post-mortem cases identify altered reincarnated gender identity; 2. Stevenson provides a detailed definition of the afore mentioned psychophore; 3. Stevenson provides us with the four means of measuring and evaluating authentic reincarnation cases through a. salient features, b. movements, c. communication/interpersonal patterns (rhetorical and interaction styles), and d. self-analysis/intrapersonal style (self-talk). Poor or hasty applications of Stevenson's methodology and descriptive theory can be misleading and harmful (Stevenson, 1997, p. 85). Facial photographs of a toddler in Europe were used to claim the reincarnation of Anne Frank (Gerschom, 2009). The photographs taken of the toddler when she was older do not hold up to motivational drives, Lamarckian evolved behaviors of the psychophore (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090), and psycho-physiological motion scrutiny that she is the Bergen-Belsen surviving reincarnation of Anne Frank. Photos used of young children, interruptive or outside assistance, and other unreliable data corrupt, negatively influencing the results of professional research (Stevenson, 1997). Thus I stay close to the strict methodology of Stevenson based on his theory and the work of my mentor Professor Emeritus Joe Ayres in Communication Studies and visualization processes (Ayers & Hopf, 1987 & Stevenson, 1997) for developing a predictive element adding empirical laboratory testing power to Stevenson’s descriptive theory (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090), to critically disqualify studies as well as critically test for the null hypothesis to verify cases of fraud (Dubin, 1978, Wolffram, 2009). Methodology: Frame Analysis & Keying Framing is the way we organize, and in this case photograph, document, compare, edit, align, study and make sense of experience (Link, & Phelan, 2001 & Goffman, 1974). Contributing initially to my research approach are the social theory formulations by Erving Goffman on frame analysis, and its applications to the marginalizing, and stigmatizing of persons in group interactions (Tafjel, 1982), and how to avoid stigmatization and marginalization (Goffman, 1959, 1963 & 1974, & Stein, 2003 & 2004). Goffman, suspiciously, was not specifically cited in the literature on reincarnation studies (Stevenson, 1997), yet the reincarnation study interaction approach is similar to Goffman´s formulation of symbolic interaction and frame analysis (Goffman, 1959 & 1974). Interaction is cued and prompted according to the structured institution, its ensuing rituals, and interpretation of positions in relation to the institution (Drzewiecka & Wong, 1999). A reincarnation case subject's assessment of their position may be spoiled if they pay heed to the investigator's reactions. If the subject experiences the investigator's attention they may behave differently, not revealing their true nature (Link, & Phelan, 2001, & Goffman, 1963). Thus SILVIA STEIN 114


audio-video recordings are useful artifacts on interactions that allow the researcher to immerse herself into the context, without influencing the emergent findings, or at least not prejudicing them, yet sometimes eliciting prejudice against her, which she can then prove later through the audio-video recordings and study the motivations against her (Allport, 1958 & Swain, Finkelstein, French, & Oliver, 1998). In 1997 I became tired of asking perpetrators “why are you doing this to me” and decided to document and study prejudice in its various contexts, and identify the subconscious motivation (Allport, 1958 & Tafjel, 1982). Fortunately my Italian mother, who after the war, perhaps as a form of protest against some family members, married a US Army Sergeant with a Jewish-German family name, had taken me to see the extermination and slave labor camps when I was young. She had lived outside of Italy and grew confident to speak about the injustices, and introduced me to the literary work on the Holocaust of the Italian chemist and Auschwitz survivor Primo Levi (Levi, 1972). Thus I realized I would have to immerse myself into contexts where I could be the target of prejudice, yet not let the subjective experience drive me crazy, or the prejudice I suffered would interrupt scientific documentation and analysis of the interactions my relatives suffered. I learned to use audio-video recordings photo-journalistically to establish that I was not responsible for the violence targeting me. The very nature of the person assaulting me, their pathological motivation, was at issue. The work by Ian Stevenson, MD, helped me understand to not take prejudicial behavior seriously; I should instead bear witness to then discover the emergent subconscious interaction patterns Communication Studies’ phenomena (Allport, 1958, Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Levi, 1972 & Stevenson, 1997). Both my Italian great grandfather and my great uncle died as a result of protesting against fascism under Mussolini. My mother last saw her grandfather Andrea Teri at a visit, it was around 1935, soon before he was medically killed. This is why we insist on absolute control for ourselves over all medical decisions, making our own fully medically informed decisions, preferably using cash payment, and often replacing doctors. Andrea Teri, as with the modern concept of socialized medicine, was politically murdered with a lethal injection, and had warned my mother that he was to be eliminated by a nurse, when she last saw him, in an insane asylum, called a “hospital”. Her uncle, Giuseppino Addini, like August Dickmann previously mentioned, refused to serve in the Italian army and was a conscientious objector, and died soon after his release from a slave labor camp at the end of World War II. Because of these heroes in my mother’s family I never believed in any medical claims of mental illness; medically assigned stigma is not credible, much less punishable (Goffman, 1963). I also have never had faith in any doctors (Lifton, 2000). Nobody believed of our family heroes’ hardships until it was too late, and my mother and I always held a kind of contempt for Italian family members who belittled their courage and suffering. Holocaust denial was a typical defense mechanism for the Italian relatives that remained in Italy, and part of having to live with unpunished fascist criminals in their daily lives. The mafia and its ties to Roman Catholicism today is the direct result of not holding responsible the fascist criminals that reinserted themselves into society since World War II. Keying Keying is signaling a diathanatic behavior (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074-2075), and is diachronic. It is a oneway communication act of bridging a point of reference into the future or from the past to the present: 1. a moment in time is used to attempt to remain recognizable;

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2. in frame analysis it is usually a unique movement; 3. in audio frame analysis it is a unique sound; The conscious experience of keying, or connecting the points across time through dreams, Deja-vu experiences, photography, reading, or movies produces a sensation that can be called a quantum event (Stapp, 2007). In science this tunnel through time is called a wormhole (Hawking, 2005). In moviemaking, keying is editing filmed footage so that strategically inserted images and sound bites work as points of transformation: keys cueing and transforming the audience's state of mind, to a new frame or perspective, to alter their focus or perception on an object, pose, or sound. The transition of scenes is then made easier for the audience to follows the frames with particular keys in the film, at times functioning at the semiotic level, moving the audience to a higher level of visual and audio organization, thus becoming emotionally involved towards a film as a transcendent vehicle or tool towards mystical experiences (Bolls & Lang, 2003, Clark, 2007, pp. 60-64, Stapp, 2007, McFarlane, 2000 & Maritain, 1953 & Wen, 2007, p.336). The basis of memory, like the images you see when dreaming, is a holographic imprint (Metzner, 1994, Pribram, 2007 & Searle, 1984). Storylines and narratives organize the order of the pictures in our heads to form our consciousness (Searle, 1984 & Stapp, 2007, p. 905). The University of Virginia faculty (Stevenson, 2003 & 1997) has proven the value of the naked eye as well as old fashioned Hollywood style film-making using storyboards, frames with overlapping slides in a projector and copy machine overlap techniques to study and present for public consciousness. These Hollywood presentational styles raise correlational relationships generating a very profitable meaning between two photographs of persons from separate eras (Loshitzky, 1997 & Stevenson, 1997). This is especially significant and profitable if we make reference to the Hebrew term for exhibiting a catastrophe, a Shoah, in contrast to the Christian or gentile (Stein, 2002) term Holocaust, from the Greek meaning a casting out of holographs (image or holographic based memory packets) to the Nazi god Odin which drove Hitler’s Celtic revival in Europe (Loshitzky, 1997 & Metzner, 1994). Shoah and Holocaust Jews and Jewish mystics referring to the Nazi practices of the Holocaust, utilize the term Shoah. The term as officially translated from Hebrew to English is catastrophe. Hebrew is a polysemic sound morpheme based language culture, stressing the sound of a term, and its parallels, in other oral language cultures such as English and German, in which show, and in German schau, similar in sound to Shoah, is an abbreviated reference to theatre drama. The entire German word is schauspiel. Shoah, show, and schau have acoustically correlational morpheme relationships. A working definition of Holocaust in the context of this essay is a casting out, or dispersal (as in Diaspora), of holographic memories (Baird, 1982, Pribram, 2007, & Searle, 1984). Bridging west and east, unsolicited reports of previous life memories, as further evidence of reincarnation, emerged from self-reports of Europeans to Ian Stevenson; their lives courageous examples of their spirit self-affirming its dignity and overcoming cultural and religious obstacles (Stevenson, 2003, 1997, & Baird, 1982). Utilizing frame analysis and keying we can connect ourselves from one possible time period, or possible mental state (Zelazo et al, 2007, pp. 887-889) to the next (Zelazo et al, pp. 881-997) cued mental state, one community to the next created vision of community (Baird, 1982), one gender to the next cultivated level of gender switching (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli, 1994), with SILVIA STEIN 116


"each community fulfilling different commitments […] based on their needs at a given moment" (Drzewiecka & Wong, 1999, p. 202). A key, quantum event, cues and organizes continuity from the past frame and the viewer's mental state, to the future (Stapp, 2007, Wen, 2007 & Goffman, 1974). A feeling of immortality and timelessness (Bergson, 1935, 1911a, 1911b, & 1910) is produced. The same smile or gesture, like Leonardo da Vinci's Renaissance portrait entitled the Monalisa, is a key (Wen, 2007 & Goffman, 1974) as will be demonstrated in the Tom psychophore case. Psychophore Framing When I frame a subject, I first see it as a deconstructed object (Salusinszky, 1987) to be evaluated by its observable skelomotor behavior (Cacioppo, J.T., Tassinary, L.G., & Fridlund, A.J., 1999), and through a key (Goffman, 1974), or quantum, event: the unique muscular movements of the subject, reactions, and unified state of mind after perceiving, and reflecting upon his or her movements. This approach sets the stage, or frame, to reveal and understand the preconscious nature(s) of the person´s identity (Limburg, 1994), or "territory of self", before me (Turner, 1998, p. 404). Body Memory Henri Bergson wrote extensively upon the subject of body memory, and skelomotor movement, as the early twentieth century was trying to grasp the generational and genetic implication this mass media perceptual shift in photography, and moving pictures, would produce. Moving pictures were a novelty, at times called magic, when photographs captured and preserved for one hundred years the same person, or movement, resurrecting old feelings towards that person in the photograph or film. Here I present this perceptual shift using photographs of the Grand Duchesses Olga, her siblings and parents, and her next incarnations of Margot Frank, and Tom. Bergson wrote in Matter and Memory (Bergson, 1911b, p. 299): "[c]onsider memory, the body retains motor habits capable of acting the past over again; it can resume attitudes in which the past will insert itself; or, again, by the repetition of certain cerebral phenomena which have prolonged former perceptions, it can furnish to remembrance a point of attachment with the actual, a means of recovering its lost influence upon present reality". With Tom's fully informed consent I and the TNU psychophysiology laboratory scientists performed extensive testing (2007-2008) for the argument, called the null hypothesis (Dubin, 1978), that Tom was not the reincarnation of Margot Frank or the Imperial Grand Duchess Olga. With his prior knowledge that the testing may prove he was not a reincarnation, after the laboratory testing sessions were finished, I and the TNU laboratory presented Tom with the photographic evidence that he was indeed the reincarnation of both women, or at least that we could not prove that he was not. I then sent to Tom drafts of my paper on his case prior to presenting our findings at a conference at the University of Kentucky, and a conference in Beijing, China. Both conference presentations had positive results from Communication Studies professors internationally. We kept Tom fully informed because of our moral obligation to empower a Holocaust victim, Margot Frank now reincarnated as Tom, to regain his confidence in his dreams, intuitions, and natural behaviors. Rather than his being a bit pressured by social conditions, we thought it proper to inform him so he could determine his own spiritual direction, and natural progression, towards accomplishing what were his previous lives' goals, motivations, and dreams (Stevenson, 1997 & Limburg, 1994). As Bergson prophesized regarding the permanence of the Duree’, immortality in photography, and cognitively reversing time through reversing moving pictures as a language of the subconscious mind, I staged and applied photography to empower Tom, for him to find himself (Bergson, 1910 & Dor, 2000). SILVIA STEIN 117


Faces as Birthmarks and Body Gestures as Birthmarks in the Case Study of Imperial Grand Duchess of Russia Olga Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov (1895-1918) (Cox, 2017), Margot Frank (19261945) & Tom.

Historical family photographs of Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna Romanova, Margot Frank (Frank, 1967), and myself in 2000 without bleaching my hair, nor wearing blue contact lenses. My salient observable phenotypes appear similar to Margot Frank’s shy and studious stoic disposition I admired like a role model when, with a Jewish family name living in anti-Semitic post-World War II Italy, Germany, and Virginia, USA, I was in my teens, after reading the Diary of Anne Frank (1967) about her chatter-box younger sister. These shared, modeled or imitated (Iacoboni, et al, 2005) facial features seem to elicit the same aimlessly violent behaviors from others, as if for them a surviving visual reminder, a face as a suspended motif (Frog, 2015 & Heim, 2016), or of a saintly role model in moral behavior (Buker, Leiserson, & Rinehart, 1994 & Limburg, 1994).

Tom in self-portrait he made using my laptop in Spring 2007. His disposition was rather effeminate yet upper-class for northern Europe, similar to the womenI worked with in Ukraine who had a PhD and ties to former Russian Nobility. He was a high-school drop-out SILVIA STEIN 118


and almost entirely self-taught, which sparked my curiosity about possibly being able to identify, with his collaboration, his previous life identity. His face was very familiar. I suspected his CORT identity was possible, and he agreed. Mentoring and role-models are an issue for study in human development (Buker, Leiserson, & Rinehart, 1994 & Limburg, 1994). My particular interest is the use of media and how audiences model their behaviors in utilizing media characters as mentors, even if only mimicking (Bandura, 1994 & Iacoboni, et al, 2005) through imagination and visualization (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, & Limburg, 1994). I suppose this is because I used Margot Frank as a role model when reading the Diary of Anne Frank (1967). Mentoring and rolemodelling is not just a concern for the media, as to what is a good role-model, it's a concern for our moral development as nations (Buker, Leiserson, & Rinehart, 1994, Limburg, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997) anticipating the many worlds example I'll discuss later (Kurzweil, 2000, Stevenson, 1997, & Zelazo, et al, 2007). Ian Stevenson, MD tested and documented thousands of CORTs, establishing consistent evolutionary transition patterns (Stevenson, 1997). Salient Lamarckian evolutionary transition behavior patterns (Steele, et al, 1998) indicate a mirror imaging or audio imitation of role-model orientation in human development (Bandura, 1994 & Iacoboni, et al, 2005), and are evident in this three generational CORT study (Stevenson, 1997) indicating realization of previous life survival of the mind through psychophore storage of holographic memory (Kurzweil, 2000, Pribram, 2007, Searle, 1984, & Zelazo, et al, 2003). The role-model imitation pattern that seems to orient the Olga to Margot and Margot to Tom CORT study understandably indicates an orientation towards their human rights violators. Salient Lamarckian evolutionary transition behavior patterns (Steele, et al, 1998) indicate a mirror imaging of role-models orientation: 1. Olga's eyes got darker imitating Yakov Yurovsky's features, her Marxist executioner, just as Margot's eyes became an Arian blue, like that which persecuted Jews, as Tom; 2. Olga's hair got darker imitating Yakov Yurovsky, as Margot became Arian and blonder, as Tom; 3. Olga's skin became darker Mediterranean as Yakov Yurovsky then Margot's became whiter as Tom; 4. Olga's cranium became more oval as Yakov Yurovsky, and Margot's became rectangular as Tom from Poland. As a capo (camp collaborator) in Bergen-Belsen, a woman could survive and be released if Germany lost World War II. The capos were responsible for eliminating the handicapped and other populations consuming the decreasing food supplies available as Germany lost the war effort. From my observations I propose mirror imaging, or audio duplicating successful capos (Iacoboni, et al, 2005), Margot Frank's psychophore Lamarckian survival behavioral evolution is that of a predator of the handicapped (Lifton, 2000 & Steele, et al, 1998). While Tom was in my proximity in Germany and then in Ukraine in public he would be overheard stating that he was assisting me, as if having a left arm amputation made me mentally incompetent (Lifton, 2000). Then, when not in public, such as in the university laboratory setting, he reversed his rhetoric stating how grateful he was to participate in the photojournalistic project I researched, planned, funded and directed (Stein, 2003).

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Personally I just kept the good impression of Tom’s predecessors and ignored, or tolerated, his prejudice against persons with a physical handicap (Lifton, 2000). My project took priority over peculiarities of the human subject in the CORT (Stevenson, 1997). Handicap predators patronizingly pretend to help when in fact they steal by taking away credibility from persons who do not appear able-bodied by imposing medical stigma upon them (Goffman, 1963, Lifton, 2000, Stein, 2004, & Swain, Finkelstein, French & Oliver, 1998), just as the assistants of medical doctors would at Bergen-Belsen and other camps for medical experimentation, sterilization, and genocide (Goldhagen, 1996 & Lifton, 2000). This medical stigmatization of a physical handicap model applied as a subtle or blatant form of antihandicap prejudice (Zick, et al, 2008, p. 241), from the Nazi era (Lifton, 2000), incredibly permeates Israeli media today, even though so much has been done to improve stereotypes of Jews since the Holocaust; yet not of the handicapped who were the first targets of the Holocaust (Lifton, 2000 & Soffer, et al, 2010). You would think that Holocaust survivors in Israel would have enforced human rights. Instead Israeli media typically objectify the physically handicapped as "objects of pity", "dangerous 'others'" (Heim, 2016), "mechanical, machinery metaphors" such as ‘car’, just ‘start it with a key’, are "used to describe the physical body" of the handicapped; "addressing disability primarily via the traditional bio-medical model" (Soffer, et al, 2010, p. 687). A combination of blatant and subtle expression of prejudice, and objectification of the handicapped (Soffer, et al, 2010, Stein, 2002, & Zick, et al, 2008), is practiced by European and Israeli Jews, and we must also place American Jews, as argued in "Spielberg's Holocaust" (Loshitzky, 1997), into this category of practicing anti-handicap prejudice, denigrating particularly towards handicapped Jews, or arm amputees like me with a Jewish family name. I simply see expression of anti-handicap prejudice as a Lamarckian behavioral evolution of survival of the fittest cultivated under communists and Nazis. In Spielberg's film, "Schindler's List", the first Jew shot at, in a crowd, to demoralize the crowd (Tafjel, 1982), is a middle aged man with a poorly functioning leg, handicapped (Spielberg & Zaillian, 1993). The act signals to the other Jewish prisoners not to assist the handicapped, they are first to be murdered (Lifton, 2000). "Schindler's List" (Spielberg, & Zaillian, 1993) received much criticism for its portrayal of violence, and the anti-Semitic emulation of violence the audience would learn (Bandura, 1994 & Gerbner, et al, 1994). Yet the film has provided a subjective view of the Holocaust reported by the actual survivors, who participated in the film's production (Loshitzky, 1998). This film, in part, influenced my wanting to interview Tom, Olga's and Margot's spiritual vessel, or psychophore (Stevenson, 1997), to understand the inter-subjective mechanism of a psychophore survival reporting of the Holocaust. The main protagonist in "Schindler's List" (Loshitzky, 1998), Oskar Schindler, similar to me, was initially cultivated to be Catholic, yet found more willingness to collaborate with Jewish interests than with those cultivating slavery under the fascist male image of Amon Goeth in the film “Schindler’s List” (Crollius, 2005 & Loshitzky, 1998). What appeals to me about Oskar Schindler's character is the theme he, a former political prisoner in Czechoslovakia, shared with the Jewish and handicapped political prisoners under fascism. As northern Europeans, Oskar Schindler and the Jewish prisoners had cultural and business interests in common that could be useful after World War II. Sharing common long-term goals as

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individuals made "the extraordinary rescue of a group of individuals", under Nazism, possible (Loshitzky, 1998, p. 85). Thus in forming my multi-cultural and multi-ethnic perspective as a researcher, "Schindler's List" (Spielberg & Zaillian, 1993) has impacted my moral character development as a United States citizen, a European born and educated person with a Jewish family name, and as a left arm amputee (Loshitzky, 1998) with a poorly functioning leg, like the first person shot dead mentioned above by Nazi's in the crowd of "Schindler's List" (Loshitzky, 1998, Soffer, et al, 2010, Spielberg & Zaillian, 1993, Swain, et al, 1998, & Zahavi & Zahavi, 1997). Cultural and linguistical cognitive processes are again a salient indicator, key, into previous lifetime proclivities (Stevenson, 1997). As quoted at the beginning of this article, English speaking American Jews all to easily privilege their status over us with Semitic or Mediterranean phenotypes born in Europe and Israel (Loshitzky, 1997), particularly handicapped (Soffer, et al, 2010). In filming "Schindler's List" Stephen Spielberg purposefully avoided utilizing American actors and recruited European actors in making the film (Loshitzky, 1997), understanding that collectivistic European multi-cultural environmental inheritances enrich the actors' potentials to not just empathize, and to instead deeply sympathize at an emotional level of quantum consciousness (Zelazo, et al, 2007 & Zuccotti, 1996), providing a performance that is true to the European characters portrayed (Loshitzky, 1997). Multiculturalism, which includes the cognitive structures to understand various interpretations of a word or gesture and being multi-lingual, avoids the intercultural danger of imposing structure through ritual which incites figuratively, or rhetorically, in-group intercultural bargaining thinking traps whence a person, or persons, cannot think outside of the culturally and structurally imposed rituals (Burke, 1969, Danilova, 2004, Glock & Stark, 1963 & Tafjel, 1982). Particularly dangerous now for continental Europe (Goldhagen, 1996, Lifton, 2000, Zick, et al, 2008, & Zuccotti, 1996) is the systemic (Goldhagen, 1996 & Zick, et al, 2008) Christian era patriarchal prejudices and sexual pathologies towards pedophilia and femminicide (Stein, 2002) that led first to the objectification (Soffer, et al, 2010), and then extermination of continental Europe's handicapped, Jewry and European women exemplified by the feminization of targets of violence and extermination (Loshitzky, 1997). By Christian era I include Islam, in its patriarchal forms, which evolved four centuries after the establishment of Christianity (Stein, 2002). "The mourning over the six million Jews who perished in Europe is symbolically transformed into a celebration of the approximately five million Jews living in America today. It's as though American Jews are the imaginary survivors of the Holocaust, the reincarnation of the six million dead European Jews" (Loshitzky, 1997, p. 4). "Spielberg's Holocaust" (Loshitzky, 1997), a Holocaust critique of American media portrayals of the Nazi era in Germany, has made a poignant criticism of American Holocaust scholarship as ethnocentric: it's as if only American Jews see themselves as the reincarnated survivors of the Holocaust, discrediting other possibilities in Lamarckian behavioral evolution at the hands of Christianity's homo faber (Arendt, 1998 and Loshitzky, 1997). Poland is where Margot and her sister Anne Frank were first sent with their parents. I write "sent" since Otto Frank was a German army officer and would have acted in conformity to Gestapo orders even if in disagreement with the active-duty Gestapo officers in Holland. At Auschwitz, Poland the sisters were separated from their parents and sent to Bergen-Belsen, Germany. Otto Frank survived the Auschwitz extermination camp in Poland whereas his wife Edith and daughters, Margot and Anne, were murdered under Germany's military police state fascist regime. SILVIA STEIN 121


Thus the over-arching role-model imitation CORT pattern seems to indicate a mirror imaging or audio imitating adopting Yakov Yurovsky's Jewish features, perhaps even Hebrew language; then adopting the features of Polish Auschwitz guards. My conference papers on Tom's reincarnation case were presented at the 2008 International Association for Intercultural Communication Studies conference at the University of Louisville, Kentucky by Washington State University communication scholar Rita Kepner, Ph.D. of the U.S.A., and the 2009 China Association for Intercultural Communication Studies conference in Beijing, China by a former administrator for Sibuglemet Siberian Coal industries, Larisa Batanina, PhD., M.S., of Russia. The academic communication sciences audiences at both intercultural conferences agreed that my methodology and findings of Tom as the reincarnation of the Imperial Duchess Olga Holstein-GottorpRomanov and Margot Frank are sound and accurate. The only consistent negative criticism has been from religious fundamentalists. This is of no concern to me since religious fundamentalist networks are marginal and not relevant to empirical studies. I first met Tom in the spring of 2007 when he was the front-desk receptionist working in a Heidelberg, Germany hotel, Hotel Am-Neckar, where I occasionally rented a room for myself, and an additional room for my mother who often travelled with me. I had just returned from Canada on a British Airways flight to Frankfurt, Germany. Having grown up in southern Germany and having worked previously with the U.S. military in Heidelberg I decided to stay in conservative Heidelberg, where I felt at home, while waiting for my missing British Airways (BA) luggage and Centurion mountain bicycle to be returned by BA. Like Cambridge, England, as a small city Heidelberg offers superior levels of social integration processes for Polish immigrants such as Tom, good tourist accommodations, great historical medieval and Enlightenment era architecture, ancient Celtic and Roman ruins, liberal thinking, social health insurance for the handicapped, homosexual friendly conservative night clubs, a healthy and strong academic and research environment, rowing and bicycling for healthy recreational activities, and one of Europe's oldest research universities and law schools. The Hotel Am-Neckar in Heidelberg is at least two hundred years old, and situated overlooking the river Neckar, whose extensive bicycle paths are ideal for promenades or training. Unlike Poland, USA and Italy where religious fundamentalism is not up to date with cultural issues, Germans have been at the forefront of homosexual marriages and autonomy of the client in health insurance and integration matters. Tom worked at the front desk of the hotel lobby, and as part of his job verified the official documents presented belonging to the hotel guests at check-in. It is customary to leave your passport with the front desk lobby attendant, and Tom, looking up my identity on the internet, probably saw the poster the U.S. Marshal’s issued that preceded the murder of Meredith Kercher in the previous chapter. Of course I was on a legal Pontifical university student visa while residing in Europe, as exhibited in chapter one. I often sat in the guest's area of the lobby, with the hotel wireless internet, to utilize my laptop. The wireless was not available in the rooms upstairs. Tom often would clumsily try to strike a conversation about where I was from or about my research work, perhaps trying to verify my status to the legal documents I routinely presented when renting a hotel room. SILVIA STEIN 122


Not knowing this man twenty years younger than me, I at first thought he was trying to sell me drugs since he had worked the notoriously infested Mannheim, Germany night clubs and cavorted with mafia at the hotel that catered to enlisted US military in Heidelberg and Mannheim.

Tom displayed an amazing acumen in hitting his aluminum frame targets.

As a left arm amputee and an out lesbian I was very irritated by his constant and interruptive curiosity. He actually approached me repeatedly, trying to initiate discussion. I dislike persons opportunistically (Fields, 2007) approaching me particularly from my left, defenseless, side as a left arm amputee (Swain, et al, 1998). I then realized he was not a threat when he expressed sympathy since his mother in Poland had been persecuted by authorities under the soviet system. In the evenings or at night I was the only person in the lobby using the internet, and he was just seeking my attention, like a younger sibling, since he was working alone during the night shift. The night shift could get quite boring and in the public lobby he could safely speak of his difficulties as a Polish citizen in Germany. Remaining in the hotel lobby I would ask Tom about his difficult childhood growing up Polish in Germany, and learned that he was a survivor of abusive situations during a childhood he would not openly call abusive. He was very fond of his mother who had been an activist against the soviet system; she was imprisoned as an activist, had briefly become a Catholic nun, and had relocated to Germany herself and Tom away from his father in Poland. Tom was also extremely fond of his grandmother who had remained in Poland. Tom’s value orientation was actually similar to the matriarchal family values practiced in Ukraine, SILVIA STEIN 123


which was similar to the university students I had taught in Simferopol, Crimea at Tavrichisky (in Russian) or Taurida (in Ukrainian) V.I. Vernadsky National University. Researchers, instructors and superiors need to maintain their objectivity as they are immersed into a context with subjects, students or subordinates in gathering qualitative data (Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1989 & 2000). As an instructor and as a research director I felt empathy for Tom as I listened, and realized he could relate to me like an older sister (Stein, 1989). I perhaps had some similar characteristics to his Polish mother who had been falsely persecuted by soviet authorities.

In the Billy the Kid style fugitive poster photograph above, made hours after I was awakened late one Friday afternoon, 8 September, 2000, napping after a long workday preparing to attend my weekly Hillel Shabbat service at Washington State University, I resembled Tom's previous image of himself as Margot Frank (Frank, 1967), a criminal Jew wanted by the Nazi's. Margot and her family were held hostages by corrupt institutional authorities (Frank, 1967). This poster of me, which was easily available on the internet, was seen by Tom, as he Googled me on the internet. It seemed to elicit Tom's empathic mechanism to throw off corrupt authorities who might come after me. In 2007 this poster was rampant on the internet, posted by American federal officers hiding their use of reincarnation for the occult, while I was pioneering reincarnation research with my eastern European colleagues for therapeutic interests (Stein, 2003, Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). To silence me, my Pontifical university advisor, Adam Wolanin, SJ, the Dean of Church Mission, and a personal acquaintance of Pope John Paul II, had warned me complaining that a bothersome Polish Washington State University faculty member, Drzewiecka and the FBI, with reference to a Jewish faculty collaborator, probably Volbrecht, and local law enforcement internationally tied to religious institutions and psychiatrists, and particularly psychologist Mark Mays of eastern Washington, collaborated extensively in denying reincarnation (Babolin, 2000, Stevenson, 1997, & Wolffram, 2009), illegal human trafficking (IOM, 2000 & Stein, 2003), and denigrate my work while making inquiries about me to him and the Gregorian Pontifical University. Volbrecht had harassed me in the classroom by denying all written physician recommendations I formally submitted in the autumn of 1996 to Sue Weitz, student affairs vice-president. Repeatedly she SILVIA STEIN 124


came into close proximity of my left arm amputation, leaning in, as if trying to physically pressure me as if countering my eight EEOC cases against the Department of Defense (1993-1996) prior to my registering at Gonzaga University in the autumn of 1996. Obviously Volbrecht was operating with some pressure from the federal system I filed against to maintain the claim that I had no physical handicap. Meantime my legal documents certified I was and am up to 90% physically handicapped if reasonable accommodations are not met in a workplace or academic environment. When my physicians’ demands at Gonzaga University were not enforced, I formally met with Edward Glynn, SJ, the president of Gonzaga University in the spring of 1997 regarding Volbrecht and presented to him, a Jesuit, the physicians’ orders I had presented to his vicepresident of student affairs, protecting my Americans’ with Disabilities Act (ADA) status on Gonzaga University campus. Glynn, SJ, was very supportive of my position, since he knew Frank Costello, SJ, my advisor for Political Science and a former Gonzaga University vice-president, who had disagreed with the behaviors of Volbrecht and her friend Robert Spitzer, SJ, who then replaced Glynn, SJ, as university president. Glynn, SJ, was unable to take any action, perhaps since the Whitehouse under US President Clinton had just hosted Volbrecht in Washington, DC, as she bragged about her trip in the spring semester women’s ethics course I attended. Volbrecht had become incredibly involved with a Clinton project to implant an FBI institute she was pushing to have opened on the private Catholic university campus, perhaps in part based on her assumption that my having lived and worked in Germany (1992-1996) meant I was anti-Semitic (Goldhagen, 1996) since she assumed me, with a Jewish family name, of being insensitive to anti-Semitism as if my handicap status affected my intellectual and emotional health (Lifton, 2000 & Soffer, et al, 2010). The federal FBI institute was established without the usual public hearing and public referendum required for opening a federal institute to fight anti-Semitism, under the abstract title Institute of Hate, in the city of Spokane, WA. Suspiciously Glynn, SJ, was removed from the office of the president. Then, vengefully, further reprisals in violation of my ADA status and my physicians’ orders followed me at Washington State University (WSU), where Volbrecht was an adjunct professor, while I was attending WSU, a registered graduate scholar, a regular Hillel attendee, fundraiser for WSU’s first extensive Jewish library collection, and a professorial assistant to two Emeritus Professors. Obviously Volbrecht’s ‘ambitious’ testimony was pure perjury to obtain federal funds (Lifton, 2000). While I was in Germany and then Holland with my niece, trained in clinical psychological measures, and with Tom, the two of us studying his case and behavior in Amsterdam, Holland, I overheard Tom using a mobile telephone misinforming unauthorized personnel, that I was in Italy, utilizing his position as a hotel administrator. He normally threw-off unauthorized persons, since I first checked into the Hotel Am Neckar the spring of 2007, by not providing them private information about hotel guests; this was part of his job. In the spring of 2007 Tom warned me, in the hotel lobby, of the use of bait-and-switch techniques using one person to then replace that person one has oriented towards as an authority , with another. Tom did not realize this, though I first understood his statement as a Freudian slip revealing behaviors and trickery used in abducting and moving on Holocaust victims during the ranching and corralling approaches used during the Holocaust (Loshitzsky, 1998). I later that summer learned that mafia around Tom was trying to use this same bait and switch OK corralling tactic against me in Italy, as was obviously implemented in unmasking and corralling Meredith Kercher in the previous chapter (Fox, 2017 & Loshitzsky, 1998). I often overheard Tom speaking in this manner on his mobile telephone regarding me if we were in each other’s proximity. He never stated directly to me to whom he was speaking, though he would have me hear that he was throwing-off someone on his mobile telephone unauthorized to know about my privacy as a paying hotel guest and later as a director of a research project Tom voluntarily participated in.

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My rental apartment was in Corchiano, Italy, twenty minutes to Perugia. The location misinformation that would have been routinely provided to unauthorized inquiries and my stolen telephone seem to have been elements involved in the law enforcement staged extradition water-boarding and murder of a European student, Meredith Kercher, suspected of being me with an allegedly false passport discussed in the previous chapter. Tom had informed me, while traveling with me to and from the research laboratory in Simferopol, Crimea, that he had been involved with nightclub and bar related eastern European mafia in obtaining DJ work at nightclubs, besides is front desk appointment at the Hotel Am-Neckar. He also hinted that the bar mafia, which seems to be implicated in the murder of Meredith Kercher, was trying to have him hold me as a kind of hostage, based on the Wanted postre on the internet at the time, even though I was legally in Europe, by invitation of the Archdiocese of Vienna to continue my PhD studies on illrgal human trafficking. This would explain what lead to his misinformation about my whereabouts through his nightclub mafia bar ring implicating Patrick Lumumba as part of "bar justice" targeting suspected lesbians as femminicide ‘chicken-harvesting’ of ovarian eggs and human organs by US (fundamentalists) and British (Anglican) interests in Italy (Cook & Bestman, 2000) which my illegal human trafficking investigation threatened (IOM, 2000). Had Tom been Margot Frank, or Grand Duchess Olga Romanov then those participating in illegal human trafficking would be his enemies who in a sense had murdered him, and now targeted me (Frank, 1967 & Johns, 2008), and his motivation to protect me as I would protect a good Professor (IOM, 2000, Rath & Conchie, 2008 & Stein, 2003). Tom, when he is comfortable with someone, has a sensitive and effeminate demeanor, like a sister, a prima donna. His ability to role-play won my trust that he was a reliable person to speak with about communication sciences, and his partisan interests: music; computer sciences; hacking. He was self-reflective about his actions and behaviors. Had Tom had the opportunity he could have been another Edward Snowden, he had a talent to psyche-out anyone following me from behind.

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Tom aiming just beyond my left shoulder for snoopers, we are in Yalta, Russia using in 2007, contracted through payment, the Tavrichisky (in Russian) or Tavrida (in Ukrainian) National University psychophysiology laboratory to test the photo-journalistic methodology I developed for my PhD project (Stein, 2003). As Tom sat safely behind his hotel reception desk during conversation he would agitatedly move his hands as if conducting a choir when talking with hotel staff or favorite clients. Being tall, he presented himself almost as a big sister, rather than a big brother to everyone, although I was aware of his insecurities. I saw him more like one of my aspiring university undergraduate students with the competencies to succeed as a graduate student and a professional. At the telephone, or when outside the safety of his workspace, he presented himself with a very masculine German aristocratic formality. I witnessed Tom performing several duties almost simultaneously. Tom is a multitasker, operating the hotel switchboard, routinely overseeing and enforcing security, programming and constantly updating the hotel's computer and its wireless internet system, checking in or out clients, verifying their legal documents and financial transactions, conversing with them, providing clients with their room keys and any reasonable special accommodations, and preparing the hot breakfast for the hotel beginning at five in the morning (Sennewald, 2003). Tom obviously enjoyed the social and verbally expressed approval of the hotel staff for performing an excellent job working alone in the hotel, and at center stage, during the nightshift. Tom proved himself knowledgeable about MacIntosh Apple laptops, and seemed to covet my having a fourteen inch screen MacIntosh Apple laptop I purchased in 2005 circa at the Mondadori/Harry's bar bookstore, with a Pontifical student card discount, a few minutes walking from Fontana di Trevi, in Rome. Assuming Tom was indigent, I gave him my two years old old fourteen inch wide screen MacIntosh laptop, which was not practical for Microsoft Windows media film editing which I use to document my research for loading onto Youtube.com. I replaced the oversized useless Mac I gave to Tom with a smaller Mac laptop I had recently purchased in Mannheim, Germany specifically for its compact screen, and word processing, when traveling. A large laptop is too easily damaged and brings too much attention from envious persons. Considering Tom was very good in Information Technology (IT), I thought he could make a better impression using my fourteen inch MacIntosh laptop when applying for special projects or a career in his IT field. Without prior knowledge of his being Margot, I let Tom use my new and smaller personal laptop at his insistence to photograph himself, which he did, as evident in an earlier photograph of a boyish Tom with long hair, in this chapter. I grew up with a World War II survivor of atrocities, my Mother, and always saw her as an Anne Frank type. If Anne Frank had survived she would have looked and had some similar character traits as my Mother, who also met Tom while we rented rooms at the Hotel Am-Neckar. She thought Tom very courteous and polite, as a professional employee of the hotel. The possible reincarnation of Holocaust victims has always intrigued me having grown up in areas in which both perpetrators and victims were cohabiting in Europe. After World War II many perpetrators went unpunished and many victims suffered never seeing justice. As mentioned earlier two of my family members were victims of the purges and torture and ensuing death any uncovered resistance to fascism suffered, routinely. The war ended, yet the memory of war crimes remained and the perpetrators were visual reminders of their unspeakable evil (Lifton, 2000).

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After Tom used my laptop to photograph himself I routinely viewed photos of Anne Frank and other Holocaust victims and perpetrators. I noticed Anne's sister Margot, and Tom, shared the same eyebroweye-smile coordinated reflex movement, a Monalisa smile, dynamically bridging through the two pictures a single psychophore's facial pattern, a quantum event, directly connecting Tom to his past as Margot Frank (Stapp, 2007, p. 888). I am severely nearsighted, myopic in both eyes. My approach is grounded in my natural myopic ability to see Kirlian aspects of human light energy aura instead of clearly seeing persons faces from a distance since infancy. I see energy traces where persons have been, as if their luminescent shadow, like a fingerprint, is still there: “[f]or example, they [apparitions] are sometimes reflected in mirrors, sometimes intercept light or cast a shadow, sometimes walk around objects, such as furniture", yet are not reducible to, nor limited by, the material substance of a piece of "furniture" or individual (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). When I was young I took a great interest in associating items of our deceased family members to their pictures, and their graves, which then became a kind of obsession after my mother took me to visit Dachau, the German extermination camp that had no visible graves, nor artifacts remaining of the deceased. I could not accept that people just disappeared into thin air, with no traces, and what survives is a nation with no memory (Fields, 2005b, Goldhagen, 1996 & Lifton, 2000). I then developed my academic background in political science, government, theology, communication studies, psychophysiology, interaction studies, and further developed my spatial sensitivity and ability to focus on minute details, particularly when working with photographs. I am socially shy, perhaps due to my lifetime of Kirlian eyeing of persons. Photographs, historical and contemporary, allow me the opportunity to not just perceive a person as they think they should be seen, I can discern in safety and privacy what they really are (Stevenson, 1997).

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Front cover photograph of the Gestapo album of executed resistance members during World War II by Griebel, R., Coburger, M. & Scheel, H. (1992). Erfasst? Das Gestapo - Album zur ROTEN KAPELLE: Eine foto documentation. Rendsburg, Germany: Audioscop. I tend to avoid personal contact with people and prefer utilizing detailed facial (Griebel, et al, 1992), holographic (Pribram, 2007) narrative (Goffman, 1959 & McGee, 1999), and behavioral representations to present to others how I naturally see people (Pribram, 2007, Searle, 1984, Van Maanen, 1995, & Wolffram, 2009). The testing laboratory site I contracted and philanthropically funded was the psychophysiology laboratory and isolation booth at Tavrida National University, Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Ukraine. The university, under Russia, is known as Tavrichisky V.I. Vernadsky University. The in-laboratory interview was extensively videotaped by me, though Tom did assist in setting up the video camera tripod since I am a left arm amputee, and afterwards Tom reviewed the video as well as the staff and faculty of the psychophysiology laboratory. In this manner Tom was part of the research team as well as the research subject. The strategy taught Tom at the level of a free rigorous university graduate semester course to learn about photo-journalism and psychophysiology testing to triangulate and verify interview data (Bolls & Lang, 2003, Cacioppo, Tasinary & Fridlund, 1999, & Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1989, & 2000). In photojournalism this is part of the informed consent and self-empowerment process, particularly when developing a biographical report on the evolution of the person voluntarily participating in the interview, properly accounting for the story’s subjective and objective elements in an empirical photo-journalistic case study used for visual measures formula theory building (Dubin, 1978, Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1989 & 2000, Lifton, 2000, Limburg, 1994 & Loshitzsky, 1997). The laboratory booth replicated the condition of the Frank hideout, with absolute silence until I started the impromptu discussion so that Tom would respond without anticipating what I was testing for (Frank, 1967 & Stevenson, 1997). During the soviet system, and afterwards, the psycho-physiology laboratory has performed extensive studies on the physiology of trauma, and pragmatic aspects towards detection and healing based on the millions of victims of the Bolshevik revolution, the soviets, wars, civil crimes, and fundamentalist religious atrocities that have and still target the multicultural demographics of persons in the Crimea, and their networks in Ukraine, Turkey, Russia, Israel, and the Middle East. The United Nations and the European Union worked with the faculty to use the Crimea as a think-tank to research integration issues and produce models that could be applied to other regions, such as Israel, with similar population demographics. Areas of research at the laboratory, I contracted and paid, tested Tom for socio-physiological integration issues in a multicultural setting, human aura and gas discharge (Kirlian photography), e.e.g. studies, mirror neurons in grasping the intentions of others (trust building), and fulfillment of goals (Iacoboni, et al, 2005). My interest was filming my impromptu and unrehearsed interview with Tom for further frame analysis examination of the audio-video recorded material after the interview, as is routine in photo-journalism (Limburg, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). Prior to going to the TNU laboratory then in Ukraine, and now a part of Russia, I took every precaution for a suspected case of reincarnation, without revealing to the laboratory, nor Tom, who I thought Tom might have been. This is routine since Tom or the faculty and assistants might have tainted the results to prove SILVIA STEIN 129


that he was that reincarnation (Stevenson, 1997). More importantly, I first had to first test for the null hypothesis, specifically that Tom was not the reincarnation of that person or persons in previous lifetimes (Dubin, 1978 & Stevenson, 1997). Thus, as standard in good research practices and theory building I did not inform Tom nor the laboratory personnel of whom I was testing for in CORT research until after testing for the null hypothesis, which was disproven after my testing of frame analysis findings through the filmed interviews (Dubin, 1978). This is where my approach is different from the approach of Ian Stevenson, MD. I actually test for the null hypothesis first, before sharing information with the CORT subject about their previous incarnation; whereas Stevenson might have prejudiced the results by not testing for the null hypothesis and instead solicited testimony from strangers about suspected Cases of Reincarnation Type (Dubin, 1978 & Stevenson, 1997). I fully informed Tom of the expenses testing would incur and that if he was a willing volunteer participant I would pay personally all expenses and plus accommodate him with travel money, which I philanthropically did as part of the theory building research (Dubin, 1978). Additionally, after Tom returned to Germany I purchased Tom a mountain bike to see how he reacted in accordance of photographs of Margot Frank with a bicycle and Olga Romanov on a horse. The setting in Simferopol, Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Ukraine (now Russia), had the feel of a transition station for objective physiological assessments and holistic healing. Had Margot survived the Bergen-Belsen extermination camp and ensuing non-ideologically nor religious tainted psycho-physiological assessments, such as available in the formerly soviet Autonomous Republic of Crimea (Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990), a new white bicycle would pragmatically re-orient her/his psychophore in former mobility and recreational exercises used by the previous incarnations (Rothschild, 2000). Tom proudly showed me at the hotel Am-Neckar in Heidelberg, after our visit to Crimea, his hand tooled mountain bike he had fashioned from various parts he'd found, bartered or purchased over the years. He would ride his mountain bike between Heidelberg and Mannheim where he rented a living space. It was a heavy and very practical mountain bike. I had some extra money and knew an investment in Tom's happiness would pay-off eventually. I did not owe Tom anything, I knew his participation in my research project had built up his self-esteem and that it saved him decades of psychotherapy. He was on his way, though a nice looking, lighter, professional mountain bike would make his way a little easier. I remembered how my brother had once showed me with pleasure how in his barn in Tralee, Ireland he'd hung bicycle frames upside down from the rafters. I had an eerie feeling; it was like seeing skeletons hanging from the sky. I suppose bicycle frames or picture frames is how the Jews and others that survived by stacking bodies must have thought of the cadavers. Margot Frank performed similar tasks in her last months in Bergen-Belsen, trying to survive. I invited Tom to go with me to a bicycle store owned and operated by a 1972 Olympic gold medalist in indoor cycling (velodrome), Gunther Haritz, and asked Gunther if he had a good mountain bike for Tom, who was a good mountain biker yet lacked a lightweight frame to perform with. Gunther was very careful about not disrespecting his frames, even the old and used ones. How someone treats their bicycles and frames can reveal much about their value system (Pirsig, 1975). Gunther sold me an excellent, white, dual-suspension mountain bike for Tom. Immediately Tom adjusted his riding style to the bicycle, able to maneuver the lighter bicycle better in his stunt jumping. He had the form of a gold medalist enjoying for himself Gunther’s bicycle. Tom on a white dual-suspension bicycle, like SILVIA STEIN 130


Olga Romanov on a stallion, displayed a natural and elegant equestrian style on the mountain-bike. Already I had taught undergraduates and graduate students in the US and Ukraine, and had eliminated faculty in making selections in writing my NIH project towards my PhD (Stein, 2003) as part of my philanthropic work in Ukraine with victims of Chernobyl related cancer and illegal human trafficking, besides having worked as a in customer service and then as a book-keeper (1992-1996) at US Army Headquarters in Heidelberg, Germany for Europe.

Above is the Pereiaslav-Khmelnytskyi, Ukraine 2003 spring newspaper article reporting on my research and philanthropic organizational volunteer work involving psychophysiological indicators, stigma and health communication in Ukraine. When you invest in a research subject you are acting as an employer or an instructor, and are responsible for their basic safety. Restoring Tom’s self-esteem was at first like trying to restore an old battle worn army tank, I knew there was a strong and resilient character structure within him that, if he was properly instructed, he could use to center himself, then I saw that he was also taking-on the responsibility to work on himself, without my prompting, he had found his inner-drive (Reivich & Shatte, 2002). We were working with faculty and staff in a former KGB secret psychophysiology laboratory, above ground on the second floor by European standard and third floor by U.S. standard, at Tavrichisky V.I. Vernadsky University, not named on available city plan maps, though indicated with a blue triangle for an academic cap over a Ionic column at the lower right on Yaltinskaia Street at “Park otdykha ‘Salgirka’" in the photograph below (Strolya, 2003).

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Strolya, V. (2003). Touring the Crimea: A Promenade Along the Crimea. Kyiv, Ukraine: Baltija Druk.

The faculty and staff also worked with the rehabilitation staff at Partenit, where deep underground laboratories are used, perhaps replicating the basement conditions of the site of the execution of the Romanovs, explaining the focus of the former KGB studies on reincarnation, Kirlian photography, and SILVIA STEIN 132


human aura and discharge at the psychophysiology laboratory (Johns, 2008). The Partenit resort laboratories are under the rock under the sacred site of the seaside Bear Mountain natural park (number 4 at the right in the photograph below) directly across, and at the same elevation, and visible from the white granite structure of the Livadiya Palace of Tsar Nicholas II (number 10 at the left in the photograph below), are used for their natural protective stone insulating healing powers replicated using the former KGB soundproof and magnetic wave isolating laboratory container at TNU, with the routine secret service and military clearance that had been used to empower former soviet and current Ukrainian and Russian leadership such as Ukrainian Parliamentarians, Presidents and Prime Ministers such as Mikhail Gorbachev, Leonid Kuchma, Silvio Berlusconi and Vladimir Putin who vacation by the seaside there, besides performing routine experimental research on university students. The region, with its population geared towards facilitating top secret projects catering to the world’s powerful leaders, is a highly motivated workforce dedicated to advancing the health of their leadership, since the healthy image of the leader is the nation’s image (Babolin, 2000, Burke, 1969, McGee, 1999 & Stevenson, 1997).

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Strolya, V. (2003). Touring the Crimea: A Promenade Along the Crimea. Kyiv, Ukraine: Baltija Druk. Tom had exceeded our expectations. Tom was no longer a project, a research subject; instead this highschool drop-out had become as real as one of my university students wanting to really have a place in the world. After the photo-journalistic interview project in the sound-proof and magnetic wave isolation booth we met with former Gorbachev KGB rescue team psycholinguist Professor Elena Danilova, informally, at a Ukrainian restaurant, who presented Tom with a framed painting of a Russian Orthodox Church, as a sign of friendship.

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“A Functionalist Investigates Claims to Authority Using the Perspective of the Stigmatized, Silvia MF Stein, Institutional Collaborations and Development Office, Crimea State Engineering and Pedagogy University, CSEPU (Ukraine)” Programme of V. International Conference (page 16 of conference book pamphlet issued in Partenit, Crimea) Cognitive Styles of Communication: Theories & applications. Bogdanovich, G., Dikareva, S., & Skrebtsova, T. (Eds.). Simferopol, (Russia): V. I. Vernadsky University Press.

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I had been invited by Professor Danilova in 2004 to present my research paper on the effects of medical stigma (Stein, 2004) at the conference center in Partenit. Like an instructor with a graduate student at the end of the semester, I felt a kind of satisfaction in seeing Tom’s dormant potentials emerge, just by changing his self-perception and material conditions; the boyish youth had evolved into a confident and sophisticated young man by the end of the project. Having addressed the issues of informed consent and willingness to participate, with all expenses and other issues paid for philanthropically by me, let us discuss the actual study in which Tom participated. The multicultural social sensitivity and professionalism of the faculty, staff, and student population reflected the broader linguistical, ethnic and physical diversity in its population of Jews, Armenians, Turkish-Tatar, Ukrainians, Russians, and the physically challenged resembling a post totalitarian socio-economic physical scenario similar to post-war Germany upon the release of the victims of Hitler's Nazi'ism. The rundown buildings and out of date soviet cars in Crimea reflected a stage of survival and making due evident in war SILVIA STEIN 138


torn, or natural disaster, scenarios preceding and accompanying stages of socio-economic growth. Minimizing repercussions of eliciting previous life memories, trust-building, and mentoring opportunities were made (Iacoboni et al, 2005), providing Tom, one of many volunteer participants in Simferopol, Crimea I brought to the laboratory, absolute safety. The financial price to research Tom’s case was substantially higher, since I had to pay for his round-trip airfare and accommodations from Heidelberg, Germany to Simferopol, Crimea. The dedicated support structure and the laboratory, under my philanthropically contracted supervision, provided a secure atmosphere for everyone. At the time the 26-year old subject, Tom, a white Polish male European Union citizen, displayed survival, manipulation, adaptation, and street-wise bartering and money earning skills (Malinowski, 1992). Although he did not have a high-school diploma or its equivalent, Tom was very adept at getting work requiring Information Technology and social skills, albeit nothing yet as an established career. A career is what Tom was seeking, since he informed me that the Polish hotel owner might close the Am-Neckar hotel, where Tom worked. His and the hotel owner's Polish identity in the workplace was part of Tom's cultural security in an otherwise German workplace in Heidelberg, Germany. Persons with an immigrant identity, such as Tom from Poland living and working in Germany, develop a protective cocoon, or subculture, to negotiate maintaining their native identity in another country (Drzewiecka, 1999 & Malinowski, 1992). During the interview process Tom confided many personal details, this was necessary for an in-depth ethnographic interview study of his subculture (Malinowsky, 1992), to then follow-up with photography and audio-video interviews (Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1989, & 2000). The material would then be contrasted with significant life events of Margot Frank, and Grand Duchess Olga Romanova (Stevenson, 1997). A good photo-journalistic interview is achieved by the researcher immersing into the context, at times primitive, of the human subject (Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1989, & 2000, Malinowski, 1992 & Van Maanen, 1995). This is difficult since objectivity must be maintained through maintaining personal high standards to avoid ‘going native’ (Malinowski, 1992), treating the photo-journalist as an instrument with intuitive as well as subjective input into the interview and documentation process (Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1989, & 2000). Later objective quantitative measures are used to verify or reject the findings by the immersed photo-journalist in properly triangulating the research or case study for a report or an article (Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1989, & 2000 & Stevenson, 1997). While still a child, Tom had been relocated by his mother out of collectivistic Poland to individualistic Germany and generally speaking, he made a good first impression. Tom easily learned German and enjoyed self-teaching himself by studying on his own. His German language acquisition might have been a diathanatic skill (Stevenson, 1997). Like Margot and Anne, who reportedly studied and worked on their diaries at night (Frank, 1967), Tom was adaptive and seemingly self-sufficient. A natural multitasker, Tom studied English, Italian, and informatics while performing duties at his workplace at the Am-Neckar Hotel in Heidelberg, Germany. Tom's schooling in Germany, and his partisan (territorial) warrior ethos, qualified him as a certified professional cook for the hotel (Cook & Bestman, 2000, & Deng, 1990). While being observed by me, Tom at the test-site, Crimea, did display on-site defensiveness and prejudice against a darker olive skin toned Turkish Muslim undergraduate student test subject in the laboratory (reincarnated psychophore of Che Guevera) in Crimea. Tom's hostile reaction towards non-whites and, I suspect, towards the visibly physically handicapped (Iacoboni, et al, 2005 & Allport, 1958), provided for me a clue to later, by accident, matching his identity also to Olga Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov, Imperial Grand Duchess of Russia (1895 - 1918). Olga and the Romanov family, pictured on the last pages of this article, SILVIA STEIN 139


were assassinated by a Russian Jewish communist, Yakov Yurovsky (1878-1938), with dark olive skin tone like my Turkish test subject whom Tom verbally reported to me an aversion towards. Additionally, there was social pressure on both Margot Frank and Olga Romanov not to be seen, or at least photographed, with stigmatized groups such as persons with a physical handicap. Avoiding marginal groups was part of avoiding social stigma as a Jew in Nazi Europe or as a Grand Duchess in Imperial Russia (Goffman, 1959 & 1963, & Tafjel, 1982). I do not ponder over the symptoms of prejudice or aversion as a social or mental maladaption by Tom; from a Lamarckian evolutionary perspective Tom has generationally developed certain reasonable likes and dislikes that aid him in his survival, and are unique fingerprints identifying the links to his past lives (Stevenson, 1997). First I report to you my findings about Margot, then Olga. Margot Frank, born into a German Jewish family in Frankfurt-am-Main, Germany, February 16, 1926, died from typhus the spring of 1945, after surviving a prolonged internment in Bergen-Belsen's camp. Bergen-Belsen is actually a town, with the camp within a few miles distance. The former World War II Nazi Germany prisoner of war camp is in northwestern Germany. Since WW2 the town of Bergen-Belsen has turned the camp into a memorial with a museum. Margot Frank, being the first born, seems to have held a position of responsibility in her father’s artificial sweetener production and sales business, as well as supervising her younger sister’s studies. Yet Margot Frank is posthumously only really remembered as the sister of the posthumously famed Anne Frank, whose diary was published by the still living father, after his two daughters and wife were murdered under the Nazi camp system (Frank, 1967). Thus the work from the diary profited the father, at the expense of his loosing the three women, two daughters and wife, his family. I cannot attest to what elements of the diary were omitted prior to publication, although Otto Frank did admit to omitting some portions of Anne Frank’s diary, which she kept as an almost daily journal (Frank, 1967). Margot most probably assisted Anne in her home schooling and possibly with the diary, yet history has mostly neglected this pedagogical role Margot had as the older sister. Anne Frank is remembered as Author of the "Diary of Anne Frank" (Frank, 1967). Margot’s and Anne’s German-Jewish father, Otto Frank, served Germany as an officer under the World War I German monarchy. After WWI Otto Frank opened an artificial sugar production and distribution company in Frankfurt, Germany. Being German Jews, Otto Frank relocated his family and business to Amsterdam, Holland; avoiding Nazi anti-Semitic purges (Frank, 1967). In 1944 the family's Amsterdam hideout was revealed to the Nazi's. The Franks were deported to extermination camps. All of the Frank family, except Otto Frank, died as a direct result of the systemic Nazi policies against Jews, persons with Semitic phenotypes, homosexuals, political dissidents, and the handicapped (Goldhagen, 1996 & Frank, 1967). My portion of the TNU laboratory study of Tom investigated basic human motivation without diversions, obstructions, and stimuli utilizing their soundproof laboratory booth which was well suited for my specialty in Communication Studies. My key research question for myself was if this person before me was not or was the reincarnation of Margot Frank, preferring to disprove that it was a case of reincarnation type since defending the opposite finding would incur criticism from persons not properly trained in psychophysiology and reincarnation studies (Stevenson, 1997). Thus to avoid criticism from persons not qualified in the field it was easier to formally treat the case study as a photo-journalistic study, since photographs are accepted as forensic evidence in court cases and legal matters (Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). Tom had a rather thin physique, yet unusually tall and athletic, and insisted on associating with persons who were also thin, and of medium or tall height. He seemed to associate physical fitness with whom to SILVIA STEIN 140


trust in personal and professional relationships. If Tom was indeed the reincarnation of Margot thin or undernourished women would attract his compassionate attention. I suspected that Margot would have experienced great trauma at seeing her teenage sister Anne's and their mother Edith Frank-Holländer's gaunt skeletal frames after their two years of hiding from the Nazi purges in Amsterdam, Holland (Frank, 1967). Accordingly, Tom would have developed a prejudice against average women, such as I appeared in 2007, especially if physically handicapped, as part of his Lamarckian behavioral evolution (Lang, 2009 & Steele, et al, 1998). Without prior rehearsal, as in method acting, I asked many impromptu questions including his visualization of the ideal mate and his concept of himself after his extensive stay in Simferopol, Ukraine, away from western media and with exposure to the ecological lifestyle of Ukrainians and Russians living along the Black Sea. In this region the climate is mild and people, although usually living below poverty income levels of two dollars a day, cherish their opportunities to hike in the canyons or walk along the shores of the Black Sea. When asked about an ideal mate Tom repeatedly stressed that he "absolutely" loved skinny women. He returned to this statement several times while I tried to move on to other questions. He later further clarified, back in Germany, that he could not be seen with any other type of woman, except a slender or skinny effeminate woman. Although I had no personal interest in Tom it seemed poignant that he had stated that he "could not be seen with" me. This, I distinctly detected, as a subtle form of prejudice targeting me, as an arm amputee, with "the denial of positive emotions" (Zick, et al, 2008, p. 241). Why did he bring up the subject in reference to me if he was not denying some subjective state of his (Lang, 2009); which was of no concern to me except as a researcher specialized in the communication of prejudice (Allport, 1958 & Hecht, 1998). It was as if Tom being seen with a voluptuous, average or fat woman would mean social disgrace, a betrayal, for him. The stigma of being skinny was transformed, in his mind, as a form of self-empowering superiority (Stein, 2004).

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Life magazine photograph of a young child, with a Guantanamo style superiority complex, as described below, walking in Bergen-Belsen's camp through the frames soon after the British seized the compound in 1945. Suddenly I understood that Tom feared being seen without a skinny effeminate, yet flat chested, almost boyish, woman. Tom's eye pattern reflected a lack of high self-esteem, viewing both boys and women from the level of the posterior and not firmly with his gaze lifted (Costandi, 2014 & Taflinger, 1996), signaling a protective affiliation to his subculture (Drzewiecka, 1999 & Malinowski, 1992). I deduce that Margot Frank's, and perhaps Grand Duchess Olga Romanova's, last mental bodily image of themselves, starved, tortured, and gaunt, has affected a corresponding materialization of a slender frame for Tom's physique (Stevenson, 1997, pp. 33-175). Correspondingly the change in human concept of beauty from healthy voluptuous to anorexic in fashion modelling is itself a result of mental images of past lives materializing as a Lamarckian behavioral shift in objectifying physical beauty as thinness rather than focusing on emotional maturity and intellectual beauty (Cook & Bestman, 2000, Goleman, 1997, Reivich & Shatte, 2002, & Steele, et al, 1998). It's as if a voluptuous woman is a patriarchal threat particularly to reincarnated Holocaust victims prioritizing visual appearances, as primitive cultures do, and not emotional intelligence and intellectual beauty (Goleman, 1997, Malinowski, 1992, Maritain, 1953, & 1958, & Wing, 2000). Discussion of Results Liberating psychophore potential re-empowers test subjects and is part of healing (Rothschild, 2000). Tom is very sporty relaxing at the Crimean testing site for M-16 air-gun target practice. We were in front of Yalta's McDonald's, just north of Turkey. Yalta, on the Black Sea, was a preferred holiday home for SILVIA STEIN 142


Grand Duchess Olga Romanov. I, with my glasses, Italian darker features, Mediterranean olive colored skin, and Jewish sounding last name, Stein, am similar in Semitic appearance to Margot. While I took photographs with my photo-camera of Tom with an M-16, as evidenced in previous photographs, he turned playfully clockwise towards me with the rifle …

… and then aimed just past my left shoulder, perhaps just to hold me in-check so I saw what he, as Margot, saw at the end of a gun barrel, as he then aimed at a target beyond my left shoulder. Tom, now being a white male Pole in Germany (Rosenthal, 2006), is prone to verbally express anti-Semitic statements (Zahavi & Zahavi, 1997, Goldhagen, 1996, Glock & Stark, 1963, Ackerman & Jahoda, 1950) reminding him of his past Semitic self-image of Margot Frank. Thus I took his gesture as holding me in check and then aiming not at me but at what was approaching from behind me, reflecting that he, formerly Margot the prisoner of the Germans, now held the position of guard/protector, and not as a target, which I was. It felt like through mirror imaging he wanted me to know a little of what Margot’s experience was like (Iacoboni, et al, 2005). In order to fit into his concept of German society, and as part of his survival mechanism, Tom at times acted as if he were superior to me, a visual reminder of German Jews. At every attempt of Tom to dominate me in conversation or in actions I simply looked at him as if he were a Jewish woman trying to upstage me, which had a positive corrective result in his behavior in public or in private, almost like I could ‘see through him’. This conversational correction was required to maintain clarity regarding who the research authority was and who was the volunteer participant in the research project; reassuring Tom that I would tolerate much in trying to accurately account for his generational evolution, though certain civilized standards of behavior were to be respected in our professional relationship, as with any instructor-student relationship (Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1989, & 2000 & Malinowsli, 1992). Tom seemed to appreciate my low key manners, voicing his criticisms freely when he felt to do so, and knowing in a sense I was learning from him, I reciprocated as best I could in communicating my respect for his evolving emotional and intellectual maturity at the level of a graduate student.

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These switches in performance in the presentation of self (Goffman, 1959) are my way to diffuse signs of prejudice when they inevitably arise (Allport, 1958 & Lang, 2009). Prejudice is like a physiological predisposition to activate one's immune system to fight off a perceived infection (Lang, 2009 & Steele, et al, 1998). Prejudice can also function at the societal level whence persons who emphasize a particular trait they share, or prefer (Lang, 2009), emphasize that the target of stigma does not share the same trait, thus is not appealing (Lang, 2009). Prejudice is natural, mobilizing a community against an invasive species threatening their newly found self-image and survival (Glock & Stark, 1963, Lang, 2009, Steele, et al, 1998, Stein, 2004 & Tafjel, 1982). The nature of prejudice is behavioral, and like Lamarckian behavioral conditioning, prejudice can be cultivated, emerging generationally (Steele, et al, 1998) through reincarnation as a process (Stevenson, 1997). Prejudice is not relegated to genetic processes (Stevenson, 1997). To diffuse prejudice it is necessary to re-orient, I propose, persons to an earlier lifetime, their inner-self (Stein, 2003), re-calibrating their recognition of signal options (Lang, 2009), thus expanding their options when their capacities seem limited (Lang, 2009). Although, I suggest, expressions of prejudice are not aggressive signals, they are defensive signals, like a dog growling, to prevent physical injury to itself or towards another. The problem today is academic ignorance (Malinowski, 1992). Many literate persons have never lived for years abroad in collectivistic nations, and thus fail to recognize basic natural behaviors, and instead of learning about non-verbals they, thinking themselves superior, stigmatize these very human instincts in reaction to threats and inhuman insensitivity of the ivory towers (Dabars, 2002, Malinowski, 1992, Stein, 2004, & Pilkington & Vokhmina, 1992). Tom's concept of himself as ‘Aryan’, or superior to Jews, women and persons with a physical handicap, is based on Nazi stereotypes whereas the actual Aryan tribes, called Buryat, reside in the region of Ulan-Ude, Siberia, Russia, and are practitioners of Aryan Buddhism, eating meat unlike most practitioners of Buddhism who are vegetarian. The Aryan Buryat are descendants of the Mongols and have olive colored skin like myself of pre-Christian Etruscan heritage which parallels the ancient Judaic tribes in their marine migratory patterns (Hamblin, 1976 & Massa, 1989). Being handicapped, of average weight, born and educated early in Italy north of Africa with Mediterranean and Semitic features this is the risk I commonly take to uncover, document, survive, and report psychophore case studies. My vision of myself is not how others see me, thus I easily read their prejudiced reactions, according to their culturally limited signal capacity to recognize and select under the limited capacity model (Lang, 2009), how they perceive me. I then persuasively, through imposing cognitive dissonance by overwhelming their linguistical and visual cognitive capacities (O'Keefe, 2009), help them see that I am only a reflection, mirror image or audio improvisation, of who they were in a past life (Iacoboni, et al, 2005 & Spalding, 1996). Tom's participation in the project was completely of his voluntary volition, being that he first approached me, walking towards me as I was vulnerably and comfortably lounging seated, with my newly purchased and attractive silver 17 inch screen Apple laptop I used for film editing while at the Gregorian Pontifical University in Rome, on a sofa in the Hotel Am-Neckar lounge to utilize the hotel’s wireless internet. I as a

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left arm amputee with a left leg disability due to spinal injury and degeneration as evident in my personal

photograph of me seated…

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Life magazine photograph of a skeletal frame section of Bergen-Belsen's camp soon after the British seized the compound in 1945 and a 17 inch screen MacIntosh Apple laptop as would have been evident from my right where the hotel’s lobby desk with Tom was located. Visual rhetoric mental associating process of Tom’s cognitive communication style (Abdulaeva, Danilova & Papelina, 2004, Dor, 2000 & Stein, 2004) photo-mental-holograph image montage editing is done by the Author based on interviews to reflect how Tom might have seen a laptop as ‘his’ with reference to what Margot Frank would have seen at Bergen-Belsen’s camp (https://www.slashgear.com/applemacbook-pro-17-inch-review-0840533/). … did not in any way approach Tom, who initially quite curious about the shiny silver 17 inch screen Apple on my lap, I found immature like a scavenger, though ambitious to advance in Information Technology. Results of my audio-video taped interview in a laboratory isolation booth were with his fully informed consent following the form I had been taught to use and file away from Washington State University for my PhD authored NIH project to rehabilitate victims of illegal human trafficking (Stein, 2003). Maintaining a valid emergent interview result there was no rehearsal, nor information provided to him about Olga Romanov nor Margot Frank, although I fully informed him that I was testing for reincarnation; informing Tom of which reincarnation case I was testing for, with the laboratory, would have influenced Tom’s behavior, producing a flawed case study (Dubin, 1978, Guba & Lincoln, 1985, 1989, & 2000, & Stevenson, 1997). More importantly, I had to test for Tom not being a case of the reincarnation type, thus it was essential I not inform Tom of any personal details of Margot nor Olga so that I did not influence the testing results, and so that the null hypothesis could be maintained (Dubin, 1978). I had to first accept that all the money I philanthropically invested, and my time in directing the case study, was to disprove reincarnation, which in itself as the null hypothesis was a valid scientific finding for me to then publish (Dubin, 1978). Thus for me it was a win-win situation whether I disproved or proved reincarnation in Tom’s case; scientific accuracy was my goal, not proving or disproving reincarnation (Dubin, 1978). My laboratory assistants in Crimea, under their director Professor Vladimir Pavlenko, tested-out Tom’s magnetic aura utilizing strategies in Kirlian photography and contemporary EEG instruments reporting his general physiological and brain health, activity, and status. The results and diagnosis were printed out on a certified psychophysiology laboratory document and provided directly to Tom. The tests indicated no mental nor intellectual defects. Similar to Margot, the test subject had a high aptitude for self-teaching himself, finding that formal schooling, after he moved to Germany from Poland, did not address his actual intellectual abilities. A similar event occurred in Margot Frank’s life when she moved from Frankfurt, Germany to Amsterdam, Holland and was not fluent in Dutch (Frank, 1967). Tom would have had severe difficulties when he first entered high-school in Germany not being fluent in German. Having worked in the hotel Tom had self-improved his German and English to almost perfect fluency, and self-taught himself Information Technology to the level of organizing the hotel’s web-based accounting and security programs in German and English (Sennewald, 2003). Tom was very curious about how to operate the EEG machine in the psychophysiology laboratory, and quickly learned the basic applications for the EEG measures. Thus, as Tom participated in the testing, like many university students, he also learned how to operate the machines, interpreting, and applying the results. The test subject was informed of his previous life identity only after the audiovisual recorded impromptu video was taped in the TNU laboratory booth and reviewed by me, Professor of psycholinguistics and business English Elena Danilova, Director and Professor Vladimir Pavlenko, and his two doctoral in psychology female laboratory assistants. Before we left Simferopol I informed Tom of the certainty of Margot Frank, although the verification of Grand Duchess Olga Romanov was later. Once Tom was in SILVIA STEIN 146


Germany, reviewing my drafts I e-mailed him on his case study, I wrote in the confirmation of Grand Duchess Olga Romanov, which was accepted for presentation at two international conferences, the first at the University of Kentucky, presented for me in 2008 by Rita Kepner, PhD, and then in Beijing, China, presented in 2009 by Larisa Batanina, PhD. After the first test in Crimea, Ukraine, the subject did not return immediately to his part-time job in Germany. He requested an additional expense, to visit, at my expense, his paternal grandmother in Poland, now a part of the European Union, whom he had not seen in ten years. His grandmother, during World War II, had been abducted by Germans from her home in Poland and sent to Germany for forced labor. She survived and represented to the test subject a comfort after his participation in the project and his possible re-orientation and memory retrieval of his previous life (Frank, 1967 & Stevenson, 1997). My grandparents and my mother also survived World War II atrocities, two of our family members were eliminated for refusing to collaborate with the fascists, and my grandfather refused to join the fascist party, thus he did not have the protection of carrying an Italian fascist party identification card. Having some similar issues I understood Tom’s request and paid for his trip to Poland, as part of the project expense, and then home to Germany as part of re-orienting him to his life as "Tom". Tom’s visit to see his paternal grandmother was successful. Tom returned to his part-time work in Germany with the verbally stated resolve to abandon Germany and restart his life in Italy or the United States of America. Tom’s reaction was normal considering his reported difficulties as a teen-ager in a German high-school where he had, at the time, German language difficulties although at the psychophysiology laboratory in Simferopol, Crimea Tom tested as intelligent and healthy after the mental health exams, including EEG testing to stimuli exposure. Upon Tom’s last reports through e-mails from Tom and telephone calls from my house with a landline (to save Tom any expenses), in 2010, Tom remained in Germany, pursuing German citizenship. I can only interpret this to mean that he felt himself German, as Margot Frank was a German citizen (Frank, 1967). There are criminal laws to address protection regarding CORTs such as Tom’s. In Canada and in California the laws protect the historical memory of deceased performers, and are used to gain royalties and interests if the iconic royal, model, performer, author or editor is defamed posthumously (Stein, 2002). In Washington state, there is a criminal code to punish defamation of deceased historical American figures. This law is to effectively protect the memory of the deceased. In 1916 in State vs. Haffer, 94 Wn. 136, 162 P. 45 the court found a Washington state publisher guilty of the criminal charge of defaming the historical memory of George Washington (Stein, 2002). None of George Washington’s descendants were plaintiffs, merely the public’s knowledge of George Washington’s place in history sufficed: “[l]ibeling memory of deceased applies to injury to deceased's relatives, memory of deceased existing in living persons [reincarnation], and memory resting in history. State v. Haffer, 94Wn. 136, 162 P. 45 (1916)” (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002). This would of course be consistent with affirming the unification of Tom’s mind as including memories of the deceased, a historical figure (Frank, 1967), which is protected in the living memory of the person holding this memory and in history, and an issue for intellectual and copyright rights and royalties based on the historical worth of the image and works of Margot Frank, and Olga Romanov, whose works and images published in part posthumously as of 2007, when I tested for the CORT (Stevenson, 1997), would free Tom of any economic hardships in fulfilling his goals (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002). Further interviews and review of my notes from Crimea in 2007 indicated the subject found the identification with Margot a reasonable explanation for his feelings. In Simferopol, Crimea three key events around three

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ideographic extended mental image relics of Margot Frank occurred: sugarless gum; passport; eye glasses. I describe the function of the ideograph in the earlier chapter on visual rhetoric. First was Tom picking up absent-mindedly a package of sugarless gum in a Simferopol super market. Tom was mistaken by the grocery store security guard in Simferopol, Crimea, for a kleptomaniac, or a thief, because he walked past the cash registers towards me without paying for the sugarless gum, which neither I nor he, usually chew. Margot Frank's father had in both Frankfurt, Germany and in Amsterdam, Holland researched and began the entrepreneurial production of sugar substitutes as part of his helping the war effort, and rations Germans endured after World War I. Thus Tom's taking an item, that had no use for him in this lifetime, yet that he keyed into. The supermarket's security saw Tom leave without paying and stopped Tom, sequestering his passport so they could hold onto his document while he desperately called out to me to help him. I helped Tom away from the security guard, who was about to take Tom behind a door into a private office, assuring the store security and manager that I was responsible for him and would assume any responsibilities, since Tom was not accustomed to the heightened security levels in Simferopol, Crimea. Afterwards Tom stoically stated that "taking the passport is just their way to control me", as if he had this happen before; which was of course the case for Margot Frank. The third event of ideographic orientation was when I gestured with my eyeglasses towards Tom while filming an interview with Tom in the university's KGB constructed isolation booth, and Tom improvisationaly took on my prescription eye glasses, feeling himself completely at ease, even though he could not see while wearing my -13 and -14 glasses correcting my severe near-sightedness (myopia). Another key revelation was at a follow up interview circa six months later. I took the subject to Anne Frank Haus museum in Amsterdam, Holland where Margot Frank also lived. Although tourists crowded the museum, and the narrow and very steep and angular spiral staircase leading upstairs to the Frank’s hideout’s straight staircase behind the bookcase (Frank, 1967), the subject, Tom, skillfully and quickly made his way down the angular and steep spiral staircase and through the persons going up it on his first attempt, as if he had already lived there. He descended directly downward to his left towards where I was standing at the first from the ground floor (in Europe the ground floor precedes the first floor and the European first floor is the western second floor). Tom's turn left at the angular bend cut through the line of dozens of persons ascending the staircase as it spirals at ninety-degree right angles going upwards. He descended towards me as I was late entering the museum after parking my rented automobile from Heidelberg, Germany. Tom behaved as if he had gone ahead to survey the premises as if he were welcoming me into his space in time. Tom had a wonderful smile on his face as he descended, like when Margot surfaced in wearing the eyeglasses for myopics in the KGB psychophysiology laboratory booth and focused on me was oblivious of the dozens of tourists, as he descended towards me; a modest and self-satisfied smile like the Monalisa. Tom's reference point was obviously not from this lifetime, since I cannot state that I was the reference point for his memory; his reference point was the angular staircase itself prior to the staircase to the hideout upstairs. Margot Frank, not able to leave for two years and one month the hiding place in the Amsterdam building, probably used the two staircases from the first floor above the ground floor, one semi spiral the second straight, for exercise. Margot probably knew every piece of wood and its angle in the staircases even in the dark. Perhaps making noises in the staircases is what contributed to Margot's family being anonymously SILVIA STEIN 148


turned-in to Nazi authorities. The only other give-away to their activity would have been any lights, especially at night. Otherwise the hide-out was soundproof and not noticeable, unless someone questioned the actual use of space in the building, and noticed that by architectural standards more storage or office space should be available by the dimensions of the building on the other side of the annex (Frank, 1967). Only someone who had repeatedly practiced quickly sneaking down and silently around people could have descended, without falling or causing others in the tourist over-filled Anne Frank Haus to fall, down the steep angularly spiraling staircase. What I witnessed was an absolute and spontaneous quantum energy release (Wen, 2007) event of body memory, which Ian Stevenson, MD named a "diathanatic" event. Tom's agility to run down and around Anne Frank Haus museum tourists on the dangerously narrow and extremely steep staircase (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2075, & Bergson, 1911b) was a diathanatic skill (Stevenson, 1997). A diathanatic skill is a spontaneous exhibition of "skill without reduction from a[n observable] previous level of competence" (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2075). The emergence of this diathanatic intelligence, or skill, from a source that has it without any explanation is a form of quantum decoherence in the Penrose conjecture (Kurzweil, 2000, p. 118), in which a known behavior of a particle is not observed. Instead an unpredicted preconscious pattern of motion, from another unforeseen dominant energy condition within the psychophore, is taken on by the observed particle. Thus a previous life learned acumen or skill is brought to the conscious mind by spontaneous behavior, an unforeseen energy condition that cannot be anticipated without relying on reincarnation as the explanatory and predictive behavior source. This is consistent with the premise that the psychophore, or mind, moves the body and the conscious brain negotiates the movement and its meaning (Descartes, 1993 & Searle, 1984). Maintaining this argument (Descartes, 1996 & Searle, 1984), the importance of a superior academic education in discerning right from wrong, and good moral reasoning is critical in questioning actions as a form of mediation in watching oneself, and others, in anticipating and preventing possible violent behaviors of less physically and morally self-disciplined persons to prevent the psychophore from hijacking the body from the conscious brain (Bandura, 1994, Iacoboni, et al, 2005, Limburg, 1994, Loshitzky, 1998 & Stevenson, 1997). In this sense, through moral discernment, one performs for themselves the work of an exorcist or a psychiatrist (Hammerman & Lenard, 2000). Between 2003 and 2009 I often visited Heidelberg for my medical care at Schlierbach orthopedic hospital and Heidelberg’s Uniklinik hospital. I also had several court appearances through my two German attorneys in Heidelberg, Germany, in winning a fourteen year long legal case. In 2008, while visiting Heidelberg with my Mother, I stayed in the Hotel Am Neckar. Tom was still working the front desk, and information technology security, at the hotel. I drove to Heidelberg with my Mother in the 1992 Toyota 4Runner I had bought in 2007, and had fully restored the SUV with a new diesel engine from England, super audio-video system with multiple monitors, and a complete sound-system. While in Heidelberg, Tom insisted that I visit his newly purchased used trailer in a trailer park in Mannheim. Tom offered to have us stay in the trailer in exchange for a small monetary payment. I was not under the impression Tom was trying to earn money renting the trailer and instead wanted us to have a short vacation at a traditional German vacation trailer park with a beach and a view of a river in Mannheim. Thus my Mother and I accepted Tom’s suggestion while retaining a formal distance. Tom had his own apartment in downtown Mannheim, away from the trailer campground.

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The trailer inside was very organized, and clean. Although Tom had many items in his trailer, everything was neatly stacked, tucked away, yet easy to find in his sense of order, like a visual filing system according to subject, category, or color. Tom’s sense of order was like walking into a nicely kept women’s clothing boutique. The trailer also had two hide-away beds that could easily sleep a total of four persons, and an overhead shelf that could be used as a sleeping area. Thus Mother and I each had our own bed with plenty of room. Tom had a used swing set between the trailer and a river bank. In front of the swing-set, with one or two swings, were two candles each inside their own glass shade, perched high on bamboo poles. I asked Tom what the candles in front of the swing-set meant for him. Tom said they didn't mean anything, just that "I thought they look nice there". I couldn't comment, I just stood and looked at the two candlesticks and the river behind the swing-set. The scene reminded me of the Herman Hesse novel "Siddhartha" in which after many journeys a man looks at a river and realizes each person is a drop in the river; the river never stops as long as there are tears, drops of water (Hesse, 1922). I do not believe in tears, I avoid crying, having trained myself to be insensitive to better observe human behavior while avoiding any involvement with human subjects; I do not care to be a drop in the river, although for some persons Hesse’s metaphor is consoling. Tom hadn't read Hesse's "Siddhartha" (1922) although Margot Frank most likely had read or heard of the popular novel while attending school in Amsterdam, Holland (Frank, 1967). The scene Tom had landscaped behind his Mannheim trailer looked like a meditative river scene for the character Siddhartha in the novel (Hesse, 1922). Tom’s transformation in emotional maturity during the year since he first approached me in the hotel lobby was quite impressive. Of course I was glad to see that the 17-inch Apple laptop was helping Tom further develop his informatics expertise, though more important was that Tom had really tuned into his innervoice, or intuition, presenting himself to my Mother and I as a fine gentleman, with real grace and selfconfidence. Tom’s recent landscape work in his little garden between his trailer and the river was just a perfect example of his emotional wisdom and stoic resilience (Goleman, 1997, Hesse, 1922 & Reivich & Shatte, 2002). Development of resilience and emotional intelligence is associated with internal, intuitive, moral critical thinking (Limburg, 1994), and is not as easily explained as intellectual intelligence (Goleman, 1997 & Reivich & Shatte, 2002). Standard schooling can improve intellectual skills, though not the emotional intelligence required that makes one a moral, rather than ethical, person (Limburg, 1994). An ethical person abides by the law, whereas a moral person, like a theologian or an artist, is able to reinterpret the law to address issues of what is right and wrong when the law does not adequately, or does not directly, apply to the situation (Limburg, 1994 & Maritain, 1953). I assume that testing Tom’s CORT behaviors without pre-informing Tom of the previous life identity added an element of proving the Penrose conjecture (Kurzweil, 2000), by my being aware of the identity of Margot Frank and predicting a shift in Tom's usual behavior without Tom anticipating or pre-planning his exhibiting Margot’s reported emotional intelligence (Frank, 1967). This process, predicted by Roger Penrose, is titled decoherence, causing a rupture in Tom’s plausibility structure and a quantum decoherence, or jump, to a new and uncertain yet plausible, level of emotional intelligence and self-consciousness I label moral maturity (Goleman, 1997, Kurzweil, 2000, Limburg, 1994 & Zelazo, et al, 2007). As a former teaching SILVIA STEIN 150


assistant to Professor Emeritus Val E. Limburg (1994) of media ethics, I found proper CORT testing a useful tool to further develop emotional intelligence and moral reasoning in Tom’s case, and in the case of other participants (Goleman, 1997, Maritain, 1953 & Kurzweil, 2000). The evolution of our galaxy, or psychophore, is not stopping nor has the past simply vanished, it's still there, like the elements of a personality do not evaporate, they recede and re-emerge (Drzewiecka, 1999). In this way of thinking it's like stating there are other personalities, or lifetimes, in our galaxy, even holographic image and audio memory or data units, whence the radiation of the personalities still exists, we subjectively feel it though we just can't see it, unless we measure it, through photography. Through quantum decoherence the transcendant self-consciousness process is obtained, which some refer to as a mystical or mythical experience (Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990) of an uncertain state (Baird, 1982, Metzner, 1994 & Zelazo, et al, 2007). The Penrose conjecture tries to locate this process physically in the functions of the brain (Kurzweil, 2000). Penrose describes the process as billions of unseen microtubules in cellular brain activity functioning as quantum wave conductors generating consensus (Kurzweil, 2000). This intrapersonal process is analogous of a person referring not to external authorities and instead, introspectively, tapping into their previous unseen lives to generate, for the observer, an unforeseen result. Critics shall state, intrapersonal phenomena is subjective. The Author's retort is that it is the intrapersonal phenomena, or subjective experience, that is objectively measured in changes in behaviors, exhibition of diathanatic intelligence, exhibition of diathanatic skills, and objectively documented in many worlds Kirlian photography (Stevenson, 1997) resulting from intrapersonal identity shifts and decoherent quantum jumps in consciousness to "an entirely different world-view" (Dinges, 1998, p. 59). Thus intrapersonal phenomena does have measurably objective impacts, and results, affecting those persons and institutions related to the individual subjectively experiencing intrapersonal shifts of quantum decoherence, and a higher level of consciousness (Dinges, 1998, p. 59). This intrapersonal process is whence we can refer to the many worlds principle of quantum decohesion (Kurzweil, 2000 & Zelazo, et al, 2007). In the many worlds approach to intrapersonal communication, or self-talk, Margot, intrapersonally in Tom's previous lifetime, is faced with descending the staircase knowing the crowd of Gestapo Nazi agents arresting her family will send them to extermination camps. Margot and the persons in the Anne Frank Haus hideout could have committed suicide, or slip away from the agents sneaking down at a left angle as the first to second floor staircase spiraled to the right, or a combination of sneaking away and fighting, perhaps killing some of the Gestapo agents trying to deport them. Instead Margot and her family selected to descend the staircases perhaps hoping to survive, yet also knowing they most probably would die. In the many worlds theory of quantum decohesion both outcomes happen. Margot Frank died, yet the same psychophore as Tom shot a rifle at a target practice point in Yalta, Crimea, descended that same staircase, in this lifetime, and lived. Thus descending the staircase, both outcomes for the same psychophore occurred, death, and life (Kurzweil, 2000, Stevenson, 1997, & Zelazo, et al, 2007). Developing CORT capacities is the future in our survival against the machine, against the medical and police abuse industries based on the knowledge of our previous lives (Stevenson, 1997), against organized religions and their attempts to control us (Stevenson, 1997 & Stein, 2002), and perhaps against invasive human cultures such as Islamic State (Kurzweil, 2000).

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Roger Penrose proposes that human minds are innately superior to computers, and the few to develop their quantum capacities shall outwit others (Bergson, 1935, Deng, 1990, Maritain, 1953, Taflinger, 1996 & Zahavi & Zahavi, 1997) dependent on computing programs for their decision making (Kurzweil, 2000). Human minds perform quantum computations that generate quantum decoherence (Kurzweil, 2000). The jump from one set of assumptions to another, which we call intuition, seems irrational, and chaotic, yet it is this jump based on our state of mind, or energy condition, that leads us to test our intuitive assumptions, and from which we obtain a higher level of consciousness; restoring intrapersonal plausibility to our structures fulfilling that impossible quest, or vision, in “Man’s Search for Meaning” (Ayers & Hopf, 1987 & Frankl, 2006). Thus humans, as reincarnated beings, with a preconscious yet unseen intrapersonal energy condition, function with quantum capabilities which, through quantum decoherence, obtain consciousness (Kurzweil, 2000 & Stevenson, 1997). The light wave quantum energy entity is not viewable with normal vision, though can be photographed in natural settings. Perhaps myopics like the Author, Silvia Stein, or Ian Stevenson, MD see quantum entity as a kind of blur, resulting from the slower light wave rate at which quantum light entities can function. If so even myopia serves a natural human function in perceiving quantum entities (Zahavi & Zahavi, 1997). Within the proper time dilation situation it is possible to photograph this slower rate of light energy myopics perceive revealing our many parallel worlds co-existence resulting in an intrapersonal quantum decohesion state, as illustrated below (Ercolani, Naccarato & Renzi, 2012); in the splitting of one world into two possible or more co-existing worlds (parallel universes), as the Author, without her glasses, sees herself in her reflection (Guba & Lincoln, 1985, Kurzweil, 2000, & Zelazo, et al, 2007).

Silvia Stein, researcher, photographer and Author, autobiographical photograph made above the salt water in a prehistoric time dialation sea cave optimal for Kirlian photography used by the ancient Celtic and Viking mariners trading secretly with the Etruscans, so as to avoid their enemies, the Romans allied with the Greeks (Ercolani, Naccarato & Renzi, 2012). The site is Spacco della Regina (Queen’s Gap), in Ansedonia, Italy, August, 2013. Photographed below, near Spacco della Regina, is the Temple of Artemis (Artumes) the Charioteer, Ara della Regina (Queen’s human Sacrificial Altar & Sanctuary), in Tarquinia dedicated to SILVIA STEIN 152


the Goddess Artemis (Artumes, later called Artemide) is the original Goddess of the Hunt of the Etruscans, Minoans and north Africans, later called Diana by the Romans, and often identified with Athena (Ercolani, Naccarato & Renzi, 2012).

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The natural f/64 self-portrait above of and by the Author, unedited and untouched, is made with the photo camera held in my right hand about three inches below the salt water in the Spacco della Regina sea cave in Ansedonia, Italy, with lighting only streaming in from an overhead natural opening directly above me, in the previous series of photographs. I was wearing clear contact lenses yet the greenish-brown irises reflect a light blue light in the sea cave conditions. I am Mediterranean, like the ancient Etruscans who traded with Celts and Vikings, yet the sea cave conditions reflect my Viking aura (Metzner, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). This is the same view, producing “debility, disorientation and dread” a victim of waterboarding has of their interrogator while being held just three inches under the surface of the water like I held the photo camera under salt water (Christyn, 2014, & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990). Since childhood, at age five, my Italian Mother and her brother took me almost every summer to the natural beaches in Italy, including Ansedonia in the region called Maremma. To reach the Ansedonia sea cave it is best to swim approximately 400 meters from the public beach to the sea cave, and then swim the 50 meters through the sea cave to understand the tide, and the possibility of performing f/64 Kirlian photography, as the sea level and safety conditions can change very quickly, within an hour. It is suggested to use a buoy and swimming fins to improve safety without a life jacket for swimming underwater, and to use a snorkel if the tide is high, since the entrance to the sea cave is underwater. The buoy floating above the water line is a warning for boats that there is a swimmer in the area.

The natural sea water photographic setting provides another application of my predictive visual rhetoric theory to analyzing the use and abuse of visual memory trauma effects of victims of Nazism, and currently victims of illegal human trafficking, waterboarding or unmasking (Fox, 2017) suffer (Christyn, 2014). Executed properly, for revealing a connection to a previous life consciousness, waterboarding is properly performed by submerging the subject, or for a selfie the photo-camera, a minimum of three inches under the water level, without trying to gag or drown them (Chrystin, 2014), by providing a face mask and a snorkel, accommodating the natural breathing pattern. Then, my predictive theory statement, a Measureable Image (MI) of another personality, a ghost, an extended mental image (in the state of heightened self-awareness), is photographable, if the person is exposed to a physically visible and tangible material object. They are not gagged, nor blind-folded, otherwise my predictive theory statement is not upheld. Brainwashing, its audio-visual artifacts as personal property Brainwashing victims, such as Holocaust victims, have learned to compartmentalize their memories and ambitions, to satisfy their daily needs under an oppressive regime (Frankl, 2006). Suppressed mental artifacts (visual memories as cognitive artifacts), identity, and intellectual property, resurface providing reconnection to one’s past as personal property, to unify the psyche (Jung, 1990, Stein, 2002, Stevenson, 1997 & Washington State Law, 2002). Thus, using the formulaic visual rhetoric findings in the case study of SILVIA STEIN 154


Tom, it is possible to identify when CORT situations [contexts (MI if DV + IV) eliciting photographable behavior, a mental image or a suspended motif] have possibly been manipulated. Government and other officials routinely call this ‘unmasking’, violating privacy, intellectual property, identity and the memory of historical US figures, all of which are criminally punishable (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002) if done without the fully informed consent of the case subject, such as in the unmasking example of Otto Warmbier (1994-2017) (Fox, 2017, Quinn, 2017, Stein, 2002 Washington State Law, 2002). Unmasking, as a procedural request in the United States State Department that oversees education at all academic levels and student loans, is the formal inquiry into a subject’s identity when placed into various contexts (Fox, 2017 & Tafjel, 1982). This would not make any sense if you accept a person’s current lifetime and their name and biological sex as part of their current identity (Fox, 2017 & Stevenson, 1997). Thus, logically, unmasking requests question the validity of the current lifetime’s conscious assertion of who they are, and of their official identity, or personality under various conditions (Fox, 2017, Stevenson, 1997 & Tafjel, 1982). The case of Otto Warmbier, a US student visiting North Korea arrested in North Korea in 2016, is one such example; the Obama Administration failed to pursue Otto Warmbier’s release, as a US citizen and a university student, after Otto Warmbier self-confessed that he was provoked, or unmasked (Fox, 2017) by US evangelical and State Department interests to act against his normal impulses (Quinn, 2017). The implication is that US interests identified, or unmasked (Fox, 2017), a banner as a mental artifact constructing Otto Wambier’s identity that Warmbier’s CORT might have suppressed from his active consciousness (Stevenson, 1997), making him, through suggestion, act-out on a latent post-mortem memory, or visual artifact, as part of the construction of his identity and living intellectual property (Stein, 2002, Stevenson, 1997 & Washington State Law, 2002). How could government interests identify Otto Warmbier’s identity and unmask it in a public forum, such as in a video surveillance area in a North Korean public square or in a hotel? Look for your self how the group context framed and elicited the suspended motif (Drzewiecka, 1999), replicating the form of a deceased POW (Tafjel, 1982) in North Korea, prompting the emergence of the previous identity trait of US POW PFC Ronald Van Wees (1933-1952?), photographed alive in North Korea and published in the May 11, 1953 edition of Time Magazine. This group photo context reframing Otto Warmbier’s identity preceded the prompting of Otto Warmbier to break the law by removing a worker’s party banner in the hotel he was staying at (Quinn, 2017). Obviously although the previous identity had receded to the background of forgotten POW’s photographed in 1953, the 2016 setting prompted the past to surface measurably to the foreground, again, in identity studies (Drzewiecka, 1999).

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Both photographs above (ZDF Enterprises, 2017 & Quinn, 2017) are edited by the Author to fit for format and in identifying the CORT next to a stick, or rod, code words for a leading man or anchor in entertainment and in journalism (Limburg, 1994), with a red outline around the unmasked CORT subject to compare ingroup and out-group inter-action patterns for team-building, or using unmasking to stigmatize and medically eliminate unwanted team members (Fox, 2017, Lifton, 2000, Sennewald, 2003, Stein, 2003 & 2004, Stevenson, 1997, Tafjel, 1982 & Yourdon, 2004). The parents of Ronald Van Wees were harassed for pursuing their son’s release from North Korea in 1953, after he was declared dead by the US Government in 1952 yet was photographed in the May 11, 1953 Time Magazine edition. Ronald Van Wees was later sighted in a Russian slave labor camp in Siberia. Similarly Otto Warmbier was condemned to fifteen years slave labor and at his court hearing in North Korea voiced his disavowal of the Obama Administration and its intent to harass his parents in the USA. After hearing the CORT testimony in court against the Obama Administration, Obama’s Administration failed to pursue Otto Warmbier’s release (Quinn, 2017). The mind works on images, that survive death in reincarnation, and re-orients towards similar images that fill the image void in the mind, like a silhouette (Stevenson, 1997). Past life images, visual artifacts, retain a silhouette effect that persons, trying to restore their full consciousness joining subconscious with consciousness, reorient towards; at times orienting towards a similar yet not the same image. For example, Vietnam era protesters, brainwashed POWs and MIAs, reincarnated, naturally orient towards a similar flag, silhouette, that promotes communist anti US propaganda (Stevenson, 1997). Though it is not the place for our own US Government, especially the State SILVIA STEIN 156


Department, to unlawfully violate our historical identity (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002), nor use brainwashing techniques in context and image manipulation to control us; yet routinely ‘unmasking’ is practiced as evidenced in the case of Otto Warmbier (Fox, 2017 & Quinn, 2017). While negotiating surfacing memories (post-mortem trauma), Otto Warmbier could have perceived a simple issue of a poster as wrongfully posted in the guest section of the hotel as reason to take it down, almost as if Otto were a worker, slave labor, as Ronald Van Wees was. Such a mental hijack event, which is physically measureable through audio-visual documentation, is an example of the split personality or scattering of personality in matrix theory, whence the person looses control, and looses his unified personality orientation. Typically these photographable states of disorientation are labeled dis-associative, psychotic or schizophrenic events yet, with audio-visual measures I instead argue that these symptoms are part of reorganizing and consolidating previous life memories in the decohesion to decoherence process stated in the Penrose conjecture, so that the subject can function at a higher level of consciousness (Kurzweil, 2000 & Stevenson, 1997). Post-mortem trauma destabilizes the unified personality and its orientation. Being aware of post-mortem trauma symptoms the subject can then re-stabilize his orientation. Otto Warmbier’s death, like Meredith Kercher’s murder in the previous chapter, is clearly the case of the canary in the mine shaft warning us that there is something terribly wrong with the US State Department’s and evangelical’s practice of ‘unmasking’ (Fox, 2017, Heim, 2016 & Quinn, 2017). In a sense, ‘unmasking’ (Fox, 2017 & Quinn, 2017), or raising the dead, the interlocutor must also assume responsibility to the identity’s postmortem trauma resurfacing, as Otto Warmbier clearly decried in court (Quinn, 2017 & Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). In post-mortem trauma previous life somatic memory, and visual artifacts, surface as part of the current personality (Stevenson, 1997), thus are to be viewed as a continuum and as part of the spectrum of the personality, and not compartmentalized or they could resurface with devastating effects if improperly manipulated. The surfacing of memories could appear as a dis-unified element of the personality, referred to a scattering of memories and personalities in matrix theory. Yet the scattering and manifestation of memories is part of a reorganization process in obtaining a higher consciousness in the Penrose conjecture of decoherence from decohesion, as explained earlier (Kurzweil, 2000). Thus my formula of mental events in visual rhetoric , MI if DV + IV, is applicable to the visually traceable impromptu scattering of the personality spectrum in matrix theory and to subjects with a seemingly unified personality, if applied properly, and with reasonable informed consent (Stevenson, 1997, p. 85). The ultimate goal is not thought conformity, as in brainwashing, nor fear of an interrogator nor of an image, the goal is to have the subject learn to discern for themselves and learn to help themselves, and then help others (Hammerman & Lenard, 2000). Unmasking (Fox, 2017), or unwarranted violation of identity, privacy and property rights, including intellectual, for its citizenry and foreign students (Burke, 1969) ultimately profits not our US citizens, it profits the State Department’s goal to remove morality, imagination and intuition from the human factor, replacing or turning humans into mere automatons, like Otto Warmbier or Meredith Kercher, at first controlled by a sense of indebtedness, then denied the means to be paid or pay back their debts, benefiting the State Department who knows your past better than you do (Heim, 2016, Hesse, 1992 & Kurzweil, 2000). The solution is simple: protect intellectual, identity, and private property rights through criminal law enforcement (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002). Thus the use of what is not one’s tool, nor property, is punished. SILVIA STEIN 157


Context for unmasking post-mortem forensic testimony & evidence Using digital photography it is possible to locate the precise time and location of a series of events or of a UFO sighting (code for unmasked psychophore) (Fox, 2017, Stevenson, 1997 & Woffram, 2009), such as the 1953 sighting of US PFC Ronald Van Wees (ZDF Enterprises, 2017), that otherwise are compromised if we rely on flawed verbal or even US Government testimony (ZDF Enterprises, 2017), and the projection of altered imagery regarding an actual event. Being sensitive to the CORT’s surviving mental images as private intellectual property, as discussed above, provides an alternative interpretation of Otto Warmbier’s confessing the US Government’s ‘unmasking’ alternative context prompts prompting his unusual behavior (Fox, 2017, Quinn, 2017, Stevenson, 1997 & Washington State Law, 2002). Similarly, in photo-journalistically interviewing Tom, I had to give way to his, like Otto Warmbier’s, prioritizing of the importance and order of events, and his mental images he projected for photography or attested to (Stevenson, 1997), and not my dependence on preconceived ideas about his behavior whether based on living testimony or the few historical accounts about Margot Frank (Frank, 1969). I had to professionally treat Tom’s mental images and non-verbal projected images, or suspended motifs, as postmortem forensic testimony which was empirically measureable and testable through photography (Drzewiecka, 1999, Stevenson, 1997 & Wolffram, 2009). Thus, although providing Tom free reign in his speaking and overall behavior, I then had to let the visual testimony speak for itself, at times contradicting Tom’s self-reports, which is the basis of photojournalism (Limburg, 1994 & Stevenson, 1997). For example, I could not focus on the store security in Simferopol accusing Tom of stealing sugarless gum, although the accusation seemed valid. Tom merely picked up the gum, and as he looked for me he did not go directly to the cashier. The event was as if his subconscious wanted to present the sugarless gum as visual evidence, since Tom actually did not use sugarless gum, yet in the context of the testing triggering the resurfacing of Margot Frank, the sugarless gum confirmed for Tom his post-mortem identity with the work Margot would have been involved with her father’s synthetic sugar company in Amsterdam, Holland (Frank, 1967). Thus when confronted with the security officer’s detaining Tom for shoplifting a package of sugarless gum, I had to tune in to Tom’s state of mind, as acting-out on repressed post-mortem trauma and memories, and help the security officer understand that I assumed responsibility for Tom’s innocent behavior related to the psychological testing he was undergoing, and that he had no criminal intention regarding the visually witnessed events regarding the sugarless gum package. Tom had actually assumed Margot Frank’s personality and visual memories perhaps due to triggers in the psychophysiology laboratory testing and my photojournalistic interview prompts. Thus, as an interviewer, I had to tune-in visually with Tom’s perception of events, and pay particular attention to any signs of behavior not typical of Tom, yet indicative of Margot’s, or Olga’s, emerging memories and personality after triggering their post-mortem memories. If in unmasking Otto Warmbier a US State Department finding had been shared with Otto Warmbier and North Korea, the issue could have had a positive result since Buddhist philosophy and reincarnation are still cultural traits of both North and South Korea (Stevenson, 1997 & Wolfram, 2009). Tom's quantum release of diathanatic skill in descending the Anne Frank Haus staircase, as an intrapersonal expression of Margot's self (Goffman, 1959) by Tom, so spontaneous and easy for him, helped him obtain a higher consciousness about himself. Intrapersonal self consciousness such as Tom's of Margot, and perhaps vice-versa, is caused by quantum decoherence (Kurzweil, 2000, p. 118). I also experienced a state of quantum decoherence observing Tom, as if I were standing in the presence of Margot Frank, as Tom showed me how to move through the crowded and tight staircase. The feeling was SILVIA STEIN 158


eerily paranormal (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074) for me since it was my and his first time at the Anne Frank House (Frank, 1967). As we study, document and communicate through the mass media the commonality of such spontaneous diathanatic examples resulting from quantum decoherence, in which two different time zones of the same life form intrapersonally overlap, the paranormal shall become normal (Spalding, 1996). I write ‘of the same life form’ to stress Stevenson’s (1997) position to see the continuum of the psychophore as a series of reincarnated lives and as a single continuum of mind (Descartes, 1963 & 1993, & Spalding, 1996); thus, if the memory of the past lives is consciously unified with the current life, it is a single unified life form (Jung, 1990 & Spalding, 1996). With this attitude more persons shall embrace frightening crisis events as another quantum decoherence, like bungee jumping, releasing their intuition and expression of diathanatic competencies from previous lives (Spalding, 1996 & Stevenson, 1997, p. 2074). Neither prepping nor hypnotic regression techniques were involved in investigating this CORT of Olga and Margot in Tom. There were no obvious birthmarks except for facial features and gestures tying Tom to Margot’s last reported sighting, and physical appearance, in Bergen-Belsen (Frank, 1967). Tom’s persistent underweight status and strong attraction to underweight young women provided a clue to the previous identity issues Margot would have had while surviving at Bergen-Belsen (Frank, 1967). After I finished trying to disqualify Tom as Margot's reincarnation (Dubin, 1978 & Stevenson, 1997), I had to do a write-up of this psychophore case for presentation at the 2008 International Association for Intercultural Communication Studies conference at the University of Louisville, Kentucky to seek professional criticism of my work so far. As I was working contemporaneously on categorizing other psychophores, I came across photographs of the deceased Russian Imperial Grand Duchess Olga Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov. I then remembered another quantum moment when I noticed with what unexpected enthusiasm Tom accepted a painting of a Russian Orthodox Church, presented to me in Crimea by a friend and laboratory colleague in translations, Professor of psycholinguistics Elena Danilova (Grand Duchess Tatiana Romanova) while the three of us, Professor Danilova, Tom, and I were dining at a Ukrainian restaurant in Simferopol, Crimea together. I gave the painting to Tom as I did not care to have any gifts for my philanthropic work. The Orthodox symbolism, the painting of an Orthodox cathedral, had immediate meaning for Tom in the mostly ethnic Russian context of Crimea, not for me. Grand Duchess Olga was born in the city of Tsarskoye Selo during the Russian Empire, the 15th of November 1895, the eldest child of the Romanov Dynasty in Moscow, Russia. The family was executed by Yakov Yurovsky under direct orders from Vladimir Lenin in the Siberian city of St. Yekaterinburg, Russia, July 17, 1918. Knowing loyalties (Limburg, 1994) is key to identifying a person's ultimate goals, and if they are compatible with North American interests and freedoms. Although Tom proved himself curious about North America, he repeatedly admitted to bad habits of chemical dependency (addictive personality) and sex experimentations he reportedly learned from underground nightclub workers, and enlisted male U.S. military members (trees), in Germany. Obviously Tom did appreciate my professional academic colleagues’ positive role modelling of our values, and rituals, in daily worksite behaviors in Crimea.

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From what I deduced, Tom, who has higher functioning potentials, was never mentored for serious achievement (Limburg, 1994). Tom was attentive to my discussions about U.S. citizens in Germany and to aim for higher social levels, and moral standards, than Americans commonly practice in contrast to my team of psychophysiology and biology scientists in Crimea (Limburg, 1994). Tom had acted-out towards me on his prejudice targeting women, Jews and the handicapped. Our discussions seemed to deconstruct his socially ascribed image to be macho and emphasized his effeminate intuitive abilities to connect across differences through role-play, feeling him-self Margot Frank or Grand Duchess Olga Romanova again. Prejudice targeting women, homosexuals, Semitic features, and the handicapped is what some Holocaust victims (some, like Tom, now Polish) can use if masking their own fears in mirror imaging theory (Iacoboni, et al, 2005) while imitating their previous life murderers (Bandura, 1994), unless we change their Lamarckian behavioral evolution of signal option recognition (Cook & Bestman, 2000, Lang, 2009, & Steele, et al, 1998).

Pictured above is the investigative Author with Vladimir Pavlenko, PhD, Director of the Psychophysiology Laboratory, Tavrida National University, Simferopol (Autonomous Republic of Crimea), Ukraine now Russia. Dr. Pavlenko is oriented to examine mind-brain-body and social integration research issues generationally and a specialist in the spectrum of the personality matrix. Seated is the verified psychophore of the younger sister of Olga, Grand Duchess Tatiana Nikolaevna Romanov, Elena Danilova, PhD, psycholinguist and former US State Department contracted negotiator for economies and nations in transition).

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I photographed Olga/Margot/Tom, above, naturally striking Olga's portrait pose in the proper attire stimulating the psychophore holographic self image memory (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Goffman, 1963, Searle, 1984, Stevenson, 1997, & Stein, 2003 & 2004) prior to Olga's abduction and brainwashing under the Lenin and Yakov Yurovsky indoctrination abuses. I utilized my Leika lens Lumix photocamera I purchased near Bismarck Platz, Heidelberg, Germany. After Tom returned to Germany, and his workplace, he repeatedly thanked me for taking him out of the Polish-Tatar mafia underworld he'd tried to break free of from Mannheim, and the hotel Am Neckar mafia. Tom made particular reference towards the horseback riding I paid for in the southern Crimean hills of Ekaterina named after Catherine the Great of Russia. He seemed relieved to know real horses rather than sexual predators in Germany. The familiarity his first time riding with which he handled his horse affirmed Tom's inner structure of the earlier Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna Romanova, and Margot Frank, prior to their abductions, brain-washing and torture had resurfaced changing his inner holographic image of self; Tom rose above the imposition of stigma and the negative mirror imaging or audio improvisation of his previous life torturers (Frank, 1967, Goffman, 1963, Iacoboni, et al, 2005, Searle, 1984, & Stein, 2003 & 2004). Tom's psychophore, Margot Frank and Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna Romanova, had been exposed to brutality and violence, and as a result of this desensitization Tom himself seemed to take vicarious pleasure in observing violence (Harris, 2009). The mind is a precious holographic storage system and any observation of violence is indelibly imprinted for future retrieval, priming violent behaviors and contributing to social insensitivity. My position is that it is best to not look at all at violent images as it is a vicarious participation in the vilification of your mind and soul. Television is used ritually (Glock & Stark, 1963), and ritual exposure (Glock & Stark, 1963) to violence, particularly in the news, is proven statistically to have a SILVIA STEIN 161


correlational influence on spectator behavior (Bandura, 1994). "For example, although the homicide rate for White Americans and Canadians rose 93% and 92% respectively between 1945 and 1974, it declined by 7% in the same period for White South Africans, living in comparable economic conditions, except for the lack of television [a ritual exposure to violence (Glock & Stark, 1963)], which was not introduced to South Africa until 1975" (Harris, 2009, p. 265). Other explanations such as "economics, age, firearms availability, and civil unrest" were ruled out "as causing these changes" (Harris, 2009, p. 265). Tom needed to keep with him his new found sense of self-worth, and the Russian Orthodox cathedral painting Dr. Danilova gifted inadvertently to Tom, seemed to sustain for Tom his newfound sense of historical worth. I also realized Tom needed more professional image and visualization counseling (Ayers & Hopf, 1987), utilizing his latent previous life posturing talents, for him to improve his current position within the hotel. I purchased for Tom a distinguished German double-headed eagle button-up nineteenth century upper class shirt, with hand stitched borders and a formal loden jacket, to restore to the public Tom’s (now Polish) bloodline tie to nobility.

In 2008 I photographed with my photo-camera, without using a flash, this photograph in the Livadia palace museum in Yalta, the summer retreat for the Czar of Russia, while researching the phenomenon of an entire family reincarnating and re-networking itself. Italian Catholics and Muslim Tatar, which the pro-NATO Bush-Obama US State Department and Whitehouse have been arming to support US petroleum drilling in the Black Sea, are opposed to my research. They deny reincarnation and oppose Caucasian identities yet the Ukrainian and Russian ethnicities in Crimea very much support it as part of Russia restoring the memory of the Russian Monarchy protecting European ethnicities against foreign interests in the region. In this photograph (clockwise from left to right) are Grand Duchesses Maria, Tatiana standing over the sisters, Anastasia and Olga SILVIA STEIN 162


Romanov in their traditional trademark poses as an intellectual property of body and mind memory (Stein, 2002, Stevenson, 1997 & Washington State Law, 2002). The sisters are obviously very protective of one another, resulting from none of the sisters inheriting the role of Czar, which was automatically going to their only brother Alexei, just because he was male. It's as if at any moment their lives were in danger and no one would care as long as Alexei became Czar. This sexism must have been particularly frustrating for the eldest, Grand Duchess Olga Nikolaevna Romanov, who as the naturally first born of both parents, in Russia, who would have inherited the Monarchy if men were not privileged over women. My professional training re-enforced my recognition to philanthropically better Tom’s public image according to his habitus (Maritain, 1958) of nobility he had about the way he stoically carried himself, with emphasis placed on facial muscular movement and positioning when striking a pose (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2075). Future Directions European industry and workers highly worship their key administrators; traditionally organizing themselves as a cult around the iconic image of an administrator (Dabars & Vokhmina, 2002). For IndustrialOrganizational Psychology (IOP) practitioners to work with European culture, organizations, and industry, understanding the symbolism of the onion describes the multi-layer nature of organizations in geo-politics and systems theory (Arendt, 1985) requiring the applications and uses of frame analysis particularly in the conflicting loyalties context in eastern Europe (Stein, 2003). To date western IOP has not addressed this issue in the existing English language IOP literature. This essay has presented the significant authors and their publications on frame analysis; its various components such as frame alignment and keying; and the possible applications of framing for IOP in European style workplace cultures as well as celebrating iconic figures by filming and distributing their psychophore's history as part of a profitable approach to maintaining and celebrating collective memory (Drzewiecka, 1999 & Loshitzky, 1998). As evidenced in the case of Tom, Margot and Grand Duchess Olga Romanova, framing and identifying similarities among them with historical photographs pragmatically bridges Tom's identity to the past as a continuum, particularly in the case of legal protection of the historical memory of the deceased and in his memory as intellectual property for him to profit on (Stein, 2002, Stevenson, 1997 & Washington State Law, 2002). Imitation of iconic role-models can be flattering, though no one can replace the original. We cannot change the horrible trauma of their past nor our roles in it. As another Noble woman has stated: "We will remember our past, but we shall no longer allow our past to ensnare our future. This is the greatest gift we can give to succeeding generations" (Windsor, 2014). Knowing the past can provide posthumous protection and an income at least for Canadian and US historical figures (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002), informs us of possible innate talents, multitasking virtues, and abilities to accommodate situations of cultural complexity such as Tom had working nightshift alone at the Hotel am-Neckar in Heidelberg, Germany. As a legal recourse the United States and Canada have laws protecting the memory of a deceased Canadian or American public historical figure (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002). Actors and public figures have postmortem protection under Canadian and California laws while Washington state protects the historical figure from blasphemy, defamation, etc. (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002).

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"According to Washington State Law, (2002) § 9.58.010; Libel, what constitutes libel or defamation of the deceased is: 'Every malicious publication by writing, printing, picture, effigy, sign[,] radio broadcasting or which shall in any other manner transmit the human voice or reproduce the same from records or other appliances or means, which shall tend: (1) To expose any living person to hatred, contempt, ridicule or obloquy, or to deprive him of the benefit of public confidence or social intercourse; or (2) To expose the memory of one deceased to hatred, contempt, ridicule [by depicting his death as erotic] or obloquy; or (3) To injure any person, corporation or association of persons in his or their business or occupation, shall be libel' ” (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002). I and the TNU laboratory, particularly its director Professor Vladimir Pavlenko, are certain that Tom's is a strong case example for further promoting frame analysis in the field of intercultural communication and self-analyzing medical approaches in cases of reincarnation (Stevenson, 1997 & 2003).

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Documenting and reporting on reincarnation can teach us how to flourish and advance persons based on their iconic place in history. A reincarnation self-study for dummies approach puts our talents and goals to the forefront of change in human evolution reconnecting us to dearly departed friends, relatives, and historical persons we have known in the past and admired, and have reincarnated elsewhere as evidenced by this international psychophore case study of Tom (Limburg, 1994, Drzewiecka, 1999, Stevenson, 1997, & 2003).

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Wouldn't it be great to extend lives through reincarnation studies and anthropological filmographies? I hope my case study of Olga furthers the application of frame analysis in the fields of intercultural communication, mirror neurons (Iacoboni, et al, 2005), photo-journalism, motives and turning points in conversation analysis (Burke, 1969 & Nofsinger, 1991), and reincarnation has shown this possible. More effort could be employed into generating profitable film documentaries in the style of "Shoah", and "Schindler's List", filming in the classic black and white style of the era the occurrences from the protagonist's previous life and the similarities in this life (Loshitzky, 1997). To render vividness and life, a segment, such as the closing scenes, should be filmed in color introducing the survivors that knew of the protagonist. Contemporary survivors filmed providing their stories produces "an image (Vorstellung) (...) the image of something which is absent" (Koch, 1989); "'an incarnation' of the truth in the present' " (Colombat, 1993) meeting and welcoming her or him into this lifetime (Loshitzky, 1997). Interpreting the past from the perspective of the present can generate a sense of personal meaning (Frankl, 2006 & Loshitzky, 1998) so that today's individual becomes the "protagonist of history" (Loshitzky, 1998, p. 8). "Schindler's List" as a film was successful because it broke the trend in depicting the Holocaust from that of historical documentation to bringing audiences right into the minds of the protagonists on either side, as perpetrators and victims (Loshitzky, 1998). Through this approach a sense that the past really happened was obtained through "Schindler's List" verifying the subjective reality of the survivors, and shaping collective memory for those born after the Holocaust (Loshitzky, 1998, p. 6). "In contemporary American society there is a desperate quest for repressed history as a vehicle for constructing ethnic or post-ethnic identity" (Loshitzky, 1998, p. 7). With the absence of our European cultural rituals and structural moral norms Americans feel a loss, until they enter as an audience, almost addictively, the world created by the media, or a protagonist's role in a film, becoming themselves the characters on the screen; it's because we were those characters ritually replicated from history on the screen (Malinowski, 1992). Through anthropological filmographies we could realize what George Stevens and other 1950's film contemporaries who photographed the atrocities and camps of World War II dreamed of: making films in heaven, a place like the Crimea, and sending them to audiences on earth. It is as Cicero (1933) wrote "On the Nature of Gods", there is a magnetic force, as with the planets, which Ian Stevenson named the "psychophore", which after chaos re-establishes order and proper behaviors of relationship (Kurzweil, 2000 & Stevenson, 1997) among gods, and mere mortals. As technology and those that control it try to anticipate our behaviors, we humans need to camouflage ourselves and only the shape shifting unpredictable human minds, like actors, shall be able to out maneuver machine logic of self preservation (Kurzweil, 2000). In summary, screening subjects and detecting their preconscious motivations, quantum consciousness capabilities (skills beyond conscious potentials), and diathanatic intelligence through frame analysis is a legitimate method to document and cue individuation cognitive processes in the fields of communication, reincarnation studies, and an evolving Lamarckian behavioral matrix, such as tested on Tom, in personality studies. This case study brings to an understanding how consciousness is obtained matching intrapersonal experiences to the observed and framed phenomena. Humans, as reincarnated beings with a preconscious energy condition, function with quantum capabilities, which through quantum decoherence obtain consciousness (Kurzweil, 2000 & Stevenson, 1997). It is this pursuit of individuation, integrating the preconscious with consciousness, via exposure to previous life visual and audio cues, a higher consciousness is obtained (Jung, 1990), and overall public speaking and audience perception of the presentation of self is improved (Ayers & Hopf, 1987). This process of seeing the self, in the other, is at the root of the cathartic deja-vu audience experience: religious and cinematic worship of our iconic role-models, heroine and heroes (Aristotle, 1981 & Taflinger, 1996). Collective respect and recognition of the dead, as SILVIA STEIN 166


part of our intrapersonal existence, is the probable direction of our individual and collective higher consciousness, as we are open to thinking at the quantum level; merging mythical thinking (Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990) with empirical testing, verification and the profit of its filmography possibilities (Baird, 1982, Metzner, 1994, McGee, 1999, Loshitzky, 1997 & Stevenson, 1997).

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Steele, E.J., Lindley, R.A., & Blanden, R.V. (1998). Lamarck's Signature: How retrogenes are changing Darwin's natural selection paradigm. Reading, MASS: Perseus Books. Stein, E. (1989). On the Problem of Empathy, translated by Waltraut Stein, ICS Publications. Stein, S. (2002). Exploring Sexual Feelings through Roman Catholic Images: the lust judgment of gentile religion. Masters of Arts thesis. Pullman, WA: Washington State University. Stein, S. (2003). Media Framing Ukrainian Women´s Health Issues & Stigma. National Institute of Health project submitted by Washington State University, Pullman, WA. Stein, S. (2004). Morning Star: A Functionalist Investigates Claims to Authority Using the Perspective of the Stigmatized. International Conference on Cognitive Styles in Communication, conference paper, Tavrida University, Simferopol (Autonomous Republic of Crimea), Ukraine. Stevenson, I. (1987). Children who Remember Previous Lives. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. Stevenson, I. (1997). Reincarnation & Biology: A Contribution to the Etiology of Birthmarks & Birth Defects. Volume I: Birthmarks & Volume II: birth defects & other anomalies. London: Praeger. Stevenson, I. (2003). European Cases of the Reincarnation Type. Jefferson, NC: McFarland. Strauss, A. & Corbin, J. (1998). Basics of Qualitative Research: techniques & procedures for developing grounded theory. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Strolya, V. (2003). Touring the Crimea: A Promenade Along the Crimea. Kyiv, Ukraine: Baltija Druk. Swain, J., Finkelstein, V., French, S., & Oliver, M. (1998). Disabling Barriers – Enabling Environments. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Sweeney, T. (1992). The Vatican Versus American Catholics. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books. Tafjel, H. (1982). Social Identity & Intergroup Relations. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Taflinger, R. (1996). Taking ADvantage. On-line article available at http://public.wsu.edu/~taflinge/advant.html Turner, J.H. (1998). The Structure of Sociological Theory. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Van Maanen, J. (Ed.) (1995). Representation in Ethnography. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Villanueva, V. (1993). Bootstraps: From an American Academic of Color. Urbana, ILL: National Council of Teachers of English. Washington State Law (2002). ANNOTATED REVISED CODE OF WASHINGTON Matthew Bender & Company, Inc. LexisNexis Group cited for approved Master’s of Arts in Rhetoric & Communication Studies SILVIA STEIN 178


awarded to Silvia Stein in 2002 by Washington State University’s Edward R. Murrow College of Communication utilizing the following Griffin Libraries Computer Laboratory registered search string: http://web.lexisnexis.com/universe/document?_m=dffae12a1dd916b96281255e360db8ed&_docnum=2&wc hp=dGLSlS-lSlzV&_md5=6a991b82c8d00c4e128f7d13b825d09f Wen, X. (2007). Quantum Field Theory of Many-Body Systems. Oxford University Press. Wesson, P.S. (2006). Five-Dimensional Physics: Classical and Quantum Consequences of Kaluza-Klein Cosmology. Singapore: World Scientific. Windsor, E. A.M. (2014). The Queen's speech at the Irish State Banquet, 8 April 2014. The Official Website of the British Monarchy. London, U.K.: British Monarchy. Text available on-line at: http://www.royal.gov.uk/LatestNewsandDiary/Speechesandarticles/Introduction.aspx Wing, A.K. (Ed.) (2000). Global Critical Race Feminism: An International Reader. NYC: New York University Press. Wolffram, H. (2009). The Stepchildren of Science: Psychical Research & Parapsychology in Germany, c. 1870 - 1939. Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi. Yourdon, E. (2004). Death March (Second Edition). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. Zahavi, A. & Zahavi, A. (1997). The Handicap Principle: A Missing Piece of Darwin`s Puzzle. Oxford University Press. Zelazo, P.D., Moscovitch, M., & Thompson, E. (Eds.) (2007). The Cambridge Handbook of Consciousness. Cambridge University Press. Zick, A. Pettigrew, T.F., & Wagner, U. (2008). Ethnic prejudice & discrimination in Europe. Journal of Social Issues. 64 (2), 233-251. Zuccotti, S. (1996). The Italians & the Holocaust: Persecution, rescue, & survival. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. Zweites Deutsches Fernsehen (ZDF) Enterprises (2017). MIA – Missing in Action. Mainz, Germany. Video documentary available at https://zdf-enterprises.de/en/catalogue/international/zdfefactual/historybiographies/mia-missing-in-action

IV

FROM DISNEY TO JESUS: PROTECTING ICONIC VALUE AS A MORAL CORNERSTONE OF THE COLLECTIVE SILVIA STEIN 179


Chapter 6 From Disney to Jesus: Swarm intelligence political campaigning unmasking & empowering an extended personality matrix phenomenological turn benefiting moral evolution Abstract Stabilizing world economies necessitates aligning public visualization habits (Ayers & Hopf, 1987) through cultivating consensus through image management (Gerbner, et al, 1994, & Weintraub-Austin & Pinkleton, 2001). The problem is uniting an entire nation to support a pre-selected and groomed leader, while maintaining appearances of a functioning government, notwithstanding the fact that voters are not often qualified to evaluate political campaigns (Burke, 1969, McGee, 1999, & Weintraub-Austin & Pinkleton, 2001). Understanding the function of visualization in visual consciousness (Ayers & Hopf, 1987 & Beijnon, 2016) can help us discern which iconic images to promote, for an empowering extended personality matrix (Stevenson, 1997), encompassing the parameters of the collective phenomenological turn (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017), and which to exclude (Babolin, 2000), ensuring that the leader’s inner vision aligns with the campaign vision, improving communication efficiency, while reducing anxiety (Ayers & Hopf, 1987). Keywords: collective phenomenological turn; extended personality matrix; iconic image; ideograph; image management; swarm intelligence; visual rhetoric. Swarm Intelligence A collective phenomenological turn (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017) occurs symmetrically, much like a phenomenon in quantum field gauge theory (Wen, 2007), whence a wave effect paradigm shift for the individual also occurs simultaneously for the collective through dual communication processes at the intrapersonal (local) and interpersonal (global) levels (Persinger, 1993 & Wen, 2007). The successful image campaign, using swarm intelligence, matches the mythological vision the individual has projected for themselves, as successful, to the image embraced by the campaign audience, the swarm, for message effectiveness (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, McGee, 1999, & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990). Actual communication competency varies according to the physiological cognitive structures, thus those fluent in various ideological and linguistical cognitive patterns can more easily adapt to processing new communication patterns than monolinguistical cultures trapped within a single ideology (Cacioppo & Tassinary, 1999 & Stein, 2004). The exception is if the campaign message is aimed at the visualization level (Ayers & Hopf, 1987), non-verbal, subliminally stimulating the imagination (Bandura, 1994, & Weintraub-Austin & Pinkleton, 2001). The power of the people is harnessed in the wave effect of swarm intelligence in a precisely fought political campaign. Important, is to identify and disable the sectors that can obstacle the wave effect, to win the campaign war in forming an unstoppable and enduring collective movement. If the issue of reincarnation of the preselected iconic candidate is pursued the icon is equated, by sight, as the moral cornerstone of the movement for future generations in reincarnation, holding future generations together in a pyramid scheme of the collective (Marx, 1850, Stevenson, 1997, Tafjel, 1982, & Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017).

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To unite public opinion a visual image promotion campaign must operate like a war game, my favorite simulator game is “Red Shark” from Buka Entertainment, first developed in Russia. My academic friends in Crimea introduced me to this helicopter simulator as they prepared for stabilizing on their own the political discontent in Crimea while it was under Ukraine. There is a need to view the political tension across a terrain as a series of mobile tanks, stadiums, hangars or ideological pods operated by local leadership networked to globalization movements like Islamic State, colonizers and opportunists (Said, 1994), as possibly hostile to local white and non-white populations housed in the terrain for generations (Barber, 1996 & Zuccotti, 1996). American citizenry, under the “McWorld” throw away economy mindset (Barber, 1996), are recently accustomed to reselling their houses and vehicles every few years, weakening family and ancestral bonds, whereas EurAsian cultures are accustomed to maintaining a household for generations (Zuccotti, 1996). The American ‘Wonderbread generation’, now evolving into its third generational presence since the 1950’s, has produced three generations of superficiality with no sense of its EurAsian familial and historical heritage (Marcuse, 1964 & Maritain, 1958). Compared to EurAsian nations the ‘Wonderbread generation’ seems egotistically inflated, bland in its historical and cultural ignorance about other nations, and tasteless in its acumen to laugh and obsessively watch physical violence in its daily news, and in its movies (Barber, 1996 & Limburg, 1994). Thus the tight think tank of a helicopter crew for the pre-selected iconic leader needs to behave like a flexible helicopter for that outer space overview. The crew’s view must be beyond that of fast operating think tanks, stadiums, hangars and pods, to protect the determined interests of generational households from the senselessness of the ‘Wonderbread generation’ while inclusively uniting everyone under the moral light of a single iconic preselected candidate (Barber, 1996, Said, 1994, Tafjel, 1982 & Zuccotti, 1996), by mythologizing a simple person (Frog, 2015, Frog & Lukin, 2015, & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990). The result of the swarm intelligence wave effect, facilitated by broadcasting through various media of a single iconic person, is called the collective phenomenological turn (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). It is a form of mass consciousness when a single person is associated with many issues important to the citizenry. That iconic person’s image is portrayed as offering a simple solution to practical, as well as existential problems, such as good and evil, presented through media at all levels (Babolin, 2000 & Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). In a sense, the phenomenological turn is achieved when the presence one iconic yet pragmatic person understanding the facts, loyalties, issues, and value systems discerns in such a manner as to supersede the power of the world’s religions (Limburg, 1994 & Marx, 1850), like the historical Jesus against the mob of corrupt justice (Washington State Law, 2002 & Stein, 2002). Plan of Action for Extending the Personality Matrix Below is my overview of the plan of action model to alter cognitive processes, in recognition of a single visual image associated to a historical memory, in an effective swarm intelligence campaign (Bolls & Lang, 2003, Descartes, 1963 & 1993, & Stein, 2002). The visual model has been adapted from the model for the “cellular radio-transmitter” schema (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017), since visual and audio mental signals share holonomic similarities in cognitive processes (Kurzweil, 2000, Searle, 1984, Stein, 2004, Stevenson, 1997 & Wen, 2007). Components of my adapted visual processing model are trigger, blocker, sensor, antenna, modulator, synchronizer, and amplifier (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017).

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Trigger is the recognition of structural similarity between a present visual object, or image, and a past visual object or image attracting negative or positive attention (Allport, 1958). The trigger is activated “by light or neurotransmitter (serotonin) […] that could unblock the modulator and synchronizer” (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). The trigger can attract negative attention, rooted in the sensor’s guilt complex as the denial mechanism projects a negative stereotype towards the trigger, requiring the trigger to then act as a blocking off of further interaction (Allport, 1958 & Stevenson, 1997). The trigger can be a gesture, a housing arrangement, or a face inviting recognition, yet also disinviting attention, like a ghost inhabiting a piece of furniture (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090): “[f]or example, they [apparitions or ghosts] are sometimes reflected in mirrors, sometimes intercept light or cast a shadow, sometimes walk around objects, such as furniture", yet are not reducible to, nor limited by, the material substance of a piece of "furniture" or individual (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090). The trigger also acts as a blocker. A blocker is a closing quality of the same object or image that attracted the recognition process, or trigger. In this sense the object, or image, attracts and closes off attraction, as an element of privacy, or protection of space, so that life as usual can go on (Stevenson, 1997). In the same sense that a picture, a visual, can seem alive, it can also close itself off from you, as if a picture is a visual extension of the living or deceased subject inviting you to interact, then desist (Babolin, 2000, Spalding, 1996 & Stevenson, 1997). The sensor is the process and location whence the mind and brain together associate an image with a memory through eyesight, or imagination (visualization) (Descartes, 1963 & 1993, & Stevenson, 1997). The antenna has a dual process role with the sensor, transmitting and verifying, at an intrapersonal and interpersonal level, message efficiency with the observer (sensor), and the greater audience (Stevenson, 1997), transforming the perceptual process for both the self, and society, in the phenomenological turn (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). Ian Stevenson, MD, defines the magnetic based holonomic memory vehicle for the Mind as the antennae, like an energy aura, transmitting and receiving memory units, which are then processed by our biological cognitive system. The psychophore is "a vehicle that would convey memories from one terrestrial life to another” (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2089). “The memories of the previous personality must be conveyed in the interval between death and birth in or on something". Some might refer to this substance as the apparition, aura or ghost acting as a magnetic based antennae around the person (Stevenson, 1997, p. 2090), which has motivation and it is persistent, driving itself (Bergson, 1935). Maintaining a high aura level, and positive attitude, helps to extend the antenna effectiveness, and perhaps extension of the personality matrix; alternate lifetimes to rely on for improvisational (diathanatic) abilities through a return to mythological thinking (Deng, 1990, Frog, 2015, Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990, Spalding, 1996 & Stevenson, 1997). Modulator controls how an image is interpreted through framing for sense-making (Andsager, 2000). The modulator is unblocked, or activated, by the sensor’s perception of the active or mental image, triggering a mental process of interpretation of the meaning of the image, or visual, called framing (Andsager, 2000). Framing is how to think about an image or a series of images, and the selection of framing is based on one’s motivation (Andsager, 2000). The way a frame is presented also reveals motivation of the editor as well as of the observer (Andsager,2000, Limburg, 1996, & Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). Synchronizer is the editor, and also unblocked, or activated, by the visual stimulus, and editing much like the ego between primal drives and social moral expectations (Descartes, 1963 & 1993, Stevenson, 1997 & SILVIA STEIN 182


Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). The synchronizer is based on emotional maturity (Goleman, 1997) and resilience (Reivich & Shatte, 2001), and has the role of selecting when to let memories and visual associations surface or not, and how to align visuals for a mental grammar narrative like a picture storyboard (Dor, 2000). The role of the synchronizer, or ego, is played by the conscious mind, or personality (past or present), within a person (Stevenson, 1997) or a swarm in swarm intelligence (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). The amplifier is the process, or medium, of greater effectiveness to transmit or distribute the visual, as a trigger or blocker, obtained through art, photography, and print or electronic media (Limburg, 1994), enabling the phenomenological turn in swarm intelligence through the medium or media generating a higher consciousness for the individual or the swarm (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). For greatest (amplified) effectiveness (synchronization), the previous identity is partially presented, reawakening the cultural and historical memory of the embedded image in the following research subject’s, and audience’s, visual memory sensor. Next, the present image is partially presented to recalibrate the perception of the subject’s, and audience’s, sensor. A subtle, almost subliminal, presentation has greater cognitive effect, in re-organizing the visualization process, than a full facial visual, at the beginning (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Babolin, 1999a, Boyer, 2001, Mazur & McCarthy, 2001, & Taflinger, 1996). Otherwise, the present image would not be associated, as effectively, with the merging of the historical image (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Babolin, 1999a & Taflinger, 1996) as a suspended motif (Frog, 2015), or floating signifier (Heim, 2016). Below is an example of re-awakening, and re-orienting for self-individuation, a subject, “Hugh”, by manipulating his sensor with a visual of Walt Disney (1901-1966), a trigger, so that “Hugh” learns to better present himself to others as a trigger, and a visual blocker too. The cognitive potential in the swarm intelligence phenomenological turn is enormous, potentially re-orienting “Hugh”, and his previous following of Disney fans, as his and their immortal moral cornerstone (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Dubin, 1978, Jung, 1990, Limburg, 1994, Toynbee, 1978, & Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017).

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Awakening historical image memory of Walt Disney. Presenting current incarnation as an augmented image of Disney as he is in reality today. The photographs of “Hugh” are made in 2017 at RecycleTechs of Spokane, WA, by the Author Silvia Stein, and edited as a photomontage by Silvia Stein utilizing two photographs of Walt Disney (Disney, 2017 & Getty Image in Conradt, 2016). The actual visual cognitive interaction within the individual, such as in the case of “Hugh”, triggering a visual association in individuation, and the optimized external distribution of the visual, cultivating swarm

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intelligence, cultivating a convergence around the same shared visual (Walt Disney) is illustrated below (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017).

Visual and audio signals, as depicted in the system model above (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017), operate similarly in visual and audio holographic memory since in symbolic logic, and quantum mechanics, all matter we see has a measureable subatomic vibrational, and acoustical, nature (Langer, 1953a, Langer, SILVIA STEIN 185


1953b, Levitin, 2007, Stevenson, 1997). What we see we can acoustically measure, and what we hear we can visually model (Wen, 2007). The example below is a visual operating as both a trigger and a blocker (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). The previous chapter discussed the case of Otto Warmbier (1985 - 2017). The photographs below are highlighted with a red circle unmasking the iconic image of the missing US prisoner of war in North Korea in 1953, Ronald Van Wees born in 1933, falsely reported as dead in 1952 by the US Government, though obviously deceased sometime after 1953, as the visual trigger which resulted in Otto Warmbier’s 2017 death from North Korean internment (ZDF Enterprises, 2017 & Quinn, 2017). Otto Warmbier was arrested and convicted in North Korea for stealing a banner as a souvenir in 2016 while on a tourist visit (Quinn, 2017). The ferocity with which the Obama State Department failed to intervene, after the unmasking of Otto Warmbier as Ronald Van Wees on the surveillance video cameras capturing Otto taking down the North Korean banner similar to the one Van Wees was last photographed next to, resulted in the North Korean court statements by Otto Warmbier firmly denouncing being manipulated by US authorities to act in violation of North Korean banner policies (ZDF Enterprises, 2017 & Quinn, 2017).

An iconic organizing attractor holds permanence due to its omnipresence in history, which is then unavoidably recognized by others, who with a sense of guilt can disguise their sense of guilt, or inadequacy, by over reacting, or reacting aggressively towards the unsuspecting iconic attractor (Babolin, 2000, Jung, 1990, Stein, 2004 & Stevenson, 1997). This, in turn, requires the iconic attractor to react physically and rhetorically defensively, until learning how to effectively self-manage their triggering, and blocking, potential as an iconic, visual attractor (Babolin, 2000, Stein, 2004 & Stevenson, 1997). The danger of not anticipating negative or misplaced attraction, as in the case of Otto Warmbier, a university SILVIA STEIN 186


undergraduate student, can be fatal, particularly if unmasked as a State Department policy, without proper informed consent (Quinn, 2017). As affirmed through experts in iconography, not everyone should come face to face with an iconic attractor (Babolin, 2000). Entering another person’s magnetic aura (psychophore) field inevitably carries risks (Stevenson, 1997). Survival of the iconic person depends on the iconic person to discern who to see face to face, and whom to distance so as not to attract negative attention (Babolin, 2000, Stein, 2004, & Stevenson, 1997). Thus, the successful visual campaign empowers the subject of its campaign to affirm his or her safety first, while maintaining the audience’s attraction to their iconic visual appeal. An example of an effective campaign protecting, yet advancing, the image is the 2016 Republican Presidential campaign for Donald Trump. It cannot be stated here that the campaign was aware of Trump’s iconic visual appeal in history, yet the historical memory of his visual predecessor might have played a role in arousing the collective’s cultural memory; a form of swarm intelligence, in winning the popular vote for Trump to gain the US Presidency.

Donald Trump’s (1964) edited photograph above right (Adams-Otis, Blau, & Dillon, 2015), at about age 18, is correlationally matched through the Author edited red right angle grid measures (Babolin, 2000) to the 1936 circa photograph on the left (Jehovah’s Witnesses, 2011) of August Dickmann (1910-1939), a member of the Jehovah’s Witnesses who at age 29 was one of the first Nazi executed military service resisters who refused to serve the Nazi regime under Adolf Hitler (Jehovah’s Witnesses, 2011). In awakening the historical image above, during the 2016 Presidential campaign, Donald Trump, a Republican, was supported by many of the religious right groups who, like the Jehovah’s Witnesses, had resisted medical fascism, the drunken able-bodied excesses, and sexual fetishes of the Nazi regime (Jehovah’s Witnesses, 2011). An iconic organizing attractor in nature re-establishing political culture (Babolin, 1999a), like Donald Trump, is like the submerged portion of the rock island in the foreground below (Metzner, 1994, & Roszak & Gomes, 1995). When the observer backs away, it is observed that even without seeing the submerged portion of the rock island, all the geology, like in swarm intelligence, is vibrationally growing, with rooted or mobile biological activity (life forms), around the iconic rock island, arranged based on adapting their SILVIA STEIN 187


vibrationally measureable growth to the presence of the static and submerged rock island underneath (Metzner, 1994). Steady iconic persons, like the rock island, attract motion and crowded growth in an unseen, even underground, swarm intelligence way (Metzner, 1994, & Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017), generating a political culture around their natural form (Babolin, 1999a), like the rock island creates an ecological community from ducks, crayfish, trout, perch, and greenery trying to move towards the rock island to grow there. The water around the rock island is given altering currents, due to the static and immovable presence of the rock island disrupting the river’s flow (Hesse, 1922), much like a strong Presidential figure lets a stream of accusations slide away.

Underwater 2017 photographs of the submerged rock island at Boulder Beach, Spokane River, in Washington state, are by the Author, Silvia Stein. When up close to an iconic attractor, it is difficult to understand its attraction power, until we back off and understand its interaction power, as both a trigger and a blocker, in affirming its living space (Babolin, 2000, Lincoln & Guba, 1985, Stevenson, 1997, & Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). The way we think about persons, and see persons in their environment, is not just a field for ecopsychology (Roszak & Gomes, 1995) nor iconography (Babolin, 2000), it is a field for forensic communication scholars specialized in visual rhetoric and specialists in interaction theory (Andsager, 2000, Ayers & Hopf, 1987, Beatty & MCroskey, 2001, Blair & Michel, 1999, Bolls & Lang, 2003, Dor, 2000, Foss, 2005, Gerbner, et al, 1994, Guba & Lincoln, 1985, Goffman, 1974, McGee, 1999, Olson, et al, 2008, Scott, 1994 & Severi, 2004). Visual rhetoric is how we think. Visual rhetoric is the system of preconscious cognitive visual processes studied as a language of image-bites, rather than sound-bites, a grammatically structured process, revealing a finger-print cognitive style for each person, citizen, and voter (Dor, 2000 & Frog, 2015). Preconscious or unconscious memories are activated, possibly, through a physical visual interaction process involving mirror neurons (Iacoboni, et al, 2005). Upon recognition of external images (Iacoboni, et al, 2005), and their feel to the touch, as part of the ideographic or holonomic visual memory cognitive system (Kurzweil, 2000, McGee, 1999, Searle, 1984 & Stevenson, 1997), the receded past memory, or personality (Stevenson, 1997), never disappears completely in the communication interaction theory in identity studies (Drzewiecka, 1999). Recognition of the apparition with the subject in the photograph, through a diachronic and synchronic quantum microtubal process (Kurzweil, 2000 & Stevenson, 1997), instantiates the thoughts or memories of the deceased personality, the submerged portion of the rock SILVIA STEIN 188


island, to the foreground, as part of the present subject’s, the visible portion of the rock island, conscious thought processes (Levitin, 2007). In post-mortem trauma previous life somatic memory, and visual artifacts, surface as part of the current personality (Stevenson, 1997), thus are to be viewed as a continuum and as part of the spectrum of the personality, and not compartmentalized, or they could resurface with devastating effects if improperly manipulated. The surfacing of memories could appear as a dis-unified element of the personality, referred to a scattering of memories and personalities in matrix theory. Yet the scattering and manifestation of memories is part of a reorganization process in obtaining a higher consciousness in the Penrose conjecture of decoherence from decohesion, as explained in the previous chapter (Kurzweil, 2000). Thus my formula of mental events in my predictive theory of visual rhetoric, which stipulates that the subconscious image is a grammatical unit in a structured visual language, is applicable to the visually traceable impromptu scattering of the personality spectrum in matrix theory and to subjects with a seemingly unified personality, if applied properly, and with reasonable informed consent, in a campaign promoting a certain iconic person (Stevenson, 1997, p. 85). The ultimate goal, of the political or other kinds of campaigning, is not thought conformity, as in brainwashing, nor fear of an interrogator nor of an image, the goal is to have the subject of the campaign, as with the Trump Presidential campaign, learn to discern for themselves, and learn to help themselves, and then help others (Weintraub-Austin & Pinkleton, & Hammerman & Lenard, 2000). Identifying, and cultivating, preconscious motivators (icons), in the collective, cultivating swarm intelligence helps us understand, and plan on, how to have uncertain citizens safely follow iconic campaign candidates (Burke, 1969, McGee, 1999 & Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). The campaign plan would have to repeat the image of the iconic campaign candidate so that the image replicates itself in different forms. This replication enables imaginative free association to run loose, so that the image itself is the answer for the different concerns of the citizenry, like the image of Walt Disney or Mickey Mouse is the cure in American popular culture. The repeated use of an image is successful in political campaigns, we know, it is obvious below. The face itself is a political motivator (Babolin, 2000), particularly in cultures that practice reincarnation (Haraldsson, 2005, Spalding, 1996 & Stevenson, 1997). What, then, is the responsibility of those around the political face, is to ensure that the natural iconic attractor, who is born into hereditary power, is properly informed and empowered to properly address the concerns, and needs, of the citizenry (Plato, 1992). The iconic attractor born into power is naturally in the best position to facilitate change within a closed political system. Unlike totalitarianism, in which no one is found accountable, hereditary leaders from birth, are held personally accountable for any errors within her, or his, governing system; it is their destiny to be directly held morally accountable. Persons born into hereditary power can be very useful in facilitating change, ensuring the rights of their citizens (Arendt, 1985 & Limburg, 1994). Of course, if the leader of North Korea is a disappointment, it is also possible to replace the image with someone who resembles Kim Jong Un’s physical structure, in promoting diplomatic dialogue internationally, having another visible public figure inter-changeably speak for Kim Jong Un as a form of swarm intelligence in practice (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017).

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Author edited photographs of Kim Jong Un (Immelman, Chen, Kim & Skudlarek, 2013) & Mao Zedong (Family photograph from 1913).

Austrian authority photograph on August 9, 1916 of Nazario Sauro, released by the Centrale SILVIA STEIN 190


dello Stato di Rom-EUR, Italy archives, edited by the Author with the official public figure photograph of Matteo Salvini at his Facebook.com account at https://www.facebook.com/salviniofficial/photos/a.278194028154.141463.252306033154/10154888660353 155/?type=3&theater As in the case of Kim Jong Un (Mao Zedong), bait and switch political campaign framing is useful to promote another moral iconic cornerstone in Italian politics. Framing Matteo Salvini, born in 1973 (above) as Nazario Sauro, 1880-1916 (Il Giornale, 2017), helps us unmask the historical roots of the Italian people’s distrust of Italy’s financially corrupt governance, and portray Matteo Salvini as the continuation of Nazario Sauro’s position against Italian systemic corruption (Il Giornale, 2017). This bait and switch visual campaign requires, as with Walt Disney in “Hugh’s” case, to first reawaken the historical image of Nazario Sauro in the ethnic Italian nation’s historical memory against Germanic-Austrian fascism and colonization of Italian ethnic groups so as to protect authentic Italian historical figures (Il Giornale, 2017 & Washington State Law, 2002), then presenting an edited photograph of the facial expression and structural correlations between Sauro and Salvini (Stevenson, 1997). Finally, presenting the full facial photo of Matteo Salvini’s face reorients public opinion for the phenomenological turn in swarm intelligence (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017). The image campaign can also gain momentum by establishing that German and fascist attacks against Salvini are elicited by a trigger, Salvini’s face, just like Kim Jong Un’s face might trigger, and block, unwanted harassment (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017 & Stevenson, 1997). My visual campaign strategy, protecting historical ethnic national identity, stresses displaying, through the swarm intelligence venue (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017), obvious correlational identical facial expressions, personality traits, skills, and structural development features through sculptures and photographs (Toynbee, 1978), presented as forensic photo-journalistic evidence of reincarnation (Stevenson, 1997). Future Directions I have clearly established how cultivating "[a] particularly compelling visual image can galvanize world opinion and can affect foreign policy decisions" (Harris, 2009, p. 218). Highly visually iconic persons in public historical memory act as a public billboard, a mental ideograph, an image-bite in themselves (Dor, 2000, p. 22), much like the terms ‘liberty’ or ‘equality’ (McGee, 1999). Somehow, the common person has a particular sensation when thinking of, or near, the iconic person, like Walt Disney with Mickey Mouse, or Mao Zedong and Kim Jong Un, just as they do when thinking of ‘liberty’ or ‘freedom’ (McGee, 1999). My illustrating how to use framing, effectively unmasking and extending a person’s personality and image, in visual campaigns, legitimizes and protects the leadership of historical cultures (Blair & Michel, 1999). Historical yet technologically advanced cultures, such as Russia, northern Europe, north America and North Korea, must avoid cult of personality clashes and unify, to be effective (Chomsky, 2003 & Limburg, 1994). Thus the historical image is worth more than cult idolatry of the historical Jesus (Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002). Improperly translated biblical versions of an image, like a poorly managed political or business campaign, can ironically divide (Baugh, 1963, Danilova, 2004 & Weintraub-Austin, 2001). An accurate historical image of the historical Jesus, or Mao, can better unite as a visual political language, appealing to our collective subconscious (Abdulaeva, Danilova, & Papelina, 2004, Bergson, 1935, Burke, 1969, Dor, 2000, Frog, 2015, Jung, 1992, McGee, 1999, Stein, 2002 & 2004, & Stevenson, 1997). Iconic archetypes unite a nation, and the image reveals the moral compass underlying the personality of the political leader. Although the visual model is applicable to political campaigns in a democracy, it is also SILVIA STEIN 191


applicable, and less expensive, if applied to a system of hereditary power whence the subject is groomed, like Kim Jong Un, as a moral leader from birth, in a monarchical format. My simple anthropological observations of iconic archetypes, as voter organizing factors, provides a foundation for blending the natural richness in human biology, the vast resources of the individual within an extended personality matrix, critical media use of persuasion, and development of perceptions as alternatives to the use of force, under worldwide law for an organized and transcendent control of the masses (Babolin, 1999a, Limburg, 1994 & Malinowski, 1992). “At the same time, this [visual trigger and obstacle, or] disruption could be considered the logical new step into the evolution of our species: when the techno-symbolic forces take control over random biochemical, and social evolution (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017).” In this context, following a moral leader’s image unites and stabilizes a nation’s vision (Chomsky, 2003 & Tafjel, 1982). My concern, in writing this book, is to protect humanity from fake news and false images (Limburg, 1994) of what it is to be human (Kurzweil, 2000), the fake smile of deception that the autistic mimic like so many in the American electronic media audiences (Beatty & McCroskey, 2001, Iacoboni, et al, 2005, Marcuse, 1964 & Maritain, 1958), from intelligent technology that replaces intuition, from computers that replace God in moral reasoning (Kurzweil, 2000). Machines and persons trapped in their daily institutional work routines do not have intuition nor imagination, they have pure logic and cannot feel the worth of a human being, of spirituality, of humanism, culture and ethnic nor national history, much less the worth of an arm amputee like me, a right hand, writing this book when the able-bodied type much faster (Kurzweil, 2000, Lifton, 2000 & Marcuse, 1964). Only a human intuition can imagine that which Darwin theorized, that it is through a handicap that higher evolutionary beings evolve to control their environment (Zahavi & Zahavi, 1997). There are two forms of cultured humans to protect against fake news, technological pollution, or corruption of morals, in modern times (Limburg, 1994): a higher cultured person versed in the transcendent exemplifying humanism, and a historical scholar who is an expert on their own biologically inherited and nurtured ethnic identity (Babolin, 1999a). The first emphasizes the spiritual nature of persons respected through good manners and semiotic, or visual, rhetoric, the second is the collection of rituals that maintain the cultural history of a nation’s biological ethnic group (Babolin, 1999a, Limburg, 1994, Malinowsky, 1992, Stevenson, 1997 & Washington State Law, 2002). Pragmatically not everyone is of equal value at the international level in diplomatic power struggles and in tight military expeditions that involve potential conflict (Goldsworth, 2005 & Goleman, 1997). The selection of which biologically and culturally selfsufficient families to protect in our future of dome cities, surviving harsh conditions of weather and deflecting intrusions of migration (Tafjel, 1982), such as in Russia, establishing autonomous regions like North Korea or Italy, and space colonization, requires self-sufficient family based closed societies to preserve cultural history from democracy/mob control through recognition of reincarnation inheritance. This inner-man is what maintains stable a collective in the midst of change (Stein, 2002 & 2004). Self-sufficient family based cities and space colonization require a castle attitude, not democracy, to advance returning (reincarnated) family members as the moral organizing factor. As an inspirational example I pose the the following iconic example of the Giulia-Claudia Clan (Babolin, 2000, Lendering, 1995 & Stevenson, 1997). Further applications of my visual framing campaign methodology, in a technological world disassociated from itself (Andsager, 2001, Babolin, 2000 & 1999a, Burke, 1969, McGee, 1999, Weintraub-Austin & Pinkleton, 2001), is to properly revive our cultural memory held in ancient statues and photographs (Toynbee, 1978, Stein, 2002, Stevenson, 1997 & Washington State Law, 2002). These visual historical documents, from pre-Christian Roman times, are equally useful and part of the indigenous ethnic Italian SILVIA STEIN 192


culture, from Roman times, to recognize the reincarnation of a Noble leader (Toynbee, 1978). Pictured below, for example, is a marble bust of Giulia Maggiore (Julia the Elder 39 BCE – 14 ACE) (Lendering, 1995), a Noble Roman woman of independent means, which in Rome meant she was a “virgin”, meaning self-sufficient (Goldsworthy, 2005), and most probably the actual historical mother of the historical Jesus, both of whom were horribly harassed by Rome’s military men. The historical Jesus (Boswell, 1980, Schiffman, 1995 & Stein, 2002), pictured in an Etruscan style catacomb (Hamblin, 1976, Massa, 1989 & Settimi, 2010) under Rome, as the Artemide of Etruscan religion, is the shepherdess and warrior with her flock (Settimi, 2010). This image, in 2000, triggered my approved academic research questioning the use of the crucifix with a bearded male figure by Church of Rome since about 900 AD, and more specifically the Italian government’s mandating a crucifix in every classroom and office (Henneberger, 2001 & Stein, 2002). Her Latin name is Giulia Minore (Julia Minor 19 BCE - 14 ACE) (Taylor, 2008), and was the daughter of Giulia Maggiore (Lendering, 1995), and recognized as the personification of the Etruscan goddess Artemide, often depicted in her war chariot, Artemide, who fought the Romans (Hamblin, 1976 & Massa, 1989). Etruscan and Jewish pre-Christian cultures share a common enemy, Romans and particularly Roman men, who subjugated cultures by preying on women (Ercolani, Naccarato & Renzi, 2012, Hamblin, 1976, Henneberger, 2001, Massa, 1989 & Stein, 2002). Both Etruscan and Jewish alphabets also share similar alphabetical characters, and in archeology it is suspected that the Etruscan tribes navigated into Ancient Egypt, Turkey and up the Dneiper into Ukraine and Russia, forming the first tribes of Jewish identity (Hamblin, 1976 & Massa, 1989). The mother of Giulia Minore, Giulia Maggiore’s 360 degree facial sculpture example below precisely correlates with that of another Noble Tuscan woman, Gigliola Addini portrayed at age 17, in Florence, Tuscany, Italy (Stevenson, 1997). Ancient Romans sculpted the faces of important persons so that from any angle they are recognizable (Toynbee, 1978). The September 1946 photograph is placed at the front entrance of her house, as a trigger and a blocker, of the private collection of Gigliola Addini-Stein (Toynbee, 1978).

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Author Silvia Stein edited study of Giulia Minore (Taylor, 2008 & Settimi 2010) utilizing the earliest depiction of the historical shepherd (Jesus), in the San Callisto Etruscan style catacomb (Hamblin, 1976, Massa, 1989 & Settimi 2010), and the marble bust of Giulia Minore (Taylor, 2008). Obviously the bust of Giulia Minore was used as the model for the oldest painted official depiction of the historical Jesus in the Etruscan style catacomb (Hamblin, 1976, Massa, 1989 & Settimi, 2010). Editing and framing the marble bust of Giulia Maggiore (Lendering, 1995), for a correlational study with the photograph of Gigliola Addini (Stevenson, 1997), within the informed consent norm of a person incarnating a historical memory as a private intellectual property (Washington State Law, 2002), there is a match as with identical twins, unmasking and uniting the persona in time so that Giulia Maggiore’s image triggers a release of her leadership style, alive and with us today, as it triggers a memory two thousand years old, and blocks the negative Images and intentions of those who harmed her (Babolin, 2000, pp. 352-353, Bergson, 1935, Stevenson, 1997 & Toynbee, 1978) and her daughter (Henneberger, 2001 & Stein, 2002). This study also further supports campaign actions previously taken to terminate fascist era Italian laws mandating the crucifix, blocker of all discussions, in public offices and classrooms (Henneberger, 2001 & Stein, 2002) while restoring the original visual trigger for Christianity, historical depictions of Jesus as effeminate, white, beardless, and requiring only three nails, instead of four, if due to a left arm brachial plexus injury in a sling with a dislocated left shoulder (Drzewiecka & Wong, 1999, Settimi, 2010, Stein, 2002, & Stevenson, 1997).

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Example, in center, of a brachial plexus left arm injury with the shoulder surgically rebuilt after failure of a sling to keep the left arm from dislocating from the shoulder, personal x-ray made in Switzerland in 2009 of the Author, Silvia Stein. With a left arm brachial plexus injury, the Author Silvia Stein pictured in 1994 above left, the left arm is basically dead, of any sensation, and like a cadaver it is withered due to the inability to use the left arm muscles; the weight of the flail left arm results in an inevitable, permanently dislocated, left shoulder which like that of a leper would tear off on a typical Roman crucifixion, in contrast to the right arm (Settimi, 2010 & Stevenson, 1997). This flail left arm would explain, forensically, why only three nails, for three limbs, not four, was required with an extended right arm in a kind of salute (Settimi, 2010, Stein, 2002 & Stevenson, 1997). This photograph of Silvia Stein, on the left, is consistent with that of the historical Jesus depicted as Giulia Minore on the right, highlighted to stress the lines of the left arm that seems consistent with leprosy or a brachial plexus injury (Settimi, 2010), in that the biological body re-inherits the psychophysiological attributes of the psychophore’s past traits, due to birth and circumstance related to the laws of interaction in which previous injuries re-occur in similar circumstances (Stevenson, 1997). At the right it is visible that a sling is required to support the dislocated left shoulder and flail left arm (Settimi, 2010). The sling, at the atrophied left hand, prevents the atrophied left arm (in a rigid forty-five degree angle position, typical of brachial plexus injuries that are not therapeutically maintained through physical therapy massage or a surgically rebuilt shoulder), from falling out of place producing further injury during walking or jogging; yet the sling hangs unused at the atrophied left hand when the person, with the atrophied and rigid arm, is not moving, yet gently resting the left hand on a lamb’s left foot (Settimi, 2010 & Stevenson, 1997). These visual approaches triggering extension of the human personality matrix, from Walt Disney to Jesus, have future applications for my visual campaign design, using swarm intelligence (Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017), advancing a cultural icon as a moral anchor, or blocker, for today and future generations against the Vatican and mafia (Kington, 2017) repeated denials and ritually occult cannibalistic murders of SILVIA STEIN 195


women (Salamone, 1997) suspected of being Giulia Minore, the Spirit of Jesus reincarnated (Fisk, 2014, Heim, 2016, Settimi, 2010, Stein, 2002, & Stevenson, 1997). I stress that we must respect our images as our intellectual property, like our memories and history, to protect, and advance, against slander, fake news and distortions, while profitably using them as part of any visual campaign (Babolin, 2000, Stein, 2002 & Washington State Law, 2002) aiming for a wave effect paradigm shift for the individual, and the collective. Unmasking the mythological vision, or motivation, the individual has projected for themselves, and matching it to the image embraced by the campaign audience, the swarm, guarantees message effectiveness (Ayers & Hopf, 1987, McGee, 1999, & Samohvalov & Crilov, 1990). Actual communication competency varies according to the physiological cognitive structures, thus those fluent in various ideological and linguistical cognitive styles can more easily adapt as they are visually promoted (Abdulaeva, Danilova, & Papelina, 2004, Cacioppo & Tassinary, 1999, & Stein, 2004). For maximum effectiveness the campaign message is aimed at the visualization level (Ayers & Hopf, 1987), non-verbal, subliminally stimulating the imagination of the individual and the swarm (Bandura, 1994, Vallverdú, Talanov, & Khasianov, 2017, & Weintraub-Austin & Pinkleton, 2001). References Abdulaeva, E., Danilova, E.A., & Papelina, E. (2004). Cognitive aspects of male & female language use. Cognitive Styles of Communication: Theories & applications. Bogdanovich, G., Dikareva, S., & Skrebtsova, T. (Eds.). Simferopol (Russia): Taurida V. I. Vernadsky University Press. Adams-Otis, G., Blau, R., & Dillon, N. (2015). Photos show Donald Trump in military uniform, with athletic teams before dodging the Vietnam draft with ‘bull---t’ injury. New York Daily News, July 21, 2015. Article available at http://www.nydailynews.com/news/politics/photos-show-trump-military-garb-dodging-draftarticle-1.2298248 Allport, G.W. (1958). The Nature of Prejudice. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor Books. Andsager, J.L. (2000). How interest groups attempt to shape public opinion with competing news frames. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 77, 577–592. Andsager, J.L. & Powers, A. (2001). Framing women´s health with a sense-making approach: Magazine coverage of breast cancer & implants. Health Communication, 13, 163–185. Arendt, H. (1985). The Origins of Totalitariansim. Orlando, FL: Harcourt. Ayers, J. & Hopf, T. (1987). Visualization, systematic desensitization & rational emotive therapy: a comparative evaluation. Communication Education. Published by the National Communication Association. 36:3, 236-240. Babolin, S. (1999a). Produzione di Senso. Rome, Italy: Associazione Culturale Hortus Conclusus. Babolin, S. (1999b). Semiosi e Communicazione. Rome, Italy: Associazione Culturale Hortus Conclusus. Babolin, S. (2000). Icona e Conoscenza: Preliminari d'una teologia iconica. Padova, Italy: Stampa Mediagraf srl.

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