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Institute of International Education Department of Education

VOICES FROM WITHIN Redefining the “Spaces” of International and Comparative Education, a Collective Contribution

Editor Vinayagum Chinapah

2012

Additional copies of this book including a PDF version are available at the Institute of International Education, Department of Education, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden Cover Artwork: John Foxx/Getty Images

Printed in Sweden by Universitetsservice US AB Stockholm, 2012 © Institute of International Education Department of Education Stockholm University Sweden ISBN: 978-91-980268-4-9

Contributing Authors Vinayagum Chinapah

Karen Ann Blom

Holger Daun

Jiaying Zhang

Mikiko Cars

Anna Toropova

Talia Klundt

Aliaksandra Laziuk

Patsy Kng

Wanwisa Suebnusorn

Wen Zhang

Youjin Chong

Table of Contents Content

Page

Table of Contents Acknowledgements

i iii

Introduction

v

Vinayagum Chinapah and Karen Ann Blom Summary

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The World and Comparative Education: Outline of a Research Approach

1

Holger Daun Reconsidering Human Dimension and Contextualized 25 Comparison in Comparative Education in the Era of Globalization Mikiko Cars A Comparative Study of Former American and Swedish Study Abroad Students

39

Talia Klundt Gender Equality and Education: A Qualitative Study of a Group of Chinese Students in Stockholm, Sweden

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Patsy Kng Education and Rural Development: A Comparative Study of Two Non-Formal Training Programs in Yunnan Province of China

i

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Wen Zhang Education for Rural Transformation: A Literature Review

107

Jiaying Zhang A Study of the Relationship between Student Background Factors and Science Achievement Based on TIMSS 2007 Results in Ukraine

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Anna Toropova Life Skills Based Education and Empowerment: Comparative Case Study on the Role of Life Skills Based Education for Students from Boarding Schools and Secondary Education in the Republic of Moldova

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Aliaksandra Laziuk The Diploma Disease and Higher Education Reform during Economic Crisis: A Comparative Analysis of Diploma Disease in Thailand before and after Higher Education Reform of 1999

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Wanwisa Suebnusorn Community Participation in Children‘s Education in Chronic Refugee Situation: The Case of Rohingya Refugee Camps in Bangladesh

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Youjin Chong Index

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

T

he present book is a direct response to the problems of inclusion in the scientific, academic, and professional discourse surrounding the discipline ―International and Comparative Education – ICE‖. We, at the Institute of International Education (IIE) of the Department of Education of Stockholm University in Sweden, espoused a different view of the discipline where it comes to its coverage as well as its inclusiveness. This is why IIE has devoted some of its resources to assist its staff and young researchers to contribute in this publication from their entries at the Nordic Comparative Education Society‘s (NOCIES) Conference held in Lund, Sweden in 2011 entitled ―A place for the Discipline of Education? Redefining the Space.‖ The inquisitive and constructive manner of commissioning a response to the question of the space for education allowed for many researchers to critically reflect in a corpus of data and research spurring the discipline further. It was with great pleasure that (IIE) responded to this call as the institute upholds its leadership in educating young researchers and launching them into the academic space. It is also with this in mind that these authors are thanked. Some who were at one time ―young researchers‖, and who now cultivate and encourage others to grow as they did. These honourable authors are Professor Emeritus Holger Daun and current IIE Senior Lecturer, Dr. Mikiko Cars, both highly instrumental in continuing the legacy of IIE‘s dedication to young researchers and empirically-based research. Those ―young researchers‖ whose contributions are much appreciated are all recent graduates from IIE‘s highly lauded Master Degree Programme in International and Comparative Education, namely: Talia Klundt, Patsy Kng, Wen Zhang, Anna Toropova, Aliaksandra Laziuk, Wanwisa Suebnusorn, Youjin Chong as well as doctoral candidate Jiaying Zhang. Finally, I want to thank our Department of Education at Stockholm University as well as IIE editorial team, Dr. Mikiko Cars, Wanwisa Suebnusorn, Talia Klundt, Patsy Kng, Vladimir Vesovic and Karen Ann Blom. I hope that this publication and others produced by IIE continues to encourage and inspire young researchers.

Vinayagum Chinapah Professor and Head of IIE Stockholm University, August 2012

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Introduction Vinayagum Chinapah and Karen Ann Blom

T

his current publication is a compilation of contributed papers at the Nordic Comparative Education Society (NOCIES) Conference entitled ‗A place for the Discipline of Education? Redefining the Space‘, which was held at the University of Lund, Sweden on the 24-26 of March, 2011. The goal of the conference in Lund was to open a space for reflections on the role of the discipline of education, both in a broader context and as it relates to comparative and international perspectives. At this conference, the contributions from the Institute of International Education covered various themes and perspectives; attempting together to re-define the space for education. In other words, the papers discuss and reflex upon several pertinent questions including the following: What are the justifications for education as a discipline? How do we understand these justifications? How does comparative education contribute in re-defining the space for education? Increasingly education as a discipline is being challenged. In as much as pedagogical and scientific competence is a criterion for professional development in academia, the importance of the discipline of education becomes a vital issue. In International and Comparative Education, it is imperative to make a breakthrough that (1) allows for the flow of expertise in an inclusive bases rather than on intellectual seniority or clan base; (2) allows for additional space for the voiceless to voice what they learn at the onset of their research and professional career as youth and lack of experience does not equate lack of valuable knowledge; (3) turns the discipline into a more relevant and responsive one for the targeted beneficiaries by avoiding the dominant and exclusive mode espoused so far by established societies in this field. This publication reflects precisely the lacuna in the practice of the discipline of International and Comparative Education (ICE). There is a greater need for a paradigm shift in both the theoretical and the empirical domains. In recent years, the ‗either-or‘ choice between the quantitative or the qualitative research methodologies or v

between the neo-liberalism / market-driven and post-modernism / evidence-less approaches has created more harm than good to the discipline. Often producing ―specialists‖ in one area and establishing division where there should/could be interaction, collaboration and innovation. Inclusive International and Comparative Education needs a solid and well-founded base, where participants who are voiceless and those who have been turned as ―Silent Partners‖ - young researchers as well as those established ones from Africa, Asia and the Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, the Arab and Middle East, and Central and Eastern Europe - will be in the driving seats for the discipline. At the Institute these are representatively young Master‘s graduates and other newly graduated researchers whose contributions are not only recognized but are often published and encouraged to disseminate their knowledge through weekly seminars, symposiums, conferences etc. Through the encouragement and collaboration with these young researchers, the Institute of International Education is able to maintain its position as both as a leader in the field of International and Comparative Education (ICE), but also as an incubator of raw talent that infuses the institute with fresh, innovative ideas that is shared with the global academic community. A combination of both experienced and young researchers are represented in this compilation of excellent research findings. This, as many of IIE‘s publications, is intended to continue the legacy of excellence and purpose forth by its founder, Professor Torsten Husén. For the past 40 years, IIE has consistently championing ICE under Husén‘s mentorship and guidance. IIE continues to be the ―think tank‖ searched after by many international and national bodies for their innovative ideas, activities and continued research. ―Inclusive International and Comparative Education Research‖ is IIE‘s current driving force and although it is a long way ahead it is a hopeful and promising journey. IIE's new vision, its long-term strategy and most important of all, its belief in capacity development and team-building through mentoring and empowerment processes - a two-way traffic between established and young, highly motivated researchers from all parts of this world - can guarantee this Inclusive and International Comparative Education. IIE‘s continued dedication to the purpose of this is demonstrated in this publication.

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Summary Holger Daun provides an elaborated outline of an approach concerning the world and comparative education research. Education is most fruitfully seen as interacting with structural and cultural realities; there is a dynamic and dialectic relationship between education and society. From this perspective, he proposes a holistic perspective which includes interactions not only between the education system and its surrounding national society but also society´s relationship to the world system and globalization. Two principal global forces are identified, which are driving education reforms: 1) a country´s position in the world system and involvement in global processes, and 2) the dissemination of educational world models (through borrowing, imitation, imposition, etc.). He argues that general economic, political and cultural globalization affects education indirectly, while some influences go directly and specifically from the world arena to national Ministries of Education. In his paper, a methodological approach to the study of national education systems and schools in the context of world system and globalization is provided, highlighting competitiveness and diversification elements of education. He concludes that generation of knowledge in the field of Comparative and International Education needs to be placed in the larger context of philosophical, theoretical and methodological orientations. Researchers´ capacity to possess profound knowledge in theory of science is important, in order to be able to evaluate various different theories and methods as well as to judge the validity of various studies and the implications of the findings. Mikiko Cars attempts to reconsider human dimension in comparative education in the era of globalization. Today, we are witnessing rapid, dynamic, and unpredictable shifts of the world order, politically and economically, in the context of multifaceted globalization process. Many issues surround comparative education in this context, e.g. a) a changing global structure, human capital, increasing wealth, widening gap; b) knowledge formation shift from national to global level; c) global growth of information and communication technologies; d) international division of (knowledge) labour, including the issue of outsourcing; and e) de-territorialisation, increasing interconnectedness, which threatens diversity and standardization, etc. Research brings to light commercial and vii

utilitarian aspects of education with economic efficiency override academic, humanistic tradition of education. Taking the concept of ―development‖ as an example, this paper intends to conduct metatheorizing as a means of attaining deeper understanding of relevant theoretical approaches from the constructivist ontological perspective. The importance of contextualized comparison, especially of sociocultural and historical context is re-emphasized. The paper supports holistic and contextualized use of theory, where emphasis is placed upon people‘s capacity to affect social change, and argues that in order to achieve the desired human progress based upon values held by heterogeneous actors concerned in any intervention, a shift in collective consciousness from micro to macro levels may be required. Talia Klundt presents and compares former Swedish and American study abroad students. Although, many studies have been conducted in this area, very few have focused solely on student perspectives. The aim of this study was to provide a greater understanding of the benefits and long term effects, and how studying abroad impacted their overall attitudes and perceptions. Using semistructured interviews, the study showed empirical evidence those undergraduate and graduate students who study abroad during their university career benefit in a myriad of ways including personal growth and career development. Framed by a discrepancy between China‘s official achievement of gender parity in education and continued discourse about deeprooted traditional gender ideologies (particularly in rural areas), Patsy Kng presents the key findings of whether gender-based differential treatment was experienced in secondary schools by a cohort of ten Chinese students in Stockholm, Sweden. Through their personal narratives, the research further explored how gender roles and identities are constructed and understood by the students. Semistructured interviewing consisted of mostly open-ended questions and were conducted face-to-face. The study found that gender-based preconceptions were experienced by the research participants and manifested in the gendering of: 1) academic study fields and career choices, 2) physical education and playtime, 3) teachers‘ perceptions and treatment of students, and 4) parental and social attitudes. It is hoped that the findings will offer insight and contribute knowledge to the under-researched area of gender relations in China‘s education sector. Wen Zhang critically focuses on the education of rural people. For years, there has been a heated debate regarding education for rural viii

people, be it the content of curricula or pedagogical related issue. Zhang investigates the role of Non-Formal education in the most populous developing country-China. Providing a background context of contemporary rural China at the macro level, she compares two Non-Formal Training Programs at the micro level. The aim of the paper is to investigate the role of education in the process of rural development and explore how tailor-made Non-Formal Training Programs are planned and implemented to meet local learning needs. This paper argues that Non-Formal education, with its flexible and responsive nature, should be further explored and utilized to benefit rural peoples and facilitate rural development. Similarly, Jiaying Zhang investigates from another perspective. The recent China‘s National Plan for Medium and Long-term Education Reform and Development (2010-2020) has singled out how education for rural transformation is determinant for the country‘s human resource development strategy. Zhang‘s study reaffirms the need for further research in this field and provides a discourse on critically and historically reviewing the concepts of ―rural‖, ―transformation‖, and ―rural transformation‖ in the context of China. Anna Toropova focuses on science performance of the 8th grade Ukrainian students in relation to student personal characteristics and family background provided by the TIMSS background questionnaire. A correlation analysis was performed in order to investigate the degree of association between categories of variables. Toropova‘s findings indicate that the number of books and educational resources at a student‘s home have the strongest positive correlation with student science achievement. The strongest negative correlation was found between the number of hours students work at paid jobs after school and science performance. Secondary analysis of the Ukrainian TIMSS data reveal the existence of gender differences in performance in various science subjects with boys significantly outperforming girls in physics and earth science. An important finding of the study concerning marginalization in science education shows that the lack of parental education, students‘ place of birth and the digital divide may contribute to student exclusion from mainstream science education in Ukraine. In the Republic of Moldova, Aliaksandra Laziuk conducted a qualitative case study exploring the complex phenomenon of Life Skills Based Education as a means of empowerment for young people. The research analyses the role of Life Skills Based Education in Moldovan secondary education and boarding school students ix

employing semi-structured interviews, group interviews, document study, and non-participant observations. The empirical findings of the case study are analysed and discussed through the model of empowerment developed by Rowlands and complemented by the theories of Freire and Habermas. Laziuk findings indicate that the issue of Life Skills and Life Skills Based Education is a sensitive and laden one within Moldovan society affected greatly by political, economic and socio-cultural factors. The study also finds that the role of Life Skills Based Education for the two groups in focus is rather distinct. Boarding school participants‘ results primarily focused in the increase of selfesteem, self-confidence, finding of inner strength and changing of self-image. Secondary school findings indicated impact in primarily participants‘ social and communication skills. Wanwisa Suebnusorn‟s research points to the need for redefinition of the meaning of education and its relevance. Comparatively examining the phenomenon of ‗Diploma Disease‘ in the context of Thailand before (1960-1998) and after the higher education reform of 1999 (2000-2010). Suebnusorn investigates how educational certificates have been widely used for occupational selection. Secondary analysis of archival data and statistics are employed in order to compare the nature, scope, fundamental factors, and impacts of Diploma Disease during the two consecutive periods. This analysis is expected to expand on the knowledge of Diploma Disease in the 21st century, specifically in Thailand, and illustrates how educational reform during the economic crisis of 1999 had impacts on the situation. Major findings of the study confirm Dore‘s arguments and calls for the need to discuss the dilemma between the ideal and utilitarian conceptions of education, the tradeoff between equality and quality of education, as well as the balance between demand and supply of graduates. These are beneficial for reconsidering the meaning, contents, and purposes of education in order to reinvent the sustainable educational development paradigm. Education in the midst of the increasing refugee situation is investigated by Youjin Chong. There are fifteen significant on-going armed conflicts throughout the world, each lasting on average 10 years. By comparing two Rohingya (Bangladesh) refugee camps, Chong examined three aspects: (1) the forms of the refugee community participation in education, (2) factors that affect community participation in the chronic refugee situation, and (3) its x

influence on their children's education. This study is based on a combination of quantitative and qualitative data. The findings indicate that the refugee communities systematically participate in children's education through PTA/SMC activities and also through an enlightenment troupe. The greatest reason refugee communities desire to participate is their aspiration to create a better educational environment. Distrust toward school teachers was a key factor for children losing interest in school, thus leading to dropouts. Furthermore, education was denied above the elementary level (the 18-year refugee status meant that the camp education was not officially endorsed by the Government of Bangladesh) and this compelled refugee parents and children to choose to work despite the opportunity to study. Chong concludes that without opportunities for realistic and practical schooling or promoting the improvement of teacher ability, people facing a longterm refugee status will be forced to give up even that minimum level of education.

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Holger Daun

The World and Comparative Education: Outline of a Research Approach Holger Daun

I. Introduction Until the end of the 1980s, educational reforms took place principally in response to national (and domestic) requirements and demands (except for the countries that once were colonized), although some international borrowing of educational features occurred. Today, governments introduce types of reforms that are unexpected by the members of their societies, at least by non-elite people at the ―grassroots level‖. Since education is most fruitfully seen as interacting with structural and cultural realities; there is a dynamic and dialectic relationship between education and society. Hence, it is necessary to have a holistic perspective which means (a) to consider historical trends, and (b) to have a broad perspective on contemporary educational phenomena. Such a perspective includes interactions not only between the education system and its surrounding national society but also society´s relationship to the world system and globalization. Therefore, we need new theories and methods that help us understand what is taking place with education around the world. Two principal global forces driving education reforms are thus: (i) a country‘s position in the world system and involvement in global processes, and (ii) the dissemination of educational world models (through borrowing, imitation, imposition, and so on) (Dale 1999; Phillips, 2004; Steiner-Khamsi, 2004a). General economic, political and cultural globalization affects education indirectly, while some influences go directly and specifically from the world arena to national Ministries of Education. The purpose of this paper is to outline a methodological approach to the study of national education systems and schools in the context of world system and globalization.

II. World System and Globalization The world system and globalization constitute phenomena qualitatively different from internationalization. The latter is what countries do from within in relation to other countries, but 1

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globalization to a large extent takes places independently of nationstates and their borders. Two sets of theories deal with the global phenomena that are relevant in regard to education: (1) world system (WS) theories (a. political-economic world system and b. institutional world system), and (2) globalization theories. The two types of WS theory (politicaleconomic and the institutionalist) differ in several aspects from globalization theories. One such difference is that in WS theories, the dynamics of historical development is a principal ingredient, while it is not in most globalization theories (Clayton, 2004). WS theory and globalization theories seldom deal explicitly with education but both of them need to be considered in analyses of educational systems around the world. According to the political-economic WS approach, the drive for competitiveness, profit and accumulation is the principal ‗cause‘ of or condition for what occurs globally (Elwell, 2006; Wallerstein, 1991, 2006). Wallerstein (2006) defines four different categories of countries or areas, but all of them participate in the drive for competitiveness (Dale, 2000). The world system consists of nations, corporations, organizations, networks, movements, etc. The position countries have in the world system may vary from marginalized to strongly incorporated into (competitive) world markets. Countries ‗situated outside‘ of these flows (the poorest countries in the world) are marginalized and at the same time indirectly influenced in that their frame of action is determined by the world system (Castells, 1993; Foreign Policy, 2006; Griffith-Jones and O´Campo, 1999). This affects the amount of resources available for education. The institutionalist WS theory assumes the existence of a world polity that is not a physical body or institution but a symbolic, cultural construction and discursive entity with enforcing characteristics. The world polity embraces world models consisting of ―cognitive and ontological models of reality that specify the nature, purposes, technology, sovereignty, control, and resources of nation-states and other actors‖ (Meyer et al., 1997, p. 144). These models may be seen as ‗stored‘ in policy documents in and disseminated from international organizations (IGOs), such as OECD, UNESCO, and the World Bank. The discourse developed in these bodies, are spread also by International Non-governmental Organizations (INGOs) and various networks of individuals and organizations (Messner, 1997). National decision-makers are assumed to have the ambition or to feel compelled to organize the state apparatuses (including the education 2

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system) and their functions so that they meet the expectations implied or recommended in the world models (Meyer et al., 1997). Globalization can be seen as the processes taking place within the framework of the world system; it is something more than the sum of the actions taken by single nations, because it has an existence of its own (Cardoso, 1993; Spring, 2009). It is processes such as compression of the world (in space and time) through ICT; economic interdependencies of global reach; and an ideology (Cox, 2000) or ―the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole‖ (Robertson, 1992, p. 8). In the ideological perspective, globalization is seen as something linear and irreversible. Globalization contains itself a ‗package of globalization discourse‘; it carries other discourses; and it makes discourses disengage themselves from place (specific countries, specific communities, traditional places of knowledge generation, etc.). Scholte (2007) discusses ´global-ness´ (in relation to ´global civil society´), which refers to geographical scale, but he also mentions other characteristics (of organizations) which may have global reach: the purpose, the communication network, issues addressed, and so on. Global pressure for human rights, political freedom and freedom of organization has made many governments organize multiparty elections from the end of the 1980s (Bretherton, 1996; Giddens, 2002). The number of NGOs and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and various networks (informal and formal) has grown considerably. Between 1909 and 1993, the number of NGOs increased from less than 200 to more than 4,000 and the number of IGOs from 37 to 286 (Boli and Thomas, 1999; Mannin, 1996). This means that many more IGOs and INGOs affect policy-making and implementation than ever before (Jones, 2005; Messner, 1997; Mundy, 2007). Economic processes are the most globalized ones and they are governed by market forces, that is, ‗governance without government‘ (Gill, 2000), while there is no world wide body corresponding to the state, dealing with the common good, welfare, equality, and environmental problems on a global scale (Anheier, 2007; Attac, 2004; Duffield, 2003; Griffin, 2003). Although Garsten & Jakobsson (2007, p. 146) argue that: ―Even if there is no ´world government´, the world is spanned by many organisations with global governance concerns´‖, there is no world body managing the global distribution of resources and rights. 3

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Globalization has resulted in a tremendous economic differentiation. In the most globalized economic sectors of the middle and high income countries, employment grows mainly in the Post-Fordist mode of production (Cox, 2000; Waters, 2000), Work in the Post-Fordist mode of production implies flexibility, creativity, and so on. Not only globally but also among countries in the European Union (EU) there is a great deal of variety in the mode of production, and hence, varying needs for different types of competences. Lorenz, Lundvall, and Valeyre, (2004), for example, found four different modes of organizing companies and work in Europe and that, for example, 60 % of the labour force in the Denmark are employed in companies characterized as post-Fordist, while the proportion is 19% in Greece. Low skill jobs tend to be exported to the low countries in the South (ILO, 1998). In countries around the world, in particular low income countries have been established. Export Processing Zones (EPZs) have been established. Export processing zones have been defined as ―industrial zones with special incentives set up to attract foreign investment, in which imported materials undergo some degree of processing before being exported again‖ (ILO, 1998, p. 21). An export processing zone is a designated specialized industrial unit which produces mainly for export and which constitutes; it forms a closed society, independent of the trade and customs regime of a country in which free trade applies (ESCAP/UNTC, 1985, p. 1). In 1999, such zones existed in 93 developing countries (United Nations, 1999, p. 10). In these zones, many of the human and political rights do not apply in practice. Culturally and ideologically, globalization causes or encompasses standardization and homogenization as well as particularization and heterogenization; secularization as well as desecularization and revitalization of moral and religious values (Berger, 1999; Norris & Inglehart 2004; Robertson, 1992). Globalization of neo-liberal policies makes economic imperatives dominate over all others (Giddens, 1994; Saul, 1997). The changes caused by globalization, on the one hand, and state withdrawal from its traditional roles in society; on the other hand, result in insecurity and uncertainty reaching individuals‘ life worlds (Carnoy & Castells, 1995; Giddens, 1999; Lash, 1990; Zürn, 2003). As Giddens (1994:22) argues: ―Globalization is not just about the creation of larger systems, but about the transformation of the contexts of social experience...‖ ICT now makes this intrusion from the global 4

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to the private possible (Kumar, 1995; Lash, 1990). What is at stake at the individual level is cultural identity (Suárez-Orozco, 2004). In the long term, a predominating discourse tends to be institutionalized and embodied in material structures, everyday life and power relations, a phenomenon that tends to condition peoples‘ perceptions, beliefs and actions. The discourses predominating from the 1980s make it out of fashion or even illegitimate to argue that there exist different paradigms or discourses (Ball, 1990; Foucault, 1991). For example, it has been very difficult during the past decades to argue that educational problems in low income countries might have something to do with their poverty due to the global division of work, production and resources and that a small and poor country locked into a low position in the world system is to a large extent conditioned by this position and cannot achieve economic growth due to competition. Since the beginning of the 1980s, the world models include parts of and carry combinations of contradictory as well as complementary or overlapping ideas and discourses such as the utility-maximizing, egoistic, and autonomous individual as a rational chooser vs. the altruistic individual who believes in solidarity. The most globalized and predominating discourses are, what we can call, the market discourse and the modern communitarian discourse. They are dominating the global educational agenda. According to the modern communitarian discourse, schools should be locally owned and run, either by local communities, NGOs or other associations (Barber, 1996; Etzioni, 1995). Schools are expected to repair for the ‗under-education‘ (in moral, ethics, values etc.) taking place in many homes today, but the schools are too narrow in their task and too test oriented so as to achieve this (Etzioni, 1995; Rahmena, 1997). The market discourse and the modern communitarian discourse differ in some important regards. For example, more orthodox communitarians are against world capitalism and excessive profit making, and they differ in the view of democracy and the market. For communitarians, democracy is optimal local participation, while for market proponents; it is choice in markets (Teivainen, 2007, pp.71, 75) or some type of competitive and representational political arrangements. In the market discourse, education tends to be seen as a technical affair that efficiently should produce human capital, while in the communitarian discourse, it is seen more holistically as a means for human development, personal growth or as a value in itself. 5

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However, these two discourses have a great deal in common, at least ontologically and epistemologically. Their common denominator has attained a hegemonic position in the world models. Elements such as ‗the agent‘, ‘the micro‘, and so on, have taken a leading position in educational research and policy communities (Morrow and Torres, 1995; Popkewitz, 2000). They share the foundation in development optimism and evolutionary, teleological and linear thinking, and the belief in rational planning. They take for granted, at least implicitly, that development follows a predetermined path (Esteva & Prakash, 1998; Rahmena, 1997; Tenbruck, 1991). They see education as a panacea for or the motor of development; see problems in terms of technological and professional solutions rather than in terms of culture, meaning and motivation (Moulton et al., 2001). This common denominator summarized in Table 1 is impregnating Comparative and International Education (C&I) and its terms are often taken for granted. Table 1: Basic Features of Common Denominator of the Market and Communitarian Discourses Individualism; freedom of choice; decentralization; participation; individual autonomy; state withdrawal; education as an individual issue. Education seen as The Motor of development. Lifelong learning. Choice. Development from below. Development evolutionary and teleologically. Moral and voluntary regulation replacing political regulation. Partnership. Consensus. Accountability. Based on: Anheier, 2007; Barber, 1996; Daun, 2002; Esteva & Prakash; Hamilton, 2003; Scholte, 2007; Schuurmann, 1993; Teivainen, 2007: Tenbruck, 1991; UNESCO, 1990.

In development policy and research, something of a vacuum, ‗crisis‘ or ‗impasse‘ occurred in the beginning of the 1990s. The intended or predicted development had not been achieved. This fact was seen as a result of the type of policies and research employed so far (Schuurman, 1993). Failing development is perceived to depend on lack of knowledge (or human capital) or errors in the way of handling knowledge acquisition (Farrell, 1999). Harriss (2002) argues that development (especially in the market discourse) has been depoliticized and is seen as a technical matter rather than a political and cultural matter. It is normally assumed that the state and the government are the central core from which policies emanate. However, from the new 6

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governance perspective we have to look at all the forces that contribute to the outcome of the formulated policies. Such forces are socio-economic class, ethnicity, etc. working not only vertically but also horizontally (Mundy, 2007; Daun, 2011). ―In the new forms of governance, states are just one type of actor among others involved in regulatory activity‖ (Garsten & Jakobsson, 2007, p. 147). Thus, there are many governing forces in addition to the state: market forces, civil society organizations, Intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), publication of findings from international studies of students‘ academic achievement, ―international standards‖, consultant reports, etc. (Phillips, 2000; Steiner-Khamsi, 2004c). The de-territorialization of companies and organizations results in still more governance problems for the national states. For the state to govern now means that to coordinate efforts so as to achieve various (mainly economic) goals within its territory. States respond differently to globalization processes (Brown & Lauder, 1996; Cox, 2000; Foreign Policy, 2006; Gill, 2000). Whatever the national state‘s response, globalization forces enter the national context, and ‗hybridization‘ (Nederven Pieterse, 1995) and ‗glocalization‘ (Robertson, 1995) take place in the encounter between the global and the local cultures, ideologies, and policies. SteinerKhamsi (2004c), although sceptical to the view that globalization of education is taking place, argues that educational borrowing ―plays out differently‖ in different contexts (p. 203). Finally, globalization is an uneven process (Appadurai (1991) in at least two ways: (a) it varies in intensity from one geographical area to another, and (b) its various aspects are spread in different degrees to different places. In this context, Bangura (2001) argues that African countries have generally implemented the policies and measures (political and economic reforms) suggested or imposed by the IGOs, but they have not been able to achieve the benefits of involvement in global affairs, e.g. economic growth, development in a broader sense and access to the world markets.

III. Education: Competitiveness and Diversification Education has been globalized since the 1950s in that (i) the modern type of education has been almost universalized, and (ii) a uniform policy of restructuring (type of governance, mode of finance and organization of educational provision) has spread world-wide. In the global discourse, two principal aspects of education are emphasized: 7

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Education of a good quality for all, and education for global competitiveness. The economic competition will continue, not only globally between countries but also within countries and even more so among de-territorialized companies. Most countries in the world have implemented, or at least included in their policy formulations, elements that constitute the core of the world models for education. More precisely, how this takes place has been debated and researched but it is generally accepted this in takes place in different steps or phases and through a number of mechanisms (Dale, 1999, 2000; Phillips, 2004; Steiner-Khamsi, 2004a, b, c). For example, first some need for educational changes is defined (nationally or by international agencies), then the policies suggested are similar to those in the world model (or of a country influential in the internationally community), and finally, the implemented items have to be appropriated by the actors at the grassroots level (Bradley, Levinson and Sutton, 2001). In regard to the relationship between education and society, four principal types of perspectives or discourses may be distinguished: The education system (a) mirrors societal changes and adapts to or is deliberately reformed according to these changes; (b) is the spearhead or motor of societal change; (c) interacts in a dialectic or mutual relationship with society at large; or (d) education is de-linked from society or is relatively autonomous in relation to society (Johnston, 1990; Karabel and Halsey, 1977). During various periods of time, one of them has been predominating. (a) and (c) prevailed in the sociology of education in the 1960s and the 1970s, while (b) has been most common since the beginning of the 1980s. In this perspective, problems and their causes tend to be seen more narrowly as situated in the education system itself or, more precisely, in the schools themselves, rather than in social structures and students‘ background (Gannicott & Throsby, 1992; Hargreaves and Woods, 1983). (d) Has been the predominating perspective among some researchers now and then. Today, it is generally taken for granted that education is the ―independent‖ or ―causal‖ variable, causing or at least contributing to societal change and development. However, despite a tremendous expansion of primary and secondary education, no corresponding development in broad terms or even in terms of economic growth occurred in many low income countries (Hannum and Buchmann, 2003; Lewin, 1994; Pritchett, 2002). It was then understood that the quality of education was a necessary condition for education to have an impact on society (UNESCO, 2000, 2009). Still more, in order to achieve competitiveness is a general educational policy but there is 8

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also, among communitarians, another concern: civility (Anheir, 2007), which implies a political culture of democracy and civil society activities. Around the world, education systems experience one or several of the following contradictory pressures and demands: a unitary vs. diversified system; religious-moral vs. secular curriculum components; local vs. national or international curriculum components; education as an individual good vs. education as a common good; and competition and elitism vs. solidarity and cooperation; focus on tests and performance vs. more holistic considerations; and mother tongue vs. international language(s) (Daun, 2002). Luisoni, Instance and Hutmacher (2004) have attempted to create scenarios of the future development of education. They draw three principal scenarios: status quo, re-schooling and de-schooling. In addition to this, the most likely development of compulsory education is that countries around the world will experience a mix of all these three, although the proportions between them will vary from country to country. The standardization following from copying elements of the world models will extend to more geographical areas and more aspects of life; however, they have had and will continue to have different outcomes due to the hybridization and glocalization taking place in the national and local contexts in which they are implemented. Hybrids and glocalized items are different from both the originally borrowed item and the planned outcome. However, the outcomes will be more diversification and heterogenization of education within countries due to hybridization of globalized features and the requirements of competitiveness. Therefore, nation-wise implementations of globally standardized educational policies tend to have different outcomes, something which has implications for Comparative and International Education (C&I).

IV. Comparative and International Education (C&I) Although a speciality in itself, C&I is a disparate field of knowledge, and there are different views among researchers on almost everything, for example, appropriate units of analysis. The ‗national‘ scale has for a long time been taken for granted and used unit or level in C&I research (Crossley & Watson, 2003). Such comparisons have been frequent but more and more comparative studies ignore the 9

The World and Comparative Education

nation/country as a unit of analysis. For example, classrooms have been compared across countries and cultures (Alexander, 2000; Broadfoot, 1999). At the other extreme, the macro or meta-levels, i.e. that of world system and globalization, very few, if any, empirical studies have been conducted in C&I. Also, it is often disregarded that nation-states and countries are not homogeneous units, since there are elite-mass cleavages in practically all societies (Andeweg, 1996). Quantitative, large scale approaches have been favoured by funding agencies and IGOs, and this development is likely to continue. Case studies have increasingly been attributed the role to complement such studies. That is, apart from the cases studies conducted for their own sake, case studies will be used to fill ‗gaps‘ in the understanding provided by large scale studies. In order to better understand the shape and changes of national education system today, we need to include the world system and globalization – both theoretically and empirically (Adick, 1992; Crossley & Watson, 2003; Ginsburg et al., 1990). A world systems perspective means, for instance, that nation states and national education systems are viewed as elements of a larger system; such an analysis has to be multi-disciplinary and multilevel including both quantitative and qualitative methods and data. In other words, comparativists need to take the global and local seriously into account and thereby have both a ‗helicopter‘ perspective as well as area knowledge and to a ´helicopter´ perspective implies that the researcher views all cases (countries) in the same way, using the same criteria for items to be compared and viewing them as of equal value (for the comparison). In national as well as international studies of the various relationships between, for example, student achievement, teachers, classroom processes, school organizations, home background variables have been studied by the help of varieties of quantitative multilevel analysis. An approach including all these levels (home background – student – teacher – classroom – school – district – province – country – world system) would give new insights, but so many levels and variables are very difficult to handle. One solution could consist of a combination of quantitative multilevel analysis and a qualitative one. When outcomes are perceived not to correspond to the plans (or intentions), this is seen as failure in the implementation or in the educational processes. However, since human beings are active and living organisms (who have their own meaning systems and make 10

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their own interpretations), hybridization tends to take place. And hybrid items are not be amenable to large scale, quantitative comparison. Instead case studies will be needed if we are to understand meanings and functions of hybrids among local people. The analytical model of human development, developed by Bronfenbrenner (1979), is an approach that is both multidisciplinary and multilevel and includes quantitative as well as qualitative data. It ranges from the micro level/context to the macro level/context of an individual. In his model, the macro is the national society, but the principles of this model could as well be applied in a world systems analysis, in which the macro is the world system and globalization processes. A qualitative multilevel approach has also been suggested by Bray, Adamson and Mason (2007) and Bray & Thomas (1995), including three dimensions: geographical/locational levels; nonlocational demographic groups, and aspects of education and society. The macro in their model is the country or nation, but it could quite well be the world system. In addition to the level and sphere, a time dimension is needed because it is difficult to understand the present without taking the past into account. Moreover, Benveniste‘s (2002) case studies in Latin America shows how global influences and world models are mediated and reinterpreted in national contexts, and the case studies in Daun (ed.) (2006) illustrate how global processes are handled and mediated by different nation-states. The multilevel model suggested by Bray et al. (2007) has not used in these case studies but the data collected in these studies could easily be used in a similar model. Figure 2 shows a very simplified outline of a comparative approach that includes the world system and globalization. It outlines the general relationships to be studied using such an approach. However, in this figure, it has not been marked that the education system in respective country interacts with the national context as well as with the world system and globalization processes.

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Figure 2: Comparison of Country‟s Relationships to the World System1 WORLD SYSTEM AND GLOBALIZATION A1

A1/B1 - WS

B1

C1

B1/C1 - WS A1/C1 _WS

Country A

A2/B2

Country B

B2/C2

Country C

A2/C2

A few examples of what to observe and analyse in the various relationships between single countries, on the one hand, and the world system/globalization, on the other hand, will be given. A1, B1, C1: Economic, technological, political, and cultural/ideological factors of relevance for education. For example, foreign trade, foreign direct investments, economic free zones, political borrowing of constitutional, administrative and political institutional patterns, important cultural/ideological influences... A1/B1-WS, B1/C1-WS, A1/C1-WS imply comparisons of the relationships mentioned. The first stage of conducting a world systems and globalization analysis would consist of a screening of indicators presented in 1

A1: Country A:s relation to the world system and globalization. B1: Country B:s relation to world system and globalization. C1: Country C:s relation to world system and globalization. A1/B1 – WS: Comparison of country A:s and country B:s relation to world system and globalization. B1/C1-WS: Comparison of country B:s and country C:s relation to world system and globalization. A1/C1-WS: Comparison of country B:s and country C:s relation to the world system. A2/B2: Traditional (inter-national) comparison between country A and country B. B2/C2: Traditional (inter-national) comparison country B and country C. A2/C2: Traditional (international) comparison country A and country C.

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Human Development Reports (e.g. UNDP, 1991, 2005) and Foreign Policies´ Globalization Index (Foreign Policy, 2006). Such a screening will give some hints concerning (changing) positions of countries selected for the study. From the latest ―measurement‖ of globalization presented by Foreign Policy (2006), the four top countries are listed in Table 2. These countries have been among the highest ten countries since this type of listing started in 2000, and those at the bottom have been among the lowest. Table 2: Indicators of Globalization Processes in the Four Highest and Four Lowest Countries in 2005 and HDI ranking (UNDP) Position in 2006 (and in 2004)

HDI ranking in 2003

1)Singapore (2)

Dimensions of Globalization Econ. Integr.

Personal contact

Techn. connectivity

Political engagement

The country´s highest indicators

32

1

3

12

29

Trade; FDI; Telephone

(2)Switzerland (3)

7

9

1

7

23

Teleph.: Remittances and personal transfers, Secure servers

(3) US (7)

10

58

40

1

41

Internet hosts; Secure servers; International org:s

(4) Ireland (1)

8

4

2

14

7

Un peace-keeping; Travels; Telephone

(59) Venezuela (58)

75

48

60

45

52

International org:s; Secure servers; Treaties

(60) Indonesia (59)

99

52

59

51

50

International org:s; Trade; Treaties

(61) India (61)

110

59

51

57

60

Remittances and private transfers; FDI; Govt. transfers

(62) Iran (62)

127

57

62

48

61

Trade; Internet users; Travel

Source: Foreign Policy (2006)

2

Four dimensions of globalization are estimated: economic integration, personal contact, technological connectivity, and political engagement, and each of them includes three to five indicators. Singapore is the most globalized country due mainly to trade and FDIs and it has gained position in economic integration. The country has a relatively high HDI rank, and in the period 1990 to 2003, the 2

The definitions and operationalization of the indicators will not be given here.

13

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country increased its GDP per capita by 130 per cent. Switzerland, the second most globalized country in 2006, has all the time had the highest or among the highest GDP per capita, and it increased by 79 per cent during the period studied here. In the HDI ―league‖ it has always been high but has lost position. The USA doubled its GDP per capita, but lost HDI position. Ireland was in the beginning of the period the most globalized country, but has lost position. It has had a tremendous economic growth and increased its GDP per capita more than four times, and the country has gained position in the HDI league. (However, with the economic world crisis starting in 2008, many countries have probably changed positions). Iran, among the countries being lowest in degree of globalization, is, relatively speaking, most globalized in technological connectivity. As can be seen from the table, none of the countries is high on all dimensions, but it of course matters a lot in what dimension (and indicators) a country ranks high or low, and this can be investigated in a profound study. Table 3: HDIs for the Most and the Least Globalized Countries in 2006 Human Development Index

HDI Rank

Educ. Index

1975

1990

2003

1975

1990

2003

2003

1) Singapore

725

848

772

32

37

25

0.92

2) Switzerland.

879

981

947

1

5

7

0.96

3) USA

867

976

944

5

7

10

0.99

4) Ireland

811

945

946

19

23

8

0.99

59) Venezuela

718

848

772

36

44

75

0.65

60) Iran

566

577

736

55

92

99

0.74

61) Indonesia

468

499

687

66

98

110

0.81

62) India

412

308

602

76

123

127

0.61

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V. Concluding notes It is beyond the scope of this paper to elaborate more in detail the approach suggested here. It has been presented mainly for heuristic purpose. Generation of knowledge in the field of C&I needs to be placed in the larger context of philosophical, theoretical and methodological orientations. C&I researchers need to have profound knowledge in theory of science in order to be able to evaluate what different theories and methods can and cannot do as well as to judge the validity of the various studies and the implications of the findings. A WS approach also looks at the educational borrowing and transfer across cultural contexts. World system and globalization analysis need to include large scale cross-national studies as well as in-depth case studies and case studies of other units, and C&I has to be multi-disciplinary; include area and specialist knowledge; take the global and local seriously into account; and be open to the theory of science.

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24

Mikiko Cars

Reconsidering Human Dimension and Contextualized Comparison in Comparative Education in the Era of Globalization Mikiko Cars

I. Introduction Some of the important new concerns and visions of comparative education: rapid transitions in societies; the new emphasis on teaching and learning; the search for the recovery, reinvention, and creation of identity and of future identities, including ideas of “Postcolonialism”; and – again- the current sense of what constitutes “globalization” (Cawen and Kazamias, 2009, p. 6). The world we are living in faces dynamic and unpredictable changes, which is somehow accelerated with the rapid development of Information and Communication Technology, which is a crucial tool in the process of globalization. It is evident that big shifts of the world economic order are happening. The challenges that our global society is facing are numerous and complex and they lie at multiple levels, if it is possible to draw the lines for levels any longer. Hybridizing of collective and individual actors complicate the picture, this raises the question of identity and of future identities of individual and collective societal actors. What kind of education is needed in order to foster sound development of our societies? What kind of society is desired and by whom? How do we attain such a society? Should there be a blue print of an ―ideal society‖ or should not local diversity be respected? Lastly, what are the challenges and tasks for international and comparative education? In increasingly de-territorialized and interconnected global society, these are critical questions. Education is an integrated part of the social sector, and in order to foster sound social development, other social sectors and issues e.g. health, infrastructure, agriculture and industry, ICT, human right, etc. have to be tackled holistically. Education is linked to well-balanced development which takes into consideration the social, cultural, environmental, and economic dimensions of an improved quality of life for present and future generations. 25

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Sustainable development is a dynamic concept and a mechanism for balancing different values, priorities and opinions (Combers, 2009, p.217). Although education reproduces social and economic inequality, especially in light of neo-liberal market principles, it can be a powerful trigger to make social changes with greater equity. The neoliberal approach is deeply reflected in our education system and educational content (Lauder, 2006) which will be argued in the next section of this paper. Re-visiting academic and humanistic tradition of education with values e.g. equity, tolerance, cooperation etc. may increasingly be important in todays interconnected and interdependent world.

II. Aim of the paper The aim of the paper is to re-examine the direction of international and comparative education in the era of globalization. Taking the concept of ―development‖ as an example, this paper intends to conduct meta-theorizing as a means of attaining deeper understanding of relevant theoretical approaches from the constructivist and relativist ontological perspective.

III. Education in the globalizing world Globalization is widely perceived as a dynamic and multi-dimensional process by which local, national and regional economies, societies, and cultures become integrated through a global network of political ideas through communication, transportation, and trade (Bhagwati, 2004). This multi-dimensional globalization process is driven by a combination of economic, technological, socio-cultural, political, and biological factors (Croucher, 2004). It is a multi-faceted and an irreversible phenomenon within the mechanism which consists of neoliberal economic globalization, namely, the opening and deregulation of commodity, capital and labour markets; political globalization, i.e., the emergence of a transnational elite and the shifting of economically powerful nation-state; cultural globalization, i.e., the worldwide homogenization of culture; ideological globalization; technological globalization; and social globalization (Fotopoulos, 2001). This globalization process is often driven by interdependent mechanism among actors at the macro economic and political level, such as transnational corporations and multi-lateral organizations e.g. the World Bank, OECD, UNSECO; as well as by national states, 26

Mikiko Cars

(International-) Non-Governmental Organizations, (Daun, 2011); and today increasingly by collectively of individuals using social networks using internet websites. It facilitates transnational transmission of ideas, value, or culture through ―acculturation‖, a process of modification of original culture, or values by adapting to other cultures. Apple (2009) argues that neoliberal capitalism is driven by ―a set of economic and social relations that privileges the market as the chief structural and ideological governance mechanism‖ (p. 163). He argues that it is within this structure of neo-liberal capitalism, in which emerges a social order that establishes asymmetrical power structure represented by dominance by the economically privileged. Education is seen to reproduce and to promote the dominance of the neoliberal ideology nationally and internationally. Today, comparative education is facing many challenges. Knowledge formation is shifting from national to global level principally driven by the neo-liberal market economy principals. Firstly, issues of human resources within the changing global structure should be carefully reexamined. For example, international division of (knowledge) labour, including the issue of outsourcing is re-enforced by the asymmetrical global economic power structure as mentioned above. Global economy and international competition is affecting the relations between education, jobs and rewards at the local levels (see Reich, 2006; Brown and Lauder, 2006). Secondly, development of utilitarian conceptions of education is disproportionally enforced within the economic globalization. Brubb and Lazerson (2006) point out the tendency to turn education into commodity with economic value. The academic goals of schools, e.g. civic and moral purposes, purely intellectual goals, and etc. are threaten by the excessive utilitarian approach to education which connects education to employability. Daun (2009) argues that in the new knowledge production, the relevance and validity of scientific knowledge are determined, not only by scientific criteria, but increasingly by criteria linked to utility, marketability and reflexivity. Thirdly, the fragmentation of collective actors is noteworthy, represented by the emergency of huge social network community online, who spreads diverse messages subject for re-production or reconstruction of certain set of value. In Daun‘s words (2009), it may lead to ―standardization and homogenization as well as particularization and heterogenization; secularization as well as desecularization and revitalization of moral and religious values‖ (p. 27

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285). Increasing individualization and social fragmentation is discussed in Lauder et al. (2006) as well. This new form of deterritorialization and increasing interconnectedness raises new issues for international and comparative education. Globalization and ―Global Transformations‖ (Held et al, 1999) are products of capitalist restructuring and have prompted new theories of global and ecological citizenship (Held & McGrew, 2003). For the discipline of international and comparative education, it may be important to recalled that the concept of globalization needs to be historicized and contextualized since it is grounded in the ―asymmetries of power between nations and colonial and neo-colonial histories, which see differential national effects of neoliberal globalization‖ (Apple, 1995, p. 239), as well as new innovations are changing the structure constantly. Citing Apple (1995, p.2), ―…educational issues has to be grounded in the complex realities of various nations and regions and of the realities of the social, cultural, and educational movement and institutions of these nations and regions‖. Although unit of analysis may no longer be merely nations and regions, this spirit of grounding research in the complex realities of unit of analysis should be revisited.

IV. Paradigmatic issue: tension or choice? Within the discipline of international and comparative education, paradigmatic debate between positivistic approach and hermeneutic/interpretive approach to educational research has been present. This issue which is often addressed as tension could be regarded as paradigmatic choice based upon its research design following the specific purposes. Positivistic approach, which seeks generalizable laws and predictions based upon experimental thus replicable evidences, is visible in large scale cross national surveys, e.g. OECD‘s influential Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) surveys, the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), and the Progress in International Reading Literacy Study (PIRLS) which allows cross national comparison of students‘ educational achievement, which provide excellent base for ranking, generating tendencies and new research themes. While the significance of such positivistic studies is strong for obvious reason, their limitation should be acknowledged as well. Research (Reddy, 2005; Crossely, 2009) raises issue that without accommodating the contextual and cultural factors, which relate to their own national 28

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needs, such studies can be damaging. In other words, ―the danger of the uncritical international transfer of policies and practices‖ should be highlighted and the significance of specific local context and culture in the development of education systems should be reemphasized (Crossley, 2009, pp. 1174-1175). In this line, interpretive and hermeneutic approach can be seen as a complimentary option to the above mentioned type of positivistic study, which allows educational research to focus on micro level with high local relevance in order to capture complexity in their uniqueness. Although constraint of such studies is their low degree of generalizability and transferability, with thick and adequate analysis of their context as well as explicit stipulation of epistemological, ontological, and methodological assumptions, their credibility would increase which could link to the theoretical transferability. Theories developed from such studies could possibly be applied to other similar studies. Relevance and importance of local context is raised and stressed in positivistic as well as in interpretive and hermeneutic studies. In the international and comparative education research, regardless of paradigmatic choice, importance of contextualized comparison, especially of socio-cultural and historical context should be re-emphasized. Likewise, nature, role and impact of context in international and comparative educational research should be further investigated.

V. Discourse of Development, Human Agency and Social Structure Discourse is understood as ―consisting of careful, rationalized, structured statements, having systematic structures, which can be analyzed historically, through the identification of their main elements and the relations that form elements into wholes‖ (Cars, 2006, p. 12). Discourses constitute symbolic systems and social orders where it is possible to analyze their historical and political construction and their functioning (Howarth, 2000; Peet & Hartwick, 1999). Development as discourse is of particular interest, as discourse is constituted through social practices, by heterogeneous actors at various levels. One actor can represent several institutions at different levels. Moreover, one actor can be a hybrid of local and international. There is, not only a hierarchy of power structure, but rather multiple dimensions of power, which is socially conditioned and the social 29

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identities of and relationships between people and groups of people are complex (Cars, 2006). When it comes to power structure, Foucault‘s (1980) work provides a comprehensive understanding. He analyzed multiple ―relations of domination,‖ exercised in many forms: power in its local forms and institutions, power at levels other than conscious intention, power as something that circulates or functions in the form of chains and networks, power starting from infinitesimal personal relations and then being colonized by ever more general mechanisms into forms of global domination, and power exercised through the formation and accumulation of knowledge (Foucault, 1980; Peet & Hartwick, 1999, pp.129-131). In the context of development discourse, this multiple relations of power and domination is evident in the making of development discourse, in development of educational policies, as well as throughout actual social intervention process (see Cars, 2006). The well-quoted text below clarifies the nature of truth from the constructivist and relativist ontological perspective. Truth is not outside of power (...) each society has its own regime of truth, its general politics of truth (Foucault, 1980, p. 131). It should be reminded that our truth may not be the truth for the researched and each truth is contextualized by the ―ensemble of rules‖ (Foucault, ibid.) within given power structure. Especially in the discipline of international and comparative education where various socio-cultural contexts have to be taken under consideration, it is crucial to be aware that the educational policy making processes, for an example, are most likely embedded in social processes that imply aspects of power, authority and legitimization. Unless local knowledge and values are taken as a point of departure, these power structures would reflect and intensify cultural differences and conflict between social groups (Long and Long, 1992). Durkheim‘s distinction of social structure, being comprises both ―institutional structure‖ and ―relational structure‖ shed light on human aspects of social structure. Giddens‘ (1984) work, regarding human agency and social structure dualism is useful to understand the institutional and relational complex at various levels. Agency, which acts upon and functions within social structures, is defined as those individual human actors, together with organized groups, organizations and nations, who act rationally and reflexively in relation to 1) power, which is the ability to influence/transform the 30

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situation, and 2) structural conditions: social, political, economic, ideological and/or cultural (Cars, 2006). Structures include both largescale social structures and micro structures such as those constituting individual human relations. Structure, which can have profound effects on human values and actions, can urge reproducing relations between actors as regular social practices. This mechanism helps further understanding of the development discourse. VI. Understanding Development and Education Definitions are both contextual and conditioned by the ideological, epistemological and methodological orientation of the particular author concerned (Simon, 1999, cited in Cars 2006). There can be no fixed and final definition of development as definition varies according to contexts which themselves change over time (Hettne, 1990). The concept of international development represents (re)creation of underlying tensions concerning power and authority (Kendall, 2009). Development as social intervention would cause, intentionally or not, cultural, political, social, economic and ecological changes within a society where any intervention occurs. Although it encompasses goodwill in the whole mechanism of international development, the asymmetrical relations of power and authority (re)created through development discourses and practices cannot be denied (Cars, 2006; Samoff, 1999). Acknowledging the problematic nature of the international development mechanism or the tension and dilemma between its normative ideology and the actual practices within the given structure, the epistemological perspective on development of this paper is what Hettne (1990) has termed ―universal development‖, which consists of a synthesis of both macro and micro perspectives that are highly embedded in specific contexts. Despite the urge for more holistic approaches to development, the dominant development ideology observed in current practices since 1990s still appears to be heavily driven by a neoliberal macroeconomic ideology accelerated by the globalizing economic context. Within arena of international development education, 1990 World Conference on Education for All (WCEA) has engraved educational policy priorities in international development frameworks which are reflected in e.g. the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), and Poverty Reduction Strategies (PRS), which embrace education as an integral part of the whole social sector. However, Kendall (2009) 31

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argues that the education model that has been promoted here tends to support mass, standardized, state-provided, formal schooling which contributes to creation of effective labour force for ―modern‖ nationstate to promote modern economic growth as well as international acceptance, which needs to be questioned further. With the recent discourse and movement of Education for Sustainable Development (ESD), backed up by the influential international organization e.g. UNESCO, concept of development is re-visited as a dynamic concept that utilizes all aspects of public awareness raising, education, as well as policy priorities to promote an understanding of sustainable development in more holistic way that cultivates good citizenship locally, nationally and globally (Combers, 2009). Sustainable education is an essential part of ethical and moral education. It implies personal ethical choices, the embodiment of the individual and social good (Jämsä, 2006). Simon‘s (1999) statement on human development provides a sound base on understanding the concept which accords to the epistemological perspective of this paper: human development is the process of enhancing individual and collective quality of life in a manner that satisfies basic needs, is environmentally, socially and economically sustainable, and is empowering in the sense that the people concerned have a substantial degree of control over the process through access to the means of accumulating social power (Simon, 1999, p. 21). ESD is not only a conceptual tool but also a process to empower individual actors in different contexts towards attainment of the shared universal goal, strengthen capacities at various levels in order the pursuit of a sustainable society with quality, based on people´s aspirations considering the future generations of the planet. However, as Kendall (2009) points out, what constitutes development depends upon the definition of justice, desired value and lifestyle held by the heterogeneous individual and organizations involved in the development intervention, which could be a challenge for the process of ESD.

VII. Orientations in Development Theories Being aware of the dynamism and evolving nature of concepts and theories, for the sake of comprehensive overview of the theoretical orientations to be served as a base for meta-theory, Cars (2006) 32

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presented two typologies to provide basic orientations in various development theories. Schuurman (1993) has identified two theoretical approaches which captures the diversity of development studies. The first approach is the Neo-Marxism perspective, which approaches imperialism from the perspective of countries on the periphery with regard to such issues as dependency theory, modes of production theory, and world systems theory. The second approach is the Constructivist perspective, which emphasizes multiple forms of social knowledge, and their relationships with power, in approaching greater understanding of the social reality of development. The second typology is Hettne‘s (1990) framework with two dimensions: positive-normative and the formal-substantive to map out various development theories. The positive-normative dimension refers that positive studies deal with the world as it is, in the light of a presumed objectivity and preconceived theories with declared values, whereas normative studies deal with the world as it should be. The formal-substantive dimension refers that the formal approach defines development in terms of ―a limited number of universal goals and quantifiable indicators which can be combined in a predictive model‖, whereas the substantive approach regards development in the light of ―historical change of a more comprehensive, qualitative and less predictable nature‖ (ibid., p. 236). Further, political, social, cultural and ecological dimensions of development are included in the substantive approach. Based on the two dimensions described above, the framework proposed by Hettne (1990) contains four major theoretical orientations: 1) positive-formal e.g. Marxist accumulation model, Mode of production analysis; 2) normative-formal e.g. Neoclassical growth theory, New political economy, Structuralist economics, Basic needs approach; 3) positive-substantive e.g. World system analysis, Westernization studies; and 4) normative-substantive e.g. Modernization theory, Dependency theory; Alternative development. This framework allows for a better understanding of development theories, with their various methodological and epistemological perspectives. The process by which development theories are advanced contains dynamic interactions of various theoretical perspectives mentioned above as examples. Therefore Hettne‘s meta-theory is found helpful in gaining a comprehensive understanding of future directions of thinking in the development discourse, whereby the global transmission of Western mainstream development theories is regarded as a synthesis while the indigenization process, as 33

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represented in the alternative paradigm, is regarded as an antithesis and, finally, the universalization process of the conception of development, which is a more comprehensive and contextualized development theory, is regarded as a synthesis (ibid. p. 241-243). The universal conception of development would allow flexibility in bringing to bear historical, socio-economic, political and environmental contexts on the ideological, epistemological or methodological orientation (See Cars 2006 for more details).

VIII. Human dimension and contextual comparison in international and comparative education Kazamias (2009) stresses the importance of revisiting ―human‖ dimension in comparative education arguing that education cannot be isolated from their political, social and ethical setting. Human development paradigm, developed by Sen provides increasing attention to agency aspects of development, in other words, empowerment of people. It sees development as the process of enlarging a person‘s capabilities to function, the range of things that a person could do and be in her life (Sen, 1989). Human capabilities can vary according to respective specific social context over time and place. Human development approach embodies comprehensive paradigm, which may be, in some aspects contrasted with the neoliberal paradigm (Fukuda-Parr, 2003). For Human development approach, economic growth is only a means and not an end in itself. In this paradigm, people are not merely beneficiaries of economic and social progress in a society, but are active agents of change. The human development approach shares the idea that investing in people‘s education and health is a powerful means to achieve overall economic and social progress in societies. UNESCO‘s normative and humanist perspective, for example, regards the human being at the very heart of development. From this point of view, education should be directed to ―the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms…it shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, all racial or religious groups‖ (Mayor, Sema, and UNESCO, 1997: 89-90, cited in Beech, p. 347). education can become part of a more inclusive social contract under which governments demonstrate a commitment to tackle social and economic inequalities. 34

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Just as schools are often a source of unequal opportunity, so they can become a force for social mobility and greater equity, with education policy signalling a new direction (UNESCO, 2011). Development problems and needs vary qualitatively from one society to another; or even from one individual to another. The need of highlighting human dimension as well as the importance of contextualization in the international comparative education has been repeatedly addressed throughout this paper. The significance of shedding light on these aspects is increasing, in the context of globalization driven by the neo-liberal market economy ideology as was discussed in section 3. At the same time, the importance of understanding and respecting other values and cultures as well as their history should be re-emphasized based on the relativist ontological assumption. Social structure surrounding actors is not only institutional but also relational in nature, which involves multidimensional power mechanism (see section 5). In order to achieve the ―desired‖ or universal human progress based upon values held by heterogeneous actors concerned in any intervention, a shift in collective consciousness from micro to macro levels may be required. It is through education that strengthening people´s capacity to effect social change is possible and international and comparative education as a discipline could make an important scientific contribution to trigger the social change.

References Apple, M. W. (1995). Education and Power. London: Routledge. Apple, M. W. (2009) (ed.). Global Crises, Social Justice, and Education. London: Routledge. Bhagwati, J (2004). In Defense of Globalization. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Beech, J. (2009). Who is Strolling through the Global Garden? International Agencies and Educational Transfer. In R. Cowen and A. M. Kazamias (eds.), International Handbook of Comparative Education, Chap. 22. London: Springer. Bourn, D. (2009).Education for Sustainable Development and Global Citizenship – The UK Perspective. In B. Chalkley, et al. (eds.) Education for Sustainable Development – Papers in Honour of 35

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the United Nations Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (2005-2014). London: Routledge. Brown, P. & Lauder, H. (2006).Globalization, Knowledge and the Myth of the Magnet Economy. In H. Lauder et al. (eds.) Education, Globalization & Social Change. Chap. 22. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cars, M. (2006). Project Evaluation in Development Cooperation – A Meta-Evaluative Case Study in Tanzania. Studies in International and Comparative Education 71, Doctoral Thesis in International Education at Stockholm University, Sweden 2006. Stockholm: Stockholm University Combers, B. (2009). The United Nations Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (2005-2014): Learning to Live Together Sustainably. In B. Chalkley, et al. (eds.) Education for Sustainable Development – Papers in Honour of the United Nations Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (2005-2014). London: Routledge. Cowen and Kazamias (2009). Joint Editorial Introduction. In R. Cowen & Kazamias, A. M (eds.) Second International Handbook of Comparative Education. Part I. London: Springer. Croucher, S. L. (2004).Globalization and Belonging: The Politics of Identity in a Changing World. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Crossley, M. (2009). Rethinking Context in Comparative Education. In R. Cowen and A. M. Kazamias (eds.), International Handbook of Comparative Education, Chap.73. London: Springer. Daun, H. (2009). A Way Forward. In H. B. Holmarsdottir & M. O´Dowd (eds.) Nordic Voices- Teaching and Researching Comparative and International Education in the Nordic Countries. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Daun, H. (2011). Introduction. In H. Daun and G. Strömqvist (eds.) Education and Development in the Context of Globalization. Chap. 1. New York: Nova Science Publishers. Foucault, M. (1980).Truth and Power. In C. Gordon (Ed.) Power, Knowledge : Selected Interviews and Other Writings 19721977, pp. 107-133. Brighton. Sussex: The Harvester Press. Fotopoulos, T. (2001).Globalisation, the reformist Left and the AntiGlobalisation ‗Movement. Democracy & Nature: The International Journal of Inclusive Democracy, Vol.7, No.2, July 2001. 36

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Fukuda-Parr, S. (2003). The Human Development Paradigm: Operationalizing Sen´s Ideas on Capabilities. In Feminist Economics, (2-3). pp. 301-317. London: Routledge. Held, D., McGrew, A., Goldblatt, D., & Perraton, J. (1999) Global Transformations, Cambridge, Polity Held, D. & McGrew, A. (2003) Globalization / Anti-Globalization, Cambridge, Polity Howarth, D. (2000). Discourse. Buckingham: Open University Press. Jämsä, T. (2006).Philosophy, Perception and Interpretation of Concepts- The Concept of Sustainable Education. In A. Pipere (ed.) Education & Sustainable Development, First Steps Toward Changes. Volume 1, 2006. Daugavpils, Latvia: Saule. Kazamias, A. M. (2009). Reclaiming a Lost Legacy: The Historical Humanist Vision in Comparative Education. In R. Cowen and A. M. Kazamias (eds.), International Handbook of Comparative Education, Chap. 78. London: Springer. Kendall, N. (2009). International Development Education. In R. Cowen and A. M. Kazamias (eds.), International Handbook of Comparative Education, Chap. 27. London: Springer. Lauder, H. et al. (eds.) (2006). Education, Globalization & Social Change. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Long, N. & Long, A. (Eds.). (1992). Battlefields of Knowledge: The Interlocking of Theory and Practice in Social Research and Development. London: Routledge. Mayor, F., Sema, T., & UNESCO (1997).UNESCO – an ideal in action: The continuing relevance of a visionary text. Paris: UNESCO. Peet, R. & Hartwick, E. (1999).Theories of Development. New York: Guilford Press. Reddy, V. (2005). Cross-national and achievement studies: Learning from South Africa´s participation in the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS). Compare, 35 (1), 6377. Reich, R. B. (2006). Why the Rich are Getting Richer and the Poor, Poorer. In H. Lauder et al. (eds.) Education, Globalization & Social Change. Chap. 21. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Samoff, J. (1999). Education Sector Analysis in Africa: Limited National Control and even less National Ownership. International Journal of Educational Development, 19, 249-272. Sen, A. (1989). Development as Capabilities Expansion. Journal of Development Planning 19: pp. 41-58. 37

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Schuurman, F. J. (1993). Introduction: Development Theory in the 1990s. In F.J. Schuurman (Ed.), Beyond the Impasse: New Directions in Development Theory, pp.1-48. London: Zed Books. Simon, D. (1999). Development Revisited – Thinking about, practicing and teaching development after the Cold War. In D. Simon & A. Närman (Eds.), Development as Theory and Practice, Current Perspectives on Development and Development Cooperation, pp.17-54. DARG Regional Development Series No. 1. Harlow: Longman.

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Talia Klundt

A Comparative Study of Former American and Swedish Study Abroad Students Talia Klundt

I. Introduction The phenomenon of study abroad is growing fast with the number of students who partake in programs increasing every year. Study abroad has had a long tradition worldwide of sending students abroad to enhance their education and cultural knowledge. Many factors have opened up doors in order to allow numerous students the opportunity when considering spending part of their studies overseas, one being the ease of travel, which makes studying abroad easier than ever before. Political changes, such as the European Union formation and constantly expanding member states have made a tremendous difference for students being able to go overseas, making it more accessible. With globalization becoming evident in today‘s society, students are becoming more aware of the need and importance of learning new languages and getting international experience at a younger age. Numbers are on the increase and universities are seeing a demand in more students applying for overseas programs. Often it can be assumed that studying in a foreign country for a period of time provides an excellent opportunity for cultural enrichment. In the context of higher education, it can help students develop a thorough understanding of theories and methods within a given discipline. Spending time overseas contributes to responsible citizenship, refection upon values, concepts, and lifestyles, and it also gives a greater understanding of cultural heritage; all factors being important contributions. Academic learning in a different country can heighten students‘ awareness of their own attitudes and mind-set, and perhaps the limited knowledge they have of other parts of the world and the degree in which their education at home is bound by their own country‘s cultural and national interests (Opper, 1990). As the movement of study abroad is on the rise each year and continuously growing worldwide, it is imperative to learn what types of study abroad programs and opportunities are essential and relevant to current world trends (McCabe, 2001). Students need to find study abroad programs that are a right fit for them both academically and emotionally. There are many factors that play a role in each student‘s mind before choosing to study overseas. An especially interesting 39

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aspect is the motives that each student has as to why they would consider going abroad for part of their university career. Surely students might think of having fun, making new friends, traveling, seeing the world, learning a new language and so forth, but how do they think they will change upon their return home. Going overseas for an extended period of time will most certainly impact an individual one way or another. Some students will come back will definitely come back with either a positive or negative outlook dependent on their experience abroad. To delve into the lifelong effects that studying abroad has on its students is an important field of research. In exploring the impact that studying abroad can have on creating a more tolerant and accepting individual, one can recognize the importance of further promoting it, thus generating a global citizen.

II. Aims and Objectives Study abroad has gained ground in both student and international interest, and in terms of student interest it has risen (Hoffa, 2010). As demand increases for studying overseas, it is important to understand the motives and backgrounds behind the decisions of students. An earlier study, which focused on study abroad, noted, ―From a study abroad perspective, not much is known about specific program elements that might influence college student‘s career decisions and plans‖ (Gillespie, 2009, p. 384). The overall aim of this study provides a greater understanding of the benefits and long term affects gained by former American and Swedish study abroad students, and how studying abroad impacted their overall attitudes and perceptions. The main objectives are: 1.

To examine students‘ reasons in choosing to study abroad, their motivations and intentions behind it.

2.

To explore how study abroad has the potential to mould students into global citizens and make them more culturally sensitive and open-minded.

3.

To investigate if students feel that their study abroad experience impacted their future on a personal and/or professional level.

III. Theoretical and Conceptual Framework The OECD describes human capital as ―the knowledge, skills, competencies and attributes embodied in individuals that facilitate the 40

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creation of personal, social and economic well-being‖ (OECD, 2001, p. 17). Human capital is not only restricted to these concepts but it also focuses on other factors such as health, behaviour, incentives and motivations. The learning and knowledge that an individual possesses is acquired throughout the individual‘s life. Human capital is achieved in diverse ways, not only through formal institutions but also through family and friends, a professional work environment and everyday life. Individuals build up skills, knowledge, understandings and talents that can be further amplified by investing in education. ―Human capital theory suggests that individuals and society derive economic benefits from investments in people‖ (Sweetland, 1996, p. 341). Human capital also encompasses the field of education, different skills learned and additional attributes held by individuals (Støren, 2010). Spending money on education will turn around and be exchanged for higher earnings, power or status once that individual has successfully acquired that particular knowledge. One can assume that education will increase or improve the economic means of people. It also has the capacity to boost the overall value of life (Sweetland, 1996). According to Smith, he believes that the effort of humans lies at root of all wealth within society. He had two major components in describing the development of human capital. The first is that labour inputs are acquired both qualitatively and quantitatively. The skills gained and to which it is applied directly into the labour force is the qualitative aspect (Sweetland, 1996). These attributes and the knowledge learned while overseas are vital assets to bring into the labour market, not only the amount of schooling achieved. The second is the fixed cost of human capital, which are the abilities gained through education, internships or study; they always cost money (Sweetland, 1996). Study abroad is a fixed cost in that students will pay a certain amount for the opportunity to spend time overseas. Hopefully they will gain new skills and expand their knowledge, strengthen their language component (if studying in a country where their native language is not spoken) and use those elements and apply them in the work force in the future. While standard human capital theory shows the value of education and how it enhances productivity, it does not distinguish between foreign and domestic education. According to WiersJenssen, country specific human capital is a relevant concept with human capital that applies directly to studying abroad or going overseas to obtain an education (Wiers-Jenssen, 2008). Examples of country specific human capital are, but not limited to, professional 41

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skills, language proficiency, cultural skills and being able to adapt to the national requirements of the specific country. One can propose that country specific human capital can be more transnational that country specific, an example being learning Spanish, which could be used in several countries. Having experience in living abroad can be a type of informal transnational human capital. Country specific human capital and professional networks from abroad contributes significantly to help diversify companies as well as society. According to employers and society, diversity is considered to be as important when applied to creativity and economic growth (WiersJenssen, 2008). Country specific human capital plays a part in the study abroad trend by developing the idea of students going overseas for their education. It is an investment in skills, which happens in diverse surroundings, not only in one‘s home country or home institution (OECD, 2001). The skills and knowledge that students hope to expand while overseas is an economic asset to society, as well as an investment into their future in the labour force. Study abroad can not only measure the student‘s education and skills attained, but also for the future preparation academically or in the work place. The productivity gains that are related to the students and their individual skills achieved are partially dependent on the country where the skills were acquired (Støren, 2010). Social capital is the collective of actual or potential resources of networks and co-operations that are available to individuals in the form of relationships that help support each member with shared capital (OECD, 2001). The amount of social capital which an individual possess is dependent on the range of networks and connections the individual is able to associate with. The networks of different relationships are built up over a lifetime, some are produced unconsciously such as family while others are formed consciously such as social or work relationships (Lauder, 2006). The OECD depicts social capital as ―mainly a public good in that it is shared by a group; and is produced by societal investment of time and effort‖ (OECD, 2001, p.39). Given that social capital is acquired communally through the minds of others, the actions within the group are determined by those who support it. Social capital can also be described as an individual‘s availability to get information and resources through participation or interacting with those who are part of a specific social network or structure (Paulsen, 2008). 42

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According to the first ideas of Bourdieu, social capital is the collective of the actual or possible resources which are joined to a strong network of ―more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition,‖ meaning a type of membership within a given group (Bourdieu as cited by Biggart, 2002, p. 51). This provides each member of the group with the endorsing of the collectively owned capital, a type of credential which in turn entitles them to credibility. The amount of social capital that an individual holds depends on the size of the networks and connections they are a part of and connected through, along with their own individual volume of capital. Belonging to a network or membership within a group produces mutual knowledge and recognition. Through the additions of new members, the capital is altered, redefined, and expanded with the new knowledge acquired by that member. Social capital resides in the structures of individual‘s relationships; an individual needs to be related to others in order to strengthen their existing social capital (Støren, 2010). Students who go overseas will impact their social networks within the community both positively and negatively. The positive aspect is that these students will add capital to their existing network and come home and directly add to their social network. They will increase their knowledge and education and redeposit it into the others. From a negative perspective, they are leaving behind their social networks by not being active participants within the group, and it will further impact the network if a student chooses to remain overseas permanently. The group will not only lose social capital from the student who goes abroad, but it might also have a weakening effect on the group and its dynamics since that one individual was contributing to it via its own social networks. Cultural capital was described by Pierre Bourdieu, who explored in his work, the reproduction of social relations. It exists in three forms: the embodied, objectified, and institutionalized state. Cultural capital is frequently depicted ―as an individual‘s cultural knowledge, language skills, educational credentials and school-related information, derived largely from their parents‘ class status‖ (Bourdieu as cited by Paulsen, 2008, p. 123). Education systems are a means of not only attaining knowledge but also reallocating cultural and economic resources to individuals. Cultural capital is successfully transferred within family members, thus giving some individuals an advantage over those who are not susceptible to it. Bourdieu states that the transmission of cultural capital ―is no doubt the best hidden 43

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form of hereditary transmission of capital‖ (Bourdieu as cited by Biggart 2002, p.284). Cultural capital is not only embedded into the mind or in forms of cultural goods, but also in the form that it is objectified through institutions. Bourdieu theorizes that cultural capital does help to facilitate educational success, which in turn leads to occupational advantage. According to evidence presented by Bourdieu, participating in cultural activities is highly linked to both social class and educational attainment. Another significant argument that Bourdieu makes is that he firmly states the importance of linguistic competence in defining cultural capital (Sullivan, 2001). Bourdieu also goes on to argue that cultural capital varies with social class, yet it is the educational system that assumes the possession of cultural capital, making it quite difficult for lower class individuals to succeed (Sullivan, 2001). In other words, study abroad is an investment for each individual, being one of the few products that students can purchase, which can set them apart from the rest (Reilly, 2009). The likelihood that a student will choose to study abroad is positively correlated to the student‘s social-economic status along with the cultural and social capital they have collected before and during their university career (Paulsen, 2008). Research on studying abroad has shown that prior international travel experience is a key component in influencing students‘ choice to study abroad (McKeown, 2009). Another important variable is having parents who are globally mobile and having an internationally orientated childhood. This type of experience leads students to being more independent and having a greater worldwide awareness and acceptance of other cultures, more than students who were not exposed to a similar background (McKeown, 2009). There are several different aspects and arguments to the concept of the ―stranger.‖ Simmel first developed the concept of the stranger theory and many others have gone on to expand on the original theory by categorizing them in different social contexts (Wood, 1934). Harman and Murphy-Lejeune were two key sociologists who revisited Simmel‘s original stranger theory and delved into different dimensions, encompassing a new range of ―strangers.‖ The stranger is typically described as a migrant who has arrived in a new country or place, but as the theory has been explored over time it has come to include sojourners, travellers and the modern stranger (MurphyLejeune, 2002). Murphy-Lejeune further developed the stranger by 44

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her idea that the student traveller is a new component of the stranger as this study also presents. Social relationships are a very complicated topic within sociology because relationships have several different dimensions and angles that factor into how relationships form the hierarchy, the structure and so forth. According to Wood, the organization of any type of group is dependent on each member having a recognized position (Wood, 1934). Individuals are united through social structures of different kinds, which determine the place each individual occupies within the structure. Any event that affects the relationships will also affect the social structure of the given group, such as a new person or a stranger. Groups need to readjust and acclimate themselves when a new person is introduced into the given group, a shift takes place in order to accommodate and to balance it (Wood, 1934). The stranger can be defined as one who comes into face to face contact with a group for the first time. Simmel defines the stranger as ―the man who comes today and stays tomorrow, the potential wanderer‖ (Simmel as cited by Wood, 1934, p. 44). The formal position of a stranger is constituted by a specific time and place spatially. Spatially they represent the union between wandering and fixation, they are nomads caught in between places (Wood, 1934). The stranger is also caught in between at least two linguistic, social, national and geographical places, this is applicable to the student traveller who is caught in almost all of these spaces. The stranger has typically been formulated as one who could not ―pass‖ as member of the group, implying a rigid group and membership only available to those on the ―inside‖ (Harman, 1988, p.3). Exchange students typically do not pass as members of their host country. ―The modern stranger is an inside actor with an outward glance‖ (Harman, 1988, p. 7). Study abroad students are strangers in their host country, assuming they do not have any ties to that particular place, thus making them an outsider and struggling to find their own identity and place within. There are new norms and customs that one must learn in order to feel more integrated into society. In this way, the student who travels for education is very much like the stranger, a modern stranger. Within this given context of the theory of the stranger, it is applied to the study abroad student. Adaptability becomes a must for survival within a society; members must be able to adjust to change within the environment. The ability to adapt is one of the most valuable attributes an individual 45

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or group can hold, as they tend to be the more successful ones. When speaking of arrival and departure, the adaptable person has the keen ability to leave one set of friends and places behind and connect to another while having the capacity to do it again when need be. A person is ―in between‖ during the moment between arrival and departure. The arrival defines the place while departure defines having been there, but the in between is making it a part of you, or your own, to know it is there and create it (Harman, 1998). In order to make the new destination (host country) more of one‘s own, mapping must take place. Mapping is an everyday activity where a person is confronted with the strange and unfamiliar, a type of sense making. It is the comfort achieved when ―getting one‘s bearing,‖ and helps the strangeness to disappear and make it a part of everyday life (Harman, 1998, p.98). To feel comfortable and get to know the place where one is at evokes a type of transformation for the person in having overcome the strangeness and thus becoming a part of that life. Mapping helps to create and provide a type of ownership and familiarity. Foreign students go from an existing social environment at home to a new and void/unknown setting abroad. Student mobility can be understood as the short term periods that students spend studying abroad or in some cases students spend their entire university career overseas. One of the new and significant migrant profiles that is on the rise is the one who travels or moves for study purposes and whose migration might only be temporary versus permanent. The student traveller leads the way for this new type of migrant, the temporary migrant who is only visiting a new place for a limited time. This differs from the traditional migrant who moves permanently to a foreign culture. Although this route is different than the typical migrant, it can be seen as a new category which extends the research content for a new perspective on migration (Murphy-Lejeune, 2002). A perspective of study abroad that can be largely explored is that study abroad participants can be described as educational tourists. An educational tourist (study abroad student) can be defined as a person who travels to a destination or type of attraction and participates informally or formally in learning experiences within the given country. Educational tourists are generally motivated by education and learning, these being the primary incentives for travel and going abroad (Llewelyn-Smith, 2008). Student exchange and study abroad participants are deemed educational tourists for they 46

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choose to go abroad in order to participate in a formal learning experience (McCabe, 2008). According to Urry, tourism is out of character of everyday life and out of the ordinary, people travel in order to see and experience some different (Urry, 1990). Tourists look for distinction from their everyday life through engaging with others and/or escaping from the familiar. Tourism increases to be evaluated in terms of being rewarding, adventurous, enriching, and a learning experience for those participating; the cultural component being a predominant feature. The benefits and advantages of home are also reinforced through the exposure of that what is different. Cultural tourism is composed of specific excursions (study abroad) to other cultures and places to learn about the people, history, and lifestyles that represent the specific culture (Rojek & Urry, 1997). A global citizen is one who holds cosmopolitans views, is involved and interested in global issues, is culturally sensitive to others and feels civic obligation (Tarrant, 2009). It is assumed that global citizens are made and not born, meaning that global citizenship is a learned and developed behaviour over time. If applied to study abroad students, in order to nurture this citizenship they must be engaged with the real world, which enables them to think beyond their own wants and needs. When referred to loosely, the notion of cosmopolitanism refers to the capacity to ―open out to others who are often geographically distant‖ (Lash and Urry as cited by Rojek & Urry, 1997, p.81) or ―an orientation, a willingness to engage with the Other‖ (Hannerz as cited by Rojek & Urry, 1997, p.81). In summary global cosmopolitanism indicates to a mutual relationship between people and objects opening up to one and other (Rojek & Urry, 1997). In order to develop global citizenship, a means is needed which engages students with the real world and facilitates their thinking beyond only their own needs, but to the needs of others on a global scale (Tarrant, 2009). Students become more interested and involved in world issues that are of importance and have global impact. An investment in study abroad itself is not only an asset for the student but in a wider view, a long term investment for society; socially, politically and environmentally. Methodology This paper explores how a study abroad experience changes students‘ attitudes and influences after the sojourn has ended. For this paper the researcher found that doing a comparative study was the most effective way of gathering all the vital information for this 47

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research project. It encompassed the detailed and comprehensive analysis of the comparative study and was concerned primarily with the study in question. What makes the study so distinct is that the researcher was concerned to draw out the unique features of this specific study. The most efficient research strategy, for the particular aims and objectives set forth in this study, was using a qualitative method. This study was deductive as it used the theories to allow a better understanding of the questions in concern (Bryman, 2008). This comparative study was conducted by the method of interviewing intended to gather information on students‘ motivations for going abroad, aspects of their study abroad experience, positive and negatives, integration into the host country and the overall long term effects of study abroad. It also proposed to give a general view of the study abroad experience of both American and Swedish students. The qualitative study collected data from an achieved sample size of twenty-three former American and Swedish study abroad students, eleven from Sweden and twelve from the United States. The target sample also had two specific requirements; each student had to have spent at least one university semester studying abroad and they had to have studied overseas at least five years ago from when the interviews were held. These requirements were essential in understanding how the impact of being abroad for a minimum of one semester had the potential to influence and shape each participant‘s life. The researcher felt that using semi-structured interviews was the best way to encapsulate the research study for several various reasons. The focus of this study was on the interviewees‘ own perspectives and thoughts, and there was a need to dig deep into both the questions and the answers. With the aim of getting detailed answers and interpreting the meanings, it was ideal to use semi-structured interviewing versus structured interviewing. Semi-structured interview questions allowed the interviewees to expand their thoughts and perspectives with the flexibility that a structured interview would not give. Since the study was administered using a qualitative method, the researcher sought to find the connecting dynamics ―between the actions of participants of social settings‖ (Bryman, 2008, p.394). The researcher expected that through the various degrees of questions asked that the study abroad phenomena would be linked back to the theories and concepts and show how they applied to study abroad/student exchanges worldwide. Many variables that have contributed to the students‘ study abroad process will give a better 48

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understanding in how the theories and concepts support study abroad and the process behind it. Many themes were covered during the interviews and new ideas and thoughts materialized not only in the course of the interviews, but by observing each participant‘s attitudes. With new information surfacing through the study, the researcher aimed to contribute to other study abroad studies and open up the possibility for further investigation in this subject matter.

IV. Discussion Some of the core findings that are found in numerous literatures on the studying abroad phenomenon, promotes not only intellectual and personal growth, but also helps students in becoming more open culturally. Virtually all reports and studies mention that students gain increased self-confidence and self-reliance and demonstrate the wish to travel overseas again in the future, and the findings were in tandem with this study. Having interviewed the students long after their experience had come to an end also helped the students‘ themselves see more clearly how studying abroad had directly or indirectly shaped many aspects of their adult life. This study is vital and an asset to the study abroad community because it showed empirical evidences those both undergraduate and graduate students who study abroad during their college years‘ benefit in a myriad of ways. Several students stated that studying abroad was one of the most influential experiences in their life and had the most impact in their future. The improved self-sufficiency and independence gained from a sojourn abroad increased students‘ interests and desires to travel overseas again and be more open to new people coming from different backgrounds and cultures. Students who spend at least a semester overseas identified themselves as more capable, accessible and open to intercultural communication. Their self-assurance was positively affected as well as their interaction skills. Participants who have studied abroad are inclined to view themselves as being more confident when interacting with people from other places. They are also more flexible when acclimating to an unfamiliar place or people from distinct backgrounds as well as new situations. This feeling of assertiveness leads to openness to diversity and having the capacity to regard ideas and challenges from a different point of view, giving them a broader scope to speak from. Studying abroad builds self-reliance and self-sufficiency by throwing students 49

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in unfamiliar and uncomfortable situations, teaching students to become independent and head strong. A semester overseas undoubtedly has a significant impact in international development by fostering a global citizen and thus helping shape students‘ futures by influencing major decisions in their lives. All of the participants interviewed have been impacted positively from their study abroad sojourn. For many it was not apparent upon their immediate return, but years later they understood how the first experience helped shaped their attitudes, personalities and their personal growth was evident. Career development was also a very strong finding from this study in that students described being put on either a path they had not considered previously or that studying abroad led them to the jobs they had in the future. This study has been conclusive with the majority of study abroad literature that states that students who go overseas for part of their university career have life-long impacts; the positive attributes gained do not end upon their return home. Study abroad can enhance the discourse on the role of education in international development by showing the importance and significance that it plays in the lives of students futures. Study abroad educators and policy makers can focus on the positives aspects of studying abroad in a student‘s university career in order to enhance programs or change education policies to allow more participants the chance to go overseas. Higher education is clearly seen as an important investment and more students are enrolling in universities as globalization is taken to the next level, another way that educators can play on the importance of study abroad. Besides the fact that study abroad is a section of education in itself, it can also be argued to show study abroad as an approach by educators, which internationally develops students to be engaged individuals in our world. This paper presents how former study abroad experiences changed American and Swedish students‘ attitudes and influences, having studied overseas for a minimum of one university semester at least five years ago. It hopes to bring to the light some of the motivating factors that are behind the students‘ choices and attitudes. It is vital for study abroad professionals to understand not only the choice process but the emotions that students go through during their time abroad, and as mentioned earlier what they took away from it. Understanding the fundamental feelings behind students‘ decisions on studying abroad before and during, can aid in future study abroad programs worldwide in enhancing program opportunities or 50

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awareness. It is imperative for exchange and study abroad programs to meet the needs (accommodation, school, personal) of the students to ensure they have a successful academic term/year abroad. From the study presented, it is apparent that studying abroad had a positive impact on all of the students interviewed. None of the students reported experiencing negative consequences from their experience abroad, minus the little inconveniences or nuisances that were mildly insignificant to their overall sojourn abroad. It is obvious from this study that all of the respondents were not only influenced from their time abroad, but also shaped as individuals. The personal growth, awareness, independence, and confidence gained by all the participants were invaluable to their future lives. The benefits reaped from even a semester overseas did not only open up the students‘ minds and awareness, but has made them more tolerant and understanding of diverse cultures and people. This is an invaluable asset in today‘s ever evolving cosmopolitan workforce where companies and institutions are becoming more global. Many students described themselves being more globally minded and desired to travel more and meet new people and spend time in different places. These feelings and attitudes were how participants described that studying abroad has changed them for the better and helped them to understand there is more than the bubble (home country) they live in. Without having had this experience, several respondents did not feel they would be where they are today, recognizing the importance of studying abroad. Students increased their social, human, and cultural capital from their time abroad. All former interviewees described having a larger circle of international friends, increasing their social networks and social capital. Their human capital was increased from the different experiences inside and outside of the classroom, as well as their country specific human capital which was definitive of the country they studied in. Their cultural capital was enhanced through their various experiences; people they met from all corners of the world, diverse cultures and countries, new languages, and the mere exposure that living in a foreign country gives individuals, something not obtained through a text book. Resulting from their time overseas, participants have gained international mobility and many have gone on to work abroad or do extensive international travel; a vital element for students who choose to work or live overseas in the future. Studying abroad is deemed a very important and invaluable component in the lives of university students. Throughout the 51

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interviews, students continuously stressed how important their time abroad was to them, their lives having been influenced as a result. Not only did the participants feel that it was a rewarding experience but they also expanded on all the fun and joyful moments they encountered during this time of self-discovery. This study reinforces to the researcher that there are more positives in spending time overseas during a student‘s university career than negatives. The lifelong impacts and influences continue to reward many of the former students to this day. There is still a great need for universities to promote study abroad and give it the awareness it needs to encourage the thousands of students who do not participate and will instead choose to stay on their home campus to complete their degree. Unfortunately, study abroad can seem expensive to many young students or time spent away from family and friends due to the lack of exposure that many universities tend to have. Study abroad offices in universities are more likely to be a smaller section within the university and it is imperative for past participants, professors, and those working within the study abroad field to bring attention to how beneficial one university semester abroad can have in the future life of the student choosing to partake in an academic program overseas. In today‘s international society it is critical that students worldwide have the knowledge and the scope in which to engage with diverse cultures and people. There is no better way than for students to get a taste of that experience than by spending time in a foreign country and learning from those who are different than them. The study abroad phenomenon is more than students spending time overseas having fun and making new friends; it has a deep and profound effect on an individual on many different levels. This study helps support the importance of the research questions and the basis to encourage future studies in the field of study abroad as well as make a contribution within study abroad and for those working in the field.

References Biggart, N. (2002). Readings in Economic Sociology. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Bryman, A. (2008). Social Research Methods. Oxford: University Press.

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Hoffa, W. & DePaul, S. (2010). A History of U.S. Study Abroad: 1965-Present. Carlisle: Frontiers: the Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad. Gillespie, J. & Norris E. (2009). How Study Abroad Shapes Global Careers Evidence From the United States. Journal of Studies in International Education, Vol. 13 (3), pp.382-397. Harman, L. (1988). The Modern Stranger on Language and Membership. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Llewellyn-Smith, C. & McCabe, V. (2008). What is the Attraction for Exchange Students: the Host Destination or Host University? Empirical Evidence from a Study of an Australian University.International Journal of Tourism Research, Vol. 10 (1), pp.593-607. McCabe, L. (2001). Globalization and Internationalization: The Impact on Education Abroad Programs. Journal of Studies in International Education, Vol. 5 (2), pp.138-145. McKeown, J. (2009). The First Time Effect: The Impact of Study Abroad on College Student Intellectual Development. Albany: State University of New York Press. Murphy-Lejeune, E. (2002). Student Mobility and Narrative in Europe: The New Strangers. London: Routledge. OECD (2001). The Well-Being of Nations.The Role of Human and Social Capital.Paris: OECD. Opper, S., Teichler, U., & Carlson, J. (1990).Impacts of Study Abroad Programmes on Students and Graduates.London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Paulsen, M., Pascarella E., Salisbury M., &Umback P. (2008).Going Global: Understanding the Choice Process of the Intent to Study Abroad. Research in Higher Education, Vol. 50 (2), pp.119143. Rojek, C. &Urry, J. (1997). Touring Cultures. London: Routledge. Støren, L.A. &Wiers-Jenssen, J. (2010). Foreign Diploma Versus Immigrant Background Determinants of Labour Market Success or Failure? Journal of Studies in International Education, Vol. 14 (1), pp.29-49. Sullivan, A. (2001). Cultural Capital and Educational Attainment. Sociology. Vol. 35 (4), pp.893-912. Sweetland, S. (1996). Human Capital Theory: Foundations of a Field of Inquiry. Review of Educational Research, Vol. 66 (3), pp.341-359. 53

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Tarrant, M. (2009).A Conceptual Framework for Exploring the Role of Studies Abroad in Nurturing Global Citizenship. Journal of Studies in International Education, Vol. XX (X), pp.1-20. Urry, J. (1990).The Tourist Gaze. London: Sage. Why Study Abroad http://www.jour.unr.edu/donica/Laptop%20 documents/usac/index.html Retrieved November 29, 2009 from the World Wide Web. Wiers-Jenssen, J. (2008). Does Higher Education Attained Abroad Lead to International Jobs? Journal of Studies in International Education, Vol. 12 (2), pp.101-130. Wood, M. (1934). The Stranger: A Study in Social Relationships. New York: Columbia University Press.

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Gender Equality and Education: A Qualitative Study of a Group of Chinese Students in Stockholm, Sweden Patsy Kng

I. Introduction & Background Gender parity in primary and secondary education is one of the six Education for All (EFA) goals that China has made tremendous efforts to achieve since the global initiative was endorsed in 2000 at the World Education Forum in Dakar. According to the EFA Global Monitoring Report 2008, Education for All by 2015: Will We Make It?, the country had achieved this goal by 2005. The report also states that China is one of only a few countries that had achieved gender parity at the tertiary level by 2005 (UNESCO, 2007). According to new data on China‘s gross enrolment ratio (GER) as presented in the Global Education Digest 2010, the Gender Parity Index (GPI) figures for school year ending in 2008 are as follows: 1.04 for primary education; 1.05 for secondary education (including lower and upper secondary); and 1.04 for tertiary education (UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2010a). Based on UNESCO Institute of Statistics‘ (2010a) definition of GPI: ―A GPI of 1 indicates parity between sexes‖ (p. 269), it can be said that gender parity in the Chinese education sector has been maintained since 2005 and that the participation of girls in education has greatly improved, with enrolment figures slightly in favour of females. However, despite these positive figures, civil society and media discourse paint a different picture of reality. The United Nations Girls‘ Education Initiative (UNGEI) points out major obstacles still facing girls‘ education in China. The agency asserts, ―The highly unbalanced sex ratio of 117 boys to every 100 girls highlights deeply embedded gender biases in China‘s social and cultural milieu, which affect girls‘ inclusion in education, especially at higher levels. An estimated two thirds of China's school-age children who are not enrolled in school are girls‖ (UNGEI, 2010). UNICEF China declares, ―Gender disparity and low enrolment among girls are linked to a deeply entrenched preference for sons, so they will be difficult to eradicate. Still more attention must be paid to reducing gender disparities and encouraging girls to attend and remain in school‖ (UNICEF China, 2010). 55

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In addition to issues of educational access and retention, the under-representation and typecasting of girls and women in learning content also pose as an impediment to true gender equality in the Chinese educational system. The EFA Global Monitoring Report 2008 (UNESCO, 2007) found that ―[i]n social studies texts in China, 100% of scientists and soldiers are male while 100% of teachers and 75% of service personnel are female (Yi, 2002). Females represent only about one-fifth of the historical characters in the twelve-volume elementary Chinese textbooks, and appear dull and lifeless in comparison with the more vibrant males (Guo and Zhou, 2002)‖ (p. 88). Gender typecasting such as this serves as an example of larger societal-level partiality for males in China that stems from deeplyingrained traditional and cultural values of feudal China. According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), ―Stereotyped working and living patterns are preventing women from realizing their full potential as equal partners. Moreover, gender imbalances at birth due to preference for boys can potentially hinder the harmonious development of society, over the long-term‖ (UNDP China, 2010). The global agency‘s recently published 2010 Asia-Pacific Regional Human Development Report on Gender concludes: ―While China experienced unsurpassed economic development in recent decades, this progress has not been even in achieving gender equality. The country, like its Asia-Pacific counterparts, remains hindered by the presence of a severe gender gap‖ (ibid.). It is clear, then, that true progress in China‘s push for gender equality – both in schools and society at large – continues to be mired in deep social and traditional gender preconceptions and ideologies, and that despite China‘s enthusiastic push for gender equality on the legal and policy level, true equality in the country‘s education sector is still faced with difficult challenges. Given the discrepancy between China‘s official achievement of gender parity in education and continued discourse about gender inequality and partiality for males, the researcher was motivated to investigate the following two-pronged research question: 1) Do gender-based preconceptions and partiality exist and how is it manifested in Chinese secondary education experiences, and 2) how is this phenomenon perceived and made sense of by a group of students who grew up and studied in China?

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Secondary education (junior and senior middle school) was chosen as the focus of the study, as it represents a turning point in Chinese students‘ pursuit of higher education and career choices and, in the researcher‘s opinion, a crucial period for the construction of their gender identities. Aim and Objectives The thesis sought to explore the concept of gender equality and education from the perspective of a cohort of Chinese students who have lived through and experienced Chinese schooling first-hand. More specific objectives were to: 1. Present an overview of pertinent concepts and theories in gender equality and education (from practical and theoretical standpoints), as well as a review of some key policies implemented by the Chinese government to address gender equality in education and society. 2. Explore the educational experiences and belief systems of a group of Chinese students in Stockholm through their personal narratives, and determine how gender-based preconceptions were encountered and perceived by the research participants. 3. Discuss the emergent core themes and the implications for policymakers in achieving gender equality in education in China. Significance of Study In light of China‘s economic successes and growing integration into the global system, empirical explorations such as the present study which provide insights into the Chinese context are deemed to be relevant and significant in current times. Prevalent discourse on gender issues in China, including a proliferation of media attention on the country‘s ―missing girls‖ and gender ratio imbalance, is further indication that world attention is being directed to concerns of gender inequality there. Much dialogue and media attention can be found on issues of gender inequality in China. In the realm of academic research, quantitative studies on multifarious facets of China‘s educational system abound. However, a search for qualitative research investigating people‘s lived educational experiences (told from the first person perspective) as related to gender equality yielded little results. The thesis aimed to fill this information gap by contributing to 57

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the knowledge of individuals‘ experiences, beliefs and attitudes in relation to gender roles and education in China. The unique sample of research participants in this study – Chinese students who were pursuing higher education in Sweden – should also be highlighted. It is hoped that with their confluence of Chinese schooling experiences and exposure to Swedish gender role ideals, the participants‘ stories will offer richer, more contextually relevant insight into the global discourse on gender equality. Finally, the study hoped to send the following message to policymakers, politicians and other key stakeholders: Unless a phenomenological approach is adopted, by delving into how gender inequality is lived, experienced and constructed in schools and society by students, true gender equality will remain an elusive goal. Limitations of Study By sampling a small and unique cohort of Chinese students in Stockholm, it is stressed that the researcher makes no claims as to the external validity of the findings (that is, whether they can be generalized beyond the specific research context). Rather, it is hoped that the participants‘ stories will offer additional insight into current discourse on gender inequality in China, as well as serve as fodder for possible future research. The fact that the participants were located and selected in Sweden may be considered a weakness by some (for example, the issue of their viewpoints being skewed due to the mere fact that they were a unique, privileged group of students who were living outside of China). However, it is the researcher‘s belief that their narratives will be richer and their belief systems even more interesting to study as a result of their exposure to the Swedish model. On the language front, although the researcher is able to speak and understand Chinese, her lack of reading skills – particularly in locating and understanding prior research studies that were written in Chinese – posed as a limitation to the study. Ethical Considerations Every research participant has been guaranteed confidentiality; all participants were given fictitious names in order to preserve anonymity. A verbal consent was obtained from each participant prior to each interview, in which details about the research study were provided and agreement to participate in the study was confirmed. Permission to record the interviews was also gained before each interview began. Respect, honesty, common courtesy and sensitivity 58

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to potentially thorny topics were upheld to the best of the researcher‘s ability before, during and after each interview.

II. Concepts and Theories What does gender equality mean? The gender and development approaches of Women in Development (WID), Gender and Development (GAD), and the Gender Equality Framework put forth by United States Agency of International Development (USAID) were highlighted, as they were found to be relevant and useful paradigms to inform the study. It is intended that the development framework offers a practical perspective on gender equality in education, whilst feminist theory and phenomenology provide a more theoretical lens through which to explore the concept. Gender and Development It is the generally accepted view of policymakers that gender equality is integral to a country‘s development and globalization process. Advancing gender equality and empowering women is, in fact, third on the list of eight Millennium Declaration Goals (MDGs) aimed at achieving the overall objective of eradicating poverty in the world. Based on the MDG declaration, a country‘s progress towards MDG Three is based on the following indicators: the ratio of girls to boys in primary, secondary and tertiary schooling; the ratio of literate females to males aged 15-24 years; the percentage of women in paid nonagricultural employment; and the proportion of parliamentary seats held by women. As the overview of some of China‘s educational policies and reforms in Part Four illustrates, this emphasis of education as a tool for national development has been adopted by the Chinese government, with the education of girls (particularly in poor areas) often highlighted as a major challenge and priority. Numerous development frameworks have been conceptualized and employed to theorize gender equality. However, the WID and GAD approaches and USAID‘S Gender Equality Framework were found to be the most insightful in understanding the central concepts of gender parity, gender equity and gender equality in the present study. Women in Development (WID) vs. Gender and Development (GAD) The WID approach which emerged in the 1970s is generally connected with an emphasis on ―women as an isolated and homogenous group‖ whilst GAD, which developed in the 1980s, is 59

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associated with a focus on ―the roles and needs of both men and women‖ (International Labour Organisation, 2010). Smyth (1999) describes the two approaches as the following two policy viewpoints: ―WID (Women in Development), which aims to include women in development projects in order to make them more efficient, and GAD (Gender and Development), which addresses inequalities in women‘s and men‘s social roles in relation to development‖ (p. 9). According to Mannathoko (2008), ―The WID approach views schools as the vehicle through which girls can gain access to education‖ (p.129), whilst ―…GAD goes beyond access to examine the quality of education once girls are included‖ (p.131). Vavrus (2003) differentiated the two approaches by explaining that WID ―…described a process that was done ‗to women‘ or ‗for women‘ rather than ‗by women‘‖ (p. 9) and the GAD approach as ―…shift[ing] the focus from ‗women‘ as a biological category to ‗gender‘ as a social construct‖ (p. 6). By exploring students‘ educational experiences and understanding of gender roles as socially constructed phenomena, it can be said that the present inquiry was conducted with the GAD perspective in mind. Jaquette and Staudt (2006) point to Carolyn Moser‘s work in pioneering the GAD model, stating that ―Moser called for a deeper analysis based on gender, that is, on an understanding that women‘s and men‘s roles are socially constructed, not biologically determined‖ (p. 28). Although not without its criticisms, the GAD approach was deemed to be an appropriate approach for the present study given the complexity of Chinese cultural norms, changing social realities and shifting gender roles. USAID‟s Gender Equality Framework Readers of gender and education discourse might encounter the words ―parity‖, ―equity‖ and ―equality‖ without perhaps questioning: what is the difference? While some authors use these terms and concepts interchangeably, it is central to the present discussion to clarify and distinguish them. It is for this reason that the Gender Equality Framework set forth by USAID was selected as a guiding model, as it emphasizes the importance of extracting the ―nuances‖ between these concepts and understanding how they are inter-related. In essence, the framework demonstrates that although ―[p]arity and equity are the building blocks to achieving gender equality in education‖, they alone cannot ―guarantee the realization of equality‖ (USAID, 2008). The three key concepts as presented by the framework are as follows: 60

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Gender Parity According to USAID (2008), ―parity‖ refers to the ―[p]roportional representation of boys and girls in an education system relative to the population per age group‖ (p. 2). Using this definition, it would mean that there are equal numbers of boys and girls who are enrolled in primary, secondary and tertiary schools in China, proportionate to the country‘s population. Gender parity can be surmised, then, as primarily being concerned with girls‘ and boys‘ educational access, enrolment and participation, as measured using UNESCO‘s GPI. While gender parity is undoubtedly a step in the right direction, it only represents what Subrahmanian refers to as ―formal equality‖. According to Subrahmanian (2005), ―Gender equality rests on, but is not the same as, achieving gender parity, or females being represented in equal numbers as males in education, although the latter offers a ‗first stage‘ measure of progress towards gender equality in education‖ (p. 397). Gender Equity ―Equity‖, according to the USAID framework, refers to: ―Strategies and processes that provide fair and equal chances for all to pursue and benefit from educational opportunities‖, such as ―[s]cholarships, teacher training on gender sensitive pedagogies, curriculum revisions to remove gender bias, separate safe and clean latrines for girls and boys and programs to promote math and science among girls‖ (USAID, 2010). The Chinese government is working towards the promotion of gender equality in education through, for example, the amendment of The Law on Compulsory Education in 2006 which emphasizes the need to protect girls‘ rights to education. The international community is also committed to helping remove obstacles to girls‘ education, particularly in rural China. A compendium compiled by the UN Theme Group on Basic Education and Human Resource Development for UNGEI shows international organizations such as Asian Development Bank, Save the Children UK and UNICEF supporting the push for gender equality in China through countless equity initiatives (UNGEI, 2005). However, as the thesis suggested, gender equity processes such as these are not enough to achieve gender equality in Chinese education.

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Gender Equality In USAID‘s Gender Equality Framework, the term ―equality‖ means: ―Females and males have equal rights, freedoms, conditions, and opportunities for realizing their full potential in society‖ (USAID, 2010). The model presents four different dimensions of gender equality in education: equality of access, equality in the learning process, equality of educational outcomes, and equality of external results. The study explored these dimensions in Chinese secondary education by delving into the educational experiences of a group of Chinese students, paying particular attention to equality in the learning process or ―pedagogic processes and the school environment‖ (ibid.). Modern Feminist Theory In addition to gender and development frameworks, this study was also guided by modern feminist theory; more specifically, theories of gender difference and of gender inequality which according to Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley (2004) argue that ―[w]omen‘s location in, and experience of, most situations is different from that of men in the situation‖ and that ―[w]omen‘s location in most situation is not only different but also less privileged than or unequal to that of men‖ (p. 311). According to Lengermann and Niebrugge-Brantley (2004), gender difference theories offer the following explanations for women‘s different experiences: 1) innate biological dissimilarities between women and men; 2) different institutional roles that men and women play within the society; and 3) phenomenological analyses which view ―the marginalization of women as Other in a male-created culture‖. Theorists of gender inequality take up these suppositions further by arguing that inequality is not only based on the above differences, but rather ―…results from the organization of society, not from any significant biological or personality differences between women and men‖ (p. 312-314). These ideas were crucial in framing the current study and will be touched upon again in the research findings. Gender vs. Sex The distinction between gender and sex is a central concept in feminist theory. Many feminist theorists (including those in the development strains) associate gender with social and cultural forces influencing a person‘s identity, while sex is connected with biological traits. March et al. (1999), offer the following explanation: 62

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Sex is a fact of human biology; gender is not. The experience of being male or female differs dramatically from culture to culture. The concept of gender is used by sociologists to describe all the socially given attributes, roles, activities, and responsibilities connected to being a male or female in a given society. Our gender identity determines how we are perceived, and how we are expected to think and act as women and men, because of the way society is organized (p. 18). Francis (2006) discusses the sex/gender division by putting forward two opposing perspectives: the determinist stance that sex equates to ―innate difference‖, and the social learning perspective that views gender as ―socially constructed‖ (p. 8-11). Dillabough (2006) also reviews the sex/gender debate, conveying that ―[t]hese distinctions further clarified the importance of viewing gender as a relational social construct which was ultimately more flexible than previously understood within sex-role theory and sex as a highly deterministic concept deriving from the biological sciences‖ (p. 48). The present investigation into a group of Chinese students‘ educational experiences was very much informed by these theoretical deliberations about sex and gender. In exploring whether genderbased preconceptions exist in Chinese secondary schools, the study also revealed if the Chinese students who participated in the study perceived gender relations and roles from the gender difference (biological/deterministic) stance or from the gender inequality (social construction) position. Gender as an Adjective The concept of gender can be explored further with Unterhalter‘s (2007) insightful three-pronged definition in which she classifies gender as a noun, an adjective, and a verb. Here, gender as a noun generally refers to ―the female‖ and the number of girls and boys attending school or achieving certain grades. As a verb, gender is explained as ―… a process of being or becoming ‗girl‘ or actions in accordance with particular forms of masculinity‖ (p. 3). Gender as an adjective, according to Unterhalter, ―…entails looking at gendered relations within schools, households, and the broader political economy‖ (ibid).

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Phenomenology The thesis employed a third theoretical perspective, that of phenomenology. It contended that the phenomenon of gender inequality in China‘s education sector cannot be truly comprehended without closely examining how students experience gendered relations and expectations in schools, and how they construct their gender role beliefs in the educational setting. It investigated the ways in which gendering of learning content, tracking or streaming of students into gendered subjects, as well as gendered school dynamics help to shape gender identities, further suggesting that gender inequality is institutionalized and perpetuated through such gender differentiation in schools. By applying the sociological discipline of phenomenology and George Herbert Mead‘s concept of ―Self‖, the construction of female and male identities and how individuals perceive their social reality was explored. According to Mead, there is within the ―Self‖ a distinction between the ―I‖ and the ―Me‖, a concept that is explained by Calhoun et al. (2007a) as follows: ―Mead argued that a person‘s self is composed of a part that is unique and spontaneous (what he called the ‗I‘) and a part that comes from the internalized expectations of society (the ‗Me‘)‖ (p. 277). Applied to the educational context, it can be said that girls and boys possess within themselves two identities: the distinct ―I‖ which sets them apart from other individuals, and the socialized ―Me‖ which is a reflection of the social reality (for example, the school) in which they are part of.

III. Methodology Research Design The research study entailed the collection of qualitative data within the conceptual frameworks of gender and development, feminist theory and phenomenology. Several factors contributed to the choice of qualitative research as the appropriate strategy to tackle the research question set forth, including the emphasis it places on understanding meanings of social phenomena as constructed by the individuals being studied; its association with feminist sensitivities; and its inductive approach wherein theories or general conclusions are generated by observations and findings. Keeping in line with the GAD approach and its premise that gender roles are socially constructed, the study took a constructionist 64

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ontological position: attitudes towards gender roles and the meanings of these concepts are seen as being continually fashioned and moulded by people rather than being independent of them. Following on from this ontological stance, the study was underpinned by the interpretivist epistemological position, which Bryman (2004) explains as the postulation that ―…the subject matter of the social sciences – people and their institutions – is fundamentally different from that of the natural sciences‖ (p. 13). The researcher does not believe that methods of studying natural sciences can be applied to a study of people and their social reality. Credibility and internal reliability of the study were addressed by recording and storing interview data mechanically, and employing the research participants‘ actual words as much as possible in the research findings. This process is known as using ―low-inference descriptors‖ which, according to Seale (1999), ―…involves recording observations in terms that are as concrete as possible, including verbatim accounts of what people say, for example, rather than researchers‘ reconstructions of the general sense of what a person said, which would allow researchers‘ personal perspectives to influence the reporting‖ (p. 148). Semi-Structured Interviewing The study utilized the semi-structured form of qualitative interviewing for data collection. The interviews were conducted face-to-face with the aid of an interview guide in private rooms at the Institute of International Education (IIE) and at Stockholm University (SU) Main Library, enabling a quiet, personal and accessible setting for the participants to feel more comfortable and uninhibited. A recording device was used, with the participants‘ consent, for storage and later transcription of the interviews as well as for ensuring that participants‘ responses were captured in their own words. As mentioned earlier, this method was chosen to enhance credibility and reliability of the study. Seale (1999) states: ―…mechanical recording is another means for describing data while inferring as little as possible about its potential meanings‖ (p. 148). Sampling Strategy With the help of SU‘s Chinese Student Union, the researcher was able to recruit ten students (five female and five male) from China who were willing to share their stories. Selection of the interview participants was based on purposive sampling, in which 65

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―…researchers handpick the cases to be included in the sample on the basis of their judgment of their typicality or possession of the particular characteristics being sought‖ (Cohen, Manion and Morrison, 2007, p.114). The characteristics in question were: having grown up in China; an educational background in China; being physically located in Stockholm; and being willing to discuss their personal lives and viewpoints. The research participants were all assured of their anonymity in the dissertation. Description of Research Participants All of the research participants were born and pursued their secondary schooling in China. At the time of the study in January 2010, all were members of SU‘s Chinese Student Union. With the exception of Guowei who was studying at Kungliga Tekniska Högskolan (KTH) / Royal Institute of Technology, all were pursuing their studies at SU. The group, aged between 22 and 30 years, included one undergraduate student at the Bachelor‘s level (in English Literature) and nine postgraduate students at the Master‘s and PhD levels. Seven participants (including all female) were pursuing studies within the Faculties of Social Science, Humanities and Law, while three (all male) were studying within Faculties of Science. The participants came from all parts of China: from Jilin Province in the north to Hainan Province in the south, and from Shanghai in the east to Shaanxi in central China. When asked to categorize their hometowns in China (specifically, where they were born and spent their childhoods) as ―the countryside‖, ―small town‖ or ―big city‖, seven described their native homes as ―cities‖, two as ―the countryside‖ and one as a ―small town‖. All five female participants came from cities, whilst two of the five male participants came from rural China. Of the five female participants, four are the only children in their families, whilst two out of the five male participants are the only children. Although the study did not seek to generalize findings due to the small, non-random sample, it can be said that there is variety and diversity to some degree within the sample and that one can grasp an idea of several shared educational experiences of some Chinese students.

IV. Data Analysis Data analysis for the study was conducted during the data collection process as well as after. Topics and issues which arose provided the 66

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researcher with new angles to pursue and the process was what Merriam (1998) described as ―recursive and dynamic‖ (p. 155). The interviews were interpreted using the narrative analysis approach, which was selected for the importance it places on stories that research participants tell. Narrative analysis is understood as ―…a term that covers quite a wide variety of approaches that are concerned with the search for and analysis of the stories that people employ to understand their lives and the world around them‖ (Bryman, 2004, p. 412). Categorization of emergent themes was conducted based on thematic analysis, one of four models of narrative analysis presented by Riessman (2005) which focuses on the content of what research participants said. The use of codes was not employed in organizing and analyzing the data, but rather, thematic categories.

V. The Chinese Context Outline of China‟s Present-Day Education System Education in China is state-run and based on a nine-year compulsory education system. Adopted in 1986, the Compulsory Education Law guarantees every school-aged child of Chinese nationality access to free primary education and the first three years of secondary education (junior middle school for children aged 12 to 14). China‘s education system is intricate and still undergoing reform. However, to give the big picture, it is comprised of three main categories: basic education, higher education and adult education (China Education and Research Network, 2010). Secondary education was the focus of the study. It is composed of two parts: junior middle school (three years and compulsory) and senior middle school (three years and not compulsory). Students who complete junior middle school have the option to enter into general academic senior middle school or specialized vocational and professional schools. Senior middle school students are required to choose between the science and arts track, in preparation for national college entrance examinations which are divided into science and arts forms. Overview of China‟s Educational Policies and Reforms on Gender Equality A review of some of the key laws and policies implemented in China since the country proclaimed itself ―New China‖ in 1949 was conducted, indicating an impressive push for gender equality in all 67

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facets of Chinese life – including that of education. Recent data for school year ending in 2008 from the UNESCO Institute of Statistics (2010a) show that female teachers accounted for 43% of teaching staff in China, and that gender parity was achieved in literacy rates for both adults and youth with GPIs of 0.94 and 1.00 respectively. According to the World Economic Forum‘s (2010) Global Gender Gap Report 2010, China ranked 61st place out of 134 countries surveyed, as compared to India, for example, which took the position of 112th place. The degree to which reality matches policy and rhetoric is, as pointed out before, open to debate. It is hoped that the insights derived from the research participants‘ narratives would offer a glimpse of some of the actualities of gender relations and perceptions in the Chinese context and, in turn, support policymakers and civil society in their continued strive for gender equality in China. Traditional Gender Ideologies in China The Chinese government is dedicated to eliminating gender inequality through the ratification and implementation of wide-ranging laws and policies, and as a result, women‘s positions in society have greatly improved. However, deeply-rooted cultural and traditional ideologies favouring males continue to persist. The philosophies of Confucius, for one, continue to influence Chinese society and gender relations, even after 2,500 years since his death. Amongst his many teachings, the most pertinent one in the current context is his representation of women as subordinate to men. Confucian writings advocated that women were inferior to men; that a good woman was one who served her husband and whose only purpose in life was to perform housework and produce male offspring. Patriarchal values and norms stemming from China‘s long feudal history still linger, particularly in rural China. During the feudal era, women were forbidden to own private property or work for pay outside of the home, and were economically dependent on the men in their families. As a result, sons were favoured in order to continue land ownership and family lines. The present study looked at whether such deeply entrenched male-centred ideologies and values were present in the educational experiences of a group of Chinese students and how they are understood by the students themselves.

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VI. Research Findings: Presentation and Discussion With the overarching research question of whether gender-based differential treatment and partiality existed in the secondary schooling experiences of a group of Chinese students in mind, the following four key themes emerged during analysis of the participants‘ interview responses: 1) division of academic fields of study into ―girl subjects‖ and ―boy subjects‖; 2) separation of female and male students in PE classes and playtime; 3) differential treatment of female and male students by teachers; and 4) difference in parental attitudes and expectations for sons and daughters. Gendered Fields of Academic Study and Career Choices Of the ten students interviewed, all five female participants were pursuing graduate studies in the social science and humanities academic fields, whilst three out of the five male participants were studying in the science and technology sectors. This is perhaps not a surprising finding, given the much discussed global phenomenon of more males pursuing studies and careers in scientific and technological disciplines than females. The focus here, rather, was on what the students thought of the fact that (whether of their own accords or influenced by parents) more boys are opting to study science and technology subjects and more girls are preferring social sciences and humanities. In listening to their stories, it was revealed that almost all of the participants held the shared belief that boys are inherently better at, more suitable for, or prefer the natural sciences whilst girls are better performing in, or better suited for the arts and social sciences. The female participants tended to link the disparity in terms of performance and preference, while the male participants associated it with the gendering of career choices. Statements expressed in the interviews indicating that girls are less suited for careers involving physical strength and working outdoors point to gender difference lines of thinking on some of the research participants‘ part, in which differences between men and women are linked to biology and social expectations. Gendered Physical Education and Playtime The analysis of the participants‘ responses revealed gender-based preconceptions in the area of PE. Although not all participants reported institutional separation of female and male students in PE classes, all differentiated between ―girl sports‖ and ―boy sports‖ either 69

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during class time or free playtime. According to the majority of the participants in the study, ―girl sports‖ included skipping, gymnastics, badminton and table tennis. Boys, on the other hand, were mostly associated with football and basketball. When asked what they thought of the gendering of sports and PE, almost all participants (both male and female) agreed that it was accepted and ―natural‖ for girls and boys to do different sports. Several of the female participants voiced the opinion that sports like basketball was too vigorous for girls. In addition to the view that certain sports were too physically demanding for girls, some of the participants pointed to the ingraining of cultural beliefs or socialization of students into what constitutes ―girl sports‖ and ―boy sports‖. One of the most prominent themes to emerge from the interviews was the belief that it is ―natural‖ to separate girls and boys in physical education classes due to their biological and physical differences. This commonly shared perception of boys being physically stronger than girls is very much in line with gender difference ideology and the biology vs. social attribution debate often discussed in feminist discourse. Throughout the interviews, both female and male participants expressed an acceptance and internalization of the belief that sports and PE classes should be gendered. The majority of the research participants did not seem to question it – that it just ―made sense‖ or that it was ―natural‖ – reflecting an ―institutionalization‖ of PE as a gendered educational arena. Berger and Luckmann (2007) state: ―The typifications of habitualized actions that constitute institutions are always shared ones. They are available to all the members of the particular social group in question, and the institution itself typifies individual actors as well as individual actions. The institution posits that actions of type X will be performed by actors of type X‖ (p. 44). Applied to the present study, it can be said that both male and female research participants shared the belief that actions of the female ―type‖ should be performed by girls, and that actions of the male ―type‖ should be performed by boys. Gendered Teachers‟ Perceptions and Treatment Teachers‘ differential treatment of students and their preconceptions of girls‘ and boys‘ abilities further contributed to the gendered educational experiences of the research participants in the study. According to Blumberg (2007), ―[t]eachers also propagate stereotypes‖. Citing a 2003 study of science teachers by Song, the 70

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author explains: ―Fully 71 percent of teachers who read a description of a student with a male name rated him as a good science student, whereas, when the same description was used but the student was given a female name, only 20 percent of teachers rated her as a good. Such gendered attitudes of teachers were manifested in the grading of examinations, as revealed by a female research participant, who recalled boys being given preferential treatment and higher examination grades, even if their answers to examination questions were on par with the girls‘. When probed further as to why she thought the teachers in her class preferred boys, she suggested that perhaps because there were so few boys, it was easier for them to capture the teachers‘ attention – especially female teachers. A further example of teachers treating the students based on their perceptions of students‘ inherent characteristics was in the selection of class monitors (banzhang) – students who are chosen by teachers to assist them in classroom activities. In one female participant‘s class, the selection of monitors reinforced the association of humanities subjects with girls and mathematics with boys. She told the researcher: ―Yeah, um, for each class you need to choose one student to be representative? For maths class, yeah, must be a boy. Never girls... never be. But for Chinese and English, yeah, always girls. Yeah, always girls (laughs).‖ The belief that it is ―natural‖ to polarize boys and girls based on their different biological traits and physical attributes was a common theme throughout the research findings, and could be seen further in several narratives of physical separation in the classroom seating of boys and girls by teachers. Gender-based differentiation of physical attributes of girls and boys – as explored earlier in the gendering of PE – was also evident in the way teachers assigned classroom tasks. For example, girls were asked to perform tasks such as decorating and cleaning classrooms, and boys with manual work such as carrying water bottles. Such interview responses are deemed to be good examples of gendered teacher-student interactions, as they illustrate how gender typecasting and preconceptions are evident in the way teachers interact with and treat female and male students differently, based on perceived differences in inherent academic inclinations, personality, and physical attributes. They also demonstrate how gender identities can be shaped and formed through social behaviours and relations in schools. Recalling Mead‘s (2007) concept of ―Self‖ and Paechter‘s 71

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(2007) expression of the ―learning of masculinities and femininities‖, it can be said that the research participants have developed and learned what it means to be ―male‖ and ―female‖ from their social reality of gendered teacher and classroom interactions, and that schools are a vehicle for perpetuating gender difference ideology and inequality. Gendered Parental and Social Attitudes The research participants‘ narratives also exposed gendered preconceptions about education both in the homes and society at large. Several of the participants voiced the parental and social belief that women do not require higher education and that, in fact, higher education was seen as a negative factor, particularly in relation to women‘s marital chances. The belief that pursuing higher education jeopardizes a woman‘s marital prospects and that these prospects diminish with age was shared and described by several of the research participants. The responses revealed how the Chinese students who participated in the study were confronted with deeply entrenched social and traditional values above those experienced in schools. They illustrated how women are still socially perceived as better suited for marriage and family than careers, or as ―weaker‖ than men and needing the ―protection‖ of fathers and husbands. Furthermore, these findings suggest that although schools are arenas for the perpetuation of gender inequality, they cannot be held solely responsible for the construction of the research participants‘ gendered social reality. Deeply embedded traditional values which have evolved from China‘s extensive history must be brought to light and addressed.

VII. Conclusion Beyond parity is gender equality, subtler and harder to achieve (UNESCO, 2007, p. 85). The Chinese government has shown its commitment to improving women‘s social status through the implementation and ratification of extensive gender equity policies and programs. The success of these policy implementations can be seen in the country‘s education sector, particularly with its attainment of gender parity in primary, secondary and tertiary education and literacy rates, as well as its commendable ranking on the World Economic Forum‘s Global Gender Gap Report 2010. Nevertheless, according to civil society and public discourse on both international and Chinese fronts, traditional gender ideologies persist and inequities remain a persistent social ill which not only 72

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represent a significant obstacle to greater gender equality but, it is argued here, they are being perpetuated by gendered learning and social environments. Aided by the nuances of what defines ―gender equality‖ offered by USAID‘s Gender Equality Framework, it is posited that gender equality means more than gender parity and equity measures of boosting girls‘ access to compulsory education, educational achievements or literacy rates. Inequality cannot be eradicated without first unravelling the source of gendered preconceptions through an understanding of how girls and boys construct their gender identities (in essence, how they learn to be girls and boys), and secondly how policymakers perceive the phenomenon of gender inequality in education. The study revealed that gender-based differential treatment and partiality for males were present in the educational experiences of a group of Chinese students, through gendered fields of academic study and career choices; separation of PE and other classroom activities; gendered teachers‘ perceptions and treatment of students; and gendered parental and social attitudes. It also unearthed a social construction of gender identities in line with the gender difference belief that students are inherently predisposed to excel at certain subjects based on their sex; that boys are stronger than girls based on physical and biological differences between the sexes; and that it is ―natural‖ to hold these perceptions. To achieve true gender equality in education – beyond parity and equity – it is critical to consider the ways in which policymakers and politicians acknowledge and problematize gender inequality as a social phenomenon, as well as to acknowledge it as a societal problem. Perhaps a shift in focus is needed from gender difference explanations and WID policy approaches to gender inequality and GAD stances, and from a preoccupation with policy and rhetoric to a phenomenological approach of comprehending how gender identities are socially constructed in schools and homes. Recommendations for Future Research Although a small, non-generalizable cohort of research participants were sampled for the study, it is believed that their stories and experiences shed valuable light on the issue of gender inequality and education in China (especially given limited empirical research on gender relations and individuals‘ perceptions in the Chinese context). The themes which emerged from the findings point to several 73

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challenges in combating gender inequities and warrant further investigation of a wider scope, involving a larger sample size in China.

References Berger, P. L. & Luckmann, T. (2007). The Social Construction of Reality. In C. Calhoun, J. Gerteis, J. Moody, S. Pfaff, & I. Virk (Eds.), Contemporary Sociological Theory: Second Edition. pp. 42-50. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Blumberg, R. L. (2007). Gender bias in textbooks: a hidden obstacle on the road to gender equality in education. Paper commissioned for the EFA Global Monitoring Report 2008. Education for All by 2015: Will We Make It? Retrieved from the World Wide Web: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images /0015/001555/155509e.pdf Bryman, A. (2004). Social Research Methods (second edition). New York: Oxford University Press. Calhoun, C., Gerteis, J., Moody, J., Pfaff, S., &Virk, I. (Eds) (2007a).Introduction to Part V. In C. Calhoun, J. Gerteis, J. Moody, S. Pfaff, & I. Virk (Eds.), Classical Sociological Theory: Second Edition. pp. 278-281. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. China Education and Research Network.(2010). Education System in China. Retrieved from the World Wide Web: ttp://www.edu.cn/introduction1_1403/20060323/t20060323_111 891.shtml Cohen, L., Manion, L. & Morrison, K. (2007).Research Methods in Education. London and New York: Routledge. Dillabough, J. (2006). ‗Education Feminism(s)‘, Gender Theory and Social Thought: Illuminating Moments and Critical Impasses. In C. Skelton, B. Francis, & L. Smulyan (Eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Gender and Education. pp. 47-61. London: SAGE Publications. Francis, B. (2006). The Nature of Gender. In C. Skelton, B. Francis, & L. Smulyan (Eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Gender and Education. pp. 7-17. London: SAGE Publications. International LabourOrganisation. (2010). Gender! A Partnership of Equals: Approaching gender issues. Retrieved from the World Wide Web: http://www.ilo.org/public/english/region/ampro/ cinterfor/temas/gender/doc/pacto/appro.htm 74

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Jaquette, J. & Staudt, K. (2006).Women, Gender and Development. In J. Jaquette & G. Summerfield (Eds.), Women and Gender Equity in Development Theory and Practice: Institutions, Resources and Mobilization. pp. 17-52. Duke: Duke University Press. Lengermann, P. M. & Niebrugge-Brantley, J. (2004).Modern Feminist Theory. In G. Ritzer & D. Goodman (Eds.), Modern Sociological Theory. pp. 302-349. New York: McGraw-Hill. Mannathoko, C. (2008). Promoting Education Quality through Gender-Friendly Schools. In M. Tembon & L. Fort (Eds.), Girls’ Education in the 21st Century: Gender Equality, Empowerment, and Economic Growth. pp. 127-142. Washington, DC: The World Bank. March, C., Smyth, I. &Mukhopadhyay, M. (1999).A Guide to GenderAnalysis Frameworks. Oxford: Oxfam. Mead, G. H. (2007). The Self. In C. Calhoun, J. Gerteis, J. Moody, S. Pfaff, & I. Virk (Eds.), Classical Sociological Theory: Second Edition. pp. 282-282. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Merriam, S. B. (1998). Qualitative Research and Case Study Applications in Education. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Paechter, C. (2007). Being Boys, Being Girls: Learning Masculinities and Femininities. Riessman, C. K. (2005). Narrative Analysis. In N. Kelly, C. Horrocks, K. Milnes, B. Roberts & D. Robinson (Eds.), Narrative, Memory and Everyday Life. pp. 1-7. Huddersfield: University of Huddersfield. Seale, C. (1999). The Quality of Qualitative Research. London: Sage Publications. Smyth, I. (1999) Introduction. In C. March, I. Smyth & M. Mukhopadhyay (Eds.), A Guide to Gender-Analysis Frameworks. pp. 8-16. Oxford: Oxfam. Subrahmanian, R. (2005). Gender Equality in Education: Definitions and Measurements. International Journal of Educational Development, 25(4), pp.395-407. Retrieved from the World Wide Web: http://info.worldbank.org/etools/docs/library /244513/day5Gender%20Equity%20in%20Education.pdf UNDP China. (2010). Making Gender Equality a Reality: UNDP and Gender. Retrieved from the World Wide Web: http://www.undp.org.cn/downloads/gender/genderundp_en.pdf UNESCO.(2007). EFA Global Monitoring Report 2008. Education for All by 2015: Will We Make It? Paris: UNESCO. 75

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UNESCO Institute for Statistics. (2010a). Global Education Digest 2010. Montreal: UNESCO Institute for Statistics. UNGEI. (2010). China: Background. Retrieved from the World Wide Web: http://www.ungei.org/infobycountry/china.html UNGEI. (2005). Gender Equality Initiatives. Retrieved from the World Wide Web: http://www.unescobkk.org /fileadmin/user_upload/efa/EFA_News/EFA_News2006/UNGE I_Report_China Jan06.pdf UNICEF China. (2010). The Children: Primary school years. Retrieved from the World Wide Web: http://www.unicef.org/china/children_878.html Unterhalter, E. (2007). Gender, Schooling and Global Social Justice. London and New York: Routledge. USAID.(2010). About USAID. Retrieved from the World Wide Web: http://www.usaid.gov/about_usaid/ USAID.(2008). Gender Equality Framework. Retrieved from the World Wide Web: http://pdf.usaid.gov/ pdf_docs/PNADL861.pdf Vavrus, F. (2003). Editorial: Women and Development. Rethinking Policy and Reconceptualizing Practice. Women’s Studies Quarterly, 3(4), pp.6-18. World Economic Forum. (2010). The Global Gender Gap Report 2010. Retrieved from the World Wide Web: http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GenderGap_Report_2010 .pdf

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Education and Rural Development: A Comparative Study of Two Non-Formal Training Programs in Yunnan Province of China Wen Zhang

I. Introduction For the next two decades, it is estimated that the majority of the population living in developing countries will continue to be rural. This is even more the case for the least developed countries where rural people will exceed 55 percent of the total population in 2030 (IFAD, 2010). Whilst this large proportion of world‘s population are often neglected in the development framework, widening gaps between urban and rural areas in terms of income, welfare, resources and educational status are to be found in most developing countries. This implies that the development challenge of these nations will still be related to rural trends and conditions. As one of the essential parts of Education for All (EFA), education for rural people is not new. Previous focus of rural education was given to providing basic education to all since the declaration of EFA. However, as stated by Chinapah (2010) at the International Symposium of Education for Rural Transformation (ERT), ―the dynamics of rural transformation in the ‗globalized‘ world has created new educational imperatives that call for a re-evaluation of present educational policies and priorities and the re-examination of the role of education and learning (formal, non-formal and informal) for rural people from rather new perspectives‖ (p.1), there is an urgent need for rethinking education for rural contexts. The role of education should be reinforced in tackling problems of today‘s world – such as poverty alleviation, pursuing sustainable development, ensuring food security and cultivating the culture of peace and tolerance (Manzoor, 2010). Re-examining education in rural areas requires first reviewing the characteristics of the rural sector, and then considering the position of education in the current rural development debate (FAO& UNESCO, 2002). Non-formal education (NFE) which was formerly perceived as a second choice compared to formal education, with its merits of diversity and flexibility, then become popular within assistance projects, especially in those for comprehensive rural 77

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development. There are various kinds of NFE which can be utilized, while the acquisitions of literacy and numeracy as well as practical technical and vocational skills are centrally positioned. One single type of education can neither meet diversified learning needs of rural people nor to cope with the changing situation. In an environment increasingly shaped by non-farming activities, and in a policy context dominated by the poverty reduction agenda, education for rural development requires a holistic approach going beyond the narrow boundaries of the traditional education and training. In China, around 900 million people live in rural area. As a result, rural development has always been the first priority of the country. Particularly with economic and social development, changing industrial structure and rapid urbanization, rural China is experiencing dynamic changes. On one hand, agricultural industry needs productive workforce equipped with modern agro-technology, on the other hand, huge amounts of surplus labour force are migrating from rural to urban areas and seek to work in non-agriculture industries. Also it is essential for reaching the most disadvantaged groups in remote rural areas for reducing disparities between urban and rural area. Then, education and training for rural people stands out as a core for tackling comprehensive development of rural residence, villages and agriculture industry. Firstly, 9-year-compulsory tuition- free education was regulated since 1986. Favourable policies were continuously imposed in rural area for ensuring access to basic education. Also, in coping with the complex reality in rural areas, central government has financed and launched various kinds of programs to help rural people deal with the social change. Local community also actively initiated many programs to empower themselves. Previous research about rural education, for example, studies done by McClymont (1975), Khan (2006) and a series of study on higher education for rural development and poverty alleviation by IIEP have focus on the influence of formal system for rural people. Research conducted by Reinhold (1993), Amedzro (2005), etc. mainly concerned with single innovation or program, little study explores the overall situation of non-formal education. This study, by analyzing the national context of China at macro level and in-depth through a comparative study of two cases, aims to investigate the role of nonformal education in the process of rural development and how tailormade non-formal programs planned were implemented in order to meet different learning needs. 78

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II. Conceptual framework The role of education In most modern societies, education is considered as a key instrument of social purpose. On the one hand, education is expected to maintain traditions; on the other hand, it is expected to promote political, economic, and social development. Educational institutions are generally considered to be highly conservative because one of the primary effects of formal educational systems is cultural reproduction. This process of socialization is conservative in that it preserves current cultural patterns and discourages deviation from them (Parelius, 1987). The concept of education as an agent of cultural reproduction is less directly explained by the material and a subject, but rather more so through what is known as the ―Hidden curriculum‖3. Through this socialization process, one acquires the ‗appropriate attitudes and values‘ needed to further succeed within education and society. Via transmission of knowledge, values, attitudes, perceptions, and behaviour patterns from one generation to the next, mainstream culture is legitimated and perpetuated. One of the pioneer scholars on cultural reproduction, Bourdieu argued that the education system was used solely to ‗reproduce‘ the culture of the dominant class in order for the dominant class to continue to be in power. According to Bourdieu, inequalities are recycled through the education system and other social institutions (Bourdieu, 1977). Only those members of the dominant culture can acquire knowledge in relation to the way it is taught within this cultural system. Therefore, those who are not members of the dominant culture are at a disadvantage in receiving cultural information, and therefore will remain at a disadvantage. Although education often functions to stabilize and maintain the status quo, it can also promote social change and development in a number of ways. At least, schools modify the content of their curricula so that they reflect new scientific and technological advances. Changing norms and beliefs might also be incorporated so that each succeeding generation learns something new accordingly. In addition, education can promote the critical analysis of traditional institutions. Education institutions, especially colleges and universities, are expected to be centres of research and development. The newest ideas The ―hidden curriculum‖ is a term to use to describe the unwritten social rules and expectations of behavior that we all seem to know, but were never taught (Bieber, 1994). 3

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often come from educational institutions, especially from higher education. For instance, during periods of rapid industrialization and modernization, education has been used to teach new values, such as achievement, competition, and instrumental activism, and new habits, such as saving and punctuality, in order to facilitate economic development (Parelius, 1987). Some argue that expansion of education can help to reduce social inequalities and contribute to greater social mobility. As in modern societies, education qualifications have become an increasingly important factor in the labour market and also in determining social class position of people (Iannelli & Paterson, 2005). Therefore, education can both modify and transform traditional socioeconomic hierarchies. The link between educational credentials and occupational placement highlights another function of education, which is selection and allocation of individuals for various positions in society. As stated by Hirsch (2000), education is in its economical function the filter and factory. This point of view is also supported by consensus and conflict theorists. They agree that a primary function of educational institutions is to prepare youth for productive employment. This involves developing not only technical skills but also moral values and attitudes. There is a broad correspondence between the needs of the economic sector for particular types of workers and the training provided by the schools. However, it is important to note that economic development is a dynamic process. At one stage of development, a large number of relatively unskilled labour forces would be most useful; at another stage, a highly differentiated and technologically sophisticated workforce would be more appropriate (Parelius, 1987). If educational institutions are to supply a continuous stream of suitable workers to facilitate economic development, those educational institutions will also have to change and be more responsive to learning needs. Education has a fundamental role to play in personal and social development. Following Kant‘s philosophy, the ultimate goal of education is to reach the perfection of each individual which he is capable of. In the 1960s, Schultz wrote that investment in education and skill formation was as significant factor in economic growth as an investment in physical capital. He saw that the quality of the workforce was a variable element in the economy and could be improved to increase the human variable in the economic equation, and therefore increase productivity. Efforts to promote investment in human capital were seen to result in rapid economic growth for 80

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society (Olaniyan & Okemakinde, 2008). The social and economic development of nations is fundamentally an education process in which people learns to create new institutions, utilize new technologies, cope with their environment, and alter their patterns of behaviour. Education in a broad sense improves the capabilities of individuals and the capacity of institutions, and becomes a catalyst for the closely interrelated economic, social, cultural, and demographic changes that become defined as national development. As Becker (2006) mentioned, this is the ‗age of human capital‘ in the sense that human capital is by far the most important form of capital in modern economies. The economic success of individuals, and the whole economies, depends on how extensively and effectively people invest in themselves. That is to say, in order to achieve economic growth and social development in this knowledge-driven society, it is critical to improve the quality of a nation‘s workforce. When it comes to the quality of a workforce, there are two factors involved. One is labour productivity which refers to the value of the goods and services produced by a worker. The second is the flexibility of the labour force, or the ability of workers to move across sectors of the economy and between industries as the structure of the economy changes. The higher a country‘s labour productivity and the more flexible its workforce, the better able that country is to acquire and adapt the technology needed to produce better quality goods and services at lower cost and to shift the structure of production to new markets and products(World Bank, 1993). Thus, to come back to human capital theory, countries need to invest more on education and training so as to improve the quality of workforce if they are to compete successfully in an era of rapid economic and technological change. The changing rural scenario More than half of the world‘s population, and more than 70 percent of the world‘s poor are to be found in rural areas where hunger, literacy and low school achievement are common(FAO& UNESCO, 2002). Rural people have often been referred to as a ―neglected majority‖ in development processes. Sustainable development cannot be achieved unless rural people are fully engaged in the design and implementation of programs aimed at improving rural livelihoods. Until the needs of rural people are fully addressed, this sector will continue to be a drag on any national and international efforts to reduce poverty and to alleviate hunger. 81

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When tackling the issue of rural development, one has to bear in mind that the term connotes overall development of rural areas with a view to improve the quality of life of rural people. In this sense, it is a comprehensive and multidimensional concept, and encompasses the development of agriculture and village and above all, the human resources in rural areas. As Singh (2009) stated, rural development can be conceptualized as a process, a phenomenon, a strategy and a discipline. As a process, it indicates the engagement of individuals, communities and nations in pursuing their cherished goals over time. As a phenomenon, rural development is the result of interactions among various physical, technological, economic, socio-cultural and institutional factors. As a strategy, it is designed to improve the economic and social well-being of the rural people. As a discipline, it is multidisciplinary in nature overlapping agricultural, social, behavioural, engineering and management sciences. In short, rural development encompasses agriculture, education, infrastructure, and health, capacity-building for other than on-farm employment, rural institutions and the needs of vulnerable groups. Rural development aims at improving rural people‘s livelihoods in an equitable and sustainable manner, both socially and environmentally, through better access to assets (natural, physical, human, technological, and social capital), and services, and control over productive capital (in its financial or economic and political forms), that enable them to improve their livelihoods on a sustainable and equitable basis (FAO & IIEP, 2003). Empirical evidence has shown that rural areas in developing countries are experiencing dramatic changes brought by modernization. Growing urbanization, as reflected in the increasing proportion of the urban population or reclassification of rural places, is one of the consequences of the development process in rural areas. Urbanization is result from growing concentration of infrastructure and capital intensive industrial enterprises in urban centre. This type of concentration has resulted in the existence of what is known as ‗dualism‘ -coexistence of two separate economic subsystems in an economy. On the one hand, there exists a small but highly modern and developed urban subsector in the economy, which absorbs most of the material, financial, and educated and talented manpower resources. On the other hand, there is a very large but traditional and underdeveloped rural subsector, characterized by widespread poverty, unemployment and low productivity, which forms the majority of the population (Singh, 2009). Furthermore, expanding on the notion of a two-sector, 82

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―dual economy‖, Chenery and Syrquin (1975) showed that as a country grows, the share of GDP derived from the agricultural sector shrinks, while GDP from capital-intensive industries expands. For macro level, the overall economy of a country develops and shifts from agriculture to manufacturing and services, while for micro level, rural households‘ participation in farm activities declines while participation in non-agricultural activities intensifies(Winter et al, 2008). These changes imply change of needs in labour market and so require re-consideration of education and training provided for rural people. Rural education More and more, the basic problems of rural areas as well as their solution seem to be essentially human. Indeed, the human resources of the rural areas are seen as their greatest potential asset. Education which supposed to bring out the potential of an individual is one of the key elements for the service of rural development. Education and training in the context of rural development needs to be linked to a vigorous and effective policy for the development of agriculture, rural crafts, and local industries. As commented by David Atchoarena (2003), Senior Program Specialist at the UNESCO International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP), ―Education for rural people lies at the heart of rural development and this is fundamental for reducing poverty worldwide.‖(p.234).That education contributes to higher incomes is a well-established observation. While discourses on poverty articulated during the last decade, including the concept of ―Human Development Index (HDI)‖ and capability deprivation have brought the role of education into wider focus not just in its instrumental role in alleviating poverty but also as a core constituent of development and human well-being (Khan, 2010). As discussed above, agricultural sector will shrinking and technology development, there would be much surplus labour force that has to enter into second or third industry. As households accumulate education, they tend to adjust their allocation of time to activities offering higher returns. Physically demanding, low productivity, and low-paying agricultural work becomes less attractive as individuals use their elevated levels of human capital to gain entry into high-productivity, high-income occupations. If demand for skilled workers in the non-agricultural industries is not great, workers often take up part-time, high-productivity occupations or self-employment 83

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professions. This may involve migration into urban centres if the returns are high enough (Winter et al, 2008). When it comes to education for rural people, there has been long debate in terms of its curriculum and organization. Should urban and rural schooling be different and to what extent urban and rural schools can be substantially diverging from each other is an issue that has been debated with a variable degree of intensity for well over a century. Some stressed the necessity of providing basic education for people in rural areas. Others argued that it is necessary to make learning in rural areas more relevant to real life. Even where it can be assumed that the rural areas are achieving some sort of parity in terms of the allocation of educational resources, the point can still be made that the kind of education provided is poorly adapted to rural needs. Of course, it is in one sense true that schools were initially an urban phenomenon and their curricula and activities reflect demands of the urban environment. In effect, the major target population for agricultural or rural education is not children but adults who are already more or less committed to an agricultural or rural future. Then, although it is reasonable to assume that formal schooling plays some role in rural and agricultural development, it is quite apparent that schooling alone is not likely to affect any major rural transformation. Cooperation between all levels of government and local agencies are highly important in the process of rural development (Wilson, 1973). In fact, as long as well planned and delivered, different forms of education all contribute to development of individual in meeting different learning needs. If rural development is to be achieved, all levels and forms of education should be fully utilized and well connected. Education for All (EFA) Rural education is one important component of Education for All (EFA). The EFA movement was initiated at the World Conference on Education for All in 1990. Since then, governments, NGOs, and the media have taken up the cause of providing basic education for all children, youth and adults. In 1990, representatives from 155 countries and 150 organizations assured to provide education for all by the year 2000 at the World Conference on Education for All. The intention was that all children, youth and adults would benefit from educational opportunities designed to meet their basic learning needs.

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Beyond EFA As pointed out by EFA assessment report, over-conservative systems were out of touch with young people‘s needs4. Rural people and rural areas are not homogeneous, and so for education to be relevant, it needs to respond to the diversity of rural situations. It is clear that the centralized planning apparatus in most countries simply cannot develop effective programs for diverse rural population. Educational activities have to be linked to the specific needs of the rural community for skills and capacities to seize economic opportunities, improve livelihood and enhance the quality of life. A multi-sectoral educational approach involving all ages and formal, non-formal and informal education is necessary. NFE is a term that is often used with terms such as community education, adult education, lifelong education and second chance education. Non-formal education is defined as any organized and systematic educational activity situated outside of the traditional education system and aimed at providing certain types of education to specific population groups, adults as well as children. One of the objectives of non-formal education is to expand the learning opportunities of children not enrolled in the traditional school system and to meet the needs of the population more effectively. Thus, previously, non-formal education has subject to criticism, in which relating to its marginal status with respect to the formal education system and to its low social status. For example, most children enrolled in non-formal schools have no possibility of returning to the formal school system. In addition, the Non-formal curriculum generally does not lead to a diploma that affords access to the labour market. For these reasons, in many cases people turn to non-formal education not as a result of a real choice but owing to the impossibility of gaining access to the education system. This phenomenon may have reinforced the notion that non-formal education is ‗second-rate education‘ attended only by the most disadvantaged groups, whose future prospects remain limited. Whereas, the concept of NFE requires be re-considerate. As in rural education, the multiplicity of forms and the flexibility of non-formal education are major assets that promote the adaptation of programs to various rural contexts. Depending on country contexts, it may cover educational programs to impart adult literacy, basic education for out-of-school children, programs like

4

Source: retrieved Nov.9, 2010, from http://www.unesco.org/education/efa/ed_for_all/

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community learning centre (CLC) which provide life skills, work skills, and general culture activities to local community. There is general recognition that NFE delivery systems servicing rural communities must be appropriate for the needs of the individuals and the communities as a whole. As with curriculum, delivery modes for NFE must be complementary to the needs of the rural communities being serviced. What is most appropriate for one country or one rural community may not be appropriate for another. The extent of physical infrastructure development, the availability of NFE facilities, the level of education achievement and the extent of social and economic development of a community, as well as the types of enterprises providing work opportunities, should all impact on the decision as to the most effective delivery model. In all cases it is crucial to take a team approach and to follow the principles of active community involvement, relevance and flexibility of the training program. Rural communities often can offer significant human, material and intellectual resources. Once these resources are mobilized and given adequate support and direction, rural communities and their members can become both beneficiaries and important actors in the provision of NFE and in the transformation of the rural space. Non-formal education is not only an alternative means to provide education to children and youth unable to attend school, but also as part of providing youth and adults alike with lifelong education. It is becoming popular to include non-formal education as a component within assistance projects, especially in those for comprehensive rural development. In such non-formal education, the acquisition of literacy and numeracy as well as practical skills for making a living are centrally positioned. The issue of education and rural development is a recurrent theme. Throughout the world, a great many projects and studies have been conducted with a view to enable education to fully play its role in the agricultural and rural development of developing countries. Current trends in the world such as globalization of trade, rapid advancement of technologies, urbanization in developing nations and migration of labour force within and between countries have a significant impact on rural life. NFE has long been considered a crucial means of providing competent power of individual for socio-economic development in rural areas. Facing the above mentioned changes in today‘s economic life, however, a serious question has been raised, i.e.: how to deliver NFE in an effective and efficient way in order to improve rural life and to facilitate the process of development (IIEP& FAO, 2003). 86

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III. Method of the study In this study, secondary analysis will be utilized in order to comprehensively interpret the topic. This study tries to provide holistic pictures of socio-economic and education status of contemporary China and then goes in depth to two non-formal educational programs to investigate the role of education in the rural development process. Using secondary data is relatively inexpensive in comparison to collecting one‘s own data and it is easy to acquire. Also the breadth is one outstanding advantage of secondary data. Secondary data can embrace a whole spectrum of empirical forms; they can include data generated through systematic reviews, through documentary analysis as well as the results from large-scale datasets such as the National Census or international surveys. Secondary data enables the research form extensive analysis on documentary, policies and go in-depth into cases study. Besides, secondary data is often generated by well-resourced teams that have access to specialists, so it is of high quality and strong on external validity. The data source in this research consists of two parts: the first part is reports which provide information about contemporary China, i.e. economic and social changes, rural transformation process, policies that promotes rural development, etc.; the second part of the dataset is reports about two cases which are selected for this study. One is a national wide program called Sunshine Program which provides training for people migrating from rural to urban areas, the other one is one of the CLC. The data used in this study was originally collected for interpretation of the rural development process and to study education for rural people, etc. It basically falls in line with the purpose of this study which is to provide overall picture of contemporary China as macro background, and to investigate the role of non-formal education in the rural development process within this particular context. Whereas, this study went further by recoding and re-analyzing different sources of data and pull them together in order to answer the research question. In order to understand and examine the processes of training activities, case study method was chosen. This method enables the research to go deeper into the complex real-life activities. Two programs are selected for the case study. One is a national-wide program called the Sunshine program which provides training for people migrating from rural to urban areas; the other one is one of the Community learning centres (CLCs) in Yunnan province. This study 87

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chooses Yunnan office of Sunshine program for the purpose of comparison. The same location of both cases confirms the same socioeconomic and cultural background and makes the comparison feasible. Through comparison of differences and similarities of the two non-formal programs, the research question of the study would be better answered. Rationale for choosing these two programs is because in spite of the non-formal nature, these two programs are established under different ideology principles and executed by different models. ―Sunshine‖ Program uses a top-down approach which is planned by central government and implemented by local offices under the guidelines. While the CLC can be seen as a bottom-up model that values and utilizes the power of community. To identify the role of education in the rural development process, analytical framework was developed. For this study, analysis will be formed at macro and micro level. At macro level, economic status, educational situation and national policies will be analyzed. National context serves as broader ground for understanding the process of rural development, and then goes in depth to micro level where two cases will be presented and analyzed. Figure 1 depicts the logic model underlying the analytical framework. Figure 1: Analytical Framework of the Study Macro level: National Context Micro level

Comparison

Case A

Micro level Case B

IV. Findings and Discussion Rural Scenario of China In China, around 713 million people live in rural area (Han, 2010). As a result, rural development has always been the first priority of the country. As pointed out by Han (2010), the Minister of Agriculture in the Central rural working conference, China has made considerable progress in rural transformation in the duration of 11th Five-Year Plan 88

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(2006-2010). These positive outcomes include 1) the fundamental position of agriculture has been strengthened, 2) agricultural productivity has been significantly improved, 3) the process of industry modernization progressing smoothly. However, accompanied with rapid economic, social, demographic, cultural and political changes domestically and internationally, there are still great challenges that need to be addressed in promoting balanced and sustainable development of rural China. Firstly, continually provide adequate food for the large population and assure food security. It is estimate that, during the period of 12th Five-Year Plan (2011-2015), the urbanization rate will exceed 50%. In such rapid pace of urbanization, continuing provide adequate food and ensure food security is one of the most urgent challenges as less people working on agriculture while more demand from urban areas. Secondly, the growing income gap between urban and rural areas has increasingly widened, reflecting growing discontent. Although income of rural people increased 9.5% in 2007, the urban-rural income ratio reached 3.3:1- the largest gap of urban-rural income in the world (Cui, 2010). Ge (2008) found out that China was still on the ascending side of Kuznets‘ curve which implies the quicker the development, the higher the inequality will be. Thirdly, in China, land holdings per household are very small compare to other developing country like India and other resources are extremely scarce. Effort has to be made to establish welfare system and allocate more resources to rural areas to attain a more equitable society. Finally, as continue- modernizing of agriculture industry, there will be a huge amount of surplus labour force. Provide proper training and create employment opportunities for them should be seen as an important part of the transformation equation (Huang, 2010). From 1983 to 2009, internal-migrants increased from two million to 152 million. For those internalmigrants, only 67% have basic education and 64.8% have no technical and vocational training. Policies for Rural Transformation In 2006, the 11th 5-year Plan had specially designed a framework for rural development and the concept of ―Building a new socialist countryside‖ was initiated. As a strategic guidance, the concept of ―contracting new countryside‖ - incorporating development in infrastructure, health, and education, socio-economic status and a grassroots democratization process - leads all tasks (Guo, Yu, Todd, Henehan, & Li, 2009). Activities that aim to promote rural 89

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transformation and development were launched within this strategy. Over these years, China‘s rural development policies mainly focus on three aspects: 1) increase income of rural people; 2) building a new socialist countryside; 3) narrow gaps between urban and rural area. While in witnessing achievement and addressing new challenges, in the period of 12thFive-Year (2010-2015), industrialization, urbanization and agricultural modernization are perceived as one integrated and interacted process. Focus should be given to accelerate the transformation of agricultural, ensure national food security, promotion of income increase of farmers and improving comprehensive productivity, anti-risk capability and market competitiveness of rural products. This proposed strategy pursuits not only economic growth, but comprehensive, balanced and sustainable development in political, cultural, social and ecological dimension (Han, 2010). Rural Education In relation to the notion of ―building a new socialist countryside‖, researchers in educational field initiated the concept of ―new rural education‖ which composes of universalized compulsory education, technical and vocational education with high relevance, and high utility and efficiency adult education. Researchers have found out that rural education in China has three different functions. First, education for further education: promote social mobility for rural youth. Second, education for urbanization: training surplus rural labour force for non-agriculture jobs. Third, education for agriculture advancement: cultivating human resources for local community. However, the education system has not been evenly developed in China for historical, geographical, economic and policy reasons. Also the curricula in rural school lack of relevance to local conditions which lead to no interests of students. Poor quality of teachers and unqualified infrastructures still exist in some remote and ethnic residence. Obviously, the task of ensuring the access, quality and equity of education is a big challenge for the government. Comparative Case Study Case A Sunshine program is a technical and vocational training program launched by central government. Its aim is to help rural people to get employed in non-agricultural industries in urban areas through proper 90

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training. It is a national-wide pilot program which operates under cooperation of Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Labour and Social Security, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Science and Technology and Ministry of Construction since 2004. It is a typical top-down model where planning, implementation and supervision of the program are strictly controlled by national office. Trainees‘ voices cannot be heard and they have no chance of participating but accept the training program. But, as Sunshine program is carried out by central government, its breadth spreads to the whole country. And the mission is imperative to local government which expands access of learning opportunities to rural people. The national office, by judging funding, labour force and employment situations of different provinces, determines the training task the number of rural people that need to be trained during a period of time. Then, local offices take the responsibilities of planning and implementing a specific program in order to meet the assignment. Through public bidding, training institutions are chosen. According to the ―Provisions of Management of Sunshine Program (For Trial Implementation)‖, the training institutions have to fulfil the following conditions to be legitimate: 1) an independent legal representative and qualification for vocational education and training; 2) qualified infrastructures and teaching staffs for required training; 3) has wellestablished contact with labour market as to facilitate employment of trainees; 4) familiar with education and training for rural people and has good outcomes from previous training; 5) geographically close to the targeted training population. The training unit has to provide detailed report about the specific program in terms of training subject, time duration, number of trainees, employment possibilities and tuition fees to local office to be approved. Once the application has been accepted, it will be reported to the national office. The local office is also requested to provide quarterly progress report of the program to the national office for quality control. As the goal of Sunshine program is to provide vocational training for rural migrants, data about outcomes are mainly about the quantity of trainees. Take the year 2008 for example, the result of the program are shown in Table 1. As we can see, the number of training increases from month to month, and more and more trainees get employed after completion of the program. However, due to lack of data (there is only one year of intact data of outcomes), it is fair to say that Sunshine program contributes to cultivating human resources and 91

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raising employability of rural people. However, to what extend and scope education helps in the changing process is not so clear. Table 1: Outcome of Sunshine Program in Yunnan 2008 Yunnan Province

Jan.-Jun. Jul. Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov.

Number of Number of students who students who complete the get training employment in program non-agriculture industries 21000 18000 29347 27590 37421 34851 53433 49675 67499 63032 84984 78744

Completion of the training mission (%)

23.33% 32.61% 41.58% 59.37% 75.00% 94.43%

Case B A CLCis a local education institution outside the formal education system, usually set up and managed by local people to provide various learning opportunities for community development and improvement of people‘s quality of life (IIEP, 2006). In order to explore a way that fully utilizes the power of schools and local community as to promote socio-economic development and empowering rural people, a CLC is an exploratory program was found in 2001 in Liushao County and Lianhe County (both are minority group residence) of Yunnan province. Through seven years of practice and investigation, the CLC which composes of four pillars in structure, namely, a training centre, a library, a development centre and a cultural activity centre is well functioning. The idea of participatory- learning and closer links between schools, community and society seem to resulting in a clear comprehensive benefits and positive social response. The CLC is rather a bottom-up model, where trainees from local community establish the training centre by themselves and they can be involved in the implementing phase. The principle of CLC is empowering people which not only focus on income generating or skill development but the well-rounded development of human resources. The CLC is designed by a research group of Yunnan Normal University. According to education and social situation of Liushao 92

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County and Lianhe County, a specified local model was adopted. School is the core operator, local government provides support and higher education institutions provide research guidance in organizing different training activities. The CLC was directly established by local primary schools and community committees, aiming at fulfil learning needs of teachers, students, parents and villagers of the county. In this unique case, four different pillars- a training centre, a library, a development centre and a cultural activity centre constitute the CLC. The four parts on one hand has comparatively different and independent functions; on the other hand, however, serve a shared goal, which is to improve overall quality of human resource, facilitate economic growth as well as preserve and promote minority cultural heritage in the area. The training centre provides three kinds of training: firstly, training for rural teachers; secondly, training for the whole community member (includes literacy, numeracy, basic knowledge and etc.); and finally, training and promoting modern agrotechnologies. The library was found in 2005 in order to enrich knowledge and spiritual world of local people. The development centre which serves as a platform, not only offers opportunity for trainees to apply knowledge learnt from the CLC in practice, but also generates incomes during study-work activities. New and advanced agro-technologies are also demonstrated and promoted by the development centre. The cultural activity centre of the CLC is a unique unit compares to other CLCs. As located in minority group residence, preserves and promotes culture of the ethnic group is one of the functions of the CLC. Via the addition of traditional cultural knowledge into textbooks as well as holding various kinds of traditional culture activities, trainees are supposed to confirm and be proud of their ethnic identity. Since setting up of the CLC, the training centre successively carried out a variety of training activities. Around 1500 people benefited from education and training provided by the centre. The training not merely raises human capital of trainees, but also improves their understanding of the rural development process and institutional changes in education. The library enriches spiritual life of training recipients, and strengthens their connection with outside world. Moreover, the CLC also took advantage of geographic condition in Liushao and Lianhe County, as a potato growing laboratory was established, through four years of research and practice, growing potatoes have become a competitive industry for those two counties. 93

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Besides, numerous cultural promotion activities have also enhanced respect of ethnic group culture. Comparison of the Two Programs Firstly, the two programs are compared from aspects of background, program content, aim and goals, implementation and outcomes to grasp the overall situation as demonstrated in Table 2. Table 2: Comparison of Sunshine Program and CLC Case A Sunshine Program Background

Introduction of the Project

Case B Community Learning Centre

1) 85% of literate adult in Yunnan, Primary school enrolment rate is 99.6%; 2) Needs for income generating; low quality of labour force; disadvantaged ethnic group; the industrial structure changed as raising the proportion of secondary and tertiary industry, and improving product quality of primary industry; a large number of surplus labour force. Time span: 2003-now Time span: 2001-now Place: Yunnan province

Place: Yunnan province (Liushao County and Lianhe County)





Implementing Model

Short-term vocational training, aiming at developing a national-wide training system for surplus rural labour to transfer to non-agricultural industries.  Top-down model, guided and controlled by national office;  Trainees have no chance of influencing the design or delivery of the program.



Outcomes



Launched by central government.  Local offices operate program under instruction of national office.  Technical vocational education and training. Training provider is determined by public bidding.  Period progress report is required due to quality control reason.

Purposes and Goals

Achievement of certain enrolment and completion rate.  Successful employment in secondary and tertiary industry in urban areas.

94

Launched by research team of Yunnan Normal University. Operated by local schools and community committee, supported by local government.  Four different pillars- a training centre, a library, a development centre and a cultural activity centre constitute the CLC.  Progress report delivered to National Office for Education Sciences Planning in 2008. Aims at empowering rural people, cultivating human resources and promoting ethnic culture. Bottom-up model, local community, local government and schools coordinate the project;  Trainees actively participate in planning, implementing and learning process.  Improvement of quality of human capital resources.  Enriches spiritual life of training recipients.  Income generation.  Preservation and promotion of ethnic culture.

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Planning and Implementation NFE is flexible in delivery method and responsive in teaching content. These merits can be easily extracted from these two cases. For case A, its aim is to establish a national-wide vocational and technical training system for surplus rural labour force to improve employability in urban centres. Thus, the program is planned and supervised by national office and the training task is imperative to local office which guarantees its wide spreading. The training only lasts for 15 to 90 days, and the curricula are skills related to catering, hotels, health care, construction, etc. that are in high demand in terms of labour force in urban areas. For the successful employment of the trainees, to have a strong network with labour market is also one of the criteria for choosing training provider. In its design, local offices are in charge of implementing the training program with regard to the policy made by the national office. This bureaucratic structure prolongs the decision making and feedback process from central to local, from policymaking to where practices happen. The whole process takes three levels to get down to the training recipients and they have no chance to influence the training process. But meanwhile, this strictly centralized operation system is strictly supervised in terms of use of funding, training outcome by national office through quarterly assessment of the local office report. For case B, as there are multiple purposes of the CLC, namely, to empowering rural people, to cultivate human resources and to promote ethnic culture, the CLC gradually established four paralleled pillars, a training centre, a library, a development centre and a cultural activity centre to fulfil its tasks. While as a participatory-approach program, the planning of the program was accomplished in cooperation between local community committees and local schools. As the CLC was founded to empower local community, training activities organized by the CLC includes basic knowledge, income generating activities as well as ethnic minority culture preservation and promotion. In the operation process, trainees can participate in the designing and implementing of the program. There is no obstacle between dialogue formation between training recipients and training providers. However, due to the rather decentralized structure, the assessment of the program is weaker in comparison to Case A. Outcomes It seems that these two programs are both successful in meeting their aims. It is difficult to say which program is more successful or better, 95

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for it serves different purposes. While, it is fair to say that both nonformal programs, to some extent, have contributed to development of rural people and the rural community. But Case B is comparatively generating more comprehensive benefit to rural people. As Case A only provides technical vocational training to rural migrants, rural people who are benefited from the program are basically literate male adult. As showed by NBSC (2008), only 36% of inter-migrants are female. Case B targets the local learning needs, not only focus on income generating or skill development but well-rounded development of human resource. Besides, Case B focuses on local, while Case B influences of the whole country. Case A and Case B as different non-formal programs obviously have some distinct features: 1) Top-down model vs. Bottom-up model: a top-down model is often political-driven. Which means it is often a government initiative and the whole program was planned, executed and supervised by government. Some have argued that such centralized mandate is not effective since what matters is at micro level, for instance, local motivation, teaching-learning process, commitment and so on (Fullan, 1994). Nonetheless, in the case of China where central government is so powerful, this top-down model of Case A seems well-functioning. And the merits of a top-down model, such as abundant available resources in terms of financial, human resources really stand out in the case of China. Of course, for successful operating of the program, central government has to devout power to local authorities at some point. It is noticeable that one of the outcomes of Case A is successful employment of the trainees. This is because local government has good connection with local labour market which ensures the training to be responsive to labour market needs and employability of trainees are profoundly increased. The Bottom-up model is usually resulting from grass-roots initiatives. This model operates by the ‗insider‘ and cherishes opinions and involvement of participants. 2) For Case B, trainees has chance to participate in different phases of the program. While in Case A, trainees passively accept what has been provided. 3) It is also notable that compared to Case A, in the case of CLC (Case B), the evaluation and quality control of the program is somewhat weaker. Although after completion of seven-year-research, the research team provided a progress report. It is only for evaluation of the research, no assessment mechanism was found in Case B. This may due to the decentralized 96

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administration structure of CLC. In the operation of CLC, cooperation is emphasized more than control. Despite the differences, there are similarities showed in these two cases. 1) Government support, in terms of funding, policy and resources, seems to be one essential of both programs. 2) Educational institutions play an important role in successfully delivering the program. This is self-evident as educational institutions are the entities for training.3) Participation of local community. The active involvement of local communities is critical as they are familiar with local conditions and would be a positive influence. In Sunshine program, trainees are not involved in planning and implementing. But the training provider is from the local community and has good connections with local labour market entities-who are potential employers. This might be one key point of high employment rate in the program.

V. Discussion Education in Rural Development Debate Over these years, despite the rapid economic growth in China, the growing income gap between urban and rural areas has increasingly widened, reflecting growing discontent. Although income of rural people increased 9.5% in 2007, the urban-rural income ratio reached 3.3:1- the largest gap of urban-rural income in the world (Cui, 2010). Ge (2008) found out that China was still on the ascending side of Kuznets‘ curve which implies the quicker the development, the higher the inequality will be. In China, land holdings per household are very small compare to other developing country like India and other resources are extremely scarce. Effort has to be made to establish welfare system and allocate more resources to rural areas to attain a more equitable society as well as input on education. In the sociology of education, neo-Marxists consider education as conservative institutions that its role only lies in maintaining and reproducing social order. While, in this study, evidence supports that education is perceived by Chinese government as a mean to facilitate and to be a catalyst for social development. Favourable policies and financial support were imposed to education in order to fully unleash beneficial effects of it and so to achieve individual and national development. Sunshine program is a technical vocational training project in its essence. The principle of the training lies in the fact that any significant socio-economic development is based on the effective 97

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delivery of scientific knowledge, practical skills and applied technologies through a functional education system. Technologies and education have been widely recognized as effective instruments for fostering the empowerment of a nation and its citizens. In this connection, in rural areas in China where the majority of the nation‘s population live and work, vocational education is regarded as being an essential ingredient for preparing a productive labour force. It is indeed an important medium through which to use science and technologies as ways of creating desired productivity and social wealth. As a result, the quality and scope of technical vocational education impact significantly on labour force performance and on the level of community development (Zou, 1996). Besides, the living standards of rural farmers have been shown to correlate closely with their level of education. Thus, effective dissemination of new, applied technologies through rural vocational education and training has the potential to change the types of economic activities and economic performance levels of rural populations, so contributing to improving their quality of life and level of community development. On the other hand, CLCs emphasize on the concept of empowerment from grassroots level. CLC embraces more than technical vocational training; it usually contains other functions in order to achieve well-rounded development of human being. And CLC is run by local people and for local people. It is highly participatory for training recipients. The CLC establishment is an effective practice on the idea of education for community development, not only to tackle on the contemporary social economic problems but also to meet the learning needs of local people in achieving sustainable all-round development in rural areas (Wijayaratna, 2004). From analysing the general background of China, and through comparison of the two cases, it is explicit that in fostering rural development in China, education is supposed to: conduct research on applied agro-technologies and disseminate advanced ones among appropriate rural areas for the development of agriculture industry (Zertuche, 2005); increase the human capital of the rural labour force, improve overall quality of human resources in rural areas; furnish different localized programs for different levels of the rural labour force to meet diversified learning needs; 98

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help rural migrants to raise employability and gain employment in non-agriculture industries in urban areas; empower the disadvantaged groups by teaching them to adjust to and cope with changes during development process; improve living quality of rural people; in special situations, for instance, in ethnic group residence (like in Case B), culture preservation and promotion is one important task for education. Rethinking Education for Rural People Although a certain common base of knowledge is needed for the wellrounded development of human beings, it is rational to say that there is no-one-size-for-all program that can fulfil all the learning needs in rural areas. Since the declaration of EFA, providing basic education has been the top priority for rural education for many years, and it still should be. However, to cope with the changing process of rural development, it is necessary to pay more attention on what‘s beyond formal system. Non-formal education, with the advantages of flexibility in teaching content and delivering model seems more suitable for rural people. In order to make full use of non-formal education, the concept of NFE should be re-examined and broadened. Traditionally NFE has been viewed as a substitute for providing basic education to those who have failed to benefit from the formal schooling. Now, as appropriate, readily implementable initiatives of education and training institutions, it becomes institutionalized strategies of intervention in the rural development process without limitation of confined content and time. There are various types of NFE programs, for instance, programs for imparting basic literacy and numeracy to out-of-school youth and adult illiterates, skill-building activities related to the productive life of individuals, etc. Also preparing learners for tertiary education, training learners in basic ICT skills, and improving their business and marketing capabilities have become legitimate concerns for NFE (UNESCO, 2002). As presented by the case study, education and training can be flexible and responsive to different learning needs, be it short-term technical training or long term empowerment, and only in this way can education be the vehicle of positive transformation of rural areas. There are no better or worse modes of 99

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NFE, nonetheless, some crucial elements can be derived from both cases in order to successfully install NFE programs: NFE program should be well planned to ensure that the learning inputs provided are relevant to the lives of the people; Continuous government support for NFE program is essential. NFE programs are invariably dependent on support from government or from donor agencies. The support required is both financial and technical, as without initial guidance, it is difficult for community members to establish a program alone (ibid.). Favourable government policies encourage and enable the effective empowerment of rural communities through abundant available resources and incentives for people to accept training. Consistent support also raises the question of accountability and sustainability of the program (Zhang, Xing, Sun & Wang, 2004). Development is a long term process and the intangible benefits of education takes time to happen. In the case of China, because of its strong power and highly centralized administration structure, government plays a vital role in facilitating development. Community participation is also functionally important for the success of NFE program (FAO& UNESCO, 2002). It provides better sources for identifying the basic learning needs of its members. Further, such participation, enables ‗outsiders‘ better and more quickly to understand the culture, the politics and the social fabric of the community. Participation of local community ensures the quality of the program design. It is clear that each NFE program functions with unique locally relevant inputs and processes. The general macro-systemic approach to educational planning and implementation that functions in the formal sector is unsuitable for NFE. Success stories in NFE effectively also verified the importance of involving the people themselves in the planning and management of every aspect of the NFE program at the grassroots level. Community involvement is important not only for making the NFE initiatives responsive to the needs of the people, but also for creating a sense of ownership among the participants in the program (Zhang, Xing, Sun & Wang, 2004). Besides, NFE must be based on local demand. Demand here refers to infrastructure needed 100

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for the program. The need for adopting a demand-based paradigm for initiating NFE programs rests with not only effective use of the resources but also reinforces accountability among the users, who thereby cultivate a sense of ownership. NFE programs can be carried through most effectively by education and training institutions being readily available in the local community, since no sustainable change can occur unless the actual benefits are felt in concrete and observable ways by target groups at the grassroots level (UNESCO, 2002). Local participation can come from local schools, training recipients and entities in labour market. Evaluation is crucial for quality control of the program. It also provides empirical evidence for amendment of the program or shed some lights for further initiatives. Education Cannot Do All Social development is a complex process result from multiple factors. Education alone cannot achieve desirable results. Cooperation between every aspect of the society is essential for foster development in rural areas. As promoted by Chinese government, research and science concerning agriculture should be closely related to local conditions and needs; as well as cooperation between education institutions and labour market enterprises should be formed as to improve quality and relevance of education. Also, the need for more effective coordination of the work of the different government departments and non-governmental agencies should also be stressed for rural development. So the development strategy promoted by central government can be successfully installed in local level. Mechanism should be established in order to provide a basis for coordination and cooperation between the works of the various bodies directly involved in rural development. To be fully effective such cooperation must clearly exist at all levels and, in particular, at the community level (Velez, 2007). Besides coordination between government and non-government agencies, ―network should also be established so that technology, research, education, and organization can mutually reinforce each other during the developmental process‖, stated by Han C. F (2010), the minister of agriculture, on the National Conference on Human resource of Agriculture and Rural Areas. There is a very important 101

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need for research and planning at the national level and within institutions to carefully study market needs in order to achieve a balanced and integrated system of agricultural education geared to meeting real life needs. Effectiveness of education and training is lowered if these efforts are not paralleled by a substantial research input. It is in this sense that the connection between higher educational institutions and field is so important: there is such variability in local geography conditions is unlikely to be successful unless it is backed up by agricultural research substantially geared to the needs of particular context. Higher education can then make important contributions by doing research in promoting local economy and through special support and help for teachers and trainees at all levels (Liu & Zhang, 2004). Like in the case of China, central government stresses the cooperation among research, education and the agriculture industry. And this strategy has already achieved good outcomes. Take case B as an example, the potato growing centre was found and after four years of research, it promoted potato growing industry in Liushao and Lianhe county, and benefits both trainees and the local community.

VI. Concluding Remarks Change in rural areas is inevitable, marked by movement of people, demographic transition, and new economic pressures and opportunities. It is crucial to turn the unpredictable consequences resulting from changes into positive developments and enhancement of people‘s capacities to cope with change. If investment in education in general is so justified, investment in rural education is even more so. This is accentuated by the fact that countries have largely continued with the urban bias in the allocation of resources. While the most disadvantage group live in rural area which causes disparities between urban and rural and which lead to unsuccessful harmonious development of the country. In the time of knowledge society, education can no longer be seen as a time- bonded endeavour but rather a continuous activity through one‘s life. The point of education for rural development is to provide opportunities for the underdeveloped group to understand and cope with the changing reality and so to have better choice to improve their lives. In NFE program, education becomes a continuing activity that can be transformed into skills and capacities rather than 102

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something that begins and ends in itself. The merits of NFE should be profoundly explored and so to benefit rural people. Nevertheless, education is not a magical cure, to reach prosperity in rural areas; cooperation should be formed in every sense and level.

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Education for Rural Transformation: A Literature Review Jiaying Zhang

I. Introduction Making education the inter-medium for rural transformation demands re-examining policies and priorities for education and role of education for rural people in new perspectives. All forms of education at different levels, including tertiary, professional and advanced education as well as basic education, literacy and continuing education to vocational and technical skill development have to be made relevant and responsive or to be assessed and reoriented to serve the needs of rural transformation (INRULED, 2001). China has captured the attention of world for its rapid economic growth as well as wider and deeper involvement of international affairs. The rural transformation, paralleled with urbanization resulted in the shift of more people towards urban areas. According to Urban Blue Book (China Social Science Academy, 2009), at the end of 2008, the rural population fraction in China declined from 74 percent in 1990 and 64 percent in 2001 to 54 percent, with 723 million residing in the rural (excluding Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan). Nevertheless, the UN has forecast that China's population will keep a balance with about equal number of people staying in the rural and urban areas by 2015 (State of World Population, 2007). It is estimated that by 2020, despite the rapid pace of urbanization, when China reaches 55 percent of urbanization, there will still have had over 0.7 billion people living in the rural areas, and more than 0.4 billion rural employment population (Lv, 2005). As China ―opened the door‖ from the late 1970s, by creating ―Special Economic Zones‖ and ―Open Cities‖ in the provinces of the costal south-east, preferential policies such as fiscal advantages were attributed to the enterprises of these areas. The new development strategy favouring coastal provinces is leading to increasing regional inequality (Bhalla, 1990; Chen and Fleisher, 1996). The most salient regional inequality appeared between coastal south-east and west 107

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provinces. Paralleled with regional inequality, rural income and consumption inequality in China have increased, as shown in EFA Global Monitoring Report (2009), the population living on less than $1 and $2 per day are 10 percent and 35 percent of the whole nation‘s population in years 1990-2005, and the poorest 20 percent holds four percent while the richest 20 percent holds 50 percent of the share of income or expenditure, with the Gini index 47 in years 1992-2005. Majority of poverty population live in the western rural areas of China. Despite substantial progress on poverty reduction over the last decade, it is estimated that almost 150 million people still live below international poverty lines. In 2005, China still ranked 85th globally on the Human Development Index. The recent China‘s National Plan for Medium and Long-term Education Reform and Development (2010-2020) has singled out how education for rural transformation is determinant for the country‘s human resource development strategy. The paper provides a discourse on critically and historically reviewing the concepts of ―rural‖, ―transformation‖, and ―rural transformation‖ in the context of China.

II. A Review of Concepts Rural Education There remain controversies in defining ―rural‖. Rural areas can be defined by ―settlement size, population density, distance to metropolitan areas, administrative division, and importance of the agricultural sector‖ (World Bank, 2008, p. 58). Population and geographical areas are the most commonly-used criteria. China, instead of using population number, uses other characteristics such as metropolitan faculties leading to a declared legal status of urban or rural. This paper adopts the common features that characterize ―rural communities‖ including: People and economic activities are much more dispersed than in urban areas; Livelihood is largely dependent on growing and extracting primary products; and access to basic and services is rudimentary or limited because of the absence of a concentration of service recipients and policies that favor urban areas. (INRULED, 2001, pp. 6-7) The concept of rural education experienced being refreshed and updated gradually. Rural education was defined as ―[the] education provided the school-age children residing in rural areas,‖ The 108

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confusion caused by the definition resulted in debates, which remained until the first International Rural Education Forum held in Tai‘an, Shangdong Province in 1992, when rural education was firstly raised and defined as ―[an] integrated system composed of literary education, basic education, vocational and technical education and adult continuing education‖. Higher education was excluded from this system. Until 11 years later, in 2003, higher education was finally added to the system. In addition, in today‘s information society and knowledge economy, educational systems, embracing lifelong, formal, non-formal and informal learning opportunities for all have to become a vital influence in shaping and fulfilling the vision of rural transformation (INRULED, 2001). All education, in spite of its forms or levels, is considered rural education if it serves for rural transformation, development and rural people. Rural Transformation The concept, ―transformation‖ in social science studies, is usually explained by two other concepts, stock concept, i.e. from lower level of equilibrium to a higher level of equilibrium and flow concept, i.e. from a higher level of equilibrium to a lower level of equilibrium (Lingappa, 1997). Koppel and Zurik (1988), defines ―rural transformation‖ as ―…fundamental changes in the composition of rural economic life and social organization-changes that are associated with greater complexity and more pervasive linage with non-rural economic and social life‖. Economic diversification is a hallmark of rural transformation. The changes can be marked by movement of people, demographic transition, and new economic pressure and opportunities. ―[T]he term rural transformation seeks to convey a vision of pro-active and positive process of change and development of rural communities in the context of national and global change in which education is a key instrument for shaping and fulfilling the goal of rural transformation‖ (INRULED, 2001, p.12; Chinapah, Zhao, et.al., 2009). The concept, ―rural transformation‖, according to Chinapah, Zhao, et.al. (2009), ―[should] be defined in the context of [country], which needs further clarification for fitting the developmental and situational context‖. According to World Development Report (2008)--Agriculture for Development, China is a typical transforming country in ―Agriculture Three Worlds‖, with the criterion adopted in the classification, i.e. ―agriculture is no longer a major source of economic growth, contributing on average only 7 percent of GDP growth, but poverty remains overwhelming rural (82 109

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percent of all poor)‖. In addition, due to its huge regional disparities as well as large population, the country itself was categorized into three levels, urbanized, transforming and rural under the framework of ―Agriculture Three Worlds‖. Wang (2007, p. 97), in a journal article, entitled, Chinese Rural Transformation: Analysis on Modes, Characteristics and Trends, gives a definition to rural social transformation-- ―a process where economic and social structures have taken fundamental changes in rural sectors‖; he also states that the intension of the concept ―rural transformation‖ in Chinese rural sectors is ―a transforming process shifting from a traditional economic, political and cultural rural society with surplus rural offfarm labours, which smallholder production mode dominates to a modern agricultural production mode and modern rural society‖. Wang (2007) also analyses the transformation mode in Chinese rural society. According to the same paper, there are four types of modes, 1) mode of utilization of rural collective land resources—some southeast coastal regions of China have adopted the means of land renting and selling to attract investment in establishing local township enterprises, which brought the rural industry into the old traditional economic structure, with planting as their dominants. The development of the rural industrialization has resulted in the reconstruction of the rural economic structure, promoting the transformation of self-sufficient economic structure to market economy; 2) mode of utilization of rural labours, which applies to the medium and western rural regions of China. From year 1979-2005, there are about 0.2 billion migrant labours have been transformed to non-agriculture employment labours. In addition to the remittance return to the rural sector, the new lifestyle, way of communication and ideology have experiencing great changes while they have been brought by the migrant labours to the rural sectors; 3) mode of utilization of human historical and natural environment resources, i.e., many rural villages have established new industry such as, ecological village, farm tourism etc.; 4) mode of utilization of agriculture industry, i.e., by introducing modern administrative and agriculture technology and uniting rural households, some rural sectors have developed their featured agriculture products (Wang, 2007, pp. 9798). Liu (2007, p. 4) also characterizes Chinese rural transformation into five areas, 1) changes in social production structure, i.e., major labours in rural sectors as non-agricultural population, agriculture as side-line production, diversification of income of peasants, nonagricultural income as the main source of income for peasants; 2) 110

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changes in basic social unit--individual and family as the basic unit of the society, which is one of the greatest characteristics of social transformation--such as, the increase of total population, decrease of labour-age population supply and rapid population aging, miniaturization of family scale, etc.; 3) changes in social mobility mechanism, i.e., internal migration due to the development of openness and freedom of rural society; 4) changes in social class structure, i.e., the changes of production and distribution modes resulted from the market economy, have gradually changed the Chinese rural society from a politically layered to an economically layered society; and 5) changes in organizational structure, according to Liu (2007, p.5), the Chinese rural organizational system has been witnessing transformation in adjustment and development in reconstruction as the result of the re-emergence of non-regular organizations, and degradation of regulation of the basic organizations. Wen (2008) also historically reviews the process of rural transformation development in China from 1949 to 2008. Drawing the conclusion of the characteristics and previous studies, Wen categorizes the past fifty years into three major phases, 19491978: rural transformation development with focus on productive forces in the context of transformation of political system; 1979-1993: rural fluctuation development with economy as focus in the context of transformation of economic structure; 1994-now: rural transformation development in the context of evolution of development ideas under various economic environments. The rural transformation in China has two characteristics, i.e., the first one is that efficient, specialized and organic agriculture will receive a full-grown development; the second is the urbanization of rural areas, which leads to an emergence of two types of peasants, professional peasants, and part-time peasants, and the latter occupy higher portions as the rural transformation. Part-time peasants move from rural areas to cities or towns to find jobs but do not have urban ―Household Registration‖ (Hukou), thus they become the ―floating population‖. It usually refers to those who migrate from rural areas or less developed places to big or medium-sized cities or towns, but stay in a certain place on a temporary basis.

III. A Review of Theoretical Studies Nobel Prize winner, Myrdal, a Swedish economist, proposes ―Backwash and Spread Effects‖ to explain the increasing economic 111

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inequality between developed countries and underdeveloped countries, and within a country, developed regions and underdeveloped regions. He also adopted a theory of circular cumulative causation to explain the positive and negative effects by the economic development on underdeveloped regions. Backwash Effect, according to Myrdal (1957), refers to, economic growth in one area adversely affects the prosperity of another. Wealth and labour move from poorer, peripheral areas to more central regions of economic growth and the industrial production of wealthy regions may well undercut the industrial output of the poorer regions. This draining of wealth and labour together with industrial decline is the backwash, or polarization effect, and is a feature of core-periphery relationships. While, according to Myrdal (ibid.), this may also cause the Spread Effect, the filtering through of wealth from central, prosperous areas, to peripheral, less wealthy areas. Thus, increased economic activity at the core may stimulate a demand for more raw materials from the periphery, and technological advance in the core region may be applied to other regions. A belief in the spread effect lies behind the planning of growth poles; in a sense, the spread effect is the spatial equivalent of trickle-down economics. Dual Economy theory refers to an economy in which rich, capital-intensive modern sectors exist in the same model as comparatively poor, traditional, labour intensive sectors. Economists have deliberated over whether an economy should achieve economic growth through its technically advanced sectors or whether resources should be spread evenly across the whole economy to achieve a more balanced growth. Human capital according to Becker (2002, in Lauder 2006, p. 292) ―…refers to the knowledge, information, ideas and health of individuals.‖ Becker (ibid.) also indicated that ―…human capital is by far the most important form of capital in modern economies‖. Both the success of individual and the whole economies largely depend on the effectiveness and extensiveness of investment that people put onto themselves (Becker, 2002, in Lauder et. al., 2006). Furthermore, there are mainly two research approaches in social stratification theory, which is usually concerned with social mobility, namely, Marxian Class Theory and multidimensional approach developed by Webber, who emphasized the difference between class, status, and party, and treated these as separate but related sources of power, each with different effects on social action. He found that stratification is based more than wealth or capitals, and he also argued that power can take a variety of forms. ―A person‘s power can be 112

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shown in the social order through their status, in the economic order through their class, and in the political order through their party. Thus, class, status and party are each aspects of the distribution of power within a community‖ (Hurst, 2007, P 202). Weberian Stratification is also recognized as the Three Class System, i.e. wealth, prestige and power. Wealth: includes income, the economic gain derived from wages, salaries, income transfer, etc., and property such as buildings, lands, farms, houses, factories, cars as well as other assets - Economic situation Prestige: the respect with which a person or status position is regarded by others - Status Situation Power: the ability of people or groups to achieve their goals despite opposition from others – Parties (Weber, 1964) The relationship between education and the extent of intergenerational mobility has to be concerned. Inter-generational mobility is a measure of the changes in social status which occurs from the parents' to the children's generation. It can affect anyone in the population, as one‘s economic standing can increase or decrease from the position they were born into. Our society is constantly changing, and because of this various opportunities can cause one to advance or digress in their economic standing. One‘s talents can cause them to surpass the economic position into which they were born (Blanden, 2005). Intergenerational mobility is often considered as a way of measuring the equity present in the economic opportunities of a society. Shapiro (2004) uses the term ―head-start assets‖ to refer to the assets that children can inherit from their parents that give them a ―head-start‖ in life when compared to individuals who do not have these head-start assets. It takes a realistic approach of how much of your future economic standing is determined by your childhood experience and how much is determined by an individual‘s talents and capabilities. Inter-generational mobility can best be determined by analysing where children from the least or most affluent families end up in terms of incomes and earnings as adults. Their income as adults is then compared to what their parents earned (Shapiro, 2004). Intergenerational mobility is generally measured in terms of intergenerational elasticity, or a statistical correlation between parent‘s and children‘s economic standings. The higher the intergenerational 113

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elasticity, the less social mobility a society offers. In other words, the higher the intergenerational elasticity, the more of a role childhood upbringing plays when compared to individual talents and capabilities (ibid.). Michael Apple (1982) argues that education is not a neutral enterprise, that by the very nature of the institution, the educator is involved, whether he or she is conscious of it or not, in a political act. He attempts to analyse and understand the relationship between education and economic structure, and the connections between knowledge and power. Apple approaches his analysis from three points: l) the school as an institution, 2) the educator him or herself, and 3) the knowledge forms. Each of these [is] situated within the larger context of society (P. 9).

IV. A Historical Review In this paper, the process of rural transformation will be during the past three decades, from 1978 to 2010. Based on the literature review, the author will divide it into three stages: Forming Phase (late 1970searly 1980s), Initial Phase (middle 1980s-late 1980s), and Development Phase (1990s -). Forming Phase (late 1970s-early 1980s) It is commonly assured that there is an accidental but inevitable event as the symbol of the beginning of the contemporary rural transformation in China. In 1978, a poor village, named Xiaogang in Anhui Province attracted the whole nation‘s attention for its milestone-styled implementation of ―all-around contract to distribution‖. As a result, commune-based collectivization was rapidly replaced by various forms of ―all-around contract to distribution‖, under ―…which land remained public yet each household was contracted with land and farm tools, and peasants could keep or sell in free markets any products that exceeded the contracted quota‖ (Friedmann, 2005, p. 9). ―The abolition of the communes released a flood tide of human inventiveness and energy, and marked the beginning of a frenetic process of rural industrialization‖ (Friedmann, 2005, p. 35). In 1979, only one percent of ―Production Team‖ (shengchandui) took the form of ―all-around contract to distribution‖ within whole China, but the number increased to 14 percent in 1980, and it sharply climbed to 45 percent, 80 percent and 98 percent in 1981, 1982 and 1983 respectively, and in year 1984, the ―all-around contract to distribution‖ occupied 100 percent in whole China. 114

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Initial Phase (middle 1980s-late 1980s) The symbolized event for transition from forming phase to initial phase is the establishment of the ―Special Economic Zones‖ like Shenzhen, Zhuhai, Shantou and Xiamen in 1980, and 14 ―Open Cities‖ in year 1984, i.e., Shanghai, Shenzhe, Xiamen, Guangzhou, Qingdao, Wenzhou, Tianjin, Dalian, Zhuhai, Nongbo, Yantai, Nantong, Fuzhou and Qinghuangdao. Preferential policies such as fiscal advantages were attributed to the enterprises of these areas, which created many new jobs and attracted the initial ―floating population‖. As China‘s ―open door policy‖, and encouraging policies on economic development, more coastal ―Special Economic Zones‖ were set up. In 1988, Hainan Island, the second largest island in China was set up as another ―Special Economic Zone‖. Developmental Phase (1990s -) In year 1992, Chinese Central Government decided to further open another five cities along the Changjiang River Valley, 13 border cities in northeast, southwest and northwest areas, and 11 capital cities in central areas. In the meantime, Liaodong Peninsula in Liaoning Province and Jiaodong Peninsula, in Shangdong Province were opened. Many migrant labours move from rural to urban, less developed to more developed areas to find jobs.

V. Conclusion Rethinking education for rural transformations in China requires first reviewing the concepts, related theories as well as characteristics of the rural sector, particularly in less developed regions, and then considering the role of education in the current rural development. The paper applies theories of Social Stratification Theory, Intergeneration Mobility, Critical Theory into analysis of the relationship between education and social transformation and development; circular cumulative causation, backwash and spread effects, and dual economy into the analysis of rural-urban disparities, and in addition, it also apply related theories produced by some Chinese educator and theoretician which takes regional inequality into consideration.

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References Becker, Gary S. (2002). The Age of Human Capital. In H. Lauder, P. Brown, J.-A. Dillabough, A. H. Halsey (Eds.), Education, Globalization & Social Change (pp. 292-294). New York: Oxford University Press. Bhalla A. S. (1990). ―Rural-Urban Disparities in India and China‖, World Development, 18(8), pp.1097-1110. Blanden, Jo, Paul Gregg, and Stephen Machin. Intergenerational Mobility in Europe and North America. Department of Economics, University College London, Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics, University of Bistrol, London School of Economics. London, 2005. pp.1-20. Chen J. and Fleisher B. M. (1996). Regional Income Inequality and Economic Growth in China. Journal of Comparative Economics, 22. pp. 141-164. China Social Science Academy (2009) Urban Blue Book Retrieved February 3, 2010, from the World Wide Web: http://www.cpirc.org.cn/news/rkxw_gn_detail.asp?id=10684 Chinapah, V. Zhao, SW, et.al. (2009) Education for Rural Transformation in China and India-a comparative research study of role of education in rural China and India. A research Proposal submitted to the Swedish Council. EFA Global Monitoring Report-Education for all by 2015 will we make it? (2009). UNESCO Publishing & Oxford University Press. Friedmann, J. (2005). China’s urban transition. University of Minnesota Press. Hurst, Charles E. (2007). Social Inequality Forms, Causes, and Consequences Sixth Edition. Allyn and Bacon Boston, MA. ISBN 0-205-48436-0 INRULED. (2001) Education for Rural Transformation: towards a policy framework. UNESCO, Baoding, Zhengzhou, China Koppel, B. and Zurick, D. (1988) Rural Transformation and the Future of agricultural development policy in Asia. Agriculture Administration and Extension, (4):28, pp.283-301. Lingappa, C. (1997) Rural transformation and Drought Prone Region: A Case of Bijapur District in Karnataka. Liu, Q. (2007). Rural Social Transformation and “Three Nong” Policy Strategies Chinese Rural Economy. 4: pp. 4-11. 116

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Lv, M. (2005) ―Three-nong‖ and Higher Agriculture Education-the reform and development under the guidance of scope of scientific development. In Higher Agriculture Education. (3): 86 Michael Apple (1982). Reproduction, Contestation, and Curriculum, in Education and Power. Myrdal, G. (1957) Economic Theory and Underdeveloped Regions, New York: Harper & Row. Shapiro, Thomas M. The Hidden Cost of Being African American. New York: Oxford University Press, 2004, pp.60-71. State of World Population (2007) United Nations Population Fund. Retrieved March 7, 2011, from the World Wide Web: http://www.iiep.unesco.org/focus-on-higher-education/highereducation-rural-development-and-poverty-alleviation.html Wang, B. (2007). Chinese Rural Transformation: Analysis on Modes, Characteristics and Trends. Economists. 4. pp. 97-102. Weber, Max. (1964). The Theory of Social and Economic Organization. (ed. by Talcott Parsons). New York: The Free Press. Wen, Q. (2008). Recent Progress of Research in Rural Transformation Development and Its Trends in China. China Population, Resources and Environment. 19(1): pp. 20-24 World Development Report. (2008). Agriculture for Development. Washington DC: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank.

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Anna Toropova

A Study of the Relationship between Student Background Factors and Science Achievement Based on TIMSS 2007 Results in Ukraine Anna Toropova

I. Introduction Background The quality of education has been internationally recognized as one of the key goals to be reached within Education for All agenda. In 1990, the World Declaration of Education for All noted that the overall poor quality of education needed to be improved. It recommended that education should be made both universally available and more relevant (UNESCO, 1990). Recent international assessments on student learning achievement in a number of countries point out two key continuous challenges: wide global inequalities in learning achievement and low absolute levels of learning in many poor countries. Millions of children are leaving school without having acquired basic literacy and numeracy skills (UNESCO, 2010).However, as observed by Chinapah (2010), from an international comparative research perspective, there is scarce information available about what makes effective teaching and learning in different countries. Furthermore, differences in access to quality education for children from different socio-economic and cultural backgrounds in different types of schools and locations require more attention. TIMSS, which stands for Trends in International Math and Science Study, is an IEA (International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement) study of mathematics and science performance of fourth and eighth grade students. It was in 2007 that Ukraine first joined international assessments of educational achievements, the TIMSS study in particular. Participation in a largescale study of educational achievement, such as TIMSS, was viewed by the Ukrainian government as an opportunity to obtain reliable comparative information about the level of students‘ educational attainment in the country that would lead to the development of wellgrounded education policy recommendations. These, in turn, could 119

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become foundation for improving educational process as well as updating the content of education and teaching methods. Aims and objectives The overall aim of this study is to explore major student background factors related to learning achievement of the Ukrainian students based on TIMSS 2007 results. The more specific objectives are: to identify student personal/family characteristics or experiences related to 8th grade student achievement in science and to analyse their relationship to student learning outcomes. The rationale for this study is supported by the literature review which suggests that student background factors are significantly related to their academic achievement. It was assumed that both student personal and family characteristics would be related to academic performance and that family background characteristics would have a strong association with student achievement. Research questions The proposed study is based on a secondary analysis of TIMSS 2007 science achievement of the 8th grade Ukrainian students and their responses to TIMSS background questionnaires to answer the following research questions: 1.

What personal and family background factors are related to student learning achievements in science?

2.

How do these factors correlate with student science achievement, i.e. how differences in student factors relate to differences in achievement?

3.

Which of the correlations stand out as the most significant?

Limitations and delimitations of the study Secondary analysis in itself holds some limitations such as complexity of and lack of familiarity with the data, and no control over data quality (Bryman, 2008). While every effort is made to ensure high quality data in TIMSS, there are some other challenges for secondary analysis of the study results. Robitaille & Beaton (2002) note that due to the complex design of TIMSS it is difficult to interpret and link the study‘s findings. The study only explores statistical association between variables, which cannot be automatically interpreted as having a causal link. Another important limitation is that the study is 120

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based on data collected in 2007 during administration of TIMSS testing in Ukraine. The actual situation and circumstances in 2010 may not be entirely the same. The main delimitation of the study is that secondary analysis of TIMMS 2007 data for this study will only focus on the 8th grade Ukrainian students and their science achievement results in relation to background factors as provided by the TIMSS student questionnaire. Significance of the study Although TIMSS is often criticized for being a kind of betweencountries competition with the purpose of producing league tables of achievement, ―the real depth of data is beginning to emerge through secondary analysis‖ (Howie & Plomp, 2006, p.78). TIMSS achievement results become more meaningful when interpreted through the contexts in which students learn. Secondary analysis may also reveal how contextual factors can be used to improve student learning in mathematics and science (Martin et al., 2009). For Ukraine, secondary analysis of TIMSS results bears even more significance as it was for the first time in 2007 that the country took part in the study. Until then it has never participated in international comparative studies of educational achievement. Not only was it a unique opportunity for the country to obtain objective information on student learning achievement in mathematics and science, but also, provided that a detailed secondary analysis of the national results is carried out, it can shed light on factors related to students‘ learning to further improve it.

II. Education System in Ukraine Country profile Ukraine is the state in East-Central Europe, occupying an area of 603,700 sq. km. It is the second largest country in Europe, with a population of 45.7 million people as of July, 2010, according to the UN statistical data (2010). About 72% of the population is Ukrainian, and 22% is Russian. Other major ethnic groups are Polish, Belarusian, Romanian, Hungarian, Greek, Tatar, Roma and Armenian. The official language in the country is Ukrainian, and the majority of the population speaks Russian as their second language. Ukraine‘s GDP amounts to USD 180 billion. Despite its growing economy, Ukraine faces many challenges in the field of human development. In 2010 UNDP report, Ukraine ranks 69th out of 121

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169 countries on the Index of Human Development (HDI). According to UNESCO (2010), 20% of the Ukrainian population lives below the national poverty level. Overall unemployment is about 6.5% for the 14-70 year old population. Current education system Since independence in 1991, there has been a significant commitment to maintain quality, to extend compulsory schooling and to expand tertiary education. New laws and regulations to improve the system were introduced by the Ukrainian government and reforms were directed towards lifelong learning and equal access to quality education (Darvas, 2003). Ukrainian education has a European-style structure, including pre-school education, comprehensive secondary education, vocational/technical education, higher education, and post-graduate education. The State guarantees the Constitutional right of each citizen to obtain and have free access to complete general secondary education and mandates 9 years of compulsory schooling (ages 6-15) (MoES of Ukraine, 2010). Access, quality and equity in education issues Access to education faces challenges at all levels in Ukraine. According to UNICEF country profile (2008), access to pre-school in Ukraine is below both the regional and sub-regional average, with only 56 percent of children being enrolled in pre-primary education. In primary education the net enrolment ratio (NER) is 90 percent which is far below the sub-regional and regional average. Additionally, 296,000 children remain out of school, which is the third highest number in the region. In secondary school, the NER is 84 percent. The gross enrolment ratio in higher education in Ukraine is 69 percent, which is significantly higher than the regional average. Prior to 2007, Ukraine has not participated in any of the international learning assessments, nor has it carried out a national assessment of student learning achievements. Therefore, the government did not possess any reliable instruments to diagnose objectively results produced by education system. A serious challenge for the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine remains a lack of official and reliable data on out-of-school and drop-out children. Despite the lack of official data, there are clear indicators that school quality needs improvement with special attention given to left-out children. 122

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Gender equity in education enrolment is high in Ukraine (UNICEF, 2008). In primary school, the Gender Parity Index (GPI) is 1.00, which is similar to other countries in the region. In secondary school the Index drops to .94, which is high overall, but low for the region. In higher education, the GPI is 1.2, which indicates that girls in Ukraine are more likely to complete secondary education and to enter higher educational institutions. Teaching force Teachers‘ salaries in Ukraine are equal to 80 percent of the national average wage. The low salary and prestige of the teaching profession negatively affects education quality. The best teachers leave school when offered a better-paid job, and qualified young people are not willing to pursue the profession. This has already led to shortages of public school teachers, especially in the fields of foreign languages and computer sciences. Overall, since 2001 the number of teachers declined by 12 percent. At the same time, there is an increasing number of teachers older than 55 years, and a decreasing number of young teachers (MoES of Ukraine, 2010). Teachers who continue working in schools have to look for additional jobs to support themselves and their families. Often school administrators and teachers introduce student fees for tutoring, special classes, and extracurricular activities. This allows teachers to earn additional income but at the same time leads to greater inequity within the school since many families cannot afford to pay for such services (UNESCO, 2000). Educational Reform The educational reform process in Ukraine is guided by the National Doctrine for the Development of Education (2001), key elements of which are standards, quality and relevance. Priority areas of the Ukrainian education include introduction of a learner-centred approach, life-long learning, and equal access to quality education and integration into the European Education Area (ETF, 2009). External assessment of educational achievements One of the most significant reforms implemented in Ukraine since independence was introduction of the external assessment of student educational achievement, carried out from 2002 until 2006. The reform was part of the comprehensive policy towards the 123

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improvement of educational quality and providing an objective assessment of student attainments (Lokshyna, 2003). The Ukrainian examinations system prior to the reform was an internal one and ―[a]s such, could not be fully transparent or provide objective assessment of student knowledge‖ (Hrynevych, 2009, p. 61). This situation affected the interests of students as well as a society in general. At the student level, internal assessment based only on a teacher‘s judgment did not objectively measure student development, which could timely diagnose a learning problem and provide an adequate assistance. Moreover, there was no objective certification to provide a real picture of student performance and make school-leaving certificates valid, giving the students equal opportunities in access to higher education. At the national level, the absence of external assessment made it impossible to establish links between educational results and resources input, which would serve as an indicator for the education system in general. This also hindered development of appropriate educational policies, in particular for diagnostic purposes (ibid.). International comparative studies of learning achievements In the time of introduction of examinations reform in Ukraine, there were significant transformations in education sector in general. New forms and methods of teaching as well as new types of educational institutions appeared. At the same time, Ukraine‘s socio-economic situation led to larger disparities in the quality of educational services and access to them. Under these circumstances monitoring the quality of education acquired a special significance. In 2007, Ukraine participated in TIMSS study and was ranked in math 26th and 25th respectively for grades 4 and 8 (with the average scores 469 and 462); and in science 26th and 19th respectively for grades 4 and 8 (with the average scores 474 and 485). Ukraine‘s results were close to those of Armenia, Bulgaria, Israel and Romania. Ukraine‘s ranking in TIMSS, which was just below the international average, was quite expected by the educational community. The country had very little, if any experience in administrating such kinds of studies and students were not quite familiar with the test-taking process. Analysis of the Ukrainian students‘ science achievement shows that they successfully solved those items that mainly required reproduction of the known facts. The most difficult were items that required practical application of the theoretical knowledge, comparing 124

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and classification of objects, understanding nature as a complex system. This leads to the conclusion that in the Ukrainian schools students acquire fundamental science knowledge and can easily reproduce it. However, many of them find it difficult to apply their knowledge in everyday-life situations. Students experience difficulties when the problem is formulated in an unusual way, and is accompanied by a picture or scheme; when they need to read and interpret information from graphs, tables, diagrams, etc. These results reflect significant problems with the science education in Ukraine such as subject-centred and knowledge-centred science curriculum, the lack of time devoted to laboratory work and conducting experiments during science classes, inefficient organization of learning/teaching process during the lessons, the lack of emphasis on student ability to apply scientific skills and knowledge to solve problems (MoES of Ukraine, 2009).

III. Literature Review / Key concepts and theories Education Quality There are various interpretations of the concept of education quality. The World Declaration of Education for All (UNESCO, 1990) identified quality as a prerequisite for achieving the fundamental goal of equity. While the notion of quality is still being developed, it was recognized that expanding excess alone would not be enough for education to contribute fully to the development of the individual and society. Emphasis was accordingly placed on assuring an increase in children‘s cognitive development by improving quality of their education. UNICEF report (2000) outlines the following basic dimensions of quality education: 1) healthy, well-nourished learners ready to learn and participate, and supported in learning by their families and communities 2) safe, healthy and gender-sensitive environments; 3) content reflected in relevant curricula and materials for the acquisition of basic skills; 4) processes that include child-centreed teaching and assessment approaches; 5) outcomes that include skills, knowledge and attitudes. European Report on the Quality of School Education by the Directorate-General for Education and Culture of the European Commission (2000) suggests sixteen indicators on quality of school education that cover four broad areas: attainment levels; educational 125

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success and transition; monitoring of school education; and educational resources and structures. Equality of Educational Opportunity The issue of equality of opportunity has long been a major concern for policymakers and sociologists of education. However, there has been a lack of agreement on how equality of opportunity should be understood. Lauder et al. (2006) presents four examples of equal opportunities in education: 1) equality of access to education to all children despite their social background; 2) equality of treatment which means equal access to the same curriculum of all children, despite their ethnic, gender or social class background; 3) equal opportunities of results that implies that it is social groups, rather than individuals, that suffer inequalities on the basis of social class, gender, ethnicity, or disability; 4) equality of results which states that groups in society should achieve in education in proportion to their numbers in the population as a whole (ibid.). Theories of Cultural, Social and Economic Capital Differences in student achievement can be explained with the help of theories of economic, cultural and social capital. Bourdieu in his work ―Forms of capital‖ (2007) distinguishes between economic capital, or possession of economic resources, which is ―immediately and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the form of property rights‖ (Bourdieu, p. 86); cultural capital, or one‘s knowledge, skills and education, which can be ―institutionalized in the form of educational qualifications‖, and a social capital, linked to ―possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition‖ (ibid.). According to Bourdieu (2007), social capital is the ―aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition, which provides each of its members with the backing of the collectively-owned capital, a ―credential‖ which entitles them to credit, in the various senses‖ (p. 91). Coleman (1988) viewed social capital as a product of social relationships and involvement, or connectedness between a child, family, friends, community and school. He noted that the higher degree of connectedness within a family can lead to higher student academic achievement. 126

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There is no agreement among researchers reached on the relationship of cultural capital to educational achievement. Some have found a strong correlation with achievement and years of schooling completed (DiMaggio, 1982); others have proved that only certain cultural activities matter, e.g. reading (De Graaf et al., 2000). It appears that the relationships between various forms of capital possessed by a family and student achievement are rather complex. First of all, there is no unanimous definition of the forms of capital and what constitutes one or another. Secondly, different forms of capital interact with each other in various ways. And last, but not the least, the process of transmission of various forms of capital through parent-child interaction seems to be more important for children‘s development and their future academic performance than a mere possession of capital as a static indicator of the family background. Determinants of achievement According to Lauder et al. (2006), there may be distinguished two general views to explain differences in student academic achievement. The first one is that of geneticists who stated that intelligence, which is a major determinant of educational outcomes, is genetically inherited and remains stable throughout life. The second view stresses the importance of the environment in determining student educational achievement. Many studies on determinants of student achievement indicate that family socio-economic status, educational level of parents, gender and motivation are strong determinants of children‘s individual ability, which in turn effects achievement. However, the emphasis has been redirected from the use of global static indicators of home and school environments to the use of dynamic process indicators measuring what actually takes place between students and their teachers and peers and between children and their parents at home (Chinapah, 1983). Achievement and student personal factors Student aptitude, age, gender and motivation have been regularly found to be associated with learning in different subjects under various conditions (Robitaille & Beaton, 2002). A number of studies show significant differences between boys and girls in science achievement. Boys tend to perform consistently better than girls especially in certain science subjects, such as physics (Postelthwaite and Wiley, 1992; Martin at al., 2009). International comparative 127

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studies consistently reveal positive relationships between science achievement and science attitudes (Martin et al., 2009). Achievement and student family background It has been recognized since the early 1930s that differences in social background are strongly related to educational outcomes in most countries (Shangwu, 1993). Different studies, including international large-scale surveys, have suggested that home and family characteristics play a key role in determining students‘ academic achievement. Coleman (1966) in his report on the equality of educational opportunity discovered that for the most part, variation in school resources had little direct relation to variation in students‘ achievement, and that family background together with student attitudes were the most important predictors of student learning. Based on Bordieu‘s notion of cultural capital, there is numerous research suggesting that cultural and educational resources of parents are vital to children‘s cognitive development and school performance (Feinstein, 2006; Nash & Harker, 2006). Achievement and school and teacher factors Research on this topic has mostly been based on the belief that educational resources, such as teacher education and training, school and class size, expenditures per student, and school facilities would have greater impact on student academic achievement than non-school factors. Shangwu (1993) points out that all of the research on the influence of school and teacher factors on student achievement carried out since the 1960s shows a relatively small influence of the school. The IEA international studies reinforced the conclusion that school resources tend to be rather weakly related to learning outcomes (ibid.). A conceptual model of school learning A conceptual model of school learning presents the relationships between important factors associated with student learning at school. A number of school-based learning models have been developed (Chinapah, 1983; Huitt, 1995; Guo, 2007). Chinapah (1983) developed a conceptual model of school learning that includes both home and school environments of learning and differentiates between global characteristics and process variables. The model includes five blocks of variables among which are: (1) Home and Student characteristics, (2) Home processes, (3) School 128

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characteristics, (4) School processes, (5) Student scholastics performance. Huitt (1995) presented a transactional model of the teaching/learning process which may explain difference in student achievement due to a number of factors, among which are context, input, classroom processes, and output. Guo (2007) developed a modified version of Huitt‘s model of school-based learning by adding one more component to it – ―driving forces‖ (Figure 1). Figure 1: A school-based model of science learning

CONTEXTS Physical Environments Socio-cultural Conditions Educational Goals and Policies Science and Technology Capacity Theoretical Foundations

International Conditions

DRIVING FORCES Constructivism TIMSS, PISA, SAS Globalization Advance in Science, Technology, ICT

PROCESSES Teacher Behaviors Student Behaviors Learning Approaches Meta Cognition Classroom Interactions

PRODUCTS Science Achievement Science Literacy Learning and Thinking Skills Self-Confidence

INPUTS Teacher Characteristics Student Characteristics Science Curriculum Resources and Facilities Learning Opportunities

Source: Guo (2007, p. 229) The suggested model emphasizes both internal and external factors associated with student learning outcomes and suits the purposes of the current study, as it provides broad conceptual categories and indicates possible relationships between variables. International assessments of learning achievement The results obtained from major cross-national studies such as Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) provide valuable information on the state of science learning in participating countries. 129

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TIMSS is one of a number of studies conducted by the IEA. It is conducted on a 4-year regular cycle, with the first assessment held in 1995 followed by assessments 1999, 2003, 2007 and the forthcoming in 2011 (Foy & Olson, 2009a). The study‘s assessment instruments include tests in math and science, each of the two subject areas is divided into content and cognitive domain (Martin et al., 2009). The study covers two populations of students: Population 1 (Grade 4 in most countries) and Population 2(Grade 8 in most countries). Besides assessing student learning outcomes, TIMSS also provides information about home, school, and national contexts within which mathematics and science learning takes place (ibid.). The Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), administered by OECD, is an international standardized assessment in reading, mathematics, scientific and problem-solving literacy. PISA assesses students who are approaching the end of compulsory education (about the age of 15) and the extent to which they acquired the knowledge and skills that are essential for full participation in society (OECD, 2000). Both TIMSS and PISA collect background information on students and school data, and TIMSS also administers teacher questionnaire. In addition, TIMSS conducts curriculum analysis in participating countries. The main difference between PISA and TIMSS is that the former stresses functional literacy while the latter emphasizes curricula. Both studies are an important source of data for policy-makers, curriculum specialists and teachers (Hutchison & Schagen, 2006). Secondary analysis of TIMSS results Despite the fact that TIMSS and other international studies face a lot of criticism for resembling a horse race where each participating country strives for a higher ranking (Smith, 2008, p. 34), an accurate and profound secondary analysis of its results may yield a lot of useful information about the contexts in which students learn. The TIMSS contextual framework includes five broad areas in which information is collected: curriculum, its goals and organization; schools, resources and facilities; teachers and their qualifications; classroom activities and characteristics; student personal and family background characteristics. One of the most recent compilations of secondary analysis of TIMSS results from different countries is the Contexts of Learning Mathematics and Science (Howie & Plomp, 2006). The analyses are 130

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presented on the school, student, class and teacher levels from more than forty countries. Variables that were found significant at a student level included socio-economic status of the family (in three countries), students‘ attitudes towards the subject (in eight countries), student motivation (in four countries) and self-concept (in three countries). Secondary analysis of TIMSS results in Eastern Europe The most comprehensive regional study of the effects of home environments, school conditions and teaching practices on achievement in Central and Eastern European countries up to date was carried out under the IEA NCEE project. Secondary analysis of TIMSS-1995 results from Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Russia, Slovak Republic and Slovenia led to producing a regional report ―Are we similar in math and science‖ (Vari, 1997). The report included findings on how the differences among students‘ background characteristics and homes are associated with differences in achievement. In all countries participating in the project it was the home learning environment that had the most effect on mathematics achievement. The study of educational production during transition in Eastern Europe (Ammermuller et al., 2004) used student-level TIMSS 1995 data to analyze the determinants of schooling quality for seven Eastern European countries by estimating educational production functions. The variables of the student background (grade, age, gender, immigration status, parental education and the number of books at home) present the largest and most significant coefficients of the production function in the study. The study commissioned by 2010 Education for All Global Monitoring Report (Altinok, 2009) analyzed cases of marginalization by assessing potential differences in the level of achievement using test results of 4th and 8th grade students in TIMSS-2007. The study aimed to find out whether groups of students sharing the same characteristics performed worse on a test than the other students. Marginalization was viewed as failing to reach the minimum achievement level set in TIMSS, i.e. the Low International Benchmark.

IV. Methodology TIMSS research model The design of TIMSS is based on a conceptual framework that consists of several assumptions about the ways students learn. The 131

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framework proposes four basic research questions reflecting ideas about which factors related to learning and how they interact with one another. These questions are: 1) what kinds of mathematics and science are students expected to learn, 2) who provides instruction, 3) how instruction is organized, 4) what have students learned (Howie & Plomp, p.33). Sampling In TIMSS two-stage stratified cluster method was used for sampling design, i.e. students were nested in classes and classes were nested in schools. The students in each country were selected using probability sampling procedures; one class in each school was chosen. For the purpose of the present study, TIMSS 2007 international database was used to obtain the national dataset for Ukraine. The 4,424 Ukrainian 8th grade students from 149 secondary schools that participated in TIMSS 2007 form the sample in this study. Variables Independent variables for the analysis were chosen based on the literature review in the field of secondary analysis of TIMSS study. TIMSS 2007 student questionnaire (Foy & Olson, 2009b-c) was reviewed to select relevant background variables among the following categories of interest: (1) student personal background, (2) student family background, (3) academic expectations of students, (4) student experiences. Selected variables for analysis are presented in Table 1 below. Table 1: Independent variables selected from the TIMSS 2007 student questionnaire Category Personal background Family background

Academic expectations Student experiences

Variable description Age of students, their gender, and place of birth Number of books in the home Parental Education: highest education level of mother and father Possessions in the home: calculator, computer, study desk, dictionary and Internet connection; national options: own cell phone, two or more TVs, video-camera, car What education level students expect to obtain Computer use, time spent watching TV, working at paid job outside of school, doing jobs at home, doing homework, playing computer/video games, playing sports, reading books for enjoyment.

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Students‘ science test scores served as dependent variables in the analysis. TIMSS summarized student achievement for each grade on a scale with a mean of 500 and a standard deviation of 100. ―In order to interpret achievement results, TIMSS uses four international benchmarks and describes achievement at those benchmarks in relation to student performance on the test questions‖ (Martin et al., 2009, p.64). Methods and procedures The current study is based on a quantitative secondary analysis of TIMSS data and as such employs univariate and bivariate data analysis as key methods for analysing variables. Ukrainian national dataset was extracted from the international database, and further limited to Population 2, i.e. 8th grade students. The first step included univariate analysis of the TIMSS data, performed with the help of SPSS software. It included frequency tables, mean scores, standard deviation, standard error, and percentiles to describe student science achievement. The second step involved a bivariate analysis in order to explore relationships between independent and dependent variables in the study. Student responses to the background questionnaire and their science achievement scores were merged to form the student background data files. Since in the Ukrainian education system sciences are taught as separate subjects, a separate science version of the questionnaire was used. The correlation coefficient (Pearson‘s r) was used as a method for examining relationship between variables. In this study, Pearson‘s r was calculated with the help of the IDB (International Data Base) Analyser, a software program that allows combining data files and analysing data from IEA large-scale assessments with a complex sampling design.

V. Student-level factors achievement

associated

with

science

Earlier research has proved that the differences among student personal and family characteristics are associated with student achievement. According to Vari (1997), when students start school they are already different in their abilities and attitudes towards learning. Moreover, during their learning at school, students will have ―different amount of support and pressure from their parents to do well at school‖ (ibid. p.43).A summary of the most meaningful 133

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correlations between the analysed variables from the student background questionnaire and science achievement scores is presented in Table 2 below. Table 2: Correlations of science achievement with selected student-level factors Variable name Number of books at home Educational resources at home (a composite of home possessions: calculator, computer, study desk, dictionary, Internet connection) Mother‘s educational level Father‘s educational level Student academic expectations Family income (a composite of home possessions including own cell phone, two or more TVs, video camera, car) Out-of-school time Doing jobs at home Working at paid jobs Reading books for enjoyment Doing homework

Correlation coefficient(r) ,2925 ,2922

,1659 ,1086 ,1399 ,0618 -,0919 -,1620 ,0706 ,0830

VI. Interpretation of findings Student background factors and science achievement As the result of secondary analysis of TIMSS 2007 data for Ukraine, which included science test scores and student background questionnaire, it was found that the number of books and educational resources at home had the strongest positive correlation with the students‘ achievement scores. These results confirm an earlier theoretical assumption that educational and cultural environment at students‘ homes is important for their academic success. First of all, the large number of books at home can be interpreted as an indicator of a family environment, where education and academic success are highly valued and encouraged. It can also indicate parents‘ interest in reading in general, that is likely to be cultivated in children. It is not surprising that the availability of educational aids at home correlates with student achievement at nearly the same level as with the number of books. As well as the latter variable, the former one can serve as a proxy for family educational environment, where it is viewed as essential that a child has his/her own study place (a desk), and a computer with Internet connection, calculator and dictionary. These educational aids are undoubtedly 134

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basic for ensuring student academic success. It should be taken into account, however, that several of the items included in the abovementioned variables (such as particular books, computer) require certain financial investment from parents and as such can also indicate family economic background. That parental educational level tends to be strongly associated with children‘s academic success has been proved in a number of earlier studies. Results of this study reveal that in Ukraine, mother‘s educational level has a stronger association with the child‘s achievement than father‘s level of education. Students‘ expectations to complete a certain level of education revealed quite significant correlation with their achievement scores. This can again be explained by the home environment where academic success is praised and achieving further education is encouraged. Higher educational level of parents could help develop the intellectual potential in children that may lead to better school achievement and intent to continue education. Findings of this study display a weaker correlation of family economic capital with student achievement as compared to correlation with family cultural and social capital represented by the home learning environment. However, results of the study also reveal that the strongest negative correlation is found between the number of hours students work at paid jobs after school and their science achievement. It may be assumed that these students mostly come from disadvantaged families that encourage them to work to earn additional income. This can lead to exclusion of such students from mainstream education based on their socio-economic background. Marginalization in science education Comparison of the performance of students who achieved below or a little above the Low International Benchmark in science revealed the problem of marginalization in the Ukrainian education. Factors that seem to put students at a greater risk of being marginalized are lack of educational resources at home and low level of parental education, mother‘s in particular. A group of students that require special attention in Ukraine is students born abroad, since the difference in science scores between them and native-born students are rather significant. Performed analysis helped to reveal that the country is suffering from the ―digital divide‖ when students not having access to computers and Internet connection score much lower in science than those who have access to ICT. Analysis of the achievement in separate 135

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science subjects also found noticeable gender differences, significantly favouring boys in physics and earth science, and slightly favouring girls in biology and chemistry.

VII. Concluding Remarks On the whole, results of the study in the Ukrainian context revealed a pattern similar to many countries all over the world in regards to family background being one of the major determinants of student achievement. In line with the earlier studies in the field it may be assumed that schools alone are unable to solve the problem of inequality that lead to disparities in educational achievement. Therefore, it is recommended that Ukrainian families take active part in the educational process, and new forms of cooperation between school and family in the process of child upbringing and education are developed. The Ukrainian government should develop and implement policies to raise prestige of education in general and science education, in particular. Since the study found the link between low academic achievements of students and disadvantaged socio-economic background of their families, public policy in Ukraine should address wider problems of social inequality with stronger emphasis on such families and childhood welfare. In relation to the science education, it is important to remember that students‘ early development takes place in their families. Students‘ experiences as well as attitudes and beliefs present in students‘ homes become an important foundation for their science education. Analysis of the Ukrainian educational context reveals that more connection should be established between school science and students‘ home learning environment to prevent exclusion of the disadvantaged students.

VIII. Further research The present research has been based on the secondary analysis of TIMSS 2007 results in Ukraine. In relation to this study more research is needed. With the next TIMSS study to be held in 2011, Ukraine has an opportunity to explore trends in mathematics and science achievement, tracking changes that took place since the previous study, as well as the impact of the newly introduced educational assessment and monitoring system on educational institutions and society as a whole. 136

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In relation to the current study, more research is needed on the relationship between various family characteristics with student achievement. Some measures of family background, such as SES need to be further explored. More attention should be given to family processes, or parent-child interaction within a family and its effects on a child development and future academic performance Future research may also examine how parents can contribute to science learning in schools. Special emphasis should be placed on family characteristics that can be related to differences in science subjects‘ achievement for boys and girls, in particular an early development of perceptions and attitudes towards science that might later influence the choice of student‘s educational path and his or her chances to succeed on it.

References Altinok, N. (2009). An empirical approach to marginalization in education based on TIMSS 2007 study results. Paper commissioned for the EFA Global Monitoring Report 2010. University of Metz: UNESCO. Ammermuller, A., Heijke, H. & Wossman, L. (2005). Schooling quality in Eastern Europe: Educational production during transition. Economics of Education Review, 24 (579-599). Bourdieu, P. (2007). The Forms of Capital. In Sadovnik A. (Ed.) Sociology of Education. A Critical Reader. (pp.83-95). New York: Routledge. Bryman, A. (2008). Social Research Methods. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Chinapah, V. (1983).Participation and Performance in Primary Schooling. A Study of Equality of Educational Opportunity in Mauritius. Doctoral Dissertation, Institute of International Education, Stockholm University. Chinapah, V. (2010).Education Quality For All (EQFA): Towards a Learner-Centreed Pedagogy – Implications for International and Comparative Educational Research. Keynote Address at the 11th ICER. September 30-October 1, 2010, Seoul National University, Seoul, Korea. Coleman, J. (1966). Equality of educational opportunity. Washington, DC: National Bureau for Statistics. Coleman, J. (1988). Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital. The American Journal of Sociology, 94 (95-120). 137

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Darvas, P. (2003). Ukraine: Education Reform Policy Note. The World Bank. Retrieved May, 2009 from the World Wide Web: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/Resources/UkraineEducation PolicyNote.pdf De Graaf, N. D., De Graaf, P. M. and Kraaykamp, G. (2000) Parental Cultural Capital and Educational Attainment in the Netherlands: A Refinement of the Cultural Capital Perspective. Sociology of Education, 73/2 (92-111). DiMaggio, P. (1982). Cultural Capital and School Success: The Impact of Culture Status Participation on the Grades of US High School Students. American Sociological Review, 47(189-201). ETF (2010).Ukraine Country Plan 2009-2011. Turin: European Training Foundation. European Commission Report (2000). Quality of School Education – Sixteen Quality Indicators. Brussels: European Commission. Retrieved March, 2010 from the World Wide Web: http://ec.europa.eu/education/policies/educ/indic/rapinen.pdf Feinstein, L. (2006). Social Class and Cognitive Development in Childhood in the UK, In Lauder, H., Brown, P., Dillabough, J & Halsey, A. (Eds.), Education, Globalization and Social Change. (pp. 409-419). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Foy, P. & Olson, J., Eds. (2009a).TIMSS 2007 User Guide for the International Database. TIMSS and PIRLS International Study Centre, Boston College. Foy, P. & Olson, J., Eds. (2009b). TIMSS 2007 User Guide for the International Database. Supplement 1. International Version of the TIMSS 2007 Background and Curriculum Questionnaires. TIMSS and PIRLS International Study Centre, Boston College. Foy, P. & Olson, J., Eds. (2009c).TIMSS 2007 User Guide for the International Database. Supplement 2. National Adaptations of the International Background Questionnaire. TIMSS and PIRLS International Study Centre, Boston College. Greaney, V. & Kellaghan, T. (2008).Assessing National Achievements Levels in Education. Volume 1. The World Bank. Guo, C. (2007). Issues in Science Learning: An International Perspective. In Abell, S. & Lederman, N. (Eds.) Handbook of Research on Science Education, (pp. 227-256). London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Howie, S. & Plomp, T. (2006).Contexts of Learning Mathematics and Science. Routledge. 138

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Hrynevych (2009). Ethical issues and Examinations System in Ukraine. Transparency in education in Eastern Europe. IIEP research papers. Paris: IIEP. Huitt, W. (2003).A transactional model of the teaching/learning process. Educational Psychology Interactive. Valdosta, GA: Valdosta State University. Retrieved May, 2010 from the World Wide Web http://www.edpsycinteractive.org/materials/tchlrnmd.html Hutchison, D. & Schagen, I. (2006).Comparisons between PISA and TIMSS – are we the man with two watches? National Foundation for Educational Research. Retrieved April, 2009 from the World Wide Web: https://www.brookings.edu/irc2006conference/HutchisonSchage n_paper.pdf Lauder, H., Brown, P., Dillabough, J & Halsey, A. (Eds.), (2006).Education, Globalization and Social Change. (pp. 398408). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lokshyna, O. (2003). External Assessment of Student Achievements. In Andreushchenko, V. (Ed.) Reform Strategy for Education in Ukraine: Educational Policy Recommendations (pp. 83-107). Kyiv: K.I.S., UNDP. Martin, M. et al., (2009).TIMSS 2007 International Science Report. TIMSS and PIRLS International Study Centre, Boston College. Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine Official Website http://www.mon.gov.ua Nash R. and Harker, K. Signals of Success: Decoding the Sociological Meaning of Associations between Childhood Abilities and Adult Educational Achievement, In Lauder, H., Brown, P., Dillabough, J & Halsey, A. (Eds.), Education, Globalization and Social Change. (pp. 420-434.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. OECD (2000).Knowledge and Skills for Life. First Results from the OECD Program for International Student Assessment. Paris: OECD. Postlethwaite, N. & D. Wiley. (1992). The IEA Study of Science II: Science Achievement in Twenty-Three Countries. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Robitaille, D. & Beaton A. (2002). Secondary Analysis of the TIMSS Data: A Synthesis of Current Research. Boston: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Shangwu, Z. (1993). Chinese Science Education. A Comparative Study of achievement in Secondary Schools Related to Student, 139

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Home and School Factors.Doctoral Dissertation, Institute of International Education, Stockholm University. Smith, E. (2008). Using secondary data in Educational and Social Research. Glasgow: Open University Press. United Nations Statistical Database. Retrieved September, 2010 from the World Wide Web: http://data.un.org/CountryProfile.aspx?crName=UKRAINE UNDP.(2010). Human Development Report. Retrieved November, 2010 from the World Wide Web: http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics UNESCO.(1990). World Declaration on Education for All and Framework for Action to Meet Basic Learning Needs. New York: UNESCO. Retrieved March, 2010 from the World Wide Web: http://www.unesco.org/education/pdf/JOMTIE_E.PDF UNESCO. (2000). Education for All: Central and Eastern Europe.Synthesis report. Paris: UNESCO. Retrieved April, 2010 from the World Wide Web: http://www.unesco.org/education/wef/en-docs/findings/cee.doc UNESCO.(2010). EFA Global Monitoring Report 2010.Reaching the Marginalized. Paris: UNESCO. UNICEF. (2000). Defining Quality in Education, Working Paper Series, UNICEF, New York. Retrieved April, 2010 from the World Wide Web: http://www.unicef.org/education/files/QualityEducation.PDF UNICEF (2008).Country profile. Education in Ukraine. Retrieved April, 2010 from the World Wide Web: http://www.unicef.org/ceecis/Ukraine.pdf Vari, P. (1997). Are we similar in math and science? A Study of Grade 8 in Nine Central and Eastern European Countries. Budapest: the IEA.

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Life Skills Based Education and Empowerment: Comparative Case Study on the Role of Life Skills Based Education for Students from Boarding Schools & Secondary Education in the Republic of Moldova Aliaksandra Laziuk

I. Introduction Within the last few decades social issues that today‘s society is facing have escalated dramatically and reached a critical point in certain parts of the world. Children and youth are among the most vulnerable groups of society that are being affected by the turbulent time fought with difficulties. As a result they are faced with problems and hardships that they are often not prepared to meet and lack the skills and psychological mechanisms to cope with. In order to protect themselves, young people require skills and abilities to make rational, well thought out choices which will lead to the best possible outcomes and help to face the challenges ahead. In light of this, mobilization of society took place in order to confront and prevent the problems that affect and challenge people‘s well-being. As a part of "comprehensive, multi-strategy approach, a life-skills methodology is increasingly being used to help reduce the harm associated with these issues, and to develop protective behavior among youth" (ECOSOC, 2001, p. 1). In the centre of life skills education is the concept of empowerment in order to provide people with ―adaptive and positive behavior that enable individuals to deal effectively with the demands and challenges of everyday life‖ (WHO, 2003, p. 3). Being a country hit by a rapid political change in 1989 and the rollercoaster years that followed, two decades later Moldova is still going through a lengthy social and economic transition period. Such a rapid transformation brought about changes affecting all the strata of its population. The situation forced people to look for a fast solution to survive and a source of income outside of their hometown and commonly outside Moldova‘s borders. In this light, a new phenomenon of labour migration emerged and became a common strategy for many Moldovans seeking to provide for their families. The alarming tendency is for the younger generation of Moldova‘s population to migrate abroad, leaving at home predominantly the old and young ones. It impacted families of migrated populations, 141

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children in particular and introduced another new phenomenon in life of contemporary Moldova – children left behind or so called social orphans. They are either placed in residential care institutions or left with distant relatives, neighbours or even alone without a secure family environment, care or supervision (Moldova Youth Strategy, 2005, CRIC & UNICEF, 2006, Vité, 2008). Consequently, the youth of today‘s Moldova is faced with an immensely difficult situation of finding the right reference for the difficult choices to be made. The ability to make rational and well thought out decisions. In such an unsettling situation acquisition of critical thinking, social and interpersonal skills, development of psychological coping mechanisms are essential for the vulnerable population in order to be able to adjust to the challenges and manage their personal life with good and positive outcomes. The young population like never before requires tools for assistance in a difficult period of transition that both them and their country are facing. Tools that could assist and empower in making informed decisions affecting their everyday life and future. The overall aim of the study is to explore the concept of life skills and life skills based education as a means of empowerment for young people from secondary education and from boarding schools in Moldova.

II. Theoretical Framework The research is placed within the broader framework of the concept of empowerment and provides its detailed review within the various contexts. Being widespread and popularized notion it consequently resulted in the ambiguity and numerous definitions that vary depending on the area of application. In the study reported below the emphasis is given to empowerment through development of critical thinking, i.e., critical pedagogy of Freire complemented with key ideas of Habermas‘s Communication Theory, and Rowlands‘s model of empowerment. Discussing empowerment from different perspectives the ideas of these three scholars are used complementary to each other in order to frame the theoretical background for this research. Rowlands defines empowerment as ―undoing negative social constructions, so that people come to see themselves as having the capacity and the right to act and influence decisions‖ (Rowlands 1997, p. 14). She puts an emphasis on an individual and his/her inner strength and brings attention to the psychological aspect of 142

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empowerment. At the same time, Rowlands identifies three dimensions of empowerment: personal empowerment, close relationships empowerment and collective empowerment. Personal empowerment is defined as ―developing a sense of self and individual confidence and capacity, and undoing the effects of internalized oppression‖ (Rowlands, 1997, p. 15). In this regard Rowlands understanding of empowerment within personal dimension echoes Freire‘s concepts of ―conscientisation‖ which is considered to lay the foundation for philosophy of empowerment in education (FRIDE, 2006). Rowlands brings in the aspect of self into the definition of empowerment and goes beyond viewing empowerment as ―participation in decision making process‖ (Rowlands 1997, p. 14). Freire puts am emphasis on conscientisation and introduces the concept of critical pedagogy with dialogue at its core. Freire‘s concept of education is opposed to the ―banking model‖ of education i.e., a passive model of education which does not provide space for critical reflection or questioning of the appropriateness and relevance of information to the learner‘s environment (Freire, 2001). Rowlands brings the aspect of inner strength and self into the empowerment. The emphasis is shifted from control, domination, oppression to personal, individual level which is reflected in three types of power that she distinguishes: ―power to,‖ ―power with‖ and ―power from within‖ and as mentions above the three dimensions of empowerment: personal empowerment, close relationships empowerment and collective empowerment (Rowlands 1997, 1995). Just as Rowlands lifts up the individual and his/her inner strength, Freire shifts the attention from teacher to pupil, from pupil being a subject of education process to becoming an object and lifts up dialogue as the foundation of education process. In similar vein to Freire‘s problem posing education based on the concepts of dialogue and praxis, Habermas puts an emphasis on dialogue in his theory of communicative action. Similar to Freire‘s ideas on dialogue, Habermas stresses the need to create conditions that can foster an empowering dialogue based on sincerity and truth. The aim is through dialogue and critical reflection to overcome ―repressive communication‖ which results in ―the incapacity to express subjective needs fully, thus short-circuiting the development of autonomy and critical consciousness‖ and achieve ―reflexive learning‖ (Morrow & Torres, 2002 p. 105-106). The concept of repressive communication has a resonance with Freire‘s concept of culture of silence and the overcoming of distorted communication through emancipatory 143

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dialogue and critical reflection parallels the earlier presented Freire‘s notion of conscientization. The idea of empowerment through critical thinking and dialogue in education as presented above is convergent with the concept of empowerment by means of Life Skills Based Education (LSBE). In particular development of self-empowerment and ―… a belief that skills can be learned, modified and improved as a person develops and adjusts to life‘s challenges…‖(Bender, 2002, p.27). Selfempowerment according to Bender means ―…believing [and] having the ability to identify alternatives in any situations…‖ the accent is made on being aware of the choices one has in a situation (Bender, 2002, p. 28). At the same time, the dimension of self-empowerment echoes Rowlands‘ concept of ―power from within‖ finding of innerstrength and corresponds to the dimension of ―personal empowerment‖ (Rowlands, 1997). Teaching and learning methods employed within LSBE have a resonance with earlier presented Freire‘s philosophy on education, with dialogue at its core and complemented by Habermases‘ Theory of Communicative Action. LSBE puts an emphasis on participatory learning and teaching methods and have dialogue and communication at its foundation (UNFPA 2010, WHO, 2002, Bender, 2002).

III. Research design The research examines and analyses the concepts of Life Skills (LS) and Life Skills Based Education (LSBE) in Moldovan context and investigates the role of Life Skills Based Education in life of its beneficiaries, i.e., students from secondary education institutions and from boarding schools in the Republic of Moldova by employing semi-structured interviews, group interviews, document study, and non-participant observations. The study is a qualitative case study with the major body of information emanating from semi-structured interviews. A qualitative case study was chosen since the research aims at getting an in-depth understanding of the phenomenon of LS and the role LSBE plays in a specific context, i.e., Moldova and uncovers the intricacies and complexities of the issues in focus of the research. The issue in focus has an intricate history which makes employment of a case study to be the optimal for revealing knowledge and shedding light on the phenomenon that ―… we would not otherwise have access to‖ (Merriam, 1998, p. 33). Nevertheless, there is a trade-off between the depth and breadth of the research. Case 144

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study‘s findings are not generalizable since the research is aiming at collecting reach, in-depth data about the phenomenon and lacks breadth of coverage. The data collection took place in September and October 2009 in Moldova in different towns and villages with the base in the capital, Chisinau. Two target groups were identified for the research interviews: boarding school beneficiaries of LSBE and secondary school beneficiaries of LSBE/Health Education. Nonprobability, purposeful sampling was employed during the process. Purposeful sampling was considered to be the most appropriate for this type of study based on the ground that it provides most information-rich cases in order to gain the insights and understanding of the phenomenon in focus of the research (Merriam, 1998, p. 61). Semi-structured interviews were used as a major tool for indepth data collection. Interviews were conducted in two phases. First phase of interviews was conducted with actors and stakeholders involved in the work with LSBE in Moldova predominantly in the areas of education and social inclusion. In total twenty four persons were interviewed during the first phase. Data emanated from these twenty four interviews was used in the background information for the research and for getting a complete picture on the matter. Due to the fact that LS continues to be a sensitive and laden topic the process of collecting information and examining the complex issue involved a diverse range of actors. As stated previously the amount of printed and available sources on the process of LS in Moldova is extremely limited and scarce. Therefore predominant amount of data was emanated from the interviews conducted in the first phase of the research, document studies and field experience The second phase of interviews was conducted with two target groups of beneficiaries, i.e., boarding school participants (Case A) and pupils from the secondary education institutions (Case B). Interviews with six boarding school participants were used for data analysis. As per secondary education institution, data from eight interview and one group interview was used for data analysis. All interviews were structured around the interview guide but at the same time provided space for flexibility and adjustment depending on the issue which was more significant. Cross-cutting issues for the second phase of the interviews were 1) background of the informants in order to get the picture of their daily life, family relation; 2) informants experience as LSBE training or LSBE/Health Education participants 3) impact of LSBE on the beneficiaries with particular focus on changes caused by LSBE. A considerate part of the interviews was aiming at gathering 145

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data in retrospective since informants were recollecting their personal history, memories and events that took place several years ago. The part of the interview aiming at collecting background information on the participants might have been sensitive especially when interviewing boarding school pupils due to the often difficult family situation. This fact was carefully observed by the researcher and the informants‘ right to abstain from answering was fully respected. All interviews with secondary school participants were conducted in Russian. In case of the boarding school participants a help of two interpreters was solicited in order to interpret from Romanian to Russian since boarding school respondents understood Russian but did not feel comfortable and confident to express their answers back in Russian but preferred to reply in Romanian.

IV. Data analysis Analysis of the data emanated from the second phase of semistructured interviews, i.e., the boarding schools students and the secondary education students were carried out based on the methods of data management adopted from Merriam (1998), Seidman (1998), Miles & Huberman (1994). The empirical data was first created into a text by reconstructing and transcribing interview tapes which resulted in a number of free-flowing texts. Then the free-flowing texts were read line by line and examined through the prism of research questions in order to identify and mark out the most meaningful for the purpose of the study passages in individual interviews and a group interview and to generate possible codes to be assigned to the passages. The codes assigned to the paragraphs at the initial stage of the process of data analysis were of more descriptive nature. Further process of data analysis involved continues rereading and sifting of identified passages in order to search for possible common patterns and sequences, as well as for differences and frequency of its appearance in order to identify where the emphasis is in the data. After this stage, initial coded passages were grouped into large thematic categories, i.e., abstract concepts indicated and derived from the data which were assigned more abstract and inferential labels than in comparison to the codes generated at the initial stage of the data analysis (Merriam, 1998, Seidman, 1998). Finally, the thematic categories were one more time examined, sifted and search for common patterns and thread connections in order to be able to group

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them into larger cluster themes which in its turn were also given abstract labels.

V. Features of Life Skills Based Education in Moldovan Context Being placed within a particular historical, cultural, socio-economic context, LSBE in Moldova acquired a certain set of features. These features were identified during the first phase of interviews conducted with the stakeholders involved in the process of introducing LSBE in Moldova, and complimented by direct personal experience and observations in the field. Four features were identified during the first phase of the research they are: 1) stigma and intentional avoidance of usage of the term Life Skills; 2) strong connection with international organizations, aid agencies, local NGO‘s and youth centres, and weak linkage with the governmental agencies and state structures; 3) time factor constrain, and 4) diversity of Life Skills Education‘s contextual application. Most striking feature of LS in the Moldovan context that was identified during the field work is stigma and caused by it intentional avoidance of usage of the term LS. Stigma attached to the notion of LS in Moldova largely appeared as a repercussion from the scandal caused by the strong reaction from some parts of the Moldovan society as a response to the introduction of subject in the secondary education system. The situation created around LSBE in October 2005 right after the new subject was launched at the national level, was followed by the whirlpool of events such as public hearings, conferences, public appeals to the government, debates, mass media agitation. Intensified by parental banishment of children from school attendance, criticism of the LSBE guidebooks, particularly harsh criticism was directed towards guidebook for pupils of 5th -7th grade followed by complete withdrawal of all pupil‘s guidebook on LSBE for all school grades. All the above listed resulted in a rather strong negative image that LS received in the public eyes which is still present among some groups of the society after several years. To a certain extent an explanation of such a strong reaction towards LSBE could be rooted in the fact that issues as HIV/AIDS, STD, and sexual education are not discussed very much out in the open in Moldova and subtly regarded as taboo and shameful. Another feature of LS in Moldova identified during the field study was its strong connection with international organizations, aid 147

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agencies, local NGO‘s and youth centres, and weak linkage with the governmental agencies and state structures. This aspect was pointed out and stressed during the first phase of the interviews conducted with several key informants, i.e., a national consultant, former chief of the youth division of the Ministry of Education and former Vice Minister of Education. Such a strong connection to international organizations was linked to the initial the financial support to the subject coming from the Global Fund for HIV/AIDS, TB and Malaria with the condition that after two years LSBE would be introduced all over the country as a compulsory subject (from the interview with a national consultant). As stressed numerous times during the interviews conducted with informants, the idea of LSBE was not owned by Moldova or Moldovan Government but rather brought in by international organizations, agencies and civil society, and was largely connected to the financial support attached to it which was mentioned above. According to the former chief of the youth division of the MOE and former Vice Minister of Education, this factor played a weakening role in the process of implementation. Third feature is a time factor constrain connected to the channel of LSBE provision in Moldova i.e., through formal school curriculum, non-formal school curriculum and non-curriculum activities. It is very distinct that currently there is no unifying channel of LSBE provision since the subject is not compulsory but rather optional and various mechanisms are employed. For example, one of the channels is to incorporate it within the framework of optional Health Education lessons. The final feature identified as a characteristic for LS in Moldova is the diversity of its contextual application. LS in Moldova are employed within the wide range of contextual settings, the most common ones being livelihood, health and civic education. Livelihood programmes target five domains: human, natural, physical, social and financial (CRS, Sustainable Livelihood Frameworks, 2009).Civic education focuses on citizenships rights and obligations, active participation, decision making processes, etc.

VI. Findings The empirical findings of the case study are analysed and discussed through the prism of model of empowerment developed by Rowlands and, complemented by the theoretical concepts of critical pedagogy of Freire and key ideas of Habermas‘s Communication Theory. 148

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Particular emphasis is placed on the cluster theme ―Impact,‖ since it illuminates the role of LSBE education for both of the target groups of the research and answers one of the objectives of the study. Based on the empirical findings and its analysis through theoretical framework, it was found that the role played by LSBE for the two groups in focus of the research is rather distinct. As identified during the study, for the boarding school students (Case A) LSBE resulted in primarily obtaining and increasing of self-esteem, selfconfidence, finding of inner strength and change of self-image. The fieldwork showed that for Case a transformation predominantly occurred at the level of personal perception. The study suggests that student‘s low self-esteem and feeling of less value and inequality in comparison to other members of the society is largely connected and stemmed from the fact that they were living in a boarding school which are associated with a rather gloomy image and intensified by the attached label of socially disadvantaged background. It was identified during the study that by being peer educators and participating in LSBE trainings, interviewed boarding school students gained the inner strengths and self-confidence which according to all of the informants they all initially, i.e., before LSBE trainings, were lacking. Gaining self-confidence corresponds to the dimension of ―personal empowerment‖ in Rowlands‘ model and constitutes the foundation for gaining empowerment in other dimensions. Thus, according to Rowlands, personal empowerment plays the role of ―the ‗key‘ that opens ‗locks‘ on the empowerment door‖ (Rowlands, 1997, p. 111). Nevertheless, changes in other dimensions of empowerment, i.e., close relationships empowerment and collective empowerment were not so apparent for this group. In contrast to boarding school pupils, for secondary school participants (Case B) the study showed that LSBE/Health Education resulted primarily in changes within the domain of social skills and in particular, emphasis was put on communication and interaction with each other. The study showed that LSBE assisted students in becoming more open, tolerant and helped to improve interaction, group cohesion and understanding. In regard to Rowlands‘ empowerment model it represented interplay between ―empowerment in close relationships‖ and ―collective empowerment‖ dimensions. Empowerment in close relationships is identified by Rowlands as ―developing the ability to negotiate and influence the nature of relationship and decisions made within it‖ (Rowlands 1997, p. 15). The core values connected to relationships empowerment are: ability 149

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to negotiate, ability to communicate, ability to get support, ability to defend self/rights, sense of ‗self‘ in relationship and dignity (Rowlands 1997, p. 120). The collective dimension of empowerment is referred to empowerment within a group and identified as ―individuals working together to achieve a more extensive impact than each could have had alone‖ (Rowlands 1997, p. 15). The core values listed within this dimension are group identity, collective sense of agency, group dignity, self-organization and management. According to the analysis of empirical findings for the secondary school students, the decisive role in impacting the changes in communication and group interaction was assigned to the participatory teaching learning methods employed by LSBE/Health Education teachers and contextual relevance of the material for the student‘s needs and daily life. At the same time, even though as stated earlier, personal empowerment presents the basis for development of any other empowerment dimensions, in case of secondary school informants‘ reference to the changes that constitute the core elements of personal empowerment, i.e. self-esteem, self-confidence were not apparent. That could be connected and explained by the fact that even though to certain extend all school students were affected by the migration phenomenon nevertheless they grew up and lived within the comfort of home and family environment unlike the boarding school students.

VII. Conclusion This study brings attention to the positive role that LSBE played in empowerment of both groups of beneficiaries and suggests that the differences in the impact of LSBE on secondary school students and boarding school students are largely rooted in the informants‘ social environment. Findings indicate that the issue of Life Skills and Life Skills Based Education is a sensitive and laden one within the Moldovan society affected greatly by political, economic and sociocultural factors. This led to the fact that currently there is no continuous, compulsory Life Skills Based Education offered within secondary educational system in Moldova. It puts a strain on securing long-term continuity of skills development over a lengthy period of time and by this jeopardizes the time factor which is a vital element for any skills development and behavioural change. The study also finds that the role of Life Skills Based Education for the two groups in focus is rather distinct. For the boarding school participants Life Skills Based Education results primarily in increase of self-esteem, self150

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confidence, finding of inner strength and change of self-image. For the secondary school participants Life Skills Based Education impacts primarily participants social and communication skills. The differences in the role that Life Skills Based Education plays for both groups of the respondents are also examined through prism of their social environment and living milieu.

References Bender, C. J.G. (2002), Life Skills Programme for Learners in the Senior Phase: A Social Work Perspective. M.A. Thesis. University of Pretoria. Retrieved in February, 2010, from the World Wide Web: http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd11222002-110633/unrestricted/00front.pdf CRIC & UNICEF (2006).The Situation of Children Left Behind by Migrating Parents. Study Report. Chisinau: Imago. Catholic Relief Services (CRS) (2009). PowerPoint Presentation. The Sustainable Livelihood Frameworks. ECOSOC (2001). Life Skills for Youth in the Asia and Pacific Region. Retrieved in April, 2010, from World Wide Web: www.unescap.org/esid/hds/youth/hrdy3_6e.doc Freire, P. (2001). Pedagogy of the Oppressed. New York: Continuum. Fundaciónparalas Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE) (2006), Empowerment. Retrieved in February, 2010, from the World Wide Web: http://www.fride.org/download/BGR_IndiviCamb_ENG_dic06. pdf Government of the Republic of Moldova. Department for Youth and Sport.(2005). Youth Strategy 2006. National Resource Centre For Youth, Chisinau. Merriam, S.B. (1998). Qualitative Research and Case Study Application in Education. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Miles, M.B. & Huberman, A.M. (1994).An Expanded Sourcebook, Qualitative Data Analysis (2nded.). London: Sage Publications. Morrow, A. R. & Torres, A. C. (2002).Reading Freire and Habermas. Critical Pedagogy and Transformative Social Change.London: Teachers College Press. 151

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Rowlands, J. (1995). Empowerment Examined. Oxfam, UK, Retrieved in February, 2010, from the World Wide Web: http://www.scribd.com/doc/6897453/rowlands-empowermentexamined-1995 Rowlands, J. (1997). Questioning Empowerment.Working with Women in Honduras.Oxfam, UK Seidman, I. E. (1998).Interviewing as a Qualitative Research: a Guide for Researchers in Education and the Social Sciences.(2nd ed.). New York: Teachers College Press. UNFPA (2010).Supporting Adolescents and Youth. Education and Empowerment: Moving from Information to Action. Retrieved in April, 2010, from the World Wide Web: http://www.unfpa.org/adolescents/education.htm Vité, S.J. (2008). Empowered to Cope – Children Left Behind. Independent review of the ―Social Inclusion of Children Left Behind by Migrating Parents‖ Project, implemented by the Child Rights Information Centre (CRIC), Moldova Commissioned by Save the Children Sweden. Sweden: Save the Children WHO (2003).Information Series on School Health Document 9.Skills for Health Skills-Based Health Education Including Life Skills: An Important Component of a Child-Friendly/Health-Promoting School. Retrieved in December, 2008, from the World Wide Web: http://www.who.int/school_youth_health/media/en/sch_skills4h ealth_03.pdf

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Diploma Disease and Higher Education Reform During Economic Crisis: A Comparative Analysis of Diploma Disease in Thailand Before and after Higher Education Reform of 1999 Wanwisa Suebnusorn

I. Introduction Background As jobs depend more and more on certificates, degrees and diplomas, aims and motives of schooling has been changing. Schooling, which used to be for enriching intellectual and moral life of individuals, becomes ‗mere qualification-earning‘. In 1976, Ronald Dore saw this distortion and then spoke out against the ‗Diploma Disease‘ (See section 3.1). He claimed it was a waste of investment in education since it not only caused ‗qualification inflation‘, but also diminished full benefits of ‗real education‘ (Dore, 1976). Dore (1976) traced the significant causes of this change through the educational histories of Britain, Japan, Sri Lanka and Kenya and illustrated how the ‗late development effect‘ (See section 3.1) created such problem. He identified the growth of government bureaucracy as a key to the problem; however, in 20 years later he wondered if the reversible trend of government bureaucracy could mean the end of the so-called disease (Dore, 1997a). As Little (1997) also questioned when job markets become more internationalized and more social groups compete for positions within them; if Diploma Disease will become a thing of the past or will it re-emerge in the 21st century. The suitable answer may be the latter. Since Dore‘s original thesis in the 1970s, Brown & Lauder (2006, p.325) noticed that the situation has worsened because the worldwide expansion of higher education has taken place behind the slogan ‗Learning is earning‘. While education reform has been expected to alleviate the so-called disease, backwashes of a reform overwhelmed by neo-liberalism might prove the contrary. Education has increasingly responded to the commercialization which then put pressures on quality standards (UNESCO, 2006). Market ideology in education can also create opportunities for fraudulent providers of higher education and results in backwash effects such as ‗degree mil‘ (UNESCO, 2009). In addition, when jobs are scarcer at the midst of 153

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the economic recession, the on-going race of qualification accumulation in order to compete in global labour market tends to be more intensified (Varghese, 2009). Therefore, it is reasonable to take Dore‘s thesis into account and seriously investigate this phenomenon again. A combination of special characteristics and coincidences within the country become compelling rationales why Thailand was selected. More concretely; firstly, Thailand is a late developer, but it is different from countries investigated by previous research as it is never been colonized. Therefore, it is beneficial for examining the argument of Dore & Little (1982) which claimed that the tension of Diploma Disease is relative to influences of being later developed and colonialism. Secondly, Thai historical background was embedded in absolute monarchy and aristocracy before its transition to a meritocratic society. Bureaucratization which Dore claimed as the most important factor of Diploma Disease is then obvious in Thai society and creates its repercussion until today. Thirdly, the country implemented its education reform during both the economic crisis of the late 1990s and also the recent economic crisis of 2008.This coincidence interestingly facilitates a great opportunity to trace on impacts of education reform in time of an economic crisis to the Diploma Disease phenomenon. Most importantly, the consequences of Diploma Disease are noticeable in the country, and these situations have persisted while investing on ‗human capital‘ has become a basis for national self-reliance and competitiveness. Regrettably, in spite of placing education reform as a national priority, Thailand‘s development is stagnant (Chiengkul & OEC, 2010). Has Diploma Disease truly been a chronic problem in the Thai educational system? What is its situation before and after education reform of 1999 comparatively? When the knowledge gap of Dore‘ thesis is observable and when global and local needs comes together, it is apparent that research about Diploma Disease in Thailand is urgent. Aims and Objectives The overall aim of this research is to conduct extensive documentary research in order to comparatively examine the situation of Diploma Disease in Thailand before (1960-1998) and after (2000-2010) the higher education reform during the economic crisis of 1999. The purposes are to expand on knowledge of Diploma Disease in the 21stcentury and to analyse how the education reform had impacts on 154

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the situation. This aim can be achieved through specifically looking at the following objectives: 1.

To examine the concept and global situations of Diploma Disease by means of an extensive review of theoretical and empirical evidence from international previous research.

2.

To investigate and compare the situation of Diploma Disease in Thailand before (1960-1998) and after (2000-2009) the higher education reform during economic crisis of 1999 by means of secondary analysis of key statistics and qualitative content analysis of archival data.

3.

To analyse the validity of Diploma Disease thesis in the 21st century and in the context of Thailand

Research Questions In order to encompass the complex phenomenon of Diploma Disease, research questions were developed based on the central idea of its concept, ‗the late development effect‘ (See section 2.1). Therefore, the research question is: How has the situation of Diploma Disease been in Thailand before (1960-1998) and after (2000-2010) the higher education reform during economic crisis of 1999? More specifically: (i) How have educational certificates been widely used for occupational selection? (ii) How has the situation been of qualification inflation (i.e. a steady fall in the job getting value of any particular level of qualification)? (iii) How strongly have examinations oriented the Thai educational system?

II. Key Concept and Previous Research In this research, the ‗Diploma Disease‘ thesis guides research questions, data collections, and analysis. Therefore, this section illustrates the theoretical and empirical studies which are related to Diploma Disease. Also, how educational reform and economic crisis might affect the situation is then explored as the objective of this research is to compare the situation of Diploma Disease before and 155

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after Thailand‘s higher educational reform during the economic crisis of 1999. What is „Diploma Disease‟? ‗Diploma Disease‘ is the thesis which is developed by Ronald Dore in 1976 to indicate the interrelationship between education, qualification, and development. The process of Diploma Disease starts from ‗dualism‘ of developmental process which causes ‗structural inequality‘ of income between modern and traditional sectors. The bureaucratic use of certificates for job allocation leads to intense demand for schooling and certificates. From an economic standpoint, the desirability for and shortage of modern sector jobs results in oversupply of qualified personnel which then causes graduate unemployment and ‗qualification escalation‘, or ‗qualification inflation‘. These conditions finally drive demand for higher levels of education. As to educational aspects, such demand results in ‗examination-oriented schooling‘. Passing competitive exams to get certificates becomes the end of all learning. Finally, it delivers a labour market with semi-literate or de-motivated adults for employment. Irrelevant education for the jobs of an unsuccessful majority and deformation of minds and characters of a successful minority are also consequences. Thus, investment on education becomes wasteful (Dore, 1976; Dore & Little, 1982; Dore, 1997 a). The above-mentioned arguments were derived from Dore‘s diagnoses of England, Japan, Sri Lanka and Kenya. Based on this analysis, Dore (1976) proposed the central idea of the Diploma Disease thesis, ‗the late development effect‘. He noted that the later the point in world history in which a nation begins its modernization process, the faster the rate of qualification inflation and the more examination-oriented schooling becomes at the expense of genuine education. Diploma Disease is a widely cited thesis in the field of comparative education and development studies. As reviewed by Little (2006), some scholars applauded the novelty and intelligence of the thesis, while some critics viewed it pessimistic, exaggerated, and ethnocentric. However, between the original thesis in 1976 and the latest cohort of the research in 1997, limited amount of researches explored the validity of the original thesis and extended and revised it. Most of the research was conducted by Ronald Dore, Angela W. Little, and their colleges at the Institute of Development Studies (IDS), University of Sussex. 156

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Twenty years after the original thesis in 1976, the trends of Diploma Disease were revisited. Studies by Wolf (2002), Amano (1997), Little (1997), Cooksey & Riedmiller (1997), and Hargreaves (1997) examined Diploma Disease in England, Japan, Sri Lanka, Tanzania, and Egypt respectively. Their research promoted greater understanding of Diploma Disease in its fundamental factors and trends. Some research focuses partly on some of its problematic areas. For instance, Somerset (1997) indicated that improved examinations in Kenya supported, but did not subvert pedagogy. Brook & Oxenham (1984) stressed the danger of competitive external examinations through their comparative study of Mexico and Ghana. Fry (1981) suggested that certificates also offered positive effects such as a lowcost selection process for employers and psychological value of diplomas for students of disadvantaged social backgrounds. Furthermore, Lewin‘s (1984) study in Sri Lanka and Malaysia discovered a result which supported Dore‘s thesis that examinations conditioned the definition of relevant subject matter and curriculum objective. Little & Singh (1992) indicated that, in their case study in England and Malaysia, there was no negative relation between assessment orientation at school and innovation and creativity at work. However, in both countries, interest orientation at school was linked positively with fulfilment and innovation at work. With an insight from the above-mentioned research, Dore himself realized that several new factors resulted in changes to the Diploma Disease situation. In the 1970s, he did not foresee Thatcherism, Reagonomics, and the neo-liberal market individualist revolution. He found that the reversible trend of bureaucratization may not be the end of Diploma Disease. Economic globalization changes the nature and availability of work. Competition for qualifications and jobs is also more internationalized (Dore, 1997 b). In the words of Dore (1997 c), the Diploma Disease model postulated several causal connections which were not clearly supported by research evidence. The thesis constituted both an argument and an agenda for further research. This literature review suggests that validity of the Diploma Disease thesis and its elements depends on time and place of investigation. Therefore, an up-to-date in depth analysis of the phenomenon in specific cultural settings is needed.

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How Does Higher Educational Reform Affect Diploma Disease? As shown by the previous review of theoretical and empirical studies, the market ideology influencing higher educational reform since the 1980s can offer both some promising hopes as well as new challenges to Diploma Disease. First of all, the reforms might alleviate unemployment of graduates. Soresen (1999) reported that in Poland granting higher education a substantial measure of autonomy generated a system which was better responsive to societal needs. In addition, Lolwana (2007) posited that quality assurance has a chance to improve quality of education if a comprehensive intervention is designed and integrated within the agenda of education. It might be inferred that when supplemented with children-centred pedagogy emerging in the same period, ‗examination-oriented schooling‘ might lessen. The reform might pose several challenges to the Diploma Disease. First of all, there is a considerable alteration of public opinion towards higher education from the ‗public good‘ to ‗private good‘ as indicated by Altbach (1999). Second, as to what Slaughter & Leslie (1997) called ‗Academic Capitalism‘, when autonomous universities in the western world fear that they will have inadequate resources, they tend to expand their academic services. As a result, educational certificates might become devalued due to their increasing supply in the labour market. Third, the rationality of efficiency, calculability, predictability, and control termed ‗McDonalization‘ by George Ritzer in 1996 can lead to over-emphasis on quantifiable indicators such as grades and rankings. This then might aggravate ‗examination-oriented schooling‘. Last but not least, according to the concept of ‗Service University‘ proposed by Tjeldvoll & Blažėnaitė (2007), market requirements can bring universities to a major dilemma between the ideal of their academic freedom and their need for sufficient response to market demands. As a consequence, the Diploma Disease becomes more sophisticated and inspires more inquisitive research especially when an economic crisis induces additional pressures to educational system as illustrated in next section. How Does an Economic Crisis Impact on Diploma Disease? An economic crisis unavoidably affects Diploma Disease because it has repercussions in society at large and within higher education in several ways. The review of its consequences in international arenas during the East Asian economic crisis (e.g. Varghese, 2001; and 158

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Ablett & Slengesol, 2001) and the current global economic recession (e.g. Altbach et al., 2009; and Varghese, 2009) reveals several points which are related to Diploma Disease. First, the on-going race for educational certificates for job competition in the labour market might be of greater concern. This can be inferred from the rising demand for higher education during the crisis due to lack of jobs in the labour market. Second, during economic crises, pressure on educational budgets forced higher institutions to seek more income through expansion of their academic services since the budget from the governments was limited. This might also lead to the third concern regarding the slowdown of investment in learning facilities and the freezing of staff recruitment. Lastly, the lessened apprenticeship from companies due to companies‘ bankruptcy might decrease ‗learning to do a job‘. In conclusion, in light of the overall theoretical and empirical evidences guided by the review of literature, this research finds an inspiring gap for additional research on Diploma Disease in the 21st century and realizes that a reform of higher education as well as economic crisis might more or less had impacts on the phenomenon. Therefore, when Thailand began the new century with its ambitious education reform plan immediately after the East Asian economic crisis of 1997, a comparative analysis of Diploma Disease before and after this education reform during economic crisis is undoubtedly interesting.

III. Diploma Disease in Thailand: Major findings of the Study With the transparent and objective nature of quantitative research strategy, this research conducts a secondary analysis of official statistics such as the Labour Force Survey (LFS) and key educational statistics. The qualitative content analysis of several kinds of documents is also employed in order to search for factual information on what happened in Thailand and henceforth seeks for the latent content or the underlining meaning within texts written by various stakeholders of Thai society. The analysis is based on three major research questions associated with the ‗problematic‘ of Diploma Disease and focuses particularly on the higher education level. They are: how higher educational certificates have been broadly used for 159

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job selection process. How did the situation of qualification inflation? And how strongly have examinations oriented the Thai educational system? The Wide Use of Higher Educational Certificate as a Prerequisite for Jobs The Change in Educational Attainment as a Prerequisite for Jobs Thailand‘s dualistic development, the beginning of Diploma Disease‘s cycle, along with continuous explosion of its education has shaped the role of higher educational certificates as a prerequisite for jobs. The early stage of Thailand societal transformation corresponded with what Dore (1997c, p.2) described: ―the factories and offices and the clinics would at first limited in number: tiny bridge-heads of modernity in the sea of ‗traditional society‘… the secondary schools and universities ran, as it were, the immigration service for the modern sector bridge-head. They decided who was to be let into the modern sector bridge-head and provided the necessary orientation for a productive life within it.‖ This research contends that higher educational certificates have been widely used for job selection process in Thailand and certificates in this level become increasingly important as a prerequisite for several group of occupations after the education reform in the late 1990s. Since the 1970s until 2009 Thai labour market had been dominantly relied on a high percentage of non-higher education graduates. Nonetheless, the share of this group of labours were continuously reduced and replaced by those who completed higher education. The increasing trend of higher education graduates can be obviously noticed since 1990s onwards although it was sharply diminished in 2001. In the 1990s, before the educational reform, the percentage of higher education graduates increased double from 3.5 percent in 1992 to 8.2 percent in 1998. After the reform, the share of higher education graduates continued its rising trend, increasing 5.2 percent between 1999 and 2009 (See NSO, 1974; NSO, 1985, p. 484; NSO, 1992, p. 21; NSO, 1997, p. 20-23; NSO, 1998a, p. 20-23; NSO, 1999a, p. 16 and p.18; NSO, 2001, p. 18 and 20; NSO, 2009a, p. 101). Key factors contributed to this escalation were the change in occupational pattern of the Thai as well as an effort to widen educational opportunity due to the educational reform. The change in percentage of employed persons in each occupational group as presented in the following Table 1 and Table 2 160

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indicated that Thai economy had been moving towards industrial and services sectors, which eventually contributed to the rising demand for higher education degree as a prerequisite for entering to the labour markets. Four decades before education reform of 1999, Thai citizens steadily shifted their occupations from agricultural sector towards manufacturing sector and subsequently moved towards service sector with a slower leaving from agricultural sector in the 2000s. The first noticeable shift towards occupations in manufacturing sector was found since 1976 when the percentage in the occupational major group ‗Craftsmen, productive-process workers and labourers not elsewhere classified‘ increased from 6.8 percent in 1969 and 1971 to 8.8 percent in 1976.Afterwards, this group of occupation became the second largest share of employed persons until the end of 1990s. Table 1: Employed persons by occupational classification (As percentage of total employed persons) Whole kingdom, 1969-1999 Occupational Classification / Years 1. Professional, technical and related workers 2. Administrative, executive and managerial workers 3. Clerical workers 4. Sales workers 5. Farmers, fishermen, hunters, loggers and related workers / miners, quarrymen and related workers 6. Workers in transport and communication occupations 7. Craftsmen, productionprocess workers and labourers, not elsewhere classified 8. Service, sports and recreation workers 9. Workers not classifiable by occupation Total (in percentage) Total numbers (in thousands)

1969 (Jul-Sep)

1971 Jul-Sep

1976 JulSep

1981 JulSep

1985 JulSep

1996 May

199 8 May

1999 May

1.4

1.6

1.9

2.8

3.0

5.2

6.5

6.3

0.7

0.7

0.8

1.5

1.4

2.9

3.3

3.3

1.2

1.3

1.3

1.7

2.1

4.3

7.7

7.4

7.5

8.1

8.5

13.6

4.7 15. 4

79.3

79.3

75.7

72

68.5

42.2

39. 0

43.7

1.6

1.4

1.9

1.9

2.3

4.2

4.3

4.2

6.3

6.3

8.8

9.4

10.7

23.0

21. 4

19.0

1.8

1.7

2.1

2.6

3.5

4.5

5.3

5.1

3.8 14.6

0.0

0.1

0.0

0.0

0.0

0.1

0.0

0.0

100

99.8

100

100

100.

100

100

100

17,157.0

16,618.6

18,410. 9

24,365. 9

25,852. 5

30,373. 8

28,5 53.2

29,830 .6

Source: NSO (1987, p. 42 and p. 49); NSO (1997, p. 20-23); NSO (1998a, p. 20-23); and NSO (1999a, p. 22-25)

Note: a. Statistics for 1969-1985 are from data compiled by NSO (1987). Statistics for 1996-1999 are accumulated and calculated as percentage based on data from NSO (1997); NSO (1998a); and NSO (1999a) 161

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b. Statistics for 1969-1999 and 2001, 2005 and 2009are presented in separate table since occupational classifications were different. Namely, before 2001 LFS employed International Standard Classification of Occupation (ISCO) 1958 but since 2001 LFS employed ISCO 1988. c. NSO (2010b) explained that the small error of the sum of numbers and percentages were a result of the adjustment from more than one decimal to one decimal in the calculation process. Table 2: Employed persons by occupational classification (As percentage of total employed persons) Whole Kingdom, 2001-2009 Occupational Classification / Years 1.Legislators, senior officials and managers 2.Professionals 3.Technicians and associate professionals 4. Clerks 5. Service workers and shop and market sale workers 6. Skilled agricultural and fishery workers 7. Craft and related trades workers 8. Plant and machine operators and assemblers 9. Elementary occupations 10. Workers not classifiable by occupation Total (in percentage) Total numbers (in Thousands)

2001 (Apr-Jun) 7.2 3.9 3.8 3.4

2005 (Apr-Jun) 7.3 4.0 4.3 3.7

2009 (Apr-Jun) 2.8 3.9 4.0 3.8

13.3

15.2

17.7

35.6 12.3

31.3 13.1

34.8 12.7

8.2

8.4

7.8

12.1 0.0 100 31,388.3

12.6 0.2 100 34,674.5

12.4 0.1 100 37,689.4

The first highest shared percentage of employed persons worked in this group of occupation. The second highest shared percentage of employed persons worked in this group of occupation. The third highest shared percentage of employed persons worked in this group of occupation.

Source: NSO (2001, p. 22) NSO (2005, p. 101); and NSO (2009a, p. 102) Note: 0.0 means both none and less than 0.1

However, in the 2000s percentage of employed persons in occupational major group ‗Skill agricultural and fishery workers‘ did not indicate decreasing trend like before. The shares in the other 162

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occupational groups were also quite stable except the outstanding dropped of ‗Legislators, senior officials, and managers‘. The most observable gain was found among occupational major group ‗Service workers and shop and market sales workers‘ which finally reached 17.7 percent in 2009. It was forecasted that the most in need occupations in Thailand in 2010-2014 would be sale workers, professionals, and technicians (DOE, 2009a). The East Asian economic crisis of 1997 contributed to significant structural shift towards this trend. A research by World Bank (2000, p. 15-16) revealed that in the initial stage of the crisis, the service sector played an important role in moderating the adverse employment impact of the crisis, while in the later stage or first quarter of 1999 agriculture took over this role. In the first quarter of 1998, the net flow of workers out of agriculture slowed down dramatically. The labour market adjusted to the economic crisis by sharply reducing the agriculture-to-non agriculture labour flows that have characterized Thai economy during the 1990s and most likely for two or three decades before that. Another reason behind the increasing share of employed persons with higher education in the total employed persons was given to an attempt to expand compulsory education and higher education opportunity as demonstrated in Table 3. Table 3: Numbers and Growth Rate Of Total Labour Force By Level of Educational Attainment 1988, 1998, And 2008 After education reform of

Before education reform of 1999 Level of educational attainment

1988 Number (in

(in

1998

2008

Growth

Growth

2008

Number Percentage

thousands) Elementary and less

1999

1998 Number Percentage

thousands)

(in

Percentage

thousands)

rate

rate

(Percent)

(Percent)

24,359.4

83.2

23,435.0

70.7

21,898.0

57.1

-0.4

-0.7

1,843.7

6.3

4,093.6

12.4

5,824.5

15.2

8.3

3.6

687.7

2.3

1,470.8

4.4

3,637.8

9.5

7.9

9.5

805.1

2.7

1,023.0

3.1

1,251.9

3.3

2.4

2.0

Diploma

648.0

2.2

978.2

3.0

1,598.3

4.2

4.2

5.0

Undergraduate degree

883.8

3.0

1,989.1

6.0

3,666.0

9.6

8.5

6.3

Graduate degree

54.5

0.2

151.0

0.5

468.1

1.2

10.7

12.0

29,282.2

100.0

33,140.8

100.0

38,344.7

100.0

1.2

1.5

than elementary Lower secondary Upper secondary (academic) Upper secondary (Technical/vocational)

Total

Source: OEC (2010a, p. 213) Note: The statistics presented results of LFS conducted in the third quarter.

It shows that after the reform educational background of total labour force was generally raised. One reason was the change in the 163

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beginning of labour force status for LFS itself. During 1983-2000, labour force status for the survey started with age 13, but since 2001 it has been started with age 15 (Juntavich, 2000, p. 2), which does not cover elementary and lower secondary education age group. Nevertheless, the growth rate was high in upper secondary education (academic) as a result of free twelve years basic education. The highest growth rate was observable in graduate degree level, showing accomplishment in widening access to higher education up to the master and doctoral degree after the reform. In conclusion, it was evidenced that educational background of employed persons had continuously increased throughout five decades of Thailand industrialization process in lines with a series of NESDP. This was a consequence of the demand of economic development from the labour intensive economy to the capital intensive economy. In this respect, it is clear that those with higher education certificates were steadily certified as having qualified enough to serve the demand and who also increasingly played important role in Thai labour market. Occupational Options of Higher Education and Non-Higher Education Graduates The present study also seeks for a deep insight into the area of Thai labour market which higher education graduates were eligible to occupy by comparatively analyse statistics from LFS overtime. The LFS data presenting the relationship between educational levels and occupations can be possible to trace back particular to the second half of 1990s and the 2000s. Nevertheless, this is enough to yield several interesting evidences. As shown in Figure 1, the 1996 represented one year before the East Asian economic crisis; the 1998 represented the year Thailand severely suffered the economic crisis; and the 1999 represented the year of the education reform. In addition, in Figure 2, the 2001, 2005 and 2009 represented the early, the mid, and the last stages of the education reform of 1999 respectively. Figure 1 demonstrates that among nine major occupational groups based on ISCO-58, there was only one major group that dominantly occupied by higher education graduates and the trend was consistent over 1996, 1998, and 1999. It was ‗Professional, technical and related workers‘. Nonetheless, over the second half of the 1990s, several major groups were continuously filled by higher education graduates as well. This was most obvious among occupations serving the demand of service sector; namely, ‗Administrative, executive and 164

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managerial workers‘, ‗Clerical workers‘, ‗Sale workers‘, and ‗Service, sports and recreation workers‘. Figure 1: Employed persons by level of educational attainment and occupation Whole Kingdom, Second round survey (May) 1996, 1998 and 1999

Source: NSO (1997, p.20-23); NSO (1998a, p.20-23); and NSO (1999a, p.22-25)

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However, it does not mean that all those who worked for each occupation were employees and they were selected to enter into those occupations because of their educational qualifications. Therefore, further consideration on work status of employed persons in each major occupational group is mandatory. Statistics of employed persons by work status and occupation in municipal area of the whole kingdom in May of 1996, 1998, and 1999 (See NSO, 1997, p. 26; NSO, 1998a, p.26); and NSO, 1999a, p. 28) further indicates that, among five major groups filled by considerable percentage of higher education graduates, majority of employed persons in up to three groups i.e. ‗Professional, technical and related workers‘, ‗Clerical workers‘, and ‗Service, sports and recreation workers‘ were predominantly private and government employees with a higher percentage employed by private establishments. This implies that to be recruited into these occupations, employers selected higher education graduates for approximately 50 percent of job positions in occupational major group ‗Professional, technical and related workers‘ and increasingly replaced non-higher education graduates with higher education graduates in occupational major group ‗Clerical workers‘ and ‗Service, sports and recreation workers‘. As to ‗Administrative, executive and managerial workers‘, it was found that a half of them had work status as employers and majority were non-higher education graduates. Nonetheless, when proportion of employers in this group was reduced and replaced by government and private employees, the share of higher education graduates in this group continuously increased. This implies that to be able to be employed as ‗Administrative, executive and managerial workers‘ in government bureaucracies and private organizations, higher educational qualifications was increasingly significant. One reason that can clarify this point is the change in minimum educational qualifications of members in the National House of Representatives to be at least with a bachelor degree according to the 1997 constitution Section 107 Paragraph 3. As to ‗Sale workers‘, it was observable that a half of employed persons in this group had work status as own-account workers and approximately 91.7-94.1 percent of them were non-higher education graduates. However, it was noticed that when the percentage shared by higher education graduates escalated, employed persons in this group of occupation with work status own-account workers and employers also increased but private employees decreased and government employees remained stable. This signalled a promising 166

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sign of entrepreneurship among higher education graduates during the economic crisis. After the education reform, the following Figure 2 evidences that the share in percentage of higher education graduates showed its increasing trend in all ten occupational major groups classified according to ISCO-88. Among these, there were two major groups that continuously possessed by higher education graduates than nonhigher education graduates; namely, ‗Professionals‘ and ‗Workers not classifiable by occupations‘. As for the latter group, it implied two meanings; either the participants did not report their occupations or occupations that they reported were new occupations that could not categorized. LFS report did not provide details on exact reasons; therefore, this occupational major group shall not be included into the analysis. In general, there is equally consistent evidence to the case before the education reform of 1999 that considerable percentage of higher education graduates had been worked in five major groups, consisting of ‗Legislator, senior officials and managers‘, ‗Professionals‘, ‗Technicians and associate professionals‘, ‗Clerks‘, and ‗Service workers and shop and market sales workers‘. Among these, ‗Technicians and associate professionals‘ and ‗Clerks‘ previously occupied by non-higher education graduates but subsequently replaced by higher education graduates. These groups finally in 2009 were mainly filled by higher education graduates. Further captures the selection practice lying behind the result shown in Figure 2 through the statistics of employed persons by work status and occupation for the whole kingdom in 2001, 2005, and 2009 (See NSO, 2010c), it was observable that majority of ‗Professionals‘, ‗Technicians and associate professionals‘ and ‗clerks‘, were employees and their employers increasingly preferred higher education graduates. In 2001, 2005 and 2009 percentage of ‗Clerks‘ with work status as government and private employees were together average at 93.9 percent. When the share of higher education graduates in this group steadily increased to 55.5 percent in 2009 or eventually more than non-higher education graduates, it was clear that employers increasingly recruited higher education graduates more than nonhigher education graduates.

167

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Figure 2: Employed persons by level of educational attainment and occupation Whole Kingdom – Second round survey (April-June)

Source: NSO (2001, p. 22); NSO (2005, p. 101); and NSO (2009a, p. 102

The rising in percentage of higher education graduates in the group ‗Technicians and associate professionals‘ can also provide the similar message with ‗Clerks‘. Between 88.7 and 93.7 percent of employed persons in this group had work status as employees. In addition, in 168

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2005 and 2009 percentage of higher education graduates in this group were higher than non-higher education graduates, reaching at 60.9 percent in 2009. Nonetheless, it is interesting that when percentage of employees in this group of occupation decreased in 2009, the increase was found among own account workers which rose double from 3.9 percent in 2001 to 7.8 percent in 2009. This escalation together with the increase of higher education graduates implied two meanings. On the one hand, it may possible to infer that a considerable number of ‗Technicians and associate professionals‘ who may have higher education degree had their own business and became own account workers during the global financial crisis in the late 2007. On the other hand, it can be inferred that non-higher education graduates who had less chance to be selected as employees decided to become own account workers instead. As to ‗Legislator, senior officials and managers‘, it was noticed that during the selected years approximately 41.8 percent of them were employers. However, it was found in 2009 that percentage of own account workers in this group dramatically dropped from 39.4 percent in 2001 to only 2.0 percent in 2009. The gain in percentage was found instead among government employees that rose triple from 9.6 percent in 2001 to 31.9 percent in 2009. Percentage of private employees also increased double from 10.6 percent in 2001 to 22.8 percent in 2009. This may be inferred that the large public and private organizations with a number of employees could thrive well during the recent global financial crisis, while smaller enterprises of own account workers were severely affected. In addition, it was reflected that those government and private agencies tended to increasingly choose higher education graduates rather than non-higher education graduates into this occupational major group, noting the fact that between 2005 and 2009 percentage of higher education graduates increased up to 19.8 percent at the same time that percentage of nonhigher education graduates decreased 19.4 percent. One more occupational major group that was increasingly shared by a considerable proportion of higher education graduates was ‗Service workers and shop and market sales workers‘. The highest percentage of employed persons in this group were own account workers which rose from 39.4 percent in 2001 to 44.3 percent in 2009. On average, 22.8 percent of them were also private employees and 5.7 percent of them were government employees. The 5.5 percent increase of percentage of higher education graduates in this group of occupation between 2001 and 2009 may mean either employers 169

Diploma Disease and Higher Education Reform

preferred to selected higher education graduates than non-higher education graduates or these higher education graduates operated their small scale enterprises and work as own account workers. In conclusion, this research by the secondary analysis of LFS objectively discovered that throughout five decades of Thailand industrialization procedures, higher education graduates became increasingly important to Thai labour markets although Thai economy still depended on a larger proportion of non-higher education graduates. A comparatively analysis of the decades before and after the education reform of 1999 found that the occupational groups that increasingly filled by a sizeable percentage of higher education graduates were the groups consisting of professionals, technicians, legislators, administrators, senior officials, executive managers, clerks, service workers, sport workers, recreation workers as well as sale workers. Among these, occupations that occupied by a large proportion of employees were professionals, technicians and clerks, which were increasingly filled by higher education graduates. After the education reform, it was noticed in 2009 that these occupations eventually possessed by higher education graduates more than nonhigher education graduates, implying that their employers both the public and private organizations preferred to recruit those with higher education graduates than non-higher education graduates. For the sake of deeper insight into the significance of higher educational certificates as a prerequisite for jobs, the second group of inquiry was consequently raised into the perception of various stakeholders in Thai society towards jobs recruitment practice particularly from the points of view of new higher education graduates and employers. The analysis of research, survey and documents provide interesting results as presented in following section. Social Perception towards Higher Education Certificate for Employee Recruitment and Selection One of the most outstanding evidences reflecting a precious status of higher education degree from the recognition of the Thai in general has been the study choice of young students. As recorded in NESDP since the 1960s (NESDB, 1961; NESDB, 1969) but continues even in the most recent National Education Plan for 2009-2016 (OEC, 2010b), the chronic problem has been the preference on upper secondary education in academic/general stream as a part to obtain a university degree than studying in a vocational school. One of the factors contributed to this social value has been the differential of income, 170

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power and prestige of jobs occupied by higher education graduates and non-higher education graduates. Among higher education graduates themselves, those who completed a degree level generally obtained better jobs and income than individuals who completed only the diploma level. The concrete evidences can be for instance shown by striking disparity of private rate of return to different level of education (See Table 4) and income differential among individuals with various educational attainments and occupations (See Figure 3). Table 4: Private Rate Of Return To Particular Educational Levels Using Upper Primary As Opportunity Cost, 1985 – 2005 Unit: percent 1985

1990

1995

2000

2005

Educational degree Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

9.96

4.14

6.59

5.34

7.46

7.08

8.46

7.35

6.98

10.54

14.35

10.24

12.14

9.86

13.50

13.79

9.56

11.57

11.65

13.10

14.91

13.23

15.40

10.94

13.00

10.61

13.74

11.15

11.68

12.17

15.12

14.12

18.64

11.96

20.45

15.31

17.46

13.66

17.46

20.04

Certificate in upper secondary education (general/academic) Certificate in upper secondary (technical/vocational) Diploma in vocational education University

Source: Chalamwong and Amornthum (2001, p. 15) and Punyasavatsut (2008, p. 12)

Note: Chalamwong and Amornthum (2001) calculated the rate of return to education in Thailand for 1985, 1990, 1995 and 2000 by employing the basic Mincerian equation, but adding dummy variables such as location and marital status as control. Coefficients in the equation were estimated using the ordinary least square method, and the functions for men and women were estimated separately. Punyasavatsut (2008) then applied the same method to update the private rate of return to education for 2005. Unfortunately, this social value had been incompatible with the labour market‘s reality. Thai economy could not offer only whitecollar jobs. As a consequence, unemployment of higher education graduates increased from over 10 percent to 30 percent as a share of total unemployment between 1996 and 2005 (World Bank, 2010a, p. 60). The 2008 survey on Labour Demand of Establishment conducted by NSO (2009b) also revealed that there were91,192 unemployed 171

Diploma Disease and Higher Education Reform

Bachelor degree graduates while the demand for these graduates from the establishments in industrial and service sector was only 46,553 persons. Figure 3: Average monthly income by occupational classification 2004-2008

Source: DOE (2009a, p. 40)

When there had a plenty of higher education graduates entering to the labour market, the degree subsequently became just one among several additional requirements by employers. According to in-depth case studies of 20 private establishments conducted by World Bank (2001) during 1997-1998, 40 percent of the firms were concerned about education levels of all applicants. These employers expressed that they had to recruit those with at least a Bachelor degree to find English, computer skills, and problem-solving skill. The social perception that a university degree now becomes the qualification mostly required for jobs recruitment in Thailand might be influenced by the media such as classified advertisements in newspapers. The content analysis of classified advertisements in the eight leading newspapers in Thailand conducted annually by DOE revealed that the most demanded educational qualifications during the last five years has been the bachelor degree or higher (DOE, 2009a). This is misleading the actual demand of the overall labour market. As DOE (2007) pointed out, this might be because the establishments realized that newspaper is the niche channel for searching jobs of the highly-educated. Beyond the educational qualifications, the employers also seek for other characteristics within applicants. The national survey conducted by DOE (2009b) revealed that among four major groups of characteristics rated through five point scale self-completion questionnaire by establishments in industrial and service sector, the 172

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major group entitled ‗Professional ethics‘ and ‗Morality‘ were more demanded by the respondents than the major group ‗Academic competence‘ and ‗Basic knowledge and skills‘. As to the attitude of higher education graduates towards recruitment practice, one of the best evidences is the High Qualified Manpower Survey by mail questionnaires and a stratified systematic sampling covering the whole kingdom conducted annually since 1975 by NSO. The available survey reports which conducted among new higher education graduates of academic year 1991, 1996, 1997, 1998, and 2000 indicated that among ten choice items in the questionnaire, the Bachelor graduates considered that beyond academic competences gained during school, ‗Professional experience and special talent‘ was the most influential advantage for one to obtain a desired job. In addition, it is interesting that a factor entitle ‗Personality, appearance, self-confidence, and enthusiasm‘ was at first seen important from only 1.9 percent of graduates of academic year 1991; however, from the attitude of new graduates of academic year 1996, 1997, 1998 and 2000 this factor was viewed vital for employee recruitment by up to 17.2-20.9 percent of respondents. These similar patterns of answer were found among Graduate diploma, Master and Doctoral graduates as well (NSO, 1993, p. 50; NSO, 1998b, p. 35; NSO, 1999b, p. 35; NSO, 2000, p. 11; and NSO, 2002, p. 11). Recently, Suan Dusit Poll, conducted during January 2010 among various stakeholders consisting of 2,157 individuals throughout the kingdom, revealed that parents understood that graduates were not selected for jobs because of their graduation from non-prestigious universities and their unsatisfactory personality while teachers viewed that it was because students lacked of occupational skills. As to students, they thought that it was a result of the mismatch between fields of their graduation and the employers‘ demand. Last but not least, employers expressed that some graduates were considered disqualified due to their shortage of practical skills such as new technologies and English (Matichon, 21 January, 2010, p. 22). In conclusion, it was seen from this section 3.1.3 and the overall of section 3.1 that educational qualifications or more specifically the higher education certificate has not been the only one and all of the entire employee recruitment process in Thailand. Nevertheless, it is unquestionable that the higher education certificate has been much desired by the Thai in general since it has been widely employed for job selection process in the kingdom and becomes increasingly important as a prerequisite for several groups of occupations after the 173

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education reform. As reflected by the manuscript‘s original title ‗The scourge of Certificate‘ before changed to ‗Diploma Disease‘, Dore viewed this as a threat since this misallocation of social resource led to qualification inflation and degradation of the teaching-learning process. These backwash effects are examined in the following section 3.2 and 3.3, respectively. The Situation of Qualification Inflation In the word of Dore (1976) qualification inflation or a steady fall in the job-getting value of any particular level of qualification is a result of a faster growth of the school system than of the number of modernsector job opportunities. This research found that the phenomenon has been persisted in Thailand and Thai policy makers have been aware of this problem as evidenced through newspapers and reports etc. However, the concrete research to identify its scope and degree of seriousness are quite limited. Throughout five decades of Thailand industrialization process, the sign of unemployment among highly-educated workforce was first noticed during the third NESDP (1972-1976) or in contemporary period with Dore‘s thesis. While the rapid increase of the labour age group born in baby boom period of 1945-1960 entered to the labour market, jobs became scarce and difficult to find. The economy slowed down due to the internal political crisis (1973-1976), the withdrawal of the U.S. military troops after the end of Vietnam War (1957-1975), and the oil crisis (1973-1974). The government had put effort to create more jobs by intensive provision of education and training services, but the achievement was found in term of quantity, not quality and relevance. The lack of some kinds of labour force still existed such as doctors, agriculturalists, executive managers, and teachers. However, at the same time the unemployment among higher education graduates was obvious (NESDB, 1971; NESDB, 1976). NSO subsequently launched the first High Qualify Manpower survey in 1975 to track their unemployment situation, showing the government‘s awareness on this matter. The situation became worsen in the 1980s. The overall unemployment rate recorded at 3.7 percent in the second round LFS (July-September) of 1985 but it was perceived as severe by the Thai society in that time. There was a tendency that the new generations increasingly encountered unemployment and it was more severe in the urban areas than in the rural. Besides, it was found that unemployment rate was highest among mid-skilled and high-skilled labours. 174

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Unemployment rate of upper-secondary school graduates was recorded at 6.6 percent. Up to 9.7 percent of university graduates from technical/vocational track were unemployed. The corresponding figure for university graduates from academic stream was 6.4 percent while for those who had no schooling it was just 2.2 percent. Among those who finished elementary and less than elementary, the number was only 3.5 percent (NSO, 1987, p.51). According to the annual meeting report among university presidents of Thailand, this was a great social concern. Value among the higher education graduates in that time was mostly to work as government officials. Their second choice was to work as private employees but their preference on being the self-employed or entrepreneurs was limited in spite of the fact that many graduates came from a family that had their own home business. However, the government was able to recruit new staff only maximum two percent per year. Consequently, many graduates were unemployed. The picture that many graduates needed to work as sale workers on the sidewalks was perceived unacceptable by the society in general (AUPT, 1987). As noted by NSO (1987), it was generally understood in the 1980s that qualification inflation was existed. Nevertheless, NSO realized that the empirical evidence to prove this statement was limited due to shortage of data and the exact criteria for the measurement. During the sixth NESDP (1987-1991) and the seventh NESDP (1992-1996), Thailand experienced an exceptional economic growth. The unemployment problem was replaced by the problem of inadequate qualified labour force especially those who were competent in new technologies. In this emerging market-driven economy, the country had witnessed brain drain of qualified manpower from public universities and public sector to private sector (NESDB, 1991; NESDB, 1996). The private sector, which replaced the public sector as the major employers of higher education graduates since the 1980s, complained of the mismatch of graduate profiles and market requirements. Nonetheless, the private sector had to employ these mismatched graduates in this period of economic boom since there were no other alternatives on supply of higher education manpower (Kirtikara, 2005). Unfortunately, the rapid economic growth was considered as a bubble. In 1997, Thailand was faced with the East Asian economic crisis which resulted in severe unemployment and underemployment that were most prevalent among those who attained equal or less than 175

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elementary education. Among university graduates, their employment rate increased at the same time that the unemployment rate also increased especially in Bangkok. The employment rate of secondary and university graduates increased approximately 22-23 percent during 1996-1999 (World Bank, 2000, p. 27). However, the largest increase in unemployment also occurred among higher education graduates since the labour market was unable to generate additional employment to absorb new entrants into the labour market (Paramacom, 1999). Teerasawat (2002) and Teerasawat et al. (2003) examined underemployment in Thailand during 1996-2000 by employing the ‗Labour Utilization Framework‘, which was first proposed by Hauser (1974). The data from third quarter (August) of LFS in these years were analysed based on this framework and underemployment was divided in to four aspects consisting of: (i) involuntary part-time underemployment; (ii) voluntary part-time underemployment; (iii) skill underutilization underemployment; and (iv) low income underemployment. The research discovered that throughout these five years, 60 percent of employed persons in Thailand were fully-utilized. However, the underemployment or inadequate utilization of workers increased annually. The skill underutilization escalated yearly throughout the kingdom except in Bangkok in 1997. The study showed that skill underutilized workforce and unemployment persons had average age much lower than the remaining group of underemployed workforce but had average year of schooling much higher. This revealed that during the economic crisis a number of new graduates needed to accept jobs that were lower than their degree and many of them could not find jobs at all. It was obvious that majority of underemployed persons had work status as employers, own account workers, and unpaid family workers. Besides, skill underutilized underemployed persons had a unique characteristic or being in occupational major group ‗Sale workers‘. Therefore, it is able to infer that many graduates who were faced with frustration in finding jobs during the crisis coped with this problem by operating their own enterprises. By calculating the arithmetic means ( ) and standard deviation (SD) of year of schooling of employed persons in each occupational major group, the research employed the + 1 SD as the criteria to investigate and discovered that the education-related underemployed as a percentage of total labour force increased from 9.2 percent in 1996 to 14.8 percent in 2000. 176

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During this economic crisis period, the High Qualify Manpower survey conducted by NSO among new higher education graduates of academic year 1996, 1997, 1998, and 2000 additionally revealed the degree of skill underutilization underemployment from the point of view of the employed new graduates. Interestingly, from their eyes, it seemed that in general the new graduates with Bachelor and graduates degrees utilized their skills and knowledge from schooling for their particular jobs in the high and moderate level. Only a few reported that they did not employ their skill and knowledge gained through schooling for their jobs at all. Nevertheless, the situation of qualification inflation can be inferred since percentage of those who applied their skills and knowledge in high level was diminished while proportion of those who used their skills and knowledge in moderate and low level as well as not utilized at all increased during the survey years. The situation was more intense among Bachelor and Master Graduates noting that percentages of Graduate Diploma and Doctoral graduates who informed high level of skill and knowledge utilization were generally much higher than the corresponding percentage reported by Bachelor and Master Graduates (See NSO, 1998b, p.16; NSO, 1999b, p. 16; NSO, 2000, p.28; NSO, 2002, p.30). In order to comparatively examine the situation of qualification inflation particularly among higher education graduates in Thailand before and after the education reform of 1999, this study further conducted a secondary analysis of statistics from LFS by employing the concept of International Standard Classification of Occupation (ISCO) and ISCO skill level with reference to the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED). According to both ISCO-58 which was employed for LFS before 2001 and ISCO-88 which was employed for LFS since 2001, the ‗skill level‘ and ‗skill specialization‘ were identified as the main similarity criteria for arranging occupational into groups. However, the ISCO skill level for each occupational major group was applied only in ISCO-88 since the first ISCED was just created by UNESCO in 1976. ISCO-58 can provide assumption on educational qualifications of workers in each occupational major group only through its occupational description. With these limitations, instead of comparison the results of LFS before and since 2001 by comparing occupational major groups classified by ISCO-58 to occupational major groups classified by ISCO-88 in the manner of comparing major group by major group, the comparative analysis can be achieved through categorization of these major groups of occupations into three bigger groups. These were; 177

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(i) Occupational major groups which reference to education cannot be made; (ii) Occupational major groups which are clearly stated in ISCO-58 that most of individuals working for these occupational groups usually required training in a specific scientific professional field at university, technical institutes or similar establishment or occupations which require creativity in literature or art or talent in entertaining. This group also includes occupational major groups that ISCO-88 specified their ISCO skill levels in level 3rd and level 4th. In this research this group shall be called ‗higher education occupational major groups‘; and (iii) Occupational major groups which are not clearly stated in ISCO-58 as in the group number (ii). This group additionally covers occupational major groups that ISCO-88 specified their ISCO skill levels in level 1st and 2nd. In this research this group shall be called ‗non-higher education occupational major groups‘. Nevertheless, it should be aware that this does not imply that the skills necessary to perform the tasks and duties of a given job can be acquired only through formal schooling. The operational definitions of ISCO-88 skill levels as well as these three major occupational major groups developed in this research apply only where the necessary occupational skills are acquired through formal education. The analysis of Figure 4 can illustrate whether or not the higher education degree had fallen in job getting value during the second half of 1990s. It indicated that in the year of investigation 1996, 1998 and 1999, in general the situation of qualification inflation was more prevalent among higher education graduates from technical/vocational track than from the academic track. This can be noticed from the fact that on average of these three years, 74.5 percent of technical/vocational graduates had worked in non-higher education occupational major groups, most especially as ‗Clerical Workers‘ (28.2-34.8 percent) and ‗Craftsmen, production-process workers and labourers not elsewhere classified‘ (14.4-20.7 percent). On the other hand, the corresponding figure for higher education graduates from academic track was only 21.4 percent since more than a half of academic higher education graduates (54.9-60.8 percent) had employed in occupational major group ‗Professional, technical, and 178

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related workers‘ which was in the higher education occupational major groups. Figure 4: Proportion of Higher Education Graduates Employed In Each Occupation (As percentage of total employed persons with higher education) Whole Kingdom - Second round survey (May)1996, 1998 and 1999

Source: NSO (1997, p.20-23); NSO (1998, p.20-23); and NSO (1999, p.2225)

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Besides, it was noticed that higher proportion of academic higher education graduates worked in occupational major group ‗Administrative, executive and managerial workers‘ when compared to technical/vocational graduates. Even though reference to education cannot be made to this occupational major group, subjective judgment can be made and it can reflect high value on this group of occupations. According to ISCO-58, workers in this major group were elected for appointed as members of national and provincial legislative bodies. They were administrative and executive officials of national, provincial or local governments. As directors and managers they leaded private or public organizations (ILO, 1958). Nevertheless, the overtime comparison showed differently. Figure 4 further shows that during the economic crisis (1998) and the beginning of education reform (1999), the situation of qualification inflation compared to the year before economic crisis (1996) was alleviated among higher education graduates from technical/vocational track; however, it became worse among higher education graduates from academic stream. Percentage of higher education graduates from academic track in the non-higher education occupational major groups rose from 19.0 percent in 1996 to 24.1 percent in 1999 while percentage of technical/vocational higher education graduates in this non-higher education group diminished from 79.6 percent in 1996 to 71.0 percent in 1999. It might be due to the fact that the total number of employed academic higher education graduates increased 24.4 percent or approximately two times higher than the employed technical/vocational graduates which increased only 12.8 percent. As demonstrates by Figure 5, the situation of qualification inflation in the 2000s among higher education graduates from academic stream became more severe than before the education reform. Interestingly, it was on the contrary improved among technical/vocational graduates. Before the education reform, on average of three selected years 1996, 1998 and 1999, only 21.4 percent of academic higher education graduates had worked in the non-higher education occupational major groups. Nonetheless, in the 2000s, the percentage was recorded at 34.7 percent in 2001, 37.1 percent in 2005 and then rose to 45.6 percent in 2009. The most noticeable change was found in ‗Clerical workers‘ of ISCO-58 or ‗Clerks‘ of ISCO-88. In the selected years of 1990s, percentage of academic higher education graduates worked as ‗Clerical workers‘ was only 4.0-4.7 percent, while in the selected years of 2000s up to 180

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15.0-17.6 percent of them became ‗Clerks‘. Although tasks of ‗Clerks‘ in ISCO-88 was more complicated than ‗Clerical workers‘ in ISCO58, ‗Clerks‘ was specified its ISCO skill level at only level 2nd or with reference to ISCED at first and second stages of secondary education. Figure 5: Proportion of higher education graduates employed in each occupation (As percentage of total employed persons with higher education) Whole Kingdom Second quarter (April-June) 2001, 2005 and 2009

Source: NSO (2001, p. 22); NSO (2005, p. 101); and NSO (2009a, p. 102)

It is interesting that the situation became worse in the 2000s after the education reform. It is understandable that qualification inflation became more intense in 2009 due to the impact of the global financial crisis and the current internal political crisis. Nevertheless, during the mid of decade, the GDP annual growth was recovered reaching at 4.6 percent from -10.6 percent in 1998. Unemployment rate also decreased from 5.0 percent in 1998 to only 2.0 percent in 2005 (NSO, 1998, p. 7; NSO, 2005, p. 99; and World Bank, 2010b). Besides, political situation in this time was impressively stable. Therefore, it is reasonable to view that rapid increase of higher education graduates was the reason behind the more severity of qualification inflation. This was most especially when the situation became more severe among higher education graduates from academic track but it was alleviated among the technical/vocational education graduates. However, it should be noted that the qualification inflation during both before and after the education reform had been predominantly seen among technical/vocational higher education graduates than academic higher education graduates. In conclusion, similarly to the World Bank (2008), this research insisted that the inverse relationship between education level and 181

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unemployment rates as predicted by ‗human capital theory‘ does not hold true for Thailand. The unemployment share of higher education graduates has been generally increasing. In addition, qualification inflation has been persisted and the phenomenon after the education reform of 1999 became increasingly severe among academic higher education graduates. As for technical/vocational higher education graduates, the overall of situation in 2000s was much better than during the economic crisis; however, in general it was still much more serious than academic higher education graduates. Regrettably, the qualification inflation has been prevailed at the same that skills shortage remains one of the main problems of the Thai labour force. Thus, it is clear that the arguments raised by policy makers regarding the rapid expansion of higher education and its irrelevance to the labour market after the education reform might be one of the factors contributed to this devaluation of the higher education degree. Nonetheless, as pointed out in Matichon (30 June 2010, p. 6), the production units depending on the highly-educated workers of Thai economy remain unable to compete well with the labour intensive units. Therefore, this problem can also be solved by restructuring of Thai economy. Examination-Oriented Schooling and Its Implications for Reform Examination-oriented schooling is one of problematic areas of Diploma Disease which most demand a critical analysis from an educational perspective. In the process of qualification, ―the pupil is concerned not with mastery, but with being certified as having mastered. The knowledge that he gains, he gains not for its own sake and not for constant later use in the real situation – but the once-andfor-all purpose of reproducing it in an examination. And the learning and reproducing is all just a means to an end – the end of getting a certificate which is a passport to a coveted job, a status, an income‖ (Dore, 1976, p. 8). As appeared in research, reports, journals, newspaper, and conferences etc., examination-oriented schooling has been a chronic problem in Thai education. Many efforts have been made to combat it. The teaching and learning reform was also placed as the heart of the education reform of 1999. Regrettably, some achievements were found but not enough to eliminate this social concern. According to AUPT (1987), it was widely accepted by Thai higher education specialists that university in Thailand in the early of the 20th century was not established from the thirst for knowledge of 182

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the Thai, but from the demand for high calibre manpower. With the late development effect as Dore argued, Thai university was not a liberal arts college producing cultured man like in the western world. Thailand was not rich enough to create a university mainly for such purpose. The role of university in Thailand was predominantly to teach students to rapidly absorb western knowledge by rote instead of facilitating their self-research seeking for new knowledge. In addition, the content of teaching was limited to what really needed for vocational purposes especially for working in the newly-established bureaucracy. Since the modern education system began at the same time that government positions were first filled through competitive examinations, education was unavoidably viewed as preparation for a career and its repercussion was mentioned; for instance, in documents written since the end of the 1960s by e.g. Saihoo (1969), Sinlarat (1969), Sunhachawee (1969), and Kedutat (1969). In this onset of industrialization process, the government and new industrial business admitted only those who had educational background training for the jobs. Thus, the curriculum content in schools was necessary to reflect the demand of those employers and consequently did not devote proper attention to broader intellectual and physical development of students. It was observable that greater weight was being given in the academic stream to mathematics, science, and English than to civic affairs, ethics, arts, and physical education. Education was perceived limited to learning at schools and the school system continued to depend mostly on a person‘s ability to memorize notes in order to pass the examinations required for certificates. In higher education level, Korman (1990) added that the shortage of professionals during the first NESDP (1961-1966) forced the universities to concentrate principally to academically equip students in order to serve the demand of the economic development plan at the expense of their morality and critical thinking skills. The curriculum reform of 1978 was then intended to play a major role in improving the weakness of educational policy of the 1960s and 1970s which bias towards preparation of upper secondary students for higher qualifications. This represented a key break with the past. Secondary schools now became comprehensive, with a diversified curriculum merging the academic and vocational stream which was self-contained at each level. The terminal grade examination administered nationally was abolished and testing and examination were instead administered internally by each school. This 183

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curriculum reform was on the whole successful and the diversified curriculum showed to be not only desirable but also practicable in the Thai system. Nevertheless, throughout the 1980s there was still a tendency for students to press for tertiary entrance. As a result, rather than producing graduates for middle-level market demands, the education system was instead producing students who preferred to use their secondary qualifications as a stepping stone to tertiary entrance (World Bank, 1989). At the higher education level, there was an introduction of liberal art education or general education for at least 30 credits of the Bachelor curriculum in the 1974. The ultimate goal was to produce all-round developed graduates with essential knowledge and intellectual skills in order to enable them to enhance their well-being as well as social well-being. Regrettably, a classroom for these subjects was too big consisting of 500-600 students. The instruction was then mostly based on one way communication lectures and students‘ memorization for written tests (AUPT, 1987). Following rapid economic boom, together with the government policy at that time to ‗Transform the battlefields into fields of commerce‘, contributed to the concept of manpower production to meet the dynamic exigency of the labour market in the age of globalization in concrete measures. There was an attempt to reviving the forgotten path of learning. Thai higher education subsequently commended student activities as instrument for enhancing learning ambience. MUA had played a catalytic role in pushing forth such movement as can be seen from the national seminars on ‗Thailand‘s Ideal Graduates‘ or ‗New Dimension for Developing Higher Education Students‘. In addition, during preparation for the reform movement at the end of the decade, the MUA, MOE and ONEC had jointed efforts in experimenting with the criteria for new student selection system by giving greater weight to the students‘ cumulative Grade Point Average attained in their upper secondary education. Such initiative was aimed at increasing equal opportunity, decrease undue pressure from students‘ competitiveness, and paving the way for higher education institutions to select students in accord with their own philosophy and practice (Nakornthap, 2001). In spite of the above-mentioned initiatives throughout four decades under the series of the National Education Development Plan which developed as an integral part of the NESDP, the obsession with higher education qualifications had created both educational and social problems. Up to the education reform of 1999, Thai education in general had regularly been criticized for its rote teaching style and 184

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intense competitiveness which many students were forced to enter to obtain prized school and university places (Walsh, 2004; Tangchitsomkid, 1996). As to the learning by rote, Wasee (1998) criticized that the Thai aristocratic society contributed to this nonadaptive education system. It made learners more familiar with being followers than being leaders and tended to memorize more than think constructively. ONEC (2000) added that this practice had deteriorated Thailand‘s human capital development through education which irrelevant to students‘ aptitudes, interests, and their real life. As a result, Thai education had been lagged behind for a long time in the global arena. MOE additionally realized that the competitive entrance examination for each articulated educational levels had been the trouble makers of the Thai education system. It not only distorted learning process, but also led to inequality in society since public schools and universities that had higher educational standards and charged low tuition fees were usually occupied by well-off children who could afford special tuition (Nitungkorn, 2001). Moreover, it forced many students to attend cramming schools. As reported in Daily news (29 July 1999, p. 13), the Council of Rajabhat Institutes emphasized that this had been a serious national problem because it moved students away from arts, music, sports and various kinds of extracurricular activities that facilitated their happiness and holistic development. Therefore, throughout ten years of the education reform of 1999, tremendous efforts had been devoted to the reform of teaching and learning. Key policy included the promotion of children-centred pedagogy, introduction of authentic assessments, as well as continuous attempts to improve the university admission system. Regrettably, this dimension of Diploma Disease remain exist. In the transformation period of the learning reform, several endeavours were made largely at the basic education level; however, not very many efforts had been registered at higher education. It seemed that university lecturers are preoccupied with the technical or content aspect of education rather than the learning process (Kirtikara, 2005). Even at the basic education level which new pedagogy was more put into practice, the competitive selection into HEIs undermined this achievement. The research entitled ‗Values Affecting Coaching of Secondary School Students‘ conducted by Kawlaeird (2001) in Hat Yai District during May-October 1999 discovered that students still decided to attend cramming schools since they believed 185

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that it could facilitate more chance for them to win in university entrance examination. Interestingly, these students viewed that children-centred approach implemented in schools could not offer them enough knowledge and skills to apply in the university entrance test especially on mathematics and science. In addition, a national scale research by Bawarnkitiwong (2002) regarding impacts of the new entrance examination system on various stakeholders through quantitative survey and in-depth interview during 2001 found that the respondents viewed that the integration of upper secondary school grades into the entrance examination results pressed students to focus more on grades. Although this new entrance examination was arranged twice a year aiming to relieve students‘ stress by allowing them to choose the best scores to submit, many students oppositely gained more stress. Finally, this entrance examination was replaced by the Central University Admission System (CUAS) in 2006. At the end of 2000s, there was a public initiative to reform Thai education again. Various actors then reviewed the performance of Thai education under the comprehensive reform of 1999 and became disappoint. The two keywords were still reiterated; (i) teaching and learning to the exams and (ii) learning for certificates. Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva expressed in his speech regarding ‗Directions and Policies of Thai Government for the Second Decades of Education Reform‘ on 14 May 2009 that the reform of 1999 is not successful. Admission system to HEIs is incompatible with instruction in basic education level. No matter how much curricula and instructions in the basic education have been changed, Thai education system is still overwhelmed by the value winning in the competitive university admission system (Phra Nakorn Si Ayutthaya Rajabhat University, 2009).Several evidence and many critics agree with his statement. For example, the research department of Krungthai Bank analysed that cramming school business would steadily growth, noting the fact that in 1985 there were 171 tutorial schools with 31,748 students. In 1999, the figures reached 572 schools and 147,093 students. Finally, in 2008 it rose to 1,072 schools with 291,817 students. The market value of this business cost up to 6,900 million baht in 2009 (Chaosod, 13 July 2010, p. 30). A number of students also need to attend special tuition with their only kindergarten age (Daily news, 11 June 2009). However, Sompong Chitradap from Faculty of Education, Chulalongkorn University noted that while many urban students are facing with stress and become demoralized because of too much special tuition, more concern is that up to 186

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150,000 vulnerable students around the kingdom need to drop out from schools (Matichon, 4 April 2010, p. 7). Surrounded by new education reform movement and social concern on backwash effects of cramming, many professionals such as Priyakorn Pusawiro further wondered whether students really learn anything from the current government-sponsored Tutor Channel. Whenever she tune into the channel, she saw only teachers providing hints on how to pass exams or how to do exams faster. As a university lecturer, she frustrated with this practice since she often found many students who came to the Faculty of Engineering with high math scores but they cannot apply their math skills most of the time (The Nation, 8 March 2010, p. 15 A). This seems that it is hardly to eliminate examination-oriented schooling from the Thai education system although CUAS has replaced the traditional entrance examination since 2006. Moreover, Sommit (2010) studied impacts of the Ordinary National Educational Testing (O-NET), one component of CUAS, on teaching behaviour of teachers in Bangkok by mixed method research in 2009 and discovered that teaching to the exams existed. A half of teachers (52.91 percent) reported that they employed the O-NET test for their teaching and 46.36 percent admitted that they prepare lessons according to what required for the test. The learning for certificates remains prevail among some group of individuals. Chira Hongladarom, the Secretariat of Foundation for International Human Resource Development shared his concern on this matter in a seminar on ‗Reform of Thailand Begins with Reform of its Education‘ that the education reform of 1999 led to changes of structures of MOE but it did not achieve the reform of teacher and educational personnel in MOE. Thai people rapidly enrolled for Master and Doctoral level but quality of graduates was relatively low especially for their critical thinking skills (Thai Post, 11 March 2009). In this respect, many universities and their councils are said to have abused their authority in an attempt to compete commercially, eradicating the quality of graduates. Some universities act as a rubber stamps or only approving what they are proposed (The Nation, 5 July 2010, p. 15 A). It was consequently noticed a wide spread of awarding fake certificates (Charernwongsak, 2007). According to Chaosod (27 April 2010, p. 30) and Visalaporn (2005), graduate thesis writing business was also observable. This became a serious social concern showing the lack of professional ethics of graduate students. Rajabhat Suan Dusit then launched a survey on public perspectives towards this matter throughout Bangkok 187

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metropolitan region in 2004. This public poll revealed that 89.79 percent of respondents believed that this misconduct really happened in Thailand. As to its causes, 36.91 percent thought of students‘ time constraint because many students also had a full time job. 31.69 percent of respondents viewed that it was because many students were not skilful enough for graduates work while 20.02 percent of the sample insisted that it was due to those students lacked of interest for research-based learning. Besides, 11.38 percent believed that those students attended the graduate program merely because of motivation for higher income. They accordingly did not want to do a research by themselves (Chaleysub, 2004). In conclusion, this study insists that it is difficult or almost impossible to combat an over desire for a higher education degree in Thai society although the quality of those who possess it, is nowadays questionable and the degree does not always act as a valid visa for job with high income, power and prestige. It is hard to measure or differentiate whether students enrol higher education because of their thirst for knowledge or merely for a piece of certificate. However, over generation and generation, several Thai students are still expected to win in the university admission system. No matter how much the selection practice and criteria has been change, examinationoriented schooling persists even after considerable efforts made to promote learner-centred pedagogy and holistic development of students.

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Cooksey, B. &Riedmiller, S. (1997). Tanzanian Education in the Nineties: Beyond the Diploma Disease. Assessment in Education: Principle, Policy, and Practice, 4(1), 121-136. Daily news (2009, June 11).Thai Children Get Bored, Stressed, and Unhappy because of Cramming ( ).Daily news, p. 13. (In Thai). Daily news (1999, July 29).Rajabhat Emphasized Cramming is a National Threat ( ). Daily news, p. 13. (In Thai). Department of Employment (DOE) (2007).Labour Market Information 2007 ( 2550). Bangkok: DOE. (In Thai). Department of Employment (DOE) (2009a).The Labour Demand Forecast for 2010-2014 ( 2553-2557). Bangkok: DOE. (In Thai). Department of Employment (DOE) (2009b).A Study of Qualifications of Employees Required by Employers and Qualification of Employers Required by Employees in Industrial and Service Sectors ( การ). Bangkok: DOE. (In Thai). Dore, R. (1976). The Diploma Disease: Education, Qualification, and Development (1sted.). London: George Allen & Unwin. Dore, R. (1997a). The argument of the Diploma Disease: A summary. Assessment in Education: Principles, Policy & Practice, 4(1), 23-32. Dore, R. (1997b). Reflections on the diploma disease twenty years later, Assessment in Education: Principle, Policy, and Practice, 4 (1), 189-206. Dore, R. (1997c). The Diploma Disease: Education Qualification and Development (2nded.). London: Institute of Education, University of London. Dore, R. & Little, A.W. (1982).The Diploma Disease: A Resource Booklet for the Film. Brighton: Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex. Fry, G.W. (1981). Degreeism: Disease or Cure? Higher Education, 10(5), 517-527. Hargreaves, E. (1997). The Diploma Disease in Egypt: Learning, teaching, and the monster of the secondary leaving certificate. 190

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Varghese, N.V. (2001). Impact of the Economic Crisis on Higher Education in East Asia: Countries Experiences. Paris: IIEP: UNESCO. Varghese, N.V. (2009). Globalization, Economic Crisis and National Strategies for Higher Education Development. Paris: IIEP. Visalaporn, S. (2005).The Problems of Instruction in Graduate Level: Educational Administration Degree ( ). Bangkok: Office of the Education Council. (In Thai). Walsh, J. (2004). Educational Policy under ThaksinShinawatra(Paper for Presentation at the ICE Conference at Hat Yai District, Songkla Province in August 2004), Retrieved November 22, 2009,From http://dspace.siu.ac.th/bitstream/1532/518/1/REP187 %202004.pdf Wasee, P. (1998). Education Reform: Enhancement of Intellectual, A Way of Survival ( : ทางรอดจากความหายนะ). Bangkok: Sodsri-Saritwong Foundation. Wolf (2002). Does Education Matter? Myths about education and economic growth. London: Penguin. World Bank (1989).Educational Development in Thailand: The Role of World Bank Lending. Washington: World Bank. World Bank (2000).Thailand Social Monitor: Thai Workers and the Crisis. Retrieved April 5, 2010. From http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTTHAILAND/Resources/SocialMonitor/2000jul.pdf World Bank (2001).Thailand Secondary Education for Employment. Retrieved July 28, 2010. From http://wwwwds.worldbank.org/external/default/WDSContentServer/WDSP/ IB/2001/09/18/000094946_01090504005581/Rendered/PDF/mu lti0page.pdf World Bank (2008).Thailand Social Monitor on Youth: Development of the Next Generation. Retrieved June 15, 2010. From http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTTHAILAND/Resources/3 33200-1097667766090/2008mar-social_monitor.pdf World Bank (2010a).Thailand Social Monitor 2009: Towards a Competitive Higher Education System in a Global Economy. Retrieved April 1, 2010. From http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTTHAILAND/Resources/f ullreportsocialmonitorresize.pdf 197

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World Bank (2010 b).World Development Index 2009: Thailand. Retrieved September 18, 2010. From http://data.worldbank.org/country/thailand

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Community Participation in Children‟s Education in Chronic Refugee Situations: The Case of Rohingya Refugee Camps in Bangladesh Youjin Chong Introduction Background of the Study During the last quarter century, half of the world (83 of the 162 independent countries with total populations >500,000) has experienced war and other forms of armed conflict (Marshall & Cole, 2008). Still, there are fifteen significant on-going armed conflicts throughout the world (Infoplease.com, 2010). As a result, it is estimated that today there are more than 9.7 million refugees and 1.7 million people who live in refugee-like situations (UNHCR Global Appeal, 2010). Moreover, half of the people are children (Rutter, 1998). There are seventy-two million children out of school worldwide and over half of them, thirty-nine million children, lived in conflictaffected fragile states (International Save the Children Alliance, 2010). Worse, up to 90% of internally displaced children who live outside of the refugee camps of the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees cannot get access to education in armed conflict situations. The result is that they remain illiterate (Muñoz, 2008). The children cannot start school or, if they do enrol, they tend to drop out of school. Yet, once their basic shelter and food needs are met, education becomes the most important pursuit for them (Refugee Council, 2005). They realise from their bitter experiences that education is the power that they will never lose no matter what the circumstances. Also, education provides them with hope and they believe that education is a major factor toward stabilising their lives as they return to their home or begin a new life in a new country. According to an analysis of civil conflicts that happened during the period 1965-1999, the civil conflicts were concentrated in countries with a high rate of illiteracy. Only 45% of young male students in those countries took secondary education (Collier, 2006). Of particular importance in this regard, Collier (2006) points out that "a country which has ten percentage points more of its youths in schools—say 55% instead of 45%—cuts its risk of conflict from 14% to around 10%" (p.6). Furthermore, there are three notable statistical factors 199

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pertaining to the benefits of education in emergency and conflict situations. Firstly, every additional year of formal schooling for male students can return up to a nearly 20% reduction in conflict involvement. In the case of post- conflict reconstruction situations, persons of voting age who possess a primary education are 1.5 times more likely to prefer democratic governments than people with no education. People with a secondary education are three times more likely to support democracy (Basic Education Coalition, 2010). Secondly, every year of schooling increases both men's and women's wages up to an average of 10% (International Save the Children Alliance, 2010). Thirdly, increased levels of quality in basic education for a country lead to a reduction of conflict. It can also lead to an annual growth rate of 5% which has the same stabilising effects as one year of schooling (Basic Education Coalition, 2010). Education is still underfunded in proportion to need and to other humanitarian aid sectors. According to the International Save the Children Alliance (2010, p. ix), "Between 2006 and 2009 education represented on average 4.2% of immediate emergency needs, yet it received only 2.3% of the funding available. In 2009, just 31% of emergency educations funding requirements were met. What is worse is that over 80% of international humanitarian funding does not include education as part of the humanitarian response. Currently only Canada, Denmark, Japan, Norway, and Sweden have policies that support education in emergencies (International Save the Children Alliance, 2008). In practice it is almost impossible for the state or aid agency to bear alone the responsibility of educating the children with such scarce resources available, and this especially reduces the quality of education in these situations (Brown, 2001). Community participation is therefore crucial for facilitating the education of children in conflict related emergencies and post-conflict reconstruction situations. 1.2 Aim and Objectives of the Study The overall aim of this study is look at how a refugee community participates in the children's education in the chronic refugee situation, and its influence on their children's education. From this point of view, the two Rohingya refugee camps that are located in Bangladesh were chosen as a setting for the study. By comparing these two refugee camps, this study takes a closer look at the three aspects: (1) the forms of the refugee community participation in the children's education in the refugee camp, (2) the factors that affect community 200

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participation in education in the chronic refugee situation, and (3) the effects of the community participation on the children's performance in school. 1.3 Significance of the Study As enacted by the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (1948) and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), every refugee child has the right to education as do all other children, even if they are in an emergency situation. Furthermore, beyond the right to receive education, the quality of education is a chief concern to be addressed. In this sense, first, this study will highlight the current educational challenges Rohingya refugees faced in their chronic refugee situation. Second, it should provide useful insights into the challenges faced by the chronic refugee situation in educational development. Furthermore, the findings from this study will serve as a helpful guide for further research on refugee education. 2. Key Concepts 2.1 What is Education in Emergencies? The ultimate objective of education is to provide the knowledge and skills that a pupil needs in life in order to attain a better quality of life. In the case of education in emergencies, the ultimate objective of education is not any different. The overall objective of education for the children is focussed on four educational priorities. Firstly, through participation in educational activities such as singing, dancing, and games and sports with their peers and teachers, children can revitalise a sense of normality and stability to their lives and rekindle hope for the future. Secondly, through the acquisition of education in emergency and conflict situations, children can learn about the way their society functions, their rights, and their duties (UNHCR, 2003). The third priority is to provide lifesaving skills such as how to get health care and how to protect oneself against HIV/AIDS and sexual abuse. Lastly, the fourth priority should enable these children to secure their personal economic outlook and gain cognitive skills through literacy and numeracy skills (INEE, 2010). 2.2 Strengths and Weaknesses of Refugee Schools in Emergencies Once refugees obtain their basic necessities of life such as shelter, food and water, education for children becomes their top priority. A refugee community starts to gather their school age children and find 201

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suitable people from the community to teach their children. This is the beginning of many refugee schools in emergency situations. The refugees would gladly offer their time, labour, and even money to build schools for their children. Refugee teachers would even be willing to teach children with little or no wages in return. Such motivation and desire for education is the prominent strength of the refugee school (Brown, 2001). There are four great weaknesses of refugee schools for which urgent action is needed. Firstly, there is unequal access to and inadequate educational opportunities for girls, children with disabilities, children living with HIV/AIDS, and ethnic minority children. Secondly, just like parents who bring up their children in a stable country, refugee parents also expect good quality education. When they believe that the education is worthwhile for their children, they invest in their children's education (International Save the Children Alliance, 2010). However, in practice, poor quality education is a great weakness of refugee schools. Brown (2001) has pointed out that the main cause of the poor quality of education is directly linked to the poor quality of teachers. Thirdly, in conflict situations, schools are easily targeted by armed groups. School curriculum is modified to brainwash the children (International Save the Children Alliance, 2010). Lastly, a lack of financing for education is a major obstacle for refugee schools in emergencies. 2.3 Community Participation in Education in Emergencies According to Williams (1997), community support for education is grouped into three main areas of activities: (1) managing school performance, (2) supporting the instructional program, and (3) contributing toward school resources. These activities can be subdivided as requiring monetary support or non-monetary support. Monetary support signifies the presence of fundraising activities, fees, and levies in order to meet a shortfall in public financing. Nonmonetary community support involves the attendance in a SMC and PTA meetings and providing voluntary labour for school construction and maintenance (Adam, 2005). In the case of a community within a conflict and/or post-conflict reconstruction situations, there may be financial difficulties so nonmonetary support is a practical, realistic, and important factor for a refugee community's activities in education. The community broadly plays three crucial roles in educating the children in that circumstance. Firstly, in terms of managing school performance in emergency and conflict situations, community education committees and parent 202

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teacher associations cooperate with the head-teacher and school staff members to generate and steer the school improvement plans through regular meetings. They can also work with community groups and administrators in order to solve problems such as teacher and student absenteeism owing to the timing of food and water distribution, etc. (UNHCR, 2003). Secondly, the provision of formal support such as volunteer teaching assistants or after-school tutors, are crucial factors towards improving children's academic achievement. However, when considering the low level of education of the community, especially in developing countries in emergency and conflict situations, the capacity for community participation in the formal instructional program is quite limited. This can, however, still play an important role in providing support for the instructional program through informal channels (Adam, 2005). Community education committees and parent teacher associations organise voluntary systems to visit homes for the purpose of promoting children's regular school attendance, preventing school dropouts, and particularly for promoting girls' education. They can even encourage the parents to feed the children before they go to school in the morning and offer information on how provide time and an adequate environment for home study (UNHCR, 2003). Thirdly, in terms of contributions to school resources, the community provides voluntary labour for the construction, maintenance, and repair of schools and for school security. 2.4 Factors that Influence Community Participation in Education With regard to factors which have an effect on community participation in children's education, Watt (2001) pointed out that demand is an essential prerequisite for community participation in education. If a community does not have a clear desire and goals for making a better educational environment, then the community will be limited and any community-based education programs will likely be inconsistent. In Adam's view (2005), a community supports their local school in order to accomplish an educational objective that could not be reasonably achieved without that community and school partnership. People in the community will take action to reach an agreement and form a basis for judging what the reasonable and logical choices are. In this regard, the context and the type of educational concerns of the community depend on demographic, social, economic, and the religious characteristics of the community (Salami & Kpamegan, 2002). That is to say, a rational perspective 203

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based on community's particular circumstances toward participating in education is the one of the most important factors for promoting a community's effective collaboration. The World Bank (1996) points out that in reality schoolteachers do not always welcome parental involvement in school. For this very reason, the roles of the School Management Committees and the Parent Teachers Associations are likely to be limited to provide supplementary financial support only. Viewed in this light, it should be noted that the refugee and/or displaced people's community could hardly bear the financial resources. On this basis, community participation in education within emergency and conflict situations becomes more limited. Furthermore, the refugee and/or displaced people's community which will have a low average level of education tends to rely on teachers for information on the problems faced by the school and the children's education. Thus, participation of the refugee community in education is greatly affected by the parents' relationships with the teaching staff of the children's school. As Bray (2001) points out, it is not easy to prove conclusively the sole effects of community participation on children's education since many other internal and external factors affect children's education. However, proceeding from what has been put forward above; it is needless to say that community participation is the one of most important factors that affects children's learning. In light of this it is hardly surprising that the state or aid agency needs to build partnerships with a community based on clear educational objectives for their children; this will also build credibility between the school and the community in emergency and conflict situations. 3. Research Approach and Methodology 3.1. Research Strategy This study began with four hypotheses to describe the status of refugee community participation in education in chronic refugee situations and to look at the influence of community participation on children's performance in school: (1) where the level of community participation in education is high, the better the children's academic achievement; (2) where the level of community participation is high, the higher the children's demand for studying in school; (3) the better the socioeconomic status of the community, the more the community puts emphasis on children's education; and (4) where there is a better relationship between school and the community, the more the 204

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community participates in schooling. In order to verify the four hypotheses, two major variables were used: students' performance in school and community participation in education. The students' performance in school is the dependent variable in the study. It is measured by the children's academic achievement and their demand for education which is indicated by enrolment, dropout rates, and their reasons. Conversely, community participation in education is the independent variable. As an independent variable of the study, it is divided into five categories: (1) the educational environment of the community; (2) the forms of community participation in education; (3) the level of community participation in children's education; (4) the characteristics of the community in terms of socioeconomic status; and (5) the relationship between the school and the community. That is, through analysis of the relationship between the children's performance in school and the independent variables, those factors that affect community participation on children's education in chronic refugee situations and how children's performance in school is influenced by community participation in education were analysed. 3.2. Data collection and Analysis This study is based on a combination of quantitative and qualitative research methodologies to emphasise the strengths and to supplement the weaknesses in order to reduce the risk of biased interpretations. The study was conducted during a period of three months, from June to August 2009. 3.2.1. Samples and Sources of Quantitative Data Three types of secondary quantitative data were collected. Monthly and quarterly progress reports on the basic education program from Research, Training and Management International (RTM Int.) which is a partner of UNHCR and UNICEF. Secondly, unpublished reports on education from UNHCR Bangladesh were used to compare the educational environment of the two refugee camps. Thirdly, for the analysis of the characteristics of the two communities, an unpublished report entitled the Rapid Appraisal of the Livelihood Capability of the Refugees: Kutupalong and Nayapara Refugee Camps were used. Closed-ended questionnaire surveys were conducted with parents and teachers. Within each camp, twenty school teachers and twenty parents participated in the survey. They were selected through purposeful and random sampling with the assistance of the camp education officers to include some members of school management 205

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committees and the parent teacher association. The survey was conducted in the schools and in the UNHCR field office. The parent questionnaires focused on the level of concern for the children's education, the level of satisfaction with the schools, their relationship with the school, and the extent of involvement in the parent-teacher association and school management committee. Also, the teacher questionnaires centred on the ideas of community involvement and collaboration, and their level of satisfaction with the school that they teach. Several questions involved teachers' relationship with students, with the students' parents, and with the community and the extent of involvement in the development of the school. With regard to the content analysis of the aforementioned survey, PASW Statistics 18 was used. 3.2.2. Sample and Source of Qualitative Data The qualitative in-depth analyses focused on field observations and interviews with focus groups in order to support and explicate the meaning of the quantitative data. In terms of interviews in the field, structured interviews with the teachers and parents were conducted. Secondly, within each camp, there were semi-structured interviews with twenty-five students in the camp school. The students were selected through random sampling with the assistance of the camp education officers. The student questionnaires focused on the level of desire for education, the level of satisfaction of the school they attended, the level of satisfaction with the student representatives, and the relationship with school teachers and their parents. Thirdly, a semi-structured interview with the school management committee and members of the parent-teacher association were done. The questions here focused on the main agenda of the SMC and PTA meetings, the roles of SMC and PTA toward the development of the educational atmosphere, and the challenges they face in participating in the meetings. Fourthly, with regard to the interviews with two UNHCR community service officers and four camp education officers, openended questions were conducted in the UNHCR field office. The questions focused on their roles in educational development in the camps, their perception of community participation in education, and the challenges they face in their attempt to develop and manage educational development.

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4. Analysis and Interpretation of Research Findings The Community Participation and Children's Performance in Schools The refugees who have been in the two Rohingya refugee camps fled from the Northern Rakhine State of Myanmar to Bangladesh at the end of 1991 and early 1992. Over the eighteen years since, they have lived in two refugee camps: Kutupalong and Nayapara (ILO & UNHCR, 2008). Even though they have lived in two different camps, they have the same cultural, historical, and ethnic backgrounds. By the end of July 2009, 39 228 Rohingya who were registered as refugees with the UNHCR, have resided in two camps in Bangladesh: Kutupalong (11,084) and Nayapara (28,144) (UNHCR, 2009). Since fleeing Myanmar, the Kutupalong and Nayapara camp schools have received aid from UN organisations and international NGOs for teaching and learning materials, facility costs, and sanitation facilities for the last 18 years. Moreover, both camp schools are run by UNHCR and UNICEF. Both refugee communities have participated in children's education through the same type of non-monetary support: (i) the school management committee, (ii) the parent teacher association, and (iii) the interactive popular theatre. Due to similar circumstances, the activities and main agenda of the PTA and SMC for both camps were similar. Both communities have been concerned about school attendance, dropouts, learning, and the equal distribution of school materials.

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Community Participation in Education in Refugee Situations Table 4-1 Community‘s Interest and Participation in Education Parents/Guardians' Participation in Education

Strongly Agree

19

Agree

1

Neutral

0

Disagree

0

Strongly Disagree

0

Strongly Agree

17

Agree

0

Neutral

0

Strongly Disagree

3

Never

2

A little

2

Often

16

None

3

2 or More

14

One

3

Interested

15

Somewhat Interested

5

0

Count (n=20)

Little Interested

Camp

How often Interesting PTA do you in child's Want to know Want to volunMeeting talk with academic more about my teer at child‘s (Participa- your achievechild‘s school school tion) child‘s ment teacher?

2

3

0

12

10%

15%

0%

60%

95%

3 15%

5%

14 35%

0%

3 7.5%

0%

3 7.5%

0%

0 0.0%

42.5%

0 0%

0.0%

13 65%

0.0%

7

7.5%

80%

0

10%

15%

11

55% 0 % 35%

10%

70%

9 45%

15%

15 75%

75%

3 15%

25%

2 10%

0%

Count n=20) % of Total

% of Total

K T P

N Y P

Source: RTMI (2009d-i)

208

Youjin Chong

In terms of the level of community participation in children's education, there was a marked contrast between the camps. KTP has higher level of community participation in education. About 70% of KTP parents/guardians participated in PTA meetings two or three times during the last three quarters of 2009 whereas 55% of NYP parents/guardians did so. In terms of concerns about their child's school and education, KTP parents showed more interest than the NYP parents (see Table 4-1). KTP parents' keen interest in their children's education is also demonstrated by their visits to their children's schools. Once there, the parents not only talk with their child's teacher but they also observe the teacher's teaching skills and behaviour in the classroom. In terms of devotion to school needs, 90% of KTP parents showed a strong passion for participating in voluntary work at their child's school when the school needed their help, while only 60% of NYP parents/guardians had shown such interest. Table 4-2 Trends in KTP & NYP Formal I Students Academic Achievement in 2009 KT P

A B C D

Bangla 1st 2nd 1st 2nd NY Ex Ex- Change Ex- Ex- Change P am am am am % % % % % % 2 2 -1 A 20 28 +8 1 0 3 3 +8 B 21 35 +14 0 8 3 2 -4 C 31 24 -7 1 7 1 1 -2 D 28 12 -16 8 6

1st KT ExP am %

Math 2nd 1st 2nd NY Cha Cha Ex- nge Ex- Ex nge P am am am % % % % %

A 16 17 +1

A 18 26 +8

B 31 36 +5

B 20 40 +20

C 36 26 -10

C 28 25 -3

D 18 21 +3

D 33 9 -24

English Burmese 1st 2nd 1st 2nd 1st 2nd 1st 2nd KT NY KT NY Cha Cha Ex Ex- Change Ex- Ex- Change Ex- Ex- nge Ex- Ex nge P P P P am am am am am am am am % % % % % % % % % % % % 2 3 A +13 A 28 39 +11 A 23 18 -5 A 26 15 -11 2 5 2 3 B +4 B 24 28 +4 B 29 31 +2 B 24 27 +3 8 2 3 1 C -14 C 23 23 0 C 33 51 +18 C 27 36 +9 1 7 1 1 D -3 D 25 10 -15 D 16 0 -16 D 23 22 -1 9 6 *Grade: A: 80% and above marks, B: 60–79% marks, C: 40–59% marks, D: below 40% marks Source: RTMI (2009d-i)

209

Community Participation in Education in Refugee Situations

When looking into the relationship between the level of community participation and students' performance in school, the level of participation did not significantly affect the children's academic achievement in either camp (Table 4-2). KTP has higher level of community participation in education but 2009 exams results showed that academics overall improved for both camps that year. Regarding enrolment rate, there was percentage decrease in both camps. However, when comparing the 2009 attendance rate trends, there is an inter-camp difference. KTP's attendance rate was higher than for NYP (see Table 4-3). Where the level of participation is high, the students' demand for studying in school is also higher. However, when comparing numbers of dropouts, there were more in KTP. The reason for the high number at KTP was due to an increased loss of interest for school studies (see Tables 4-4 & 4-5). When comparing the school infrastructures in detail, there is a significant disparity between KTP and NYP. Firstly, in terms of student/teacher classroom ratios, NYP's is 1:37.7, while KTP's is 1:30.5 (the recommendation is 1:40). Secondly, whereas nine out of the ten schools in KTP have one pair of latrines each, only one out of the nine schools in NYP has a pair of serviceable latrines. KTP has more instances of adequate space for construction of a teachers' room than in NYP. Based on the quality of school facility, KTP schools have a better educational environment than NYP. However, even though the infrastructure of the KTP schools is better than for NYP, the KTP community's satisfaction with the overall quality of camp schools was notably lower (see Table 4-6).

210

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Table 4-3 Attendance Rate

Attendance Rate From January to October in 2009 Camp Class

Change Oct. Avg. Since Jan. Aug. Sep. Feb. % % % % %. % % % % 98 92 88 89 93 81 88 89.8 -10 Feb. Mar. Apr. May Jun. Jul.

Play Pre96 91 95 93 93 81 86 primary Formal 98 98 91 93 90 77 81 I No No Data KTP Formal Data 93 87 87 90 88 75 79 II NFPE I NFPE 88 78 76 77 76 65 71 II Total 94.6 87 87.4 88.4 88 76 81 Play 99 77 82 84 89 88 81 Pre98 80 80 84 89 86 85 primary Formal 96 76 77 80 89 84 77 I No No data NYP Formal Data II NFPE I 92 73 74 81 88 82 83 NFPE II Total 96.3 77 78 82.3 89 85 82 *** No NFPE I in KTP & No Formal II & NFPE II in NYP

211

90.7 -10 89.8 -17 85.6 -14

75.9 -17 86.1 -14 85.7 -18 85.9 -13 82.7 -19

81.9 -9

84.1 -15

Community Participation in Education in Refugee Situations

Table 4-4 Number of Student Dropouts Number of Student Dropouts Camp Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May Jun. Jul. Aug. Sep. Boy No 0 6 4 0 12 64 KTP No Data Girl Data 0 0 1 0 5 51 Total 0 6 5 0 17 115 Boy No 0 6 0 0 48 49 No Data 0 0 0 27 48 NYP Girl Data 0 Total 0 6 0 0 75 97 *Including erroneous double shift entry and resettlement Source: RTMI (2009d-i)

Oct. 0 0 0 0 0 0

Table 4-5 Reasons for School Dropouts Reasons for School Dropouts KTP % NYP % Grow up 29.9 Work 22.4 Work 20.9 Resettle 21.5 Resettle 14.9 Transfer to other school 15.4 Lack of motivation to 11.2 Replacement 12.6 study at camp school Transfer to other school 9 Grow up 10.7 Don't know 8.2 Lack of motivation to study 9.3 at camp school Unseen 1.5 No reason 1.9 Madrasah (Islamic 1.5 Madrasah (Islamic religious 2.3 religious schools) schools) NGO work 3 NGO work 0.9 100% Dead 0.9 Unseen 0.5 Computer training 0.5 Married 0.5 Mad 0.5 Source: RTMI (2009b) 100% It was observed that that the low quality of the schoolteachers directly influenced the KTP community's satisfaction with their children's schools. According to an RTMI assessment report, the performance of KTP teachers is markedly lower than in NYP (Table 4-7). The low quality of the schoolteachers has effects on the purpose of community 212

Youjin Chong

participation in children's education. KTP parents' visits to the schools had a tendency for observing the teachers' teaching skills. Furthermore, KTP parents themselves wanted to participate in the area of schooling in order to change their camp's educational environment rather than depending solely on the school teachers. The low confidence levels between the schools and the community lead to the community's negative opinions about their children's schools. This serves to explain why there were more students in KTP who dropped out of school due to low motivation. Also, the low confidence in the quality of the schoolteachers explains why the academics of the KTP students were comparably lower in spite of the higher level of community participation in education. 4.1 The Community Participation in Education and Relationship with Their Children's School Although the KTP community desired participation in their children's schooling, KTP parents and school teachers also felt that their community was not very involved in planning or the evaluation of school activities. The KTP community also felt that the school teachers did not highly value their participation in schooling, while the opposite was true for those of NYP. In terms of the teachers' views of their own participation in school development, NYP teachers felt that their contribution was valued highly and a large proportion of KTP teachers showed a negative response. Irrespective of the level of community participation in education, the NYP community has confidence in the value of their participation in education through experiences of positive involvement. Its positive experiences with participation in schooling may effect on the community's satisfaction with their children's school. Furthermore, the NYP children's performance in school may be directly or indirectly affected by the community's positive atmosphere about their children's school. There is no clear relationship between the level of community participation in education and the relationship between school and the community. 5.The Community Participation in Education and SocialEconomic Circumstances of Community There is a significant socioeconomic disparity between KTP and NYP (Table 4-10). NYP has significantly more middle class households 213

Community Participation in Education in Refugee Situations

compared to KTP so the NYP community was in a more stable economic condition for participation in education. However, the NYP parents' interest and participation in the education of their children was less than in KTP. Much of this may be explained by the sphere of economic activity of the community. NYP is nearer to the local host community where they can work outside of the camp. Under the influence of this surrounding environment, the NYP refugees are more engaged in the economic activity outside the camp. Judging from this surrounding environment, this might have partly explained why the level of participation of the NYP community in the education of their children is less than the KTP's. Furthermore, the NYP students' main reason for dropouts is linked with this circumstance. Especially interesting from this point of view is that the NYP students' academic achievement seems to be also linked to this situation: NYP students' achievement was improved in Bangla and mathematics in comparison with the KTP students the prior year. Specifically, the NYP students placed emphasis on Bangla and mathematics, since these skills can be used during outside work. In chronic refugee situations, there are no further educational opportunities for children after primary education. This is not only in the camp but outside too. Worse, the degree is not endorsed by the Government of Bangladesh. Thus the Rohingya refugee parents and children opt to work outside the camp rather than study. 6. Conclusion By looking into two Rohingya refugee camps, both under a long-term refugee status for 18 years, we witnessed the refugee community systematically participating in children's education not only through PTA/SMC actions but also with an enlightenment troupe. The greatest reason refugee communities have a desire to participate in school just like any normal community is their aspiration to create a better educational environment. That factor that the communities' participation becomes the cause of inferior school education, resulting in a distrust of the quality of teachers, should be focused upon. This distrust could endure and furthermore induce negative schoolcommunity attitudes. Consequently, the negative attitudes became the key factor that led children to lose interest in studying at camp school and ultimately drop out. 214

Youjin Chong

The situation was regarded as denying education above the elementary level due to the non-endorsement by the Government of Bangladesh and thus compelled refugee parents and children towards practicalities despite the opportunity to study. The problem might not be only limited to the Rohingya refugee camps. Since 15 conflicts are currently ongoing (lasting, on average, >10 years each), further steps should be taken beyond simply building refugee camp schools and providing school supplies. Lack of opportunity for receiving proper schooling or for training teachers could result in those with long-term refugee statuses having no choice but to give up even that low level of education. References Adam, F. (2005). Community Participation in School Development: Understanding Participation in Basic Schools Performance in the Nanumba District of Ghana. University of Bergen. Basic Education Coalition. (2010). Building Security Through Basic Education. Retrieved April 6, 2010, from the World Wide Web: http://www.basiced.org/images//building%20security%20throug h%20education.pdf Bray, M. (1996). Decentralization of Education: Community Financing. Washington, D.C: The World Bank. Collier, P. (2006). Economic Causes of Civil Conflict and their Implications for Policy. Retrieved May 20, 2010, from the World Wide Web: http://users.ox.ac.uk/~econpco/research/pdfs/ EconomicCausesofCivilConflict-ImplicationsforPolicy.pdf ILO & UNHCR. (2008). Rapid Appraisal of the Livelihood Capability of the Refugees: Kutupalong and Nayapara Refugee Camps. (unpublished draft report), UNHCR, Bangladesh. Inforplease.com.(2010). Ongoing War. Retrieved April 6, 2010, from the World Wide Web: http://www.infoplease.com/ipaA0904550.html INEE. (2010). The History of INEE. Retrieved May 26, 2010, from the World Wide Web: http:// www.ineesite.org/index.php/post/about/ International Save the Children Alliance. (2008). Delivering Education for Children in Emergencies: A Key Building Block for the Future. Retrieved November 18, 2009, from the World Wide Web: 215

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http://www.savethechildren.org/publications/rewrite-thefuture/delivering_education_emergencies.pdf International Save the Children Alliance. (2010). The Future is Now: Education for Children in Countries Affected by Conflict. Retrieved November 18, 2009, from the World Wide Web: www.savethechildren.org.uk/en/docs/The_Future_is_Now_low_ res.pdf Marshall, M. & Cole, B. (2008). Global Report on Conflict, Governance, and State Fragility 2008. Retrieved November 18, 2009, from the World Wide Web: http://www.systemicpeace.org/Global%20Report %202008.pdf Muñoz, V. (2008). Promotion and Protection of All Human Rights, Civil, Political, Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Including the Right to Development: Right to Education in Emergency Situations. Retrieved November 18, 2009, from the World Wide Web:www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/11session/ A.HRC.11.8_en.pdf Refugee Council. (2005). Daring to Dream: Raising Achievements for 14 to 16 year old Asylum- seeking and Refugee Children and Young People. Retrieved April 12, 2010, from the World Wide Web: http://www.refugeecouncil.org.uk/Resources/Refugee%20Coun cil/downloads/researchreports/RaisingachievementOct05.pdf RTMI. (2009b). Learner Drop-Out Information. (unpublished) Research, Training and Management International. RTMI. (2009d). Monthly Progress Report-June, 2009 on Basic Education Program in Rohingya Refugee Camps, Cox's Bazar. (unpublished) Research, Training and Management International RTMI. (2009e). Monthly Progress Report-July, 2009 on Basic Education Program in Rohingya Refugee Camps, Cox's Bazar. (unpublished) Research, Training and Management International. RTMI. (2009f). Monthly Progress Report-October, 2009 on Basic Education Program in Rohingya Refugee Camps, Cox's Bazar. (unpublished) Research, Training and Management International. RTMI. (2009g). Quarterly Progress Report on Basic Education Program in Rohingya Refugee Camps, Cox's Bazar (January-March, 2009, Second Quarter). (unpublished) Research, Training and Management International. 216

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RTMI. (2009h). Quarterly Progress Report on Basic Education Program in Rohingya Refugee Camps, Cox's Bazar (April-June, 2009, Third Quarter). (unpublished) Research, Training and Management International. RTMI. (2009i). Quarterly Progress Report on Basic Education Program in Rohingya Refugee Camps, Cox's Bazar (July-Sept, 2009, Fourth Quarter). (unpublished) Research, Training and Management International. Rutter, J. (1998). Refugee in Today's World. In J. Rutter & C. Jones (Eds.), Refugee Education: Mapping the Field (pp. 13-32). Trentham Books. Salami, N. & Kpamegan, G. (2002). Benin. In ERNWACA & SARA (Eds.), A Transnational View of Basic Education: Issues of Access, Quality and Community Participation in West and Central Africa (pp.61-92). Washington DC: USAID UNHCR. (2003). UNHCR Education: Field Guidelines. Retrieved April 6, 2010, From: http://www.unhcr.org/protect/PROTECTION/40586bd34.pdf UNHCR. (2009). Criteria for Selecting School Management Committee. (unpublished), UNHCR, Bangladesh. UNHCR. (2010). UNHCR Global Appeal 2010-2011. Retrieved April 6, 2010, from: http://www.unhcr.org/ga10/index.html#/home Watt, P. (2001). Community Support for Basic Education in SubSaharan Africa. Retrieved November 27, 2009 from: http://siteresources.worldbank.org/AFRICAEXT/Resources/Co mmunityfinal. Williams, J. H. (1997). Improving school-community relations in the periphery. World Bank (1996). Staff Appraisal Report, Republic of Ghana Basic Education Sector Improvement Program. IBRD Report No.28045-GH. Washington DC: World Bank.

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INDEX A

C

Accountability, 6, 100, 101 Achievement, ii, viii, ix, 7, 10, 17, 28, 37, 56, 80, 81, 86, 90, 94, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 139, 174, 185, 203, 204, 205, 208, 209, 210, 214 Administration, 21, 97, 100, 116, 121, 197 administrators, 123, 170, 203 adult education, 67, 85, 90 adult literacy, 85 Agriculture, 25, 78, 82, 83, 88, 89, 90, 92, 98, 99, 101, 102, 104, 109, 110, 111, 163 American, i, viii, 16, 19, 20, 39, 40, 48, 50, 105, 117, 137, 138 Assessment, 16, 19, 28, 85, 95, 96, 122, 123, 124, 125, 129, 130, 136, 139, 157, 188, 190, 191, 195, 212

capacity, vi, vii, 35, 41, 46, 47, 49, 81, 82, 142, 203 challenges, 25, 27, 49, 56, 74, 89, 90, 119, 120, 121, 122, 141, 142, 144, 158, 201, 206 children, x, 55, 66, 67, 76, 84, 85, 86, 108, 113, 119, 122, 125, 126, 127, 128, 134, 135, 142, 147, 158, 185, 186, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 209, 210, 212, 213, 214, 215 China, i, viii, ix, 20, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 87, 88, 90, 96, 97, 98, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 114, 115, 116, 117 Chinese, i, viii, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 97, 101, 103, 110, 115, 116, 117, 139 civil society, 3, 7, 9, 15, 55, 68, 72, 148 classroom, 10, 51, 71, 73, 129, 130, 184, 209, 210 collaboration, vi, 204, 206 colleges, 79, 156 communication, vii, x, 3, 26, 49, 110, 143, 144, 149, 151, 161, 184 communities, x, 3, 5, 6, 82, 86, 97, 100, 104, 108, 109, 125, 205, 207, 214 community, x, 8, 18, 27, 43, 49, 61, 78, 85, 86, 88, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 102, 113, 124, 126, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 206, 209, 210, 212, 213, 214, 217

B Bangladesh, ii, x, xi, 199, 200, 205, 207, 214, 215, 217 Basic education, 20, 61, 67, 77, 78, 84, 85, 89, 99, 104, 107, 109, 164, 185, 186, 200, 205, 215, 216, 217 beneficiaries, v, 34, 86, 144, 145, 150 boys, ix, 55, 56, 59, 61, 63, 64, 69, 70, 71, 73, 127, 136, 137 budget, 159 buildings, 113

219

Community Participation in Education in Refugee Situations

completion, 91, 94, 96, 172 compulsory education, 9, 67, 73, 90, 130, 163 construction, 2, 27, 29, 57, 63, 64, 72, 73, 95, 202, 203, 210 Cooperation, 36, 38, 84, 101 coordination, 101 costs. See fees crisis, x, 6, 14, 154, 155, 158, 159, 163, 164, 167, 169, 174, 175, 176, 180, 181, 182 cultural, vi, vii, ix, 1, 2, 5, 6, 12, 15, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 39, 42, 43, 44, 47, 51, 55, 56, 60, 62, 68, 70, 79, 81, 82, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 110, 119, 126, 127, 128, 134, 135, 147, 150, 157, 207 culture, 6, 9, 18, 26, 27, 29, 46, 47, 62, 63, 77, 79, 86, 93, 94, 95, 99, 100, 103, 143 curriculum, 9, 61, 79, 84, 85, 86, 125, 126, 130, 148, 157, 183, 202

117, 119, 121, 124, 125, 127, 128, 136, 137, 142, 143, 144, 150, 153, 154, 155, 156, 160, 164, 182, 183, 185, 188, 201, 206, 213 Diploma Disease, ii, x, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 173, 182, 185, 190, 191 diversity, vii, 25, 33, 42, 49, 66, 77, 85, 147, 148 drop-out, 122 E economic, vii, ix, x, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 12, 13, 25, 26, 27, 31, 34, 41, 42, 43, 44, 56, 57, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 97, 98, 102, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113, 114, 115, 119, 124, 126, 127, 131, 135, 136, 141, 147, 150, 154, 155, 156,158, 159, 163, 164, 167, 175, 176, 180, 182, 183, 184, 197, 201, 203, 214 economic development, 80, 81, 86, 97 economy, 27, 33, 35, 63, 80, 81, 82, 102, 105, 109, 110, 112, 115, 121, 161, 163, 164, 170, 171, 174, 175, 182 Education Development, 184, 191, 197 Education institutions, 79 EFA, 22, 55, 56, 74, 75, 76, 77, 84, 85, 99, 108, 116, 137, 140 employment, 4, 59, 80, 82, 83, 89, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 107, 110, 144, 156, 163, 175 enrolment, 55, 61, 94, 122, 123, 205, 210 entrepreneurship, 167

D data, ix, x, 10, 11, 48, 55, 64, 65, 66, 68, 87, 91, 120, 121, 122, 130, 131, 133, 134, 140, 145, 146, 155, 161, 164, 175, 176, 198, 205, 206, 211 democracy, 5, 9, 21, 22, 200 developing countries, 4, 77, 82, 86, 203 development, v, vi, vii, viii, ix, x, 2, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 15, 17, 19, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 38, 41, 50, 56, 59, 60, 62, 64, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 109, 110, 112, 115, 116, 220

Recent Publications

environment, x, 41, 45, 46, 62, 78, 81, 84, 110, 127, 131, 134, 135, 136, 142, 143, 150, 203, 205, 210, 213, 214 equitable, 82, 89, 97 equity, 26, 35, 59, 60, 61, 72, 73, 90, 113, 122, 123, 125 Europe, vi, 4, 15, 18, 53, 116, 121, 131, 137, 139, 140 evaluation, 77, 96, 213 expenditure, 108

guidelines, 88 H health, 25, 34, 41, 82, 89, 95, 112, 148, 152, 201 higher education, x, 39, 57, 58, 67, 72, 78, 80, 93, 109, 122, 123, 124, 153, 154, 155, 158, 159, 160, 161, 163, 164, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 188 Human Development, 13, 14, 22, 37, 56, 83, 108, 122, 140 human resources, 27, 82, 83, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 98 Human Rights, 16, 201, 216

F facilities, 86, 128, 130, 159, 207 facility, 207, 210 family, ix, 41, 42, 43, 52, 68, 72, 111, 120, 126, 127, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 142, 145, 150, 175, 176 farmers, 90, 98 fees, 91, 123, 185, 202 females, 59, 61, 69, See girls Females, 56, 62 finance, 7 funding, 10, 91, 95, 97, 200

I ICT, 3, 4, 25, 99, 129, 135 illiteracy, 199 illiterate, 199 inclusive, v, 34 India, 13, 14, 68, 89, 97, 104, 105, 116 industry, 25, 78, 83, 89, 93, 94, 98, 102, 110 inequality, 26, 56, 57, 58, 62, 63, 64, 68, 72, 73, 89, 97, 107, 112, 115, 136, 149, 156, 185 integration, 13, 48, 57, 123, 186 internationalization, 1 Internet, 13, 132, 134, 135

G GDP, 14, 83, 109, 121, 181 gender, viii, ix, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 125, 126, 127, 131, 132, 136 girls, ix, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 69, 70, 71, 73, 123, 127, 136, 137, 202, 203 globalization, vi, vii, 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 25, 26, 27, 28, 35, 39, 50, 59, 86, 103, 157, 184 Government, xi, 97, 104, 115, 148, 151, 186, 195, 214

K knowledge society, 102

221

Community Participation in Education in Refugee Situations

L

participatory, 92, 95, 98, 144, 150 partnership, 203 PISA, 28, 129, 130, 139 planning, 6, 85, 91, 94, 95, 97, 100, 102, 112, 213 Policy, 2, 7, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 76, 116, 138, 139, 188, 190, 191, 195, 197, 215 poverty, 5, 59, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83, 108, 109, 117, 122 primary education, 55, 67, 122, 200, 214 primary school, 123 Programme, 28, 56, 151

language, 9, 40, 41, 42, 43, 58, 121 learning outcomes, 120, 128, 129, 130 Life Skills, ii, ix, 141, 144, 147, 150, 151, 152 lifelong learning, 122 Literacy, 28, 193 literacy rates, 68, 72, 73 M males, 56, 59, 61, 68, 73 management, 82, 100, 104, 146, 150, 189, 205, 206, 207 Marginalization, 131, 135 materials, 4, 112, 125, 139, 207 MDG, 31, 59 migrant, 44, 46, 110, 115 migrants, 89, 91, 96, 99 minority, 92, 93, 95, 156, 202 Moldova, ii, ix, 141, 142, 144, 145, 147, 148, 150, 151, 152

Q qualification qualifications, 91, 153, 154, 155, 156, 160, 172, 174, 175, 177, 179, 180, 181, 182 quality, x, 8, 25, 32, 60, 80, 81, 82, 85, 87, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 131, 137, 153, 158, 174, 187, 188, 200, 201, 202, 210, 212, 214 quality of education, 119, 124, 158, 202

N NGO, 104, 147, 148, 212 Non-Formal education, viii numeracy, 78, 86, 93, 99, 119, 201 O

R

OECD, 2, 26, 28, 40, 42, 53, 130, 139, 191

refugee, x, 199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 205, 207, 214, 215 remote, 78, 90 resources, ix, 2, 3, 5, 42, 43, 77, 82, 84, 86, 89, 94, 96, 97, 100, 101, 102, 110, 112, 124, 126, 128, 130, 134, 135, 158, 200, 202, 203, 204 rights, 3, 4, 34, 61, 62, 126, 148, 150, 201

P parents, xi, 43, 44, 69, 93, 113, 127, 128, 133, 134, 135, 137, 173, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 209, 212, 213, 214, 215 Participation, ii, 97, 100, 119, 137, 138, 199, 202, 203, 207, 208, 213, 215, 217 222

Recent Publications

rural, viii, ix, 61, 66, 68, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 114, 115, 116, 117, 174 Rural Transformation, i, 77, 89, 104, 107, 109, 110, 116, 117

Sustainable development, 26, 81 Sweden, ii, i, v, viii, 36, 48, 55, 58, 152, 192, 200 T teachers, viii, x, 10, 56, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 90, 93, 102, 123, 127, 130, 150, 173, 174, 187, 201, 202, 204, 205, 206, 210, 212, 213, 214, 215 technology, 2, 69, 78, 81, 83, 101, 110 tertiary education, 55, 72, 99, 122 Thailand, ii, x, 153, 154, 155, 156, 159, 160, 163, 164, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 188, 189, 191, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198 TIMSS, ii, ix, 28, 37, 119, 120, 121, 124, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139 tolerance, 26, 34, 77 training, 61, 78, 80, 81, 83, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 128, 145, 174, 178, 183, 212, 215 tuition, 78, 91, 185, 186

S Schools, ii, 5, 75, 104, 139, 141, 201, 207, 215 Secondary Education, ii, 141, 197 skills, x, 40, 41, 42, 43, 49, 58, 78, 80, 85, 86, 95, 98, 99, 102, 119, 125, 126, 130, 141, 142, 144, 149, 150, 172, 173, 177, 178, 182, 183, 184, 186, 187, 201, 209, 213, 214 social change, vii, 35, 78, 79, 103 social development, 78, 97 social transformation, 110, 111, 115 socio-economic, 86, 97, 135 streaming, 64 students, viii, ix, 7, 8, 28, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 56, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 90, 92, 93, 119, 120, 121, 124, 127, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 144, 146, 149, 150, 157, 170, 173, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 199, 205, 206, 210, 213, 214 sustainability, 100 sustainable, x, 32, 77, 82, 89, 90, 98, 101

U Ukraine, ii, ix, 119, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 132, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 140 unemployment, 82, 122, 156, 158, 171, 174, 175, 176, 181 UNESCO, 2, 6, 8, 22, 32, 34, 35, 37, 55, 56, 61, 68, 72, 75, 76, 77, 81, 83, 99, 100, 103, 104, 105, 116, 119, 122, 123, 223

Community Participation in Education in Refugee Situations

125, 137, 140, 153, 177, 188, 196, 197 United Nations, 4, 18, 19, 22, 36, 55, 56, 103, 117, 140, 196, 199 universities, 39, 50, 52, 79, 158, 160, 173, 175, 183, 185, 187 University, ii, v, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 35, 36, 37, 52, 53, 54, 65, 74, 75, 92, 94, 103, 104, 105, 116, 117, 137, 138, 139, 140, 151, 156, 158, 171, 186, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 195, 196, 215 urban, 77, 78, 82, 84, 87, 89, 90, 94, 95, 97, 99, 102, 107, 108, 111, 115, 116, 174, 186

V vocational, 67, 78, 89, 90, 91, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 105, 107, 109, 122, 163, 170, 171, 174, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183 vocational education, 98 W women, 56, 59, 60, 62, 63, 68, 69, 72, 171, 200 workforce, 51, 78, 80, 81, 174, 176 World Bank, 2, 19, 21, 26, 75, 81, 105, 108, 117, 138, 163, 171, 172, 176, 181, 184, 197, 198, 204, 215, 217

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Recent Publications

Recent Publications from The Institute of International Education (IIE), Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden 2010-2012 Master‟s Thesis 1. Nilani Ljunggren de Silva. Education, Gender & Development in Post-conflict Context: Comparative Case Study of girls Education in Liberia and Sierra Leone, December 2011. ISBN: 978-91-977959-75. 2. Yuan Ma. Private Higher Education in China in the Context of Globalization, December 2011. ISBN: 978-91-977959-6-8. 3. Rebecca Adami. Claiming and Reaffirming Universality of Human Rights: Comparative study of the role of UNESCO in relation to the UN 1948 and 1993, January 2012. ISBN: 978-91-979971-0-2. 4. Vladimir Vešović. Quality Assurance in Higher Education: A Comparative Analysis of Serbian and Slovenian Policies and Strategies in the International Context, January 2012. ISBN: 978-91-979971-1-9. 5. Khaleda Gani Dutt. Gender Equity in Education: A Study on The Government Policies And Ground Realities. Case Studies of Four Elementary Schools in Vadodara District in Gujarat, India, February 2012. ISBN: 978-91-979971-3-3. 6. Aliaksandra Laziuk. Life Skills Based Education and Empowerment. Comparative Case Study on the Role of Life Skills based Education for Students from Boarding Schools & Secondary Education in Moldova, February 2012.ISBN: 978-91-979971-4-0. 7. Olga Kuvaldina. Quality Assurance in Higher Education in Russia. Contextualization of the European Policies in the Light of Education Reforms of 1991-2010, March 2012. ISBN: 978-91-979971-5-7. 8. Talia Klundt. A Comparative Study of Former American and Swedish Study Abroad Students, March 2012. ISBN: 978-91-979971-64. 9. Wanwisa Suebnusorn. The Diploma Disease and Higher Education Reform during Economic Crisis: A Comparative Analysis of Diploma Disease in Thailand before and after the Higher Education Reform of 1999, March 2012. ISBN: 978-91-979971-7-1.

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Community Participation in Education in Refugee Situations

10. Milan Poudel. Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) in Nepal: A Study of Understanding and Expectations among Teacher Trainees at Tribhuvan University in Nepal, March 2012. ISBN: 97891-979971-8-8. 11. Anna Toropova. Chances to Succeed, A Study of the Relationship between Student Background Factors and Science Achievement Based on TIMSS 2007 Results in Ukraine, May 2012. ISBN: 97891-980268-0-1. 12. Oyebanji Oyeyemi. Education and Under-development in Nigeria, A Comparison of the Northern Region and the Niger-Delta Using Gender Perspectives on Education, May 2012. ISBN: 978-91980268-1-8.

Yellow Series Reports 1. Holger Daun & Karen Mundy. Educational Governance and Participation – With Focus on Developing Countries. ISBN: 978-91-977959-4-4. January 2011 2. Gülay Öztürk. Public Primary School Teachers‘ Perceptions on Their Working Conditions and Job Stress – Cases from Istanbul and Stockholm. ISBN: 978-91-977959-5-1

Two ERT Books 1. Vinayagum Chinapah (ed.). Education for Rural Transformation (ERT) - National, International and Comparative Perspectives, The ERT 2010 International Symposium. ISBN: 978-91-977959-9-9. November 2011. 2. Vinayagum Chinapah and Li Wang (eds.). Strategies to Achieve Balanced InclusiveEducational Development - Equity • Quality • Internationalization. ISBN: 978-91-979971-9-5. May 2012.

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