Why Do Holocaust Survivors Remember What They

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Dec 6, 2016 - reported by Holocaust survivors in Israel. Building upon recently published research (Carmel, King, et al., 2016), we set out to identify themes of ...
The Gerontologist cite as: Gerontologist, 2017, Vol. 57, No. 6, 1158–1165 doi:10.1093/geront/gnw131 Advance Access publication December 6, 2016

Research Article

Why Do Holocaust Survivors Remember What They Remember? Sarah L.  Canham, PhD,1,* Hagit  Peres, PhD,2 Norm  O’Rourke, PhD, RPsych,3,4,5 David B.  King, PhD,5 Annette  Wertman, MA,6 Sara  Carmel, MPH, PhD,3 and Yaacov G. Bachner, PhD3 Gerontology Research Centre, Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada. 2Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Ashkelon Academic College, Israel. 3Department of Public Health and 4Center for Multidisciplinary Research in Aging, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Be’er Sheva, Israel. 5IRMACS Centre, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada. 6Department of Gerontology, Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada.

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*Address correspondence to Sarah L. Canham, PhD, Gerontology Research Centre, Simon Fraser University, #2800 – 515 West Hastings Street, Vancouver, BC V6B 5K3, Canada. E-mail: [email protected] Received February 14, 2016; Accepted July 21, 2016 Decision Editor: Barbara J. Bowers, PhD

Abstract Purpose of the Study:  The ability to integrate traumatic memories into a coherent life narrative is one factor associated with the mental health and well-being of Holocaust survivors. In the present study, reminiscences reported by survivors in Israel were collected to identify themes arising in positive and negative memories and experience. Design and Methods:  Participants (M = 80.4 years; SD = 6.87) were asked to describe memories that typify a reminiscence function in which they frequently or very frequently engage. Open-ended responses were collected from 269 Holocaust survivors and thematic analyses were conducted in English (translated) and Hebrew. Results:  Thematic analyses of these data suggest three overarching themes related to bridging the past and present, rebuilding families and the Jewish state, and the duty to share. These suggest how integral endurance, survival, and resilience were to participants during the war and how these themes defined their choices and understanding of their lives. Implications:  The results of this study demonstrate how reminiscence serves many functions. Participants appear to have integrated memories of horror and loss as part of coherent life narratives. Resilience and memory are ongoing and intertwined processes whereby survivors juxtapose their early lives to the present. Keywords:  Holocaust survivors, Autobiographical memory, Reminiscence, Resilience, Qualitative analysis

The ability to integrate traumatic memories as part of a coherent life narrative is one factor associated with the mental health and well-being of Holocaust survivors (O’Rourke et al., 2015). Yet, reflecting on early-life trauma has both positive and negative effects on mental health and well-being (Bohlmeijer, Roemer, Cuipers, & Smit, 2007; Davison et al., 2016; O’Rourke, Bachner, Cappeliez, Chaudhury, & Carmel, 2015). This appears to be especially true for those who experience intrusive or involuntary negative memories (Golier, Yehuda, Lupien,

& Harvey, 2003; King, Cappeliez, Carmel, Bachner, & O’Rourke, 2015). Despite the impact of the Holocaust on survivors’ perceptions of self and the world (Shmotkin, Shrira, Goldberg, & Palgi, 2011), most managed to succeed in life (Shmotkin & Barilan, 2002), building relationships, families, and careers. Furthermore, Holocaust survivors who immigrated to Israel after World War II (WWII) participated in founding the Jewish state (Zertal, 1998) and have been actively engaged in passing awareness of the Holocaust onto younger generations.

© The Author 2016. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Gerontological Society of America. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: [email protected].

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Resilience in Later Life Resilience theory contends that Holocaust survivors remember what they remember because these memories allow them to make sense of the past and cope in the present (American Psychological Association, 2004; Grotberg, 1995). According to Kersting (2003), resilience is not a personality trait but interrelated cognitive processes that help Holocaust survivors understand the choices they have made at each stage of life (e.g., naming children after deceased parents and siblings). Across studies, resilience predicts adaptation after the death of a spouse (O’Rourke, 2004), greater life satisfaction (Rossi, Bisconti, & Bergeman, 2007), and fewer depressive symptoms among spouses of persons with dementia (O’Rourke et al., 2010). As defined by Kobasa, Maddi, and Kahn (1982), hardiness or psychological resilience entails a pervasive belief that one can rebound effectively from trauma and other negative life events. Three interrelated constructs comprised this tendency. First, resilient persons have commitment to living; they engage fully in daily activities. In addition, resilient persons embrace challenge and believe that change, rather than stability, defines life and living. From this perspective, life’s travails provide opportunities to build psychological strength and self-knowledge (Zarit, Pearlin, & Schaie, 1993). Lastly, psychological resilience entails perceived control, which fosters the belief that one is able to directly affect the course of their lives (Kobasa et al., 1982).

Research on Holocaust Survivors In their meta-analysis, Barel, Van Ijzendoorn, SagiSchwartz, and Bakermans-Kranenburg (2010) noted that early research on Holocaust survivors tended to focus on psychopathology, under the rubric of survivors’ syndrome and concentration camp syndrome (Eitinger, 1964 in Barel et al., 2010). Studies examining phenomena such as survivor’s guilt typified the difficulties of living in the first decades after WWII when so many millions did not (Garwood, 1996). With the introduction of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) by the American Psychiatric Association in 1980, symptoms commonly reported by Holocaust survivors, such as emotional detachment, nightmares, and hypervigilance, were recognized as endemic among those with PTSD (Joffe, Brodaty, Luscombe, & Ehrlich, 2003). Up to 55% of Holocaust survivors have been estimated to meet PTSD diagnostic criteria (Friedman, 2015). However, more recent research tends to emphasize the adaptive strengths of Holocaust survivors rather than psychological distress (Barel et al., 2010). This salutogenic or wellness approach to research may be attributed, in part, to the observation that Holocaust survivors who are alive today are likely the most resilient of the resilient having led long and full lives (O’Rourke et al., 2015). Or, potentially, their life trajectories are different from Holocaust survivors who participated in early studies because they were children or adolescents during the war (Carmel, King,

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O’Rourke, & Bachner, 2016). Yet as noted by Shmotkin and colleagues (2011), end-of-life losses may trigger certain vulnerabilities for Holocaust survivors. The death of a spouse, for instance, may lead to recall of early life losses (e.g., death of parents, siblings). For the present study, we examined reminiscences reported by Holocaust survivors in Israel. Building upon recently published research (Carmel, King, et al., 2016), we set out to identify themes of endurance and survival in addition to negative memories and experience. Moreover, we assumed that different types of memories serve distinct functions, both positive and negative, and that memory and resilience are interconnected. Even the most bitter memories can foster endurance, self-efficacy, and contentment in the present juxtaposed to the past (King et  al., 2015). In other words, reminiscence is generally purposeful.

Design and Methods Study Design We used a mixed methods sequential explanatory design for this study whereby quantitative data first provided an understanding of phenomena (e.g., O’Rourke, Bachner, Cappeliez, Chaudhury, & Carmel, 2015) and now qualitative data are examined to inform a deeper understanding of initial quantitative findings (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 2010). The rationale for combining qualitative and quantitative paradigms lays in the recognition that each provides a unique, but complementary understanding leading to synergies in knowledge development. According to Kelle (2006), mixed methods research holds the potential to achieve a richer understanding of individual differences.

Participants We recruited a convenience sample of Holocaust survivors living in cities, smaller communities, and kibbutzim (i.e., collective communities) in the south and central regions of Israel. Participants were fluent in Hebrew or Russian, had lived under the Nazi rule/occupation in Europe or North Africa, and immigrated as refugees after WWII or after the fall of the former Soviet Union in 1989. Participants provided written consent to participate and received no financial remuneration. Pseudonyms are used to anonymize the participants. Over 12 months, 269 Holocaust survivors participated in the qualitative component of this study. Five participants discontinued interviews due to their discomfort discussing the past. Close to 75% of participants were born in Poland, Romania, Hungary, or the former Czechoslovakia (Czech Republic and Slovakia). The average age of participants was 80.4 years (SD = 6.87), and participants had completed an average of 10.6 years of formal education (SD = 4.08; range 1–25 years). This low average was expected, as most participants were 3–15  years of age at the beginning of WWII with no access to schools or any other form of formal education.

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Data Collection Ten research assistants (RAs) were trained by the Israeli authors to interview participants at a location of their choice. Bilingual Russian- and Hebrew-speaking RAs interviewed participants from the former Soviet Union. These face-to-face interviews lasted 30–40 min. We first administered the 28-item Reminiscence Functions Scale (RFS; Robitaille, Cappeliez, Coulombe, & Webster, 2010) to measure each of eight reminiscence functions. This (English translation) preamble was first read to participants: At different points in their lives, most adults think about the past. Recalling earlier times can happen spontaneously or deliberately, privately or with other people, and may involve remembering both happy and sad episodes. This process of recalling memories from our past is called reminiscence. The following questions pertain to the why, or the functions, of reminiscence. That is, what purpose does reminiscence fulfill or what goal/s does retrieving certain memories help you to accomplish. Please listen to each statement; and using this scale (handed to them), tell me how frequently you reminisce with that particular purpose. Note, we are not asking how frequently you reminisce in general, but rather: when you do reminisce, how frequent is it for a particular purpose.

Participants indicated how often they reminisce in response to 28 RFS items on a scale ranging from never (1) to very frequently (6). Items are grouped within eight categories: boredom reduction (e.g., “When I reminisce, it is for lack of any better mental stimulation”); death preparation (e.g., “…it gives me a sense of personal completion or wholeness as I approach the end of life”); identity (e.g., “…to see how my past fits in with my journey through life”); problem solving (e.g., “…to remind me that I have the skills to cope with present problems”); conversation (e.g., “…it promotes fellowship and a sense of belonging”); intimacy maintenance (e.g., “…to remember people I was close to but who are no longer a part of my life”); bitterness revival (e.g., “…to rehash lost opportunities”); and teach/inform others (e.g., “…to leave a legacy of family history”). After completing the RFS, participants were asked an open-ended question based on one RFS scale item to which they indicated that they often or very frequently engage. For example, if a participant indicated that she reminisced very frequently to “rekindle bitter memories,” the interviewer asked, “Earlier you indicated that you reminisce often or very frequently to rekindle bitter memories, please describe a memory you recall in your past (e.g., a specific event you may have had in mind when you responded to this question).” This allowed us to capture memories from participants’ lives that were significant to them as recalled in the present across each of eight domains of reminiscence functions.

Each participant provided an open-ended response to only one RFS scale item. In other words, we collected single memories from 269 Holocaust survivors. If there was more than one RFS item for the interviewer to select, the item for which we had the fewest qualitative responses from previous participants was chosen. We did this because self-positive functions tend to be endorsed more frequently than self-negative functions (Balmoral, Gong, & O’Rourke, 2013), whereas prosocial functions are context dependent (e.g., need contact with grandchildren to teach them traditions). We obtained a minimum of five open-ended responses per RFS item, up to a maximum of 14. We did not ask participants to recall events specific to the Holocaust, though the majority did so.

Data Analyses Open-ended responses were recorded verbatim, de-identified to ensure confidentiality, transcribed, and entered into the NVivo (QSR International, 2012) qualitative software program. Thematic analyses of the open-ended responses began with an initial read-through of each response for general and potential meanings. An initial coding framework was created, based on initial low-level coding that resulted from reading responses and coding units of text as themes by labeling these units with a word or phrase closely related to the participant’s account (Boyatzis, 1998). Data were discussed in-depth, a dialogue that facilitated the productive exploration of the data, until consensus was reached on participants’ meanings and ideas. Throughout the iterative process of reading and rereading the text, codes were subject to constant comparative analysis to further refine the interpretation and definition of themes, the coding framework, and the patterns and relationships across codes (Boeije, 2002; Glaser & Strauss, 1967). The result was a detailed coding framework that was agreed upon by the researchers.

Results Thematic analyses of these data suggest three overarching themes: bridging the past and present; rebuilding families and the Jewish state; and the duty to share. These suggest how integral endurance and resilience were to survival during the war and how these themes defined their choices and understanding of their lives after WWII. The theme “bridging the past and present” reveals how participants have integrated their past traumas into the present, and is informed by subthemes of “the silent presence of the Holocaust in daily life,” “the right to live,” and “living a long life.” A  second theme, “rebuilding families and the Jewish state” exemplifies the endurance and resilience of surviving and thriving despite past atrocities. And third, the theme “the duty to share” is informed by the subthemes of “learning from the past” and the “duty to bear witness.”

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Bridging the Past and Present Holocaust survivors commonly described their present lives juxtaposed against their past (Bar-On et  al., 1998; Shmotkin et al., 2011), understanding daily life as bridging the then and now and the there and here. In essence, participants have lived in two contrasting worlds: the world at war and the world today. Participants contrast these two worlds: Asher: There were times when life was difficult, but today everything is available, anything can be purchased. During hard times we waited in long lines for very little. It’s impossible not to see the enormous difference between the life today and what was then. Moshe: I  remember what I  went through when I  was young; life wasn’t easy. Today everything is better; it’s completely different, thank god. Today I am happy with my family and children. Ruth: My memories enable me to recount the suffering during the war. In brief, my parents were killed in the bombings in 1944 and I immigrated to Israel in 1948. Here, the good life began. I  was happily married for 55  years, with 3 daughters, grandchildren and greatgrandchildren. I wanted for nothing. But two and a half years ago I became a widow; I lost my wonderful husband. I live only with these memories now, and this is what gives me strength.

The Silent Presence of the Holocaust in Daily Life The containment of unspeakable and tormenting memories has been an ongoing struggle for many survivors. Intense memories of traumatic experiences bring survivors back to the world at war; nightmares and flashbacks are common PTSD symptoms reported by Holocaust survivors (Friedman, 2015). Rina: I was beaten on the head and have since needed a hearing aid. It’s almost indescribable and very hard for me to recount. Where I worked, we had a daily quota [to produce] 72 weapons boxes, but given almost nothing to eat. We had soup once a day that was little more than warm water. To this day, I’m still tormented. I relive these memories when asleep and I  awake restless and unrested. I was 1 of 7 children but only I survived, with no mother or father. I don’t know why just I survived; maybe I struggled the hardest.

The Right to Live Feeling that one has the “right to live” is a significant feature delineating the world at war from the world today. Participants stated that the semblance of a normal life returned when their most basic human rights were restored and once they again felt deserving of life, safety, and security. Sarah: I  accept everything more easily now and with love. I  always remember when times were very bad. Then I had no right to live, but today I do.

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Yehudit: I was 15 in September 1939 living in the ghetto when the war began. Now I live like a human being in this place and I feel very good. People help me, and I am satisfied. Amnon: My father was killed during the war but I survived despite being at the edge of death. So I know that I have had a full life. I lived and raised a family like other normal human beings are entitled…I tried to fulfill the promises I made myself and close the circle that begins with my memories of the war. It is a great privilege to have succeeded.

For these participants, life today is juxtaposed to the past when life was precarious, with few resources, when they were deprived of their personhood. Compared to the challenges of their early years, the present day is regarded with contentment. Participants feel that today they are seen as humans as compared to the world at war when they were stripped of their humanity. Living a Long Life In the world today, living to late life is considered typical (Sagi-Schwartz, Bakermans-Kranenburg, Linn, & van Ijzendoorn, 2013). But for those who survived the Holocaust, living a long life has been a privilege that many or most of their friends, family, and neighbors were not afforded. Mordechai: I knew that life expectancy in the camps was about 3–4 months so I was supposed to die in 1943. But I’ve now lived 87  years and all these years were ‘pure profit’. I have nothing to fear. Ariel: My husband and I celebrated our 62nd anniversary two days ago; it is very meaningful and our love story continues to this day. I met my husband in 1944 at a labor camp run by Oskar Schindler. And though these were very difficult times and we didn’t know what tomorrow would bring, we fell in love and promised to meet in [Israel]. And five years later, a miracle happened: I  came to Israel, we married, and raised a family.

As participants reminisce on their past, they are reminded of having built full lives from the ashes of war. Though a sense of a foreshortened future is common for those who have suffered childhood trauma (Carrion, Weems, Ray, & Reiss, 2002), these Holocaust survivors will die in late life of natural causes against expectation. Having lived a long life is resilience manifest.

Rebuilding Families and the Jewish State The Nazi’s Final Solution (Dawidowicz, 2010) was intended to eliminate future generations of Jews. Refugees who came to Israel after WWII had lost all or most of their families in the war. And yet, survivors ensured failure of the Holocaust by reproducing and raising children.

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Ben: I think about the past when my entire family perished in Auschwitz. I think where I came from, and what a wonderful clan I established here with children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren. Eva: I  remember the Holocaust all the time. I  was 13 when my parents and my 10-year-old brother were shot in a concentration camp. No one was left alive. I ran all the time and that’s how I  survived. Today I  have children, grandchildren, and five great-grandchildren.

Participants described the active role they played in establishing and building the Jewish state. They take pride in having rebuilt their lives, founding the nation, and how their efforts have helped to provide safety and security for current and future generations; survivors are living examples of history. Avraham: One of the ways in which I  coped with my memories was not to return to my home before the war. Instead, I came to Israel in 1949 soon after the state was born. From that day forward, I rebuilt my life. This has accompanied me in all I have done. Karl: At the age of 12, I was forced from my home and sent to a labor camp. I  remember the beautiful house where I  lived until that moment; my family was very happy. My parents had stores in the town where we lived in Poland. Having survived the war, these memories have given me the strength to go on. I feel that I succeeded in rebuilding my life. Ira: In the past the grandchildren didn’t ask questions and didn’t engage my wife or me with what we’d been through. Recently, after growing up and becoming adults themselves, there are questions…especially from our grandson who is a commander. He invited us to meet with the soldiers and we held face-to-face, open conversations… They see us as people who contributed to the establishment the Israeli state, to the settlement and development of the country.

Survival provided these participants the opportunity to build the Jewish state, ensuring the continuation of their lineage and future generations (Kay, 1998). Several participants described raising a family and the birth of grandchildren as defining life achievements. Despite having lost their homes and families at young ages, they rebuilt their lives and contributed to the survival of future generations.

The Duty to Share Being an effective storyteller requires the strength and ability to distill traumatic experiences into a coherent narrative (Coleman, 1999). Holocaust survivors must adjust their stories to different audiences with varying sensibilities (grandchildren vs. army recruits). This requires the ability to omit gratuitous details and compartmentalize bitter memories, to avoid becoming overwhelmed by sadness or traumatizing the listener.

Learning From the Past The refrain never again has been widely adopted to ensure the mistakes of the past are not repeated in future. For survivors, the Holocaust taught vigilance and remembrance of their personal histories in order to protect the future. Daniel: …that people will understand what we went through, so that future generations won’t repeat our mistakes. Ava: I  want schools to teach students what we went through so that if necessary, future generations will know how to protect themselves and the state.

By sharing their narratives, participants hoped that future generations would learn from their experiences, ensure they are not complacent, and learn how to protect themselves. Duty to Bear Witness Holocaust survivors described their experiences as a legacy. It is their obligation to ensure that stories are not forgotten. Itzhak: The memories of what I  went through do not belong only to me; they also belong to young people in this country and all Jewish people… It is my duty, and the duty of all those who went through the Holocaust, to make sure what happened to us will be remembered for generations. Yoel: I  survived by chance alone; so I  decided that in exchange for my life, I would share my story with youth and young adults. Millions died and those who survived became refugees, many came here to Israel. But not everyone can or wants to tell their stories so for as long as I can, I will share my memories because in a few years, people my age will be gone and unable to testify. I was there.

For participants, this legacy transcends their individual struggles. For Itzhak and Yoel, their memories and experiences belong to all Jewish people as well as the world, and, for the greater good, it is their responsibility to ensure that the lessons of the Holocaust are not forgotten. Indeed, there have been national and international initiatives to preserve memories of the past, including Yad Vashem in Jerusalem and the United States and the Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, DC. For some, the darker side of connecting to the past has been the guilt of living (Niederland, 1964). The duty to testify one’s survival of the Holocaust may entail a need to justify having survived, and to alleviate this guilt by speaking for those who died. This is a burden that survivors endure as their numbers decline each year; their narratives become more salient and help to counter Holocaust denial (CohenAlmagor, 2013). Of note, no participants reported sharing this legacy with their own children, but only with grandchildren, seniors groups, army recruits, or future generations more generally. This was the norm in Israel and abroad in the first decades after the war as survivors wanted to avoid

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traumatizing their children with the horrors experienced in the Holocaust (Braga, Mello, & Fiks, 2012). Nisan: I  share my memories of the war when I  speak before soldiers on Holocaust Memorial Day. I describe how my attitudes toward life and daily difficulties are shaped by my past, and how this helps me to keep current life difficulties in perspective. Ora: I pass on my experiences to students, soldiers, and those traveling to Poland for the Holocaust memorial [March of the Living]. I  feel it’s my mission though I  prefer to be more humble. Sometimes when I  share my stories, I  begin to feel sorry for this child, forgetting for a moment that I was that child. I want describe these memories authentically but I  sometimes become overwhelmed.

Discussion We examined the memories of Holocaust survivors to further understand the interplay between reminiscence and resilience in late life (King et al., 2015; O’Rourke, Bachner, Cappeliez, Chaudhury, & Carmel, 2015). Our findings suggest three overarching themes: bridging the past and present; rebuilding families and the Jewish state, and the duty to share. Although survivors continue to grapple with the inexplicable, these participants appear to have integrated memories of horror and loss as part of coherent life narratives (Shmotkin et al., 2011). Resilience and memory are ongoing and intertwined processes whereby participants’ early lives are juxtaposed to the present. Holocaust survivors are not mired in the past; instead, they have come to define their choices and achievements in life against a backdrop of death and survival. By bridging the past and present, Holocaust survivors have come to understand and appreciate their current life circumstances relative to the past. Survivors can become entrenched in traumatic early-life memories, re-experiencing loss and suffering, often in silence. Yet these memories also provide context whereby the world at war stands in contrast to the world today allowing survivors to transform painful memories into a source of strength. Consistent with theory, Holocaust survivors exhibit resilience by engaging fully in a life they feel privileged to have had when so many others were less fortunate (Bonanno, 2004). This commitment to living has helped Holocaust survivors contend with the guilt of having survived. In essence, survivors have led full and complete lives for those who were not so fortunate. The most overt ways in which participants demonstrated resilience has been by building families, careers, communities, and the Jewish state. Despite the many challenges of parenting (Bar-On et  al., 1998; Kidron, 2009), raising children and creating a legacy have epitomized the conditions of a normal life. Holocaust survivors have previously reported “pleasurable feelings of revenge and satisfaction at living and surviving” (Carmel, Granek, & Zamir, 2016,

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p.  6) by becoming parents, grandparents, and citizens of the Israel state. Following WWII, Israel became a “renewed homeland for Jewish people” (p. 3) and involvement in the development and existence of the state of Israel is a source of pride for Israeli Holocaust survivors, which contributes to positive well-being (Carmel, Granek, et al., 2016). Resilience entails the strength to convey personal experiences in order to describe the surreal suffering of the Holocaust. Yet, learning from the past has distinct and contrasting components. In one sense, the Holocaust speaks to the resilience of Jews (consistent with history) and the need to reconstitute the Jewish state. However, the Holocaust provides too few examples when Jews fought back (e.g., Warsaw Ghetto Uprising; Dawidowicz, 2010). As several participants relayed, they feel obligated to share their stories with grandchildren and army recruits. Holocaust survivors’ stories of resilience and survival belong to the Jewish state and posterity. Such stories of the Holocaust are preserved through multiple artistic formats in Israel, including books, songs, poetry, films, and documentaries. As well, school educational trips to concentration camps educate thousands of students about the Holocaust. It is noteworthy that the experiences and life choices made by Holocaust survivors living in Israel might have been very different than those of the diaspora as a result of personal and familial involvement in their continuous struggle for building the Israeli nation. Many Holocaust survivors emigrated to the United States, Canada, and Australia after WWII and lived very different lives from their counterparts in Israel. For instance, Israel has been at war eight times since 1948, has been invaded by each of its neighbors, and continues to live under the specter of terror. As Carmel, Granek, and colleagues (2016) reported, terror and national threats negatively affect Holocaust survivors more than other Israelis. Very different themes may have emerged had we interviewed Holocaust survivors who established the lives elsewhere where the struggle for a nation does not exist (Barel et al., 2010; Silverstein, 2013). Future research should compare the memory of Holocaust survivors living in Israel to those living abroad.

Conclusions The results of this study inform our quantitative findings by further demonstrating that reminiscence serves many functions, including recall of traumatic memories from the distant past (King et al., 2015). Negating or compartmentalizing bitter memories does not lead to freedom from the past (Cohen & Shmotkin, 2007); instead, integrating these memories as part of a coherent life narrative appears to define a life history of continuity and resilience (Coleman, 1999; Davison et al., 2016; O’Rourke, Bachner, Cappeliez, Chaudhury, & Carmel, 2015). This observation is consistent with Erikson’s (1959, 1998) theory of development whereby older adults attain psychological integrity in their final years by seeing meaning and purpose over their life course.

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This includes traumatic memories that serve as a counterpoint to achievements in life that are more positive when juxtaposed vis-à-vis their early life history. Raising children and living to see the birth of grandchildren and great-grandchildren become even more satisfying when compared to times when the most basic right to life was taken from their friends and families. As recently reported by Carmel, King, and colleagues (2016), overall levels of life satisfaction do not differ between these Holocaust survivors, other Israelis, and older Canadians. This result is echoed by our qualitative findings that indicate Holocaust survivors do not define their lives based on trauma and loss, but on their ability to rise from the ashes and bear witness to the past to help secure the future. Holocaust survivors remember what they remember because these memories have functional value of personal, interpersonal, and national importance. They are not victims of the past, but symbols of endurance and survival. As our findings reflect, Holocaust survivors’ stories epitomize resilience; their memories have become part of a national narrative.

Funding This work was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC # 861-2009-1123) awarded to Drs. O’Rourke, Bachner, and Carmel.

Acknowledgments We are grateful to the many older men and women who shared their remarkable life stories of endurance, survival, resilience, and loss. Where quotes are reported, we use pseudonyms to conceal participants’ identities. The authors declared no conflict of interest.

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